THE COURT OF THE GENTILES: OR, A Discourse touching the Original of HUMAN LITERATURE, both Philologie, and Philosophie, from the SCRIPTURES, and JEWISH CHURCH: In order to a Demonstration, OF

  • 1. The Perfection of Gods Word, and Church Light.
  • 2. The Imperfection of Natures Light, and mischief of Vain Philosophie.
  • 3. The right Use of Human Learning, and especially sound Philosophie.

PART II. Of Philosophie.

By THEOPH. GALE, M. A. late Fellow of Magd. Coll. Oxon.

[...] (Philosophis Ethnicis) [...].

Orig. cont. Cels. lib. 6.

Philosophia Mosaica omni Sapientia Vetustior. Aug. Steuch. Eugub. de Peren. Phil. lib. 7. cap. 11. Eam (Christianam intelligit) veram, perfectamque pro­bari Philosophiam, quae supra caeteras omnes ostendit Deum; clariusque Principia, Causasque omnes ad hunc suum revocat Fontem.

Idem l. 10. c. 9.

OXFORD: Printed by WILL: HALL, for THO: GILBERT. 1670


PHilosophie was in its first descent, a generous, Noble thing, a Virgin-beautie, a pure Light, born of the Father of Lights, in whose Light alone we can see light. But, alas! how soon did she lose her original Virginitie, and pri­mitive puritie? how soon was she, of an Angel of Light, transformed into a child of darknesse? Adam no sooner fell, but Philosophie fell with him, and became a common Strumpet, for carnal Reason to commit follie with. And oh! how have the lascivious Wits, of lapsed humane nature, ever since gone a Whoring after vain Philosophie? But such was the infinite Benignitie, and Condescension of Soveraigne Light, and Love, as that he vouchsafed to Irradiate a spot of the lapsed world, even his Holy Land, and Elect Seed, with fresh, and glorious rayes of the Light of Life, conveighed in, and by Sacred Revelations. And oh! how beautiful, how ravishing were those bright beams of Divine Light, which shone on Judea? Were not all the adjacent parts illuminated hereby? Yea, did not Greece it self (esteemed the eye of the World) light her Candle at this Sacred Fire? Were not all the Grecian [Page] Scholes hung with Philosophick Ornaments, or Contemplati­ons, stollen out of the Judaick Ward-robe? Were not Py­thagoras's College, Plato's Academie; Aristotle's Peripatum, Zeno's Stoa, and Epicurus's Gardens, all watered with rivulets, though in themselves corrupt, originally derived from the sa­cred Fountain of Siloam? Whence had Phaenicia, Egypt, Chaldea, Persia, with our Occidental Parts, their Barbarick Philosophie, but from the sacred Emanations of Sion? The Demonstration of this is, [...], the original Idea of this Discourse.

But yet, notwithstanding those rich, and resplendent Deri­vations of Divine Revelation, how much did the Gentile world solace it self in its own native darknesse? what mixtures of vain Imaginations with Judaick Traditions? what muddie, dirtie phantasmes did they mingle with those broken Traditions, they received from the waters of the Sanctuarie? Neither was this the crime of the Pagan world only, but also of the Church of God; which has in all Ages, so far as the spirit of Apostasie prevailod, been greatly fond of vain Philosophie: And (which is a prodigious matter of astonishment) those very Philosophick Traditions, which the thirstie greedie Grecians imbibed, origi­nally from the sacred Fountain in Judea, and afterwards, by many successive Metamorphoses, adulterated with their own fabulous, and ridiculous infusions, I say, these very Philosophick Traditions, thus Sophisticated, both Jews, and Christians, have in their declined state, drank in, with as much greedinesse, as the Minor Poets did Homer's Vomit. And hence indeed, even from this bitter Root of Vain Philosophie, have sprung all pesti­ferous, and noxious Heresies, and Idolatries, which have caused such miserable Declensions, both in the Judaick, and Christian Churches. The Demonstration hereof is the ultimate, and su­preme end (next to the Glorie of God) I have had under In­tention, [Page] in the composure of these Philologick, and Philosophick discourses. And albeit I can promise nothing, whether ever, or when such an undertakement may see light, yet take this ensuing Specimen, or Abstract Idea of what is designed herein.

1. The Vanitie, and manifold defects of Pagan Philosophie may be demonstrated from its Causes: For the Effect cannot be more perfect, or noble than it's Cause: If the Spring­head be poisoned, the Streams must needs have the same tin­cture and taint. What were the main springs of Pagan Phi­losophie, but some broken Judaick Traditions adulterated, and poisoned with their own ignorant Inventions, Curiositie, Pride, Presumption, Confidence, Contentious Disputes, Opinionative­nesse, Dogmatisings, Carnal Policie, Idololatrick Inclinations, and fabulous Imitations? were not these the great Prolisick principles of all Pagan Philosophie? And may we expect a wholesome Issue, or Progenie, from such envenomed Parents?

2. The various defects of Pagan Philosophie, may be measu­red by its Matter, and Parts. How full of contentions is Logick;The Vanitie of Pagan Philosophie, from it's Parts. especially as delivered by Zeno, and Aristotle's Commentators the Arabians? what grosse mistakes are there in (the greatest among Pagan Philosophers) Aristotle in his Physicks? Not to mention any lower, and lesser ones against Reason only, which some quarrel him for; as namely, touching the first Princi­ples of Bodies; his making I know not what Chimerical first Matter a Principle of real, and even Privation it self of positive Bodilie Beings, and the like: I shall instance only in that his great Signal Contradiction to Faith, and Reason together, the Eternitie of the World; to Faith, Heb. 11.3. and very many other Scriptures: and to Reason; since that very same Argument of his (drawn from that grand absurditie of the Part being equal to the Whole) whereby he disproves the pos­sibilitie of its Infinitie in Extension, would give as clear baffle [Page] to the possibilitie of it's Infinitie in Duration also. Besides, how extreamly defectuous are the Pagan Ethicks, both as to Matter, End, Rule, and Principles? Are not also their Oeco­nomicks, Politicks, and Mathematicks, greatly defective, and vain? But that, which gives us a more black Idea of the Va­nitie of the Grecians Philosophie, is their Metaphysicks, or Natural Theologie. It's true, Pythagoras, and Plato, had clear Traditions of the Deitie, and Divine Perfections; but yet what a masse of fabulous narrations, and phantasmes of their own do they contemper therewith? How superstitious, yea ridiculous, are their Daemon-gods, and Worship? Yea, what a Monstrous Satanick spirit of Hell inspired their whole Systeme of Divination, by Dreams, Maladies, Animals, Plants, Men, Elements, Stars, and things Artificial, as Glosses, &c.

The sad effects of Pagan Phi­losophie.3. But nothing affords us a more evident Demonstration, of the defects, and vanitie of Pagan Philosophie, than the monstrous, mischievous effects it has produced among men. Not to mention the pestiferous Influence it had on the Pagan world,1. In the Ju­daick Church. for the Improvement, and propagation of Atheisme, Po­lutheisme, Superstition, and Idolatrie: We shall begin with the malignant Contagion, which the Judaick Church received from vain Philosophie. So long as the Judaick Theologie continued under it's own native, simple habit of Divine Revelation, without commixtures of vain Philosophie, it retained its pri­mitive Puritie, Beautie, and Glorie. It's true, there was a great Declension, and Apostasie, as to Worship, even shortly after their establishment in Canaan: But whence sprang this, but from the Phenician, and Chaldaick Philosophie, touching Planetarie Deities, and Daemons, called by the Phenicians Baalim? Yet still the Judaick Doctrine continued entire, and pure; till some time after the Babylonish Captivitie, the Gre­canick Philosophie began to incorporate therewith. And the [Page] Rise hereof was this; when the sacred Garden of Judea was laid waste, and the Grecians became Lords of the Oriental parts, the carnal Jews, out of a fond compleasance, began to plant this Garden of the Lord, their Scholes, and Church, with Grecian Sciences; which proved the fatal subversion of their Sacred Theologie. Neither were the Godly Reforming Jews, without a prevision of the cursed Effects, which would follow on this commixture of Pagan Philosophie with their sacred Oracles: and therefore in the time of the Hasmoneans, Grotius [...]u Colos. 2.8. or Mac­chabees, there was a constitution made, That whosoever taught his Son the Grecian Philosophie should be anathematized. But yet, as the Judaick Reformation begun by Ezra, and others, dege­nerated into Formalitie, and Superstition, the Jews more and more imbibed the Grecanick Philosophie, which proved the Foundation of their chiefest Heresies, and Superstitions. For we no way doubt, but (in it's time, and place) to demon­strate, that the main Errors of the Pharisees, Sadduces, and other Judaick Hereticks, received their first Formation, Linea­ments, and Improvement from Grecian Philosophie, especially the Pythagorean. Yea, we doubt not, but to [...]vince, that the chief of the Jewish Talmud, or Systeme of their Oral Tradi­tions, which the Pharisees call the Traditions of the El [...]ers, Mark. 7.3.5. were no other than Pythagorean Dogmes, and Institutes; and thence stiled by our blessed Lord, The Doctrines and Traditions of men, Mark 7.7, 8.

The first great Errors that infested the Christian Churches,2. In the pri­mitive Chri­stian Chur­ches. The Gnostick Errors. were those of the Gnosticks; who pretended unto a very sub­lime [...], or Mystick Theologie; which was no other than a corrupt complexum of Orphaick, Pythagorick, and Judaick Infusions. For whence borrowed they their [...], Conjunctions, and Genealogies, namely, touching the conjunction of one thing with another; and thence the generation of a [Page] third; as they say, [out of the conjunction of Night, and Silence, was generated the Chaos] but from the Mythologick, and Symbolick Philosophie of the Pythagoreans, &c. Again, it seems very probable, that all their Will-worship, and voluntarie humilitie, mentioned Col. 2.18. were but corrupt Imitations of Pytha­gorean Dogmes, and Institutes, as Col. 2.8.

Neither want we sufficient evidence to evince, that vain Philosophie was the chief Seminarie, and Nurse of the main Errors broached in the four first Centuries after Christ. This Tertullian was greatly sensible of; and therefore he stiles the Philosophers, A Giry, Apo­logetick. Tertul. Pre­face. the Patriarchs of Hereticks. Yea, a French Au­thor informs us, ‘That Tertullian did puissantly Combat the Vanitie of Philosophie, which he had formerly so much affe­cted; because he knew full well, that it was the principal foundation of Superstition, &c. Ir is not difficult, from an enumeration of particulars, to demonstrate, that the most ma­lignant Heresies, which so greatly infected the primitive Chur­ches were fermented in, and breathed from the Schole of Alex­andria, which was then the Source, and Fountain of Gentile Philosophie. Whence had Paulus Samosatenus his Blasphemous Infusions,Samosatenus his Errors. but from Plotinus (successor to Ammonius in his Schole of Alexandria) who Philosophizing here, of the Eternal [...], Word, (and that according to the Platonick Mode) Samosatenu [...], his Auditor, drew hence his Grand Impostures, that our blessed Saviour was only Man; and that by [...], John 1.1. We may not understand any subsistent person, but only the manifestative word of promise. Arrianisme. And did not Arrius in like manner derive his blas­phemous Persuasions touching Christ, from the very same poisoned Fountain? For he being a Presbyter in the Church of Alexandria, and too much drenched in those Platonick specu­lations, touching the Divine [...], made it his [...] (as Samosatenus before him) to reconcile John's explication of [Page] [...], The Word, with that of Plato. So a great French Di­vine informes us,Morel. Discipl. Libr. 2. cap. 4. fol. 87. Pelagianisme. That the Arrian Heresie had it's rise from the particular Conferences of learned Men in the Citie of Alexandria. And had not the Pelagian Heresie the same pestiferous root? This is incomparably well demonstrated by Janseniu [...], in his Augustinus, Tom. 1. lib. 6. cap. 13. where he shews, how Origen (Scholar to Ammoniu [...], in his schole of Alexandria) by mingling Platonick Contemplations with Scripture-Revelati­ons, gave Matter, and Forme to the chief Pelagian Dogmes. Yea, it is generally confessed, that Pelagius himself visited this schole of Alexandria, and other parts of Egypt, where gaining inti­mate familiaritie, & conversation with the Origenistick Monks, successors of Origen, he had thence huge assistance for the formation of Pelagianisme: Not to mention what advantages, and aides he received from other of the Greek-Fathers, who followed Origen, as the Latin Fathers Augustine.

Having explicated the black Character, or heretical Impresses, Antichristia­nisme from Pagan Philo­sophie. 1. Mystick Theologie. which the Gentile Philosophie left on the primitive Churches, we now proceed to the bodie of Antichristianisme, (which is a Complexum of Heresies, and Apostasies) to discover what pro­digious, and venemous Influences it received from Pagan Phi­losophie. The first Lineaments of this Mysterie of Iniquitie, were formed out of a Mystick Theologie, composed by the Alexandrine, and other Egyptian Monks, successors of Origen, out of that Pythagorean, and Platonick Philosophie, which flouri­shed in this Schole of Alexandria. For that the chiefest parts of that Mystick Theologie, which gave the first lines to the bodie of Antichristianisme, were formed out of Pythagorean, and Pla­tonick Philosophie, seems most evident, both from the Matter, Forme, and first Formers thereof. What are the chief materials of this Mystick Theologie, but Pythagorean, and Platonick specu­lations? An Egge is scarcely more like an Egge, than those [Page] Mystick contemplations coined by Origen, and his successors, are like Pythagorean, and Platonick Infusions. Neither do they agree only in Matter, but in Forme also. For as the Pythagoreans, and Platonists delighted much to wrap up their philosophizings in Symbolick, Parabolick, Aenigmatick, and Allegorick Modes: just so those Monkish Divines their Mystick Theologie. Lastly, that this Mystick Theologie, which gave the first formation to Antichristianisme, was but an Ape of Pythagorean, and Platonick Philosophie, is very evident from the first formers thereof, who were the Origenistick Monks, successors of Origen; not only as to their manner of Life, but mode of Theologie also; which they endeavoured to render Conformable to the Pytha­gorean, and Platonick Philosophie. Yea, not only their Theologie, but also their monastick Life, and Discipline, seems to be no other than a corrupt Idea borrowed from the Pythagorean College, which will appear to any, that shall compare them together, according to the account we have given of the Pythagorean Col­lege, Book 2. Chap. 6. Thus learned Bochart, in his Treatise against Veron (Part. 3. Chap. 25. §. 4. Art. 1.) proves at large, ‘That the Injunction of Celibate, and Monastick Life, was one of the Superstitions brought out of Egypt by Pythagoras; who forbad Marriage to those of his Sect, and erected a Cloistre, &c.

[...]Another vital part of Antichristianisme consists in Scholastick Theologie, as it hath long flourisht in the Papacie, and been for many Ages the Main of their Divinitie; so formed, and cal­culated, as might be most advantageous for the confirmation of the Doctrine of Antichrist, and that in Imitation of, and Derivation from Aristotle's Philosophie, though not simply, and as delivered by him, yet as explicated, and taught by the Arabians, Averroes, and Avicenna his Commentators; who as much corrupted his Sense, as they little understood his Lan­guage. [Page] For look as the first Monks were wholly drencht in Platonick, and Pythagorean Philosophie: so the Scholemen gave up themselves to Aristotle thus corrupted into an Artificial kind of contentious Disputation, as that which best suited with their Designe; which was to support the Papal Empire by force of Argument, and wrangling Dispute; the cunning contrivers of the Antichristian Religion, first forging the Doctrines, and then committing them to the subtile Scholemen to be maintain'd, & defended.

The last Branch of Antichristianisme, I shall here mention, is the Canonists Theologie, The Canonists Theologie. touching the Canonization, & Worship­ping of Saints, The Directorie of the Inquisi­tors calls the Canonization of saints, their Apotheosis, i. e. Deification. Bochart. cont. Veron. pag. 815. which stands in such a Compliance with the Pagan [...], and Daemonolatrie, as seems not to have been accidental, and casual, but studied, and contriv'd: The very Popish Directorie of the Inquisitors sticks not to call the Cano­nization of Saints their Apotheosis, i. e. Deification: And that the whole Papal [...], or Saint-Worship, is but an Imitati­on of the Pagan [...], or Daemon-Worship, is excellently explicated, and demonstrated by Judicious Mede, on 1 Tim. 4.1, 2. touching the Apostasie of the latter times. This we may (perhaps in due time, and place) demonstrate by a paral­lel 'twixt the Papal Saints, and Pagan Daemons. 1. In their Origine; 2. In their Formal [...]; 3. In their Mediatorie Offices; 4. In their Festivals; 5. In their Images, and Reli­ques; 6. In the Offerings made to them; 7. In their Exorcismes, and Miracles; 8. In the Invocation of them; 9. In the sacred Rites, and Ceremonies performed to them; 10. In that Hie­rarchie, and Supremacie assumed by the Pope, that great Demonarch. In all these regards there seems to be an inti­mate Symbolization between the Papal [...], and Pagan [...]; which was the great figment of the Philosophers, as we may hereafter demonstrate. Thus we have given a con­cise Idea of what is intended touching the defects, vanitie, and mischiefs of Pagan Philosophie.

[Page] Sound Philo­sophie.But now to disabuse the minds of any such, as may un­groundedly conceit, that all Philosophie is uselesse, as also to lay a foundation for a Systeme of sound Reformed Philosophie, we are not without some formed Intentions (if Providence favor the same) to make an Essay, for the casting of the whole body of sound Philosophie into one Systeme, whereof Logick must be the Key. At present it must suffice to hint, that he, who will imbue his mind with a true Idea of Philosophie, must—Nullius jurare in Verba Magistri: must not tenaciously adhere to the stiffe Dogmes of any particular Sect of Philosophers whatso­ever; which is usually the way to prepossesse the Mind against more of Truth, than it possesseth it of: but he must keep his Judgment free, and apt to receive any Impressions of Truth, from whatsoever objects, or persons they flow. He that is incli­ned, [...], to serve an Hypothesis, will never be brought [...]. to sacrifice to Truth. And therefore the Designe of the New Platonists in the Schole of Alexandria, who called themselves [...] (of whom see B. 3. C. 4. §. 15.) was thus far honourable, in that they espoused not any one Sect, but en­deavoured to Cull, what was most Eligible, out of every Sect. It is good advice, which Grotius (Epist. 16.) gives a Student in Philosophie, to observe (especially in Ethicks) the differences of the Sects: what were the Sentiments of Pythagoras; what those of the severe Stoicks; what those of the Old, and New Academie; and what those of Epicurus. For these being unknown, there ariseth a great Darknesse, &c. This is one great Inducement, which drew us to fill up this whole Discourse with the Historick Nar­ration of Philosophie; that so young Students might have a more free, and open air of Philosophie to breath in; and not be tied up to the confined Dogmes of any one Sect; which has proved a great detriment not onely to Divine, but also to humane Wisdome.

In Opus hoc Eruditione pari, ac Industria Elaboratum.

SInceros Ignes Coelesti ex Arce Prometheus
Vafra in Terrenum transtulit Arte Focum.
De Sacris furtim accendit Sophia Ethnica Flammis,
Hebraeorum Arae queis caluere, Faces.
Ut (que) solent Fures gnari celare, Figuris
Assumptis, nunc Se, nunc sua Furta, novis:
Cantatus sic hinc Sophos Ethnicus, inde Poeta
(Nam pariter Plagii est hujus uterque Reus)
Surripit è priscis, Artis Monumenta, Sepulchris
Funera post Veterum vivere digna Patrum.
Sacrilegove Ausu Sacram Salomonis in Aedem
Involat, & Ritus abripi [...] inde Sacros.
Quin Coelum imperitur; Cooloque Augustior ipso
Gentili, lacera est Pagina Sacra, Manu.
Omnis at, in Vario Fabellae tincta Colore,
Asservanda aliis clam sua Furta putat.
Haec (que) Sibi Authori tribuit, cui nescio Divûm,
Illa (decet fictum Fabula ficta Deum)
Hujus enim Aegyptis Author Ter Maximus Hermes,
Istius Serapis, illius Isis erat.
Nocturnae Interpres Josephus Imaginis, idem
Naturae Mystes maximus, atque Dei,
Tanto erat his Hermes Titulo insignitus Honoris,
Et, Fidei ut Nobis, his Pater Artis Abram.
Sus Agri hos Artem docuit lutulenta Colendi
(Arte hac Discipulis digna Magistra suis)
Sus lutulenta; Agrum Rostro dum Sulcat Aratro;
Puraque mox facta est Sus lutulenta Dea.
Sed pronam in Terras ad Coelos tollere Mentem;
Ducere per, Coeli Machina, quicquid, haber;
Naturam Astrorum, Numerum, Motumque docere;
Haec Ars in Coelos ut vehit, inde venit.
Sanctae Orbi Gentis, Genti Coelestis & Author
Artis Abram, hanc didicit primus, & hanc docuit.
Appulit huc Oculos, Mentem huc, ubi Sidera jusso
Ut numeret, dictum est, Sic tibi Semen erit.
Nec solùm ad Sanctam traducta Scientia Prolem
Stellarum ad Numerum quae numeranda fuit.
Sedes nempe aptas Aegyptum Nube Serenam
Seligit haec, apta in Sede potita Throno.
Et Patriarcharum Primum sibi nacta Magistrum,
Rege & Discipulo Nobilitata suo.
[Page]Evchit h [...]c Abram Pharetatem ad Sidera, Vulgo
Dum Sus Culturam soetida grunnit Agri.
Ars media has artes inter Geometria Regem
Cultores medios Vulgus & inter, habet.
Istamne hos Artem Numen docuisse Suillum;
Et Sulco ut Rostrum, Metro habuisse Caput?
Qui Terram in terrae sundavit Pondere, justos
Mensurae & Fines jussit habere suae.
Hic nullo discit Lancis tentamine Pondus;
Metrica Mensuram Virga nec ulla docet.
Pondere, Mensuraque Opifex, qua fecit, [...]adem
Mensurat Terras, Ponderat atque Manu:
Metitur facilis totas Divina Potestas:
Sudat in exiguis Partibus Artis Opus.
Prima per Aegyptum transivit Metrica Virga:
Verùm in Josephi Metrica Virga Manu.
Nec prius Aegypto succurritur Artis egenti,
Hebraeo Primus quàm foret Artis Honos.
Discretis fines Nili Vis eripit Arvis:
Ars hos Confuso reddit Hebraea Solo.
In totum Commune ferunt, Mare qua patet, Orbem
Phoenicum Naves Mercis, & Artis Onus:
Laudum & plena vehit Phoenices Bucca Magistros;
Quaquà Ventorum Carbasa plena Rates.
Hinc Sanchoniathon docto audit Magnus in Orbe;
Hinc Magnus docto Mochus in Orbe sonat.
Multa petunt à Mose ambo sibi Dogmata; si non
Alter & a Mosis Nomine Nomen habet.
Quae prius in tenues prolata evanuit Auras
(Nunc mera nil nisi Vox, nunc & inane nihil)
Vox stetit in Graecis Magica Cadmi Arte figuris
Firma; Sonusque Oculis excipiendus erat.
Aegyptum Virtute Magum qui praestitit Omnem,
Phoenicem hunc picti praevenit Arte Soni:
Ipso ex Ore Dei quàm plurima Verba loquentis
Excipit, è Manibus primaque Scripta Manu.
Quae. Cordi indiderat, jam pene Erasa, Columnis
Instaurat primus Jura notata Deus.
Signata Hebraeas dant Voces Marmora; Moses
Hoc juxta Exemplar Scriba Secundus erat:
Quisve huic Discipulus, quove Ordine, nescio, Cadmo
Hac Praeceptoris praestitit Arte Vices.
Nec Graiis prius iste docet Signare figuris,
Quàm suit Hebraeae nota figura Scholae.
Hac notâ, Nemo quantillae, nesciat, Artis
Sit variare Notos, non variare Sonos.
[Page]Antiquas Babylonis Opes miramur, & Artes;
Chaldae [...].
Supremum domiti dum Caput Orbis erat.
Omnis Opes, Gens una Artes invexit Hebraea:
Captivi Dominos erudiere suos.
Forsan & Artis Abram Chaldaeae Elementa reliquit
Tum post Se, Secum cum tulit inde Fidem.
Nec stetit in triplici furandi Gente Reatus:
Docta iterum furtim Graecia Furta rapit.
Dividit at plures inter sua Furta Latrones;
Fraus ist [...] melius posset ut Arte tegi.
Primum hoc Pythagorae Inventum, primum id (que) Thaletis,
Istud Anaxagorae, Socratis illud erat.
Multa Sagax cudit Xenophon, Diûs Plato plura;
Plurima dat Magno parva Stagira Duce.
Ut sua nempe crepant aliorum Inventa, tenobris
Abdita Figmenti, pristina Vera, novi.
Nil non acceptum, Nil quicquam ferre videri
Acceptum Antiquis Turba novella ferent.
Multi hinc multa Dei Afflatu Dignissima ducunt:
Hujus Apollo, hujus Pallas & Author erat.
Re tamen apse sua (furtiva scilicet) Arte
Istis Mercurius paginam utramque facit.
Quin ipse Afflatus, vero ex Afflamine fictus,
Furti in se Culmen Mercurialis habet.
Falsum istum retegit, ficta è farragine Divûm,
Verus nunc Christi de Grege Mercurius.
Authorem en gnarum, Vestigia nota legendo,
Hanc Furum turmam docta per Antra sequi.
Hic Spolia a victis Raptorum amplissima Castris,
Antiquis Dominis restituenda, rapit.
Ethnica furtivis nuda est Cornicula Plumis:
Formosa est Plumis Sancta Columba suis.
Fabellae longum putidae Conclusa Palude,
Sacrum iterum Fontem, Dogmata Sacra, petunt.
Post iter emensum longum, multumque Maeandrum,
Sic Flumen refluas in Mare volvit Aquas.
Idem de Opere, & Authore iisdem.
Una (Volente Deo) Divinae Ecclesia Mater,
Humanae Sophiae Mater & una fuit.
Nata est Gentiles regat haec, ut Luna, Tenebras;
Gentis Sanctae, instar Solis, at [...]lla Diem.
Inque Domo Domini hac, illi data Summa Potestas;
Haec Servum An cillae dum sibi Munus habet.
[Page]Hanc neque Splendidior mirere quòd ornet Amictus;
In morem Ancillis hoc abiisse palam est.
Illius sed pura, gravis, Venerandaque Vestis;
Quaeque revelante est undique digna Deo.
Nec Sancto Soli insinuat se Lumine Menti,
Intima vel penetrat Corda Calore Sacro.
Gentilis Lumen Sophiae (Lampyridis illi
Haud impar) Lumen, praetereaque Nihil.
Lumen, & Influxum geminum Foetum (aemula Phoebi
Mate [...]) Scripturae parturit Omne Jubar.
Quin Mentem & Renovans primum sensim indit Acumen:
Imbuit & Summi Cognitione Dei.
Res hinc rimandas melius descendit ad Omnes:
Naturam noto, nesciat illa, Deo.
Terna Dies olim Noctem mutatur in unam;
Fitque ex Compactis Noctibus una tribus.
Afflictam Aegyptum Spissae invasere tenebrae,
Palpari facili quae potuere Manu.
Interea Sancti minime interrupta Popelli
Lux fulget laetis alma Domiciliis.
Gens & in Aegypto haec Goshen invenit, in Orbe
Lucis & haec Goshen Gens melioris erat.
Ut Tenebris Numen secrevit Lumina primis:
Atque alternantes jussit habere Vices.
JƲSTITIAE sic SOLI olim Communis Horizon
Judaeaeque, Deo sic statuente, fuit:
Hanc extra, praeter Tenebras, & Opaca Locorum,
Haec Mundi exhibuit tetrica Scena Nihil.
Linea mutata est dudum hic Ecliptica; Signa
Zodiaci nec bis Sex, velut ante, Tribus.
Cursus abhinc idem, quamvis non passibus aequis
U [...]rivis Soli perficiendus erat.
Solem Evangelicum sed quem videt Ethnicus Ortum,
Occiduum mox hunc Israelita videt.
Sic erat irriguo sicca olim Vellere Terra:
Sic Terr [...] Siccum Vellus & irrigu [...].
Judaeae quin una Fidem Nox vidit, & Artem
Occiduas, Ortas vidit ut una Dies.
Lux gemina haec Geminis impar Coelestibus; Alter
Ortum ubi Suspensum, dum Cadat alter, habet.
Tyndareis impar Geminis; dum scilicet alter
Horum absque alterius vivere Morte nequit.
Lux gemina Hippocratis Geminis par haec; ubi Risus
Alter in alterius Solvitur, & Lacrymas.
Ut quo laetifico ridet Sol blandior Ore,
Hoc illi arridet laetior alma Soror.
[Page]Ille aliò offensum si quando vertat Ocellum;
Indutis luget Vestibus ista nigris.
Sic Sacra quò proprior Lux est, ur Culminet Orbe,
Ingenuae magis hoc Eminet Artis Apex.
Ad quem deprimitur Scriptura Lumen, eundem
Ars & confestim verg [...]t ad usque Gradum.
Quando super Gibeone (Diem ut produce [...]et Hostis
Excidio) tutilos Sol [...]etinebat Equos:
Et (Fratri contenta Vices concedere) Valle
Vicina albidulas Luna repressit Equas.
Dum bis quinque Gradus Hez'chiae tempore Phoebus
Regreditur, Phoeben tot retroire putes.
Sese inter Servant sic Progressusque, Regressusque
Atque Moras dubias Arsque, Fidesque pares.
Procreat hinc [...]lures Meretricia Roma Sophistas:
Casta Agni plures dat tibi Sponsa Sophos.
Selecta in Terris Genti (Sic Fata volebant)
Ars primae, sol [...] Gratia danda fuit.
Ars Sancto quaevis accepta ferenda Popello;
Sanctorum ut Virtus est referenda Deo.
Accep [...]á à Virtute Deo est Ecclesia grata,
Mu [...]do etiam cur non esset ab Arte data
Scilicet Ars hujus fuerat gratissima Mundo;
Ni fuerat Mundo Gratia grata minus.
Dum tamen ignaro Lucem Artis foenerat Orbi,
Vel sic est Lucis, Filia grata, Patri:
Gratiae & ingratum Lumen sparsura per Orbem,
Humana Munus si foret illud Opis.
Ad Vivum Pictura resert, cum ducitur ipsa
A Facie Artifici, Linea quaeque, Manu:
Sapius Exemplar ducatur ab Exemplari,
Hinc minùs evadet Prototypo simile.
Sic quo Judaeae Gens ulla propinquior olim,
Longius aut fuerat dissocia [...]a Loco;
Illius hoc veras edocta fidelius Artes,
Figmentisve magis falsa erat ipsa suis.
Unde Salutari magis & Phoenicia Verax,
Audire & Mendax Graecia jure potest.
Haec ita Figmentis scater undique, ut Ʋrinator
Vero expiscando Delius esset Opus.
Doctae autem Genti [...] si quilibet alter, habendus
Hic meritò Vere Delius Author erit.
[Page]Figmenti in fundum se immergens eruit Indis
Majores Gemmis,
Indi urinandi longe peritissimi ad Montium in Mari delitentium Radi­ces us (que) penetrantes pretiosissimas inde extrahunt Gemmas.
Indus ut alter, Opes.
Nec Soli Sapuit Sibi, Sudavitve; fr [...]endas
Has aliis Gazas exhibuisse juvat.
Unde feret Laudes OPIFEX Artisque, Laborisque,
Aut Grates meritas Ʋtilitatis OPUS?
Nempe iterum, ut Sileant, Oracla Profana jubentur;
Ore licet Sacris Liberiore loqui.

Ad Authorem, de Opere hoc utris (que) jam partibus, numeris (que) Omnibus Absoluto.

GAllia Visa parum tibi; Colloquium (que) BOCHARTI,
Quo Galli majus nil habuere, parum est.
Res Asiae, Aegyptique, & Romae, sedulus Author,
Docta (que) perquiris Graecia quicquid habet:
Supremus labor est Solymarum visere sedes;
Nec prohibent adytis te sacra Templa suis.
Imò tibi SANCTUM SANCTORUM, haud Atria solum,
Gentibus antiquis quae patuere, patet.
Abdita Judaea pandis Mysteria Gentis;
Exuis & Velum Ritibus omne Sacris.
Dura Ʋrim Vexent, Thummimque Vocabula Mystas;
Responsum potius tu mihi, Gale, dabis.
Non ego,
V. Schie­kardum c. 1. Mispat ham­melech.
Literulis Responsa micenine, morabor:
Haec modò Luce tua consuluisse licet.
Aegyptus tenebras, rerum (que) Aenigmata jactet;
Dum Goshen Scriptis fit mihi clara tuis.

On the Second Part of this Learned WORKE.

THough beauteous Nature, with her numerous Race,
Does still replenish this unbounded Space;
Is still in vigor Seen,
Of all harmonious things the Queen:
Has nothing of her strength by Age, or Labours spent,
Throughout the teeming Earth, or Rolling Firmament:
But still in numbers smooth and fleet,
With as [...]ery all and silent feet,
Holds on the mighty Dance,
Her Maker bad her first advance:
Though too as he of old throughout the forming Masse,
Whilst in the boundless womb of Nothing 'twas,
Did strength, and beauty sow:
Shee yet retains them both, and with eternall love
Payes gratefull homage to the King above:
And usefull Tribute to the Prince below.
Yet strange it is Philosophie alone,
For Natures prospect borne, and contemplation;
Should not so constant, and so faithfull prove;
Should the disease of age, not reason have:
Not nakedness of truth, but shadows love:
And seem so neer her grave:
That in the World's great Room when sett,
Her selfe, and setled business should forget:
Her self in learned Mazes loose;
Some pretty Scheams of things, not the supream Idea choose,
Which was intire and bright,
In the Original light;
But rather will descend the vast Abysse,
Where darknesse is,
With rocks of horrid Termnes, and hard Hypotheses;
Where all the Arts, like the fal'n Angels, lye
In chains of darkness bound:
The worse because so knowing Miserie:
And still with dreadful noise doe sound.
Thus with dejected Eye
In standing pooles we seek the skye:
To find the milkie way,
Not only lose the day:
But down to Caverns, and vast tracts of night
Go to improve the sight.
[Page]Mean while neglect the glories, and the gentle influence
Of all the wide and faire Circumference;
Losing both God, and his Intelligence.
Were't not a too unkind Relief
To present griefe,
Our blisse to think upon,
That's past and gon;
I'd blesse the day, when Arts proportion'd right,
Fram'd more for use, then wild delight,
Did not some Private Patron raise,
But solemniz'd their greater Authors praise;
Large as his Works, unbounded as his Rule,
That's founder of the Ʋniverse his Schoole.
When none of numbers made this mighty Frame,
Pythagoras did find
In's Arithmetick mind,
Those we may Cyphers name.
Arts did not then designe to dwell
In some inglorious Cell:
The Rigours of the Stoa, to maintain;
Or from Stagira date their Reign;
Nor from the Gardens shade,
Which Epicurus made:
As if the Tree of Knowledge were
Replanted, and to flourish there.
'Twas never thought of then, Des-Cartes pride
Should over Schooles, and God in triumph ride;
That e're from matters liquid bowles should fall
This Universal greater Ball;
Or from his Whirle-pooles should e're ehbe, and flow
All this vast Tyde of things below.
At first there was no place for Fancies stage;
Or the wild images of learned rage:
Arts close to things, and natures businesse sit,
Shēw'd then the Strength, and Innocence of witt.
But Knowledge like a River in its Course;
Making to its Original sourse;
Its purity does lose, and to the spring
In foaming Torrents filth does bring.
Thanks to this Learned Authors pen,
Truth now appears in Innocence agen;
Through all the Vailes of things, and Men.
Sure he came from the Holy Place,
[Page]So bright is all the Face:
And in his Gentiles Court so Sacred is the view,
We lustre find, and Inspiration too.
He doth with Rods correct the Heathen School:
As the great Saviour did in's Temple rule.
Truth now extends her Conquest far,
The Heathen Oracles struck dumb, and Authors are.
They to so just a Triumph their submissions owe,
And now congratulate their overthrow.
Dethron'd they are, yet Priviledge enjoy:
Highly promoted while they bow
I th'House of God so low;
As he was deem'd, who so himself demean'd
In Rimm [...]n's House, while on his hand his Master lean'd
How great then our Triumphal joy!
When that proud Empire of the Arts we see
A tributary Province to Divinitie.
The Heathen Authors are corrected so,
Their poyson now for Antidote may goe.
Through their profane we see Diviner Theames,
Since thus our skilful Joseph has explain'd their Dreams.

To the Author on both Parts of this Learned Work.

HE's a wise Master of a Feast,
And bravely treats the Guests he did invite,
Who first presents unto their sight
That Food whose gratefull tast
Will edge the Appetite,
And with a pleasing Sharpness still
Prepare the Stomach it does fill:
Reserving that till last
Whose more substantiall Good
Deserves the name of Satisfying Food;
And is besides the Choicest Dish of all the Rest.
So prudently have you
Contriv'd the Learned Banquet here
Set out and offer'd to our view;
In that you first excite
And whet the Mind's delight,
And in the Rear,
Vouchase to Entertain it with the daintiest Cheer.
From your first great Performance we can tell
[...] [...]
[Page]Where Letters, Words, and Languages
Began, and how they did increase:
By whom the Infant World was taught to spell,
And Lisp a Syllable:
By what Gradations then it grew
In Age, and Learning too;
Untill with times, and pains expence
At length it came to Read, and Write in sense.
First Historie presents us in her scene
The brave Atchievements of Heroick men,
Whose deathless Actions rightly claim
To them a never dying Name:
Their praises with their Better Parts do crave
A just exemption from the Grave,
And out-live all transactions that have been,
Since Chance upon our rowling Orb a sporting sate,
And laugh'd to see,
A Mimick Ape, that shee
Made all things suhject unto Change like that.
Next sprightly Poetrie took birth,
That fair Minerva of the Brain,
Which is the only Child on Earth,
Since heavy Curses taught it how to mourn,
And Mourn in Vain,
That ever yet was Born
Without the Parents groans and Pain.
She on impolish'd Natures homely Face
Stroak'd the rude Features into fair,
And many a Beauteous grace
She lively painted there,
Where before dull, and Swarthy Colours did appear.
The Last in Time, not Dignity or Name,
Smooth Oratorie came
By Nature smooth, by Culture gay,
Since she has got the Artful trick
To Cloath her self in the Array
And Trappings of Trim Rhetorick,
And all her gracefull Colours to display:
These little Arts that we were taught before;
Branches of Knowledge and no more,
Refresh'd our Minds; how ravish'd shall we be
Now you produce Philosophi [...],
Which to these frugall Branches is the well grown Tree?
A Tree whose Heavenly Fruit
The Worlds sunk vigour does recruit;
Forces those Spirits briskly to advance
[Page]That soaking lay in sottish Ignorance;
A Tree that's pleasant to the eyes,
Like that which grew in Paradise,
And much to be desired to make one wise:
Onely in this their Difference does appear:
Not Touch, not Taste, not Eat
Was written on the Fruit of that,
'Twas fruit indeed, but not for meat,
And onely to be fear'd, and Wonder'd at:
Each man from this, that will,
May pluck, and Eat, aed eat his fill;
Nothing but Abstinence alone forbidden here.
While man was yet so just and good,
That nothing he of evil undestood,
The very Deitie
Took pleasure in his Companie,
Came often from his Paradise above
Where Everlasting pleasures flow,
Drawn by the Cords of Love
To visit that below,
And read his Adam Lectures of Philosophie.
But he with knowledge sated wanton grew,
And his Proud Will
Would know not onely Good, but Ill;
And would indeed be God-like too:
Complain's his Stock is scant, and small,
And by a reach at more he forfeits all:
All but enough to make him see
From whence he fell, and so bewayl his Miserie
Then not without Industrious Pain
Some Scraps of what was lost he did regain,
In Equal sweat of the same Brow
Both eat his Bread, and earn'd his Knowledge too:
By piece-meal seruing from his Memorie,
What blur'd, and blotted there did lie.
So little the Philosopher
Did in his Judgment Erre,
That sayd Mans Learning is no more
Then to Remember what he knew before.
From the First Parent of Mankind
Sin, and Philosophie.
Was all the Patrimony left behind
For bank erupt Posteritie
Thus he together to his tainted Blood
Transmits so great an Ill, so great a Good.
[Page]Dealing with us as one who brought
A deadly Poyson, and an Antidote.
From Adam Seth, to thee
(Thou worthy Grand-child of the Deitie)
descends Philosophie:
She with thy Learned Pillars stood,
Ma [...]gre the Envious washings of rhe Flood:
Those Pillars as a stable Ark she found
To keep her too from being Drown'd.
But the greatest Danger that she er'e was in
The mighty Deluge was of sin,
Where sadly she, as justly did complain
That a lewd Pagan train
Debauchd her with slight Sophistrie,
With superstition, and Idolatrie:
Whence she became more frothy, and more vain,
Then very Ignorance could be:
Best things abus'd prove worst of all: So he
That scoffs at Scripture, fall's to Blasphemie:
But was she no where pure? no where
Allow'd her Virgin-Garb to wear?
Of all the Earth Iudea's little spot
Defil'd her not:
There she reign'd Queen, and had the chief Command,
Next Holinesse, the Empresse in that Holy Land.
No sooner was she seated on the Throne,
But winged Fame flew out,
Informing all the Neighbours there about:
Phenicia first; Phenicia first went down
Pretending to congratulate
Iudea's blissful State;
But her design was to improve her own:
Nor were her thoughts without success, and vain,
Fot fraighted well with Knowledge she made back again:
Hence was it first Phenicia knew
What fruit on Palm-Trees grew:
Palm-Trees she had before, which stood
An Idle, and an Useless Wood,
Barren as Females, whe [...] [...]he Male's not by:
'Twas now they did begin t'o increase and multiply.
Next up does Aegypt come
And all she finds she carries home:
'Twas here Philosophie a Goddesse prov'd
Enjoy'd her Temple, and her Shrine,
[Page] Egypt, that worship'd what she feard, or lov'd,
L [...]v'd her, and then adord her as Divine,
Then to Chaldea was she Captive lead,
And tempted there to sin;
She that above 3 thousand years had been
Modest, and Humble, now perks up the Head;
For in Chaldea did she find
Sparks of the old Ambitious mind,
Of reaching Heaven, and scorning odds
To live Inferiour to the Gods.
Go too, say they,
What though our Fathers Babel-plot
Succeeded not,
But in their Tower's Confusion ruin'd lay;
Howe're 'twas nobly don,
And the Design was Generous, and High;
Let us their Children try:
The Father he may creep on earth,
whilst the bold son
With more of Scorn, than Pitie views, him from the distant sky.
Then up she got amongst the Stars,
And sate her down by Destinie
There learn'd of her the lower world's affairs;
Common concerns she did reveal,
But the great Business of the world conceal,
And bid her there less eagerly to pry:
But as the Destinie did look,
And turn'd the leaves that were
Writ in a dismal Character,
She slily peep'd into the Dooms-day Book,
And whisper'd down the Fates
Of slaggering Kingdoms, and declining States.
When Learning thus in th' East grew great, and when
Philosophers as common were as Men,
Then first Adventurous Greece
In little ships swom or'e the Main,
In quest of This fam'd Golden Fliece,
More rich then that their Jason did obtain,
With much more Danger, and with much less Gain.
Some to Phenicia sayl, and some
Down into Egypt, and Judea come;
Where straight they found
That Truth out-did Fames Trumpet's sound:
For every common Merchant there
Vented his Learning with his ware,
Both kept enough, and had enough to spare.
Had not the far fam'd Samian Peer
[Page]Been Tutour'd, & Instructed here,
His Transmigrating Soul had been
In Speculation Weak, and Thin
Voyd of it's Learned Superstition
It might to Greece, and us unknown
Have fitly pass'd into the silly Ass agen.
Here was the soaring Plato taught
Each lofty, and refined Thought;
Diviner Notions fram'd to raise
Man above Dreggy Matter, and
Whatever does deservedly command
As much our Admiration, as our Praise,
Was all made his at second hand.
His Honey'd Eloquence,
In which he's yet alive,
Was all transported hence,
With greedy Lips suck'd from the sacred Hive:
So much he does to Moses owe
For what we thought in his own Mouth to grow.
Nor must we him of all forget,
Whom Learning's Jaded Children yet
Grace with the Character,
And swelling Stile of the Philosopher.
He to the learn'd Nilean strand,
If not ev'n to the Holy Land
With his victorious Scholar went,
(More likely Jove's then Philip's son
Who conquer'd Earth, as he the Heavens had done)
The Learned world to subjugate intent
As he the whole to overmaster meant:
Accordingly they carryed it;
That a Monopoly of power, and this of wit:
This in a proud design to raise
Eternal Pillars to hi's immortal Praise,
He plunders all the Learning of the East,
Rifles each famous Librarie,
Each Treasurie of Learned pains,
Dragging old Authors from their Rustie chains
Into a worse Captivitie:
But still reserving to himself the Best,
He cruelly condem'd to fatal flames the Rest,
So did the Aged Asian Phoenix burn,
And to the Stagirite that European Phoenix turn.
Thus have we seen thee Greece assume,
And put on wisdome, as a borrow'd plume:
[Page]W' have seen thee in thy Ruffe, and Pride,
When as thou didst not onely those
Flout, and deride,
From whom thy Greatness rose,
But stamp'dst Barbarian the whole world beside.
We see thee now of all thy Braverie bereft,
Quite strip'd, and naked left,
Thy selfe at Length inheriting that Name
Thou others proudly gav'st, and well deserv'st the same.
And now thou glorious Light,
Since Greece is wrapt in gloomie Night,
(For 'tis thy absence makes it so)
Tell me, next whither didst thou go,
Freely to scatter, and Dispence
Thy Blessed Influence?
This Sun below, like that above,
Was surely born in th'e East,
And does with that the same way move,
Still travayling on tow'ards the West.
And here could I but have my will,
That which has parallel'd the Sun before,
Should do the same in one thing more;
As that has done,
Once or'e the Plains of Gibeon;
This Radiant Illustrious Light should or'e the West stand still:
Should or'e the West
In full Meridian Lustre stand,
And there the lesser Lights not darken, but command;
That so they jointly all
In smooth, and equall Harmonie may fall,
And prove officious Handmayds to the best,
The best, and clearest Light that does adorn
Our Hemisphere; who to give proof that she
Was Heaven-born,
Wears no less Stile then of Divinitie;
And while preserv'd in her bright Puritie
Will in the British Firmament
No less be our defence, then Ornament:
Here fixing her own Tutelarie God,
Who in the floating world hath so long settled her Abode.

On the Parts of this Learned Work THE COURT OF THE GENTILES.

Of LEARNING if you'd have the Total, add
Together Things with Words; th [...]t Total's had.
Of Learning Words challenge but for their Share
The surface; Things the Solid Bodie are.
[Page] Bodies their Surface offers to our Eys;
Our Mind by Words (their Surface) Things descries
Words without Things a Parot's Learning give:
Things without Words make grown Men Infants live.
Learning of Words and Things compos'd is then
It Self made perfect, and makes perfect Men.
PHILOLOGIE of Words the Knowledge brings;
PHILOSOPHIE's the higher Schole of Things:
But Scholars both, to SCRIPTURE, and the JEW,
For what in either Kind is rare, if true.
The Jews now Cruel once were Kind; when they
Both Treasures lent, both without Ʋsurie,
To Stranger Gentiles; who yet prov'd to be
As unjust Debtors, as the Jews were free
And friendlie Creditors; and having gain'd
Their Goods in hand; in hand their Goods detaind:
At length denie the Principal; and plead
Their Stock of Learning all of their own Breed.
A COURT erected; th' AUTHOR to extract
A fair Confession of so foul a Fact,
Puts them upon the Learned Rack; and shows
The Jewish Book for all the Gentile ows.
In all finds for the Jew: and was't not fit,
The Author JUDGE in his own COURT should sit?
Where both he so performs, you'l doubt, which he
Favour in one were in the other Spite:
BOTH BEST conclude him, and you do him Right.

A Synopsis of the Contents.

Book I. Of Orientall and Occidentall Barbarick Philosophie.

CHAP. I. Of Philosophie in General; and Sacred Philosophers.

  • THe Greek [...] from the Hebrew Sophim. 12
  • Philosophie so called from Love of Wisdome. 3.4.
  • Philosophers called [...] &c. from the Jewish Myste­ries. 4.
  • God the first Idea, and Efficient of Philoso­phie. 5.
  • Philosophie sprang from Admiration. Ib.
  • The first Institutors of Philosophie Divine. 6
  • Adam the greatest human Philosopher. 7
  • The Philosophie of Seth, & Enoch. 8
  • Abraham's philosophie. 9 10.11.
  • Joseph's philosophie. 12.13.
  • Moses's philosophie. 14.17.
  • Solomon's philosophie. 17.18.19.
  • The Jewish Scholes, and Philosophie. 19.20.21

CHAP. 2. Of Egyptian Philosophie, and its Traduction from the Scriptures &c.

  • THe Egyptians repute for Philosophie. 22.23 24
  • The Egyptians Mathematicks from the Jews 24
  • 1. Their Astronomie, its rise &c. 24
  • 2. Their Geometrie. 25
  • 3. Their Geographie. 26
  • The Egyptians Natura Philosophie 26
  • Their Medicine. 27
  • Their Moral Philosophie, and Politicks. 28
  • The Egyptian Laws, and Politicks from the Jews. 28.29
  • The Egyptian Theologie from Joseph. 29
  • Egyptian Rites Imitations of the Jewish. 29.30
  • Of the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks, their origi­nation from the Jewish Symbols. 32.36
  • Testimonies to prove the Traduction of E­gyptian Philosophie from the Jews. 36.37
  • How Sacred Dogmes were traduced to the E­gyptians from the Jews. 38
  • Joseph's care to instruct the Egyptians. 39
  • The original of the Schole of Alexandria, and the Advantages it had from the Jews. 40
  • The Derivations the Schole of Alexandria received from the Gospel, and Christian Church. 41.42

CHAP. 3. Of the Phenician Philosophie, its Traduction from the Jews, and Scriptures.

  • HOw the Phenicians traduced their Philo­sophie from the Jews. 43.47
  • The Phenicians skil in Navigation, Geographie, Arithmetick, Astronomie &c. 44 45
  • Their skill in Mathematicks in general. 45
  • The Grecians borrowed much of their phi­losophie from the Phenicians. 45.46
  • Farther evidence, that the Phenicians re­ceived their Philosophie from the Jews. 46.47
  • Of Sanchoniathon his origination. 47.48
  • [Page]His skill in Philosophie, and Mythologie, 48.49
  • Sanchoniathon's Philosophie from Taautus, who possibly was Moses. 49
  • The original of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie from the Jewish Church proved. 50.58
  • 1. From Testimonies of Philo, and Porphyrie. 50 Jerombalus, from whom Porphyrie makes Sanchoniathon to have derived his Phi­losophie, the same with Gideon. 51
  • 2. From Sanchoniathon's Mythologick mode of Philosophising, which is Judaick. 52
  • 3. The matter of Sanchòniathon's Philoso­phie Hebraick. 1. his Metaphysicks. 53
  • His Theogonie of Hebraick origine- Ib.
  • Beelsamen, from [...] Ib.
  • Eliun from [...] Gen. 14.19 54
  • Ilus from [...]: Eloeim from [...] Ib.
  • Betylia from Bethel. Ib.
  • Sanchoniathon's imitation of Abraham's offe­ring up his son Isaac. 55
  • Of Angels, and the human Soul. Ib.
  • 2. Sanchoniathon's Physicks. 56
  • His Chaos from Gen. 1.2. Ereb from Gen. 1.5. Ib.
  • His Mot from [...] Mod, & [...] &c. 56.57
  • 3. His Chronologie, & Geographie. 57.
  • Of Mochus his Origination &c. 58.59.
  • Mochus's Philosophie Physiologick, or a na­tural Historie of the Creation. 59 60.
  • Mochus the first that philosophised of Atomes, which he had by Tradition from Gen. 1.60.
  • A general proof of the Traduction of the Phe­nician Philosophie from the Iews. 60.61
  • The Gospel vouchsafed to the Phenicians. 61.

CHAP. 4. Of the Chaldaick Philosophie, and Philosophers.

  • THe Division of Philosophie into Barbarick and Grecian. 62.
  • The Chaldaick Philosophie its rise &c. 63.64.
  • The Chaldeans famous chiefly for Astronomie 64
  • How Astronomie was communicated to the Chaldeans, by the Patriarchs, and holy seed. 65.
  • The first Patriarchs much versed in the con­templation of Celestial Bodies &c. 66
  • How natural Astronomie, and Astrologie dege­nerated into Judicial Astrologie. 66 67
  • The Pagan [...] answerable to the Jew­ish Teraphims. 67.
  • The Chaldaick Theologie among the Zabij, with their original, and Rites. 68.
  • One Rite of Zabiisme Job. 31.26.27. Ib.
  • Another, piece of Zabiisme consisted in their [...] mentioned Lev. 26.30. 69.
  • Why the Sun was worshipt under Fire. Ib.
  • Other Sects of the Chaldeans. 70
  • The Chaldeans instructed by the Jewish Scholes. 71

CHAP. 5. Of the Magi, Gymnosohpists, Druides, And other Barbarick Philosophers.

  • THe original of the Persian Magi. 72·
  • The Magi instituted by Soroaster, and their correspondence with the Zabij. 73
  • The Indian Philosophers, Gymnosophists, Germanes, Brachmanes. from Manes. 74.75.
  • The African Philosophers, 1. Atlantick 75.76
  • 2. Ethiopick, whose Divinitie came from the Iews. 76.
  • European Philosophers. 1. Scythian, 76.
  • 2. Thrachian, 3. Spanish 77.
  • 4. Druides, their original. 78
  • The Druides first in Britannie, and thence in Gallia Ib.
  • Their Academies, Privileges, Degrees &c. 79.
  • Their Philosophie Natural, Moral, Mathema­tick. 79.
  • Their Rhetorick, Theologie, and Discipline. 80.
  • The Druides Worship, and Sacrifice, &c. 81
  • The Druides called also Saronides Ib.
  • Their Distribution into Bardi, Evates &c. Ib.
  • The Druides Oke-Religion from Abraham's [Page] Oke of Mamre, and worship there 82

BOOK. II. The Original of the Ionick, but Chiefly of the Italick, or Pythago­rick Philosophie.

CHAP. I. The Traduction of the Grecian Philo­sophie from the Patriarchs, and Iew­ish Church proved by Universal Consent

  • THe Grecian Philosophers recourse to E­gypt, & Phenicia. 83
  • That the Grecian Philosophie was derived from the Iews is proved by Testimonies of 1. Heathen Philosophers viz. Plato, Numeni­us, Hermippus, Aristotle, & Diogenes La­ertius. 84.85.
  • 2. Iews, Aristobulus, & Josephus. 85.86
  • 3. Christian Fathers, Tertullian, Clemens A­lexand Iustin Martyr, Eusebius, Minucius Fae­lix, Theodoret, Ioannes Grammaticus, 86.87
  • 4. Moderne Papists, Steuchus Eugubinus, Ju­stinian. 87.88.
  • 5. Protestants, 1. Forrain, Melancthon, Serranus, Julius, & Ioseph Scaliger, Vo [...]sius, Heinsius, Bochart, Grotius, Hornius, Amirault. 89
  • 2. English, Jackson, Usher, Richardson, Preston Ralegh, Owen, Stillingsleet, Selden. 90

CHAP. 2. Of Mythologick Philosophie, & its Traduction from the Jews.

  • OF Mythologick Philosophie in general 91.
  • Mythologick Philosophie first seated a­mong Poets, Orpheus, Homer, Hesiod, &c. 92 93
  • How these Poets disguised Oriental Traditi­ons. 94.
  • The use, & abuse of Mythologick Philosophie. Ib.
  • Symbolick, and Enigmatick Philosophie from the Jewish Types, & Enigmes. 95
  • Metaphorick, & Allegorick Philosophie from the Iews. 96
  • The matter of Mythologick Philosophie from sacred Works, & Truths. 97.98.
  • The Causes of Mythologick, Philosophie. 98.
  • 1. Ignorance, (1.) of the Hebrew Idiome. 98.
  • (2) of the matter of Judaick Traditions. 99
  • (3) of the Judaick forme of Doctrine. 99.
  • (4) from the Imperfection of Judaick Tradi­tions. 100.
  • 2. Admiration another Cause of all Mytholo­gick Philosophie, with Aristotle's account. 100.101
  • 3. Imitation a cause of Mythologick Philoso­phie. 102.103.
  • Plato's Imitation both Theoretick, & Practick. 103.104.
  • 4. Curiositie, & Affectation of Noveltie another Cause of Symbolick Philosophie. 104.105.
  • 5. Pride- 6. Idolatrie. 7. Carnal Policie. 105

CHAP. 3. Of Ionick Philosophie begun by Thales & its Iudaick Origine.

  • THe first Distribution of Grecian Philoso­phie into Ionick, & Italick. 107.
  • Ionick, and Italick Philosophie received its first impressions and lines from God's Church. 107.108.
  • Thales's extract from Phenicia. 109.
  • The Seven Wise men, and their Philosophie. 109.110.
  • An Abstract of Thales's Philosophie. 110
  • Thales's Philosophie from the Egyptians, & Phenicians immediately, but Originally from the Scriptures, and Iudaick Church. 110.
  • [Page]Thales's great Principle, That Water was the first Matter of all things; immediately from the Phenicians, but originally from Gen. 1.2. &c. 111.112.113.
  • Thales's Metaphysicks of God, &c. 115.116.
  • Thales's Scholars, & Successors. 116.117
  • Empedocles, Heraelitus, Democritus, Hippo­crates. 117

CHAP. 4. Of Pherecydes's Philosophie, and its Traduction from the Iews.

  • PHerecydes's original from Syrus. 118
  • Pherecydes's Parents, and Birth. 119
  • Pherecydes's philosophie from the Phenici­ans, and Jews. Ib.
  • Pherecydes the first, that writ Philosophie in Prose. 120
  • Pherecydes's philosophie Mythologick. 120
  • Pherecydes's Heliotrope from the Jews. 120
  • Pherecydes's [...], or Theologie. 121
  • Pherecydes held the Souls Immortalitie. 126

CHAP. 5. Of Pythagoras, and the Traduction of his Philosophie from the Iews.

  • THe severall Sects of Philosophers. 123
  • That Pythagoras traduced the main of his Philosophie from the Scriptures, and Iews, is proved by Testimonies: 1. of Pagans, and Jews. 124
  • 2. Of Christian Fathers. 124.125
  • 3. Of Modern Papists, and Protestants. 125
  • Pythagoras's extract from the Phenicians. 126
  • Pythagoras's Praeceptors in Greece. [...]27
  • Pythagoras's Travels into Phenicia; and con­verse with the Successors of Mochus, and Priests there. 128
  • Pythagoras his Travels into Egypt, and cor­respondence with Jews there. 128.129.130
  • Pythagoras his Travels to Babylon, and con­verse with the captive Jews, who inhabi­ted there. 130.131.132
  • Pythagoras his coming to, and abode in Ita­lie. 133.134
  • Pythagoras his character by Jamblicus, Diog. Laertius, Apuleius, and Justin. 134.135.136

CHAP. 6. Pythagoras his College, and Disci­pline from the Jews.

  • PYthagoras his twofold Schole, and Disci­ples. 137.138
  • 1. His Homoco [...]ion, or common Schole. 137
  • 2. His [...], or [...]ollege. 137.138
  • Pythagoras his Scholes from the Jews. 138.139
  • The Pythagorean 5 years Probation, and Silence from the Judaick Church. 139 140.141·
  • The Discipline of Pythagoras his schole. 142
  • Pythagoras his College, and Confederation from the Jewish Church. 142 143.144
  • Pythagoras his Symbol of Salt, an imitation of God's, Covenant of Sal [...], Levit. 2.13. 144.145.146
  • The Idea of Pythagoras his College from the Essenes. 14 [...] 148
  • The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, great Se­paratists. 148.149·
  • 2. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, shun­ned Pleasures. 149.
  • 3. The Pythagoreans, & Essenes injoyed all things in common 149
  • 4. The Pythagoreans Celibat from the Jews, & Essenes. 150
  • 5 Pythagorean Abstinences from the Jews, & Essenes. 151
  • 6 The Pythagorean Purifications. 7. their Festi­vals from the Jews. 152.
  • 8. The Pythagorean white distinctive Veste­ments from the Jews. 152.
  • 9. The Pythagorean Silence from the Jews. 153, 154
  • [Page]10. The Pythagoreans Reverence to their Do­ctors. 154
  • 11. Their owning Providence; and their Devotion. 154
  • 13. Their daily Studies. 14. Their daily Exercises, Inspections, and Examens of their Actions. 155
  • 15. Their zele against Apostates. 156
  • 16. Their Excommunication. 156
  • 17. A general Parallel betwixt the Essents, and Pythagoreans. 156

CHAP. 7. Of Pythagoras's Philosophie Natu­ral, and Moral; with its Tra­duction from the Jews.

  • THe Distribution of Pythagoras's Philoso­phie. 157
  • The several parts of Pythagoras's Philoso­phie; both what he received from Or­pheus, Egypt, Chaldea, and Phenicia, from the Jews originally. 158, 159.
  • Pythagoras's Mathematicks. 159
  • Pythagoras's Arithmetick from Phenicia. 160
  • Pythagoras's Musick. 160
  • Pythagoras's Astronomie. 161
  • The Earth's Motion. 161
  • Pythagoras's Geometrie, and Measures. 161
  • Pythagoras's Physicks: 1. Contemplative. 162
  • The Origine of the Universe. 162
  • The First Matter, and Form. 162
  • Pythagoras's notions of Fire. 163.164
  • 2 Pythagoras's Medicine from the Jews. 165
  • Pythagoras's Moral Philosophie. 165
  • 1. His Ethicks, Dogmatick, Exhortative, and Characteristick. 166, 167, 168.
  • 2. Pythagoras's Politicks. 169, 170.

CHAP. 8. Pythagoras's Theologie traduced from the Iewish Church.

  • PYthagoras's Theologie was the Center of his Philosophie. 172, 173
  • Pythagoras's Tetracty from the Judaick [...]. 173
  • Pythagoras's Metaphysick contemplations of God's Being [...], from Exod. 3.14. 174, 1 [...]5
  • Pythagoras's Scriptural Tradition of God's Ʋnitie. 176
  • Pythagoras of Gods Simplicitie. 177
  • Pythagoras his Divine. Idea's the same with the Scriptural tradition of Gods Decrees. 178-183
  • Parmenides his opinion of Idea's. 179, 180
  • Timaeus Locrus his Doctrine of Idea's. 181
  • Divine Idea's either primarie, or secondarie 181
  • All things made according to God's Exem­plar. 182
  • Pythagoras, of God's Providence over all. 183
  • Pythagoras's Model of Divine worship. 184· 187
  • 1. Against all Images in Divine worship. 184
  • 2. That God is to be worshipped by Rites of his own Institution. 185
  • 3. Pythagoras his exactness in Divine worship. 186
  • Pythagoras his Daemons, their office, and na­ture, in Imitation of the Messias. 187, 188
  • Of the Pythagorean Aeones. 188
  • Pythagoras his Metempsychosis a corrupt tra­dition of the Resurrection. 188, 189
  • A general Idea of Pythagoras's Philosophick, Mystick Theologie. 189, 190
  • Pythagoras his Divination. 190

CHAP. 9. Of Pythagoras's Symbols, and their Judaick Original, &c.

  • PYthagoras his Mode of Philosophizing Ju­daick, and Scriptural. 191, 192
  • An enumeration of Pythagoras his Symbols, which proves their Judaick original. 193
  • 1. Give the right hand of fellowship to none but Pythagoreans. 194
  • [Page]2. Abstain from things dead. 194, 195
  • 3. Set down Salt, a Symbol of Amitie. 195
  • Pythagoras his Ethick Symbols. 196
  • Pythagoras his Metempsychosis Symbolick. 197
  • Nebuchadnezar his Metempsychosis. 198
  • Pythagoras his Abstinence from flesh Symbo­lick. 198, 199
  • Pythagoras his Abstinence from beans Sym­bolick. 199, 200
  • Numbers Symbols of things Divine. 200
  • Pythagoras his Symbols of Divine Worship, of Judaick extract. 200.201
  • Of Pythagoras's Works. 201
  • Pythagoras his Sectators, and their destru­ction. 202
  • The Pride of the Pythagoreans, and all other Philosophers congenial. 204

CHAP. 10. Of the Eleatick Philosophie, &c.

  • XEnophanes the Founder of the Eleatick Sect. 205
  • Parmenides his Philosophie. 206
  • Zeno the Eleatick, Inventor of Logick. 206
  • Leucippus his Doctrine of Atomes. 207
  • Democritus, with his opinion of Atomes. 207
  • His skill in Experimental Philosophie. 208
  • His Ethicks, and [...]. 208
  • Of the Heraclitians, Epicureans, and Scep­ticks. 209

BOOK III. Wherein briefly of the Socratick, but more largely of the Pla­tonick Philosophie.

CHAP. I. Of Socratick Philosophie, its Ori­ginal, &c.

  • SOcrates the Author of Moral Philosophie. 212
  • Why Socrates applied himself chiefly to Moralitie. 212, 213
  • Socrates an Universal Scholar. 213
  • Socrates his Metaphysick contemplations, and their Judaick Origine. 214, 215
  • That all Virtue comes from God. 215
  • That all true knowledge is by Divine Infusion. &c. 215
  • Socrates his Daemon, his office, &c. 216
  • Socrates his Active Philosophie, how far con­templative, and wherein not. 217, 218
  • All Philosophie ought to end in Virtue. 218, 219
  • To know our selves, the first principle of Socra­tes his Philosophie. 220
  • His advice for the Government of the Tongue. 221
  • Socrates his Mode of Philosophizing natural, and familiar, answerable to the Jewish. 221
  • His Rhetorick mode Ironick. 221
  • His Dialectick by Induction, and Interrogations from the Judaick Scholes originally. 221, 222
  • The occasion, and Instruments of his Death, &c. 223
  • Socrates his Character. 224
  • His Scholars, and their different perswa­sions. 224, 225

CHAP. 2. Of Platonick Philosophie, and its Traduction from the Iews.

  • THat Plato borrowed his choicest notions from the Jews, is proved 1. By Testimo­nies. (1) of Pagans. 226
  • Plato his own confession hereof. 227, 228
  • Plato his [...]henician fables Judaick. 228
  • Plato his [...] some Judaick Tradi­tion. 228, 229
  • Plato his Divine Word Judaick. 229
  • Plato h [...] probable Fables Jewish. 229, 230
  • Why Plato conceled the name of the Jews. 230
  • [Page]The Testimonie (1) of Numenius. 231
  • (2) Of Jews, Aristobulus, and Jose [...] 231
  • (3) Of Christians, more Ancient [...] Martyr, Clem. Alexandrinus, Ambrose, A. 232, 233
  • (4) Of Modern Christians, Lud [...]es, Luther, Selden, Cudworth, Stillingfleet, Hornius, &c. 233, 234, 235

CHAP. 3. Of Plato's Life, and Travels for the procurement of Oriental Traditions.

  • THe Historie of Plato's Life. 236
  • Plato his Ancestors, and first Instru­ctors. 236, 237
  • Plato his Travels into Italie, and his Instru­ctions from the Pythagoreans. 237, 238
  • Plato his Travels into Aegypt, where he in­formed himself in the Jewish wisdom. 239
  • Plato, whilst in Aegypt, learned from the Jewish Doctrine (1) the Origine of the Universe. (2) the Fall. (3) of God, &c. 240
  • How Plato might receive Information from the Jewish Records, whilest in Egypt. 241
  • Plato's skill in the Egyptian, and Phenician Languages, gave him advantage to read the Scriptures. 241, 242
  • Plato his collections from the Phenician Theo­logie, and Philosophie. 243, 244
  • Of Plato his Academie. 244, 245
  • Plato his Character, and Works. 245, 246

CHAP. 4. Of the Academicks, and New Pla­tonicks of Alexandria.

  • THe Old Academie, and its difference from the New in point of suspension. 247, 248
  • Whether Plato dogmatized? 248, 249
  • Plato his Successors in the old Academie. 249
  • The New Academicks, and their [...], and [...], with its origine. 249, 250
  • The difference between the New Acade­micks, and Scepticks. 251
  • The original of the New Platonists, and their Schole at Alexandria. 251, 252
  • Of Potamon, Ammonius, Plutarch, Philo. 252
  • Of Ammonius the head of the sacred succession, his borrowing his choicest notions from the Scriptures. 253-255
  • Of Plotinus, and his Character. 255
  • Of Porphyrie, his origination, &c. 256
  • Jamblicus, Syrianus, Proclus. 257, 258
  • Of Johannes Grammaticus. 258, 259
  • Maximus Tyrius, Alcinous, Apuleius. 259
  • These New Platonists, called Electicks; be­cause they chose out the best of all Sects. 260, 261
  • The general designe of these New Platonists to reform Philosophie. 261, 262
  • The defects of this Platonick Reformation, be­gun by Ammonius. 262, 263
  • Too great extolling of Platonick Philosophie even above the Scriptures. 263
  • Particular evils, that followed upon this Platonick Reformation. 264
  • 1. As to the confirmation of Paganisme. 264
  • 2. As to the corruption of Christianisme. 265

CHAP. 5. Plato's Pythagorick, and Socratick mode of Philosophizing; with the original of both from the Jewish Church.

  • PLato his Symbolick mode of Philosophizing, and its various uses. 266, 267
  • How Plato his Symbols ought to be regula­ted. 268
  • Plato his Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Jews. 268, 269
  • Plato affects the Socratick mode of Philoso­phizing, y [...] with some differences. 270, 271
  • Plato his mode of reasoning by Dialogues, of Jewish origine. 272

CHAP. 6. The several distributions of Plato­nick Philosophie.

  • THe Distribution of Plato his Philosophie, as to its matter, into Pythagorick, Hera­chtick, Socratick. 274
  • Plato as to Theologicks, Pythagorizeth 274, 275
  • As to Sensibles, Plato follows Heraclitus. 275
  • As to Morals, Plato follows Socrates. 275, 276
  • A second Division of Platonick Philosophie, into Contemplative, and Active. 276
  • A third distribution of Plato his Philosophie into Moral, Natural, and Rational. 277, 278
  • A fourth distribution of Platonick Philoso­phie into Organick, and Essential. 278
  • The last distribution of Platonick Philoso­phie into Organick, or Rational, Natural, Moral, and Supernatural. 279, 280, 281
  • Plato his Natural Philosophie. 280
  • Plato his Mathematicks. 281
  • Plato his Moral Philosophie. Ibid.
  • Plato his Metaphysicks. 281, 282

CHAP. 7. General Idea's of Platonick Philo­sophie, and Philosophers.

  • PLato his Idea of Natural Philosophie. 283, 284
  • The Generick notion of Philosophie is Appetition. 283
  • The object of this Appetition, Sciences. 283
  • 1. Intelligence, the knowledge of first Prin­ciples. 284
  • 2. Science, or Demonstrative Discourse. 284
  • 3. Faith. 4. Imitation. 285
  • The Simple object of Philosophie. 285
  • The Specifick Act, contemplation. 285
  • The Qualities of this contemplation. 286
  • The Effect, and end of this contemplation, Truth, as Truth. 286
  • Plato his Idea of Moral Philosophie. 287
  • The Genus [...], or Prudence. 287
  • The ultimate end of Moral Philosophie, humane Beatitude. 287
  • The Intermediate object, Agibles. 287, 288
  • The offices of Moral Prudence. 288
  • The parts of Moral Prudence, 1. [...], Providence. 288
  • 2. [...], Dexteritie, or Sagacitie. 288, 289
  • 3. [...], Experience, or Sensation. 289, 290
  • The subject of Moral Prudence Conscience. 290
  • The [...], or Seat of Principles. 291
  • The [...], or Reflective light of Con­science. 291, 292
  • The Rule of Moral Prudence [...], &c. 292
  • Subjective Fight Reason, What? 292, 293
  • Plato his Divine Philosophie in the contem­plation, affection, and Imitation of God. 294, 295
  • Plato his [...], and [...]. 294
  • Plato his [...], and [...]. 295, 296
  • Plato his character of a Philosopher. 296
  • 1. A Philosopher must be [...]. 296
  • 2. Well instituted. 296
  • 3. [...], a Lover of Truth. 297
  • 4. Wholly devoted to Philosophie. 297
  • 5. Not covetous. 6. Nobly disposed. 297
  • 7. Couragious. 8. Not Morose. 298
  • 9. Of an harmonious, Musical nature. 298
  • 10. Virtuous. 299, 299

CHAP. 8. Of Plato's Logick, and its deriva­tion from the Iews.

  • PLato his forme of Logick, Dialogick. 299, 300
  • The original of this Dialogizing mode from the Pleatick Schole. 300, 301
  • Plato his Dialogizing Logick originally from the Jews. 301
  • The Scriptural mode of disputing by Dia­logues. 302
  • Logick a Key, or Organ for the Disquisition of Truth. 303
  • [Page] Plato his Logick Precepts for the Disquisition of Truth. 304
  • 1. A Logician must be of mature Age, grave, moderate, not vain-glorious. 304
  • How far the old Academie was guiltie of con­tentious Disputes. 304, 305
  • 2. The matter of Logick Disputes momen­tous. 305
  • 3. Lay good foundation-Principles. 305
  • 4. A methodick procedure from particulars to generals; from the part to the whole. 306
  • 5. The use of Exemplifications. 306, 307
  • 6. Distinguish well 'twixt Truth, and False­hood. 307
  • 7. State the Affirmative well. 307
  • 8. In the Definition of things, expect not more of certaintie than the matter will bear. 307, 308
  • 9. Libertie in our examens of Things. 308
  • 10. Value Reason, more than Autoritie. 308
  • 11. Modestie, and Moderation in Disputes. 309
  • Alcinous of Plato's Dialectick. 309-311

CHAP. 9. Of Plato's Physicks, and their Tra­duction from Sacred Storie.

  • PLato's Physicks, the storie of the Origine of the Ʋniverse. 313
  • That Plato had his Storie, concerning the Origine of the Ʋniverse, from Moses, is de­monstrated; 1. From his own confession. 2. From the Testimonie of others. 313, 314
  • Plato follows Moses, Gen. 1.1. in asserting the beginning of the Ʋniverse. 314, 315
  • How Plato affirmes the World to be Eternal. 315
  • God the first cause of all things. 316
  • God's Ideal Efficience. 316
  • Plato his Intelligible World. 316, 317
  • The difference betwixt Plato his Ideas, and Exemplar. 317
  • God's Energetick Efformative Efficiencie. 318, 319
  • Plato his [...], Soul of the Ʋniverse, what it imports. 319
  • Plato his Ʋniversal Spirit exactly answers, 1. To the Spirit's Efformative Virtue. 319, 320, 321
  • 2. To the Spirit's Conservation, and Provi­dence. 321
  • 3. To the Harmonie of the Universe. 322
  • 4. Plato h [...]s Ignisick Virtue: how far it may be stiled the Ʋniversal Spirit. 322
  • The Bodie of the Ʋniverse, and its original Matter. 323
  • The Parallel betwixt Moses, and Plato in the Description of the first Matter. 324-326
  • Moses's [...] the same with Plato's [...]. 324
  • Moses's [...] the origine of Plato's [...]. 324
  • Plato's [...] from Moses, Gen. 1.5. 325
  • Gen. 1.2. Moved on the face of the Waters. 326
  • The Bodie of the Ʋniverse is composed of the four Elements. 326, 327, 328
  • Plato received this distribution of the Ʋni­verse from Moses. 328-330
  • The form of the Universe, its Order. 330, 331
  • The Affections of the Universe. 331-336
  • 1. Its Perfection. 332-334
  • 2. Its Ʋnitie. 3. Its Finiteness. 334
  • 4. Its Figure. 5. Its Colors. 335
  • 6. Time. 7. Mobilitie. 8. Generation. 9. Du­ration. 336
  • The particular part of Physiologie. 337
  • The Creation of Angels. 337
  • The Creation of the Heavens, their nature Ignite, or Waterie. 337
  • That the Sun, and Stars are composed of Fire, demonstrated largely. 338, 339, 340, 341, 342
  • Of the Wind, Air, Water, &c. 342, 343
  • Of Active Physiologie, touching Plants, and Animals. 343
  • Of Man's Original, and Formation, accor­ding to the Image of God. 344
  • The Soul's Divine origine, Immortalitie, &c. 344, 345
  • The Humane Intellect, and its Sciences. 345
  • The Will its Definition. 346
  • Plato his Notions about the Soul from Scri­pture. 346
  • [Page] Physical Aphorismes for the conservation of human health. 346
  • Of Prophylactick Physick. 347
  • 1. The Causes of Diseases to be avoided. 347, 348
  • 2. Nature must be maintained in her due offices, and exercises. 349, 350
  • 1. Excretion. 2. Perspiration. 3. Activitie of Spirits. 4 Respiration, &c. 349
  • 3. Rules for Aliment. 350
  • Of Therapeutick Physick. 350, 351
  • The Character of a good Physitian. 351, 352

CHAP. 10. A brief Abstract of Plato's Moral, and Metaphysical Philosophie.

  • PLato's Ethicks, 1. Of the chiefest good. 354
  • 2. Of Virtue. 3. Of Sin. Ibid.
  • 4. Of the Affections, their Moderation. 354, 355
  • 5. And particularly of Love. 355
  • 6. Of Justice. 355
  • Plato his Oeconomicks, and Politicks. 355
  • Plato his Metaphysicks. 355
  • 1. Of God, his Essence, and Attributes. 355, 356
  • 2. Of the Humane Soul. 356

BOOK IV. Of Peripatetick, Cynick, Stoick, Sceptick, & Epicurean Philosophie.

CHAP. 1. Of Aristotelick, or Peripatetick Philoso­phie, its Traduction from the Jews.

  • THe Traduction of Aristotle's Philosophie from the Jews, proved 1. By Testimonies of Aristobulus, Clearchus, Steuch. Eugubinus, and Selden. 358, 359
  • Rational Arguments to prove, that Aristotle traduced the choicest parts of his Philo­sophie from the Jews. 360, 361
  • Aristotle his first Mover, God. 361
  • The Soul's Spiritualitie, &c. 361
  • Aristotle his Metaphysicks. 361, 362
  • Why Aristotle rejected the more sublime Judaick Traditions. 362
  • Aristotle his Ethicks, and Politicks. 363
  • Aristotle his Life. 363, 364
  • Aristotle his Character. 364, 365
  • A comparison betwixt Plato, and Aristotle, as to Rhetorick, Logick, & Metaphysicks. 366
  • Aristotle his Doctrines Acroatick, or Exoterick. 367.368
  • Aristotle his Works, what genuine. 368, 369
  • Aristotle his Books how conveighed to Po­steritie. 369, 370
  • Aristotle his Successors, Theophr [...]stus, &c. 370
  • Aristotle his [...]ommentat. Aphrodiseus, &c. 371
  • Arabian Comment Averroes, & Avice [...]na. 373
  • A general Idea of Aristotle's Philosophie by Ammonius. 374, 375
  • The end of Aristotle's Philosophie to know God. 375
  • Aristotle his mode of Philosophizing. 375
  • The Characters of a genu [...]ne Auditor, and good Expositor of Aristotle. 376
  • The distributi [...]n of Aristotle his Philosophie. 3 [...]6, 377
  • Aristotle his Logick. 377 383
  • A Scheme of Logick. 378, 379
  • Aristotle of Method. 380, 381
  • A Scheme of Ramus his Logick. 382, 383
  • Aristotle his Ethicks. 383
  • 1. Characters of the chiefest Good. 383-386
  • 2. Of Mans formal Beatitude. 386
  • (1) Its formal Reason in Operation. 386
  • (2) Its proper subject, the human Soul. 387
  • (3) Virtue the Soul's Qualification. 387
  • (4) The state of human Beatitude is a perfect Life, Intensively, and protensively. 387, 388
  • The principles of human Acts. 389
  • 1. Practick knowledge. 389, 390
  • 2. Volition, its end, and object. 390, 391, 392
  • Consultation: 1. its Object; 1. Things Pra­ctick. 2. In our Power. 3. The Means. [Page] 4. These Finite. 5. Things Parmanent. 6. Things Contingent, yet in our Power. Its main Work to find out means most con­ducible. 393, 394
  • 2. The Subject; He who hath his Wits about him. 395
  • 3. The Act, Practick Disquisition. Ibid.
  • Election. 1. Its Difference from Consult. & Volition. 2. Object, the Means. 3. Subject, Rational Will. 4. Act; 1 Rational. 2. De­termined, and fixed. 396
  • 5. Difficultie. 6. Effect as to Virtue. 7. De­finition. 397
  • Essential Adjunct of Human Acts, Voluntari­nesse, or Libertie: Voluntarie defined. 398
  • Coactive Necessitie alone exclusive of Libertie. 399
  • Indifferencie, and Contrarietie, unessential to Libertie. 400
  • Libertie Essential to the Will. Ibid.
  • God's Necessitating Concurse destroys not Li­bertie. 401
  • God's Predetermination of the Will, makes him not the Author of Sin. 402
  • Touching the Moralitie of Human Acts. Ibid.
  • 1. Of Moral Good, or Virtue. 403
  • 1. Virtues not Passions; 2. Not Powers. 404
  • 3. Virtues Habits; what an Habit is? 405
  • Formal Nature of Virtue in Mediocritie. 406
  • How Virtue consists in Mediocritie. Ib. 407
  • Mediocritie of Virtue, Harmonie. Ibid.
  • The Rule, or Measure of Mediocritie, Right Reason, or the Law of Nature. 408, 409, 410
  • Idea, or Definition of Moral Virtue. 411
  • 1. Virtue consists in the best End, and Work. 412
  • 2. All Virtues have the same general Idea. Ib.
  • Wh [...]t Vice is? Ibid. 413
  • Aristotle his Physicks. 413
  • 1. God's General Causalitie as the first M [...]ver. 414
  • 2. That Man's Soul is Incorporeous, and Immortal. Ibid.
  • Aristotl [...] his Metaphysicks, called by him the first Philosophie, or Theologie. 415
  • A Character of his Sapience; the Object whereof 1. Things most Ʋniversal, 2 M [...]st Difficult, 3. The first Causes. Ibid.
  • It Self, 1. Most desirable for it self. 2. Archi­tectomical, and Principal, &c. Ibid.
  • Aristotle his Sapience applicable only to God, and things Divine. 416

CHAP. 2. Of the Cynicks Sect, and their Philosophie.

  • CYnicks Original from Antisthenes, his Schole the Cynosarges. 417
  • Cynicks why so called. 418
  • Professors, Antisthenes, Diogenes, Crates, Demetrius. Ibid.
  • Affinitie 'twixt Cynicks, and Stoicks. 419
  • Principles of Cynicisme. 1. Virtue our Chief­est Good, 2. External Goods not desire­able. Ibid.
  • A Wise man enjoys all in God. 420
  • Cynicks abhorring Flatterie, bearing Re­proaches. Ibid.
  • Cynicks affected a kind of Impudence, great Reprovers of Vice, especially Pride. 421
  • Rejected all Philosophie besides M [...]ral. 422
  • Their Religion without Superstition. Ibid.
  • Their Justice, and Faithfulnesse. 423
  • Their esteem of Libertie. Ibid.
  • Virtue with them teachable. Ibid.
  • Cynick Philosophie from the Jews. Ibid.

CHAP. 3. Of the Stoick Sect, and Philosophie its Original.

  • ZEno his Original, and Instructors. 424
  • His Instituting the Stoick Sect, and his Character. 425
  • His Successor Cleanthes, his Character. 426
  • Di [...]g. Babyl. Antipater Sidon. Possidonius. 427
  • Roman Stoicks, Cato, Varro, Antoninus, Tullie, Seneca. Ibid.
  • Christian Stoicks, Pantaenus, Clem. Alexand. Ib.
  • Stoick Philosophie, from Jewish Theol [...]gie. 428
  • Stoicisme in general, its combination with other Sects. 429
  • Agreement with Cynicks, Difference with [Page] Peripateticks, and Contests with New Aca­demicks. Ibid.
  • Particular Dogmes of Stoicisme. Ibid.
  • 1. Comprehension, 2. Of God, and his Nature, 3. His Creation, and Providence, 4. Of Fate, 5. God's Providence over Mankind. 430, 431
  • Stoicks Physicks; 1. Of the Soul, 2. The [...]. Ibid.
  • Their Ethicks, 1. Appetition, and that firstly of Self-preservation, 2. That Passions are Irrational. 432, 433
  • Stoick Philosophie, its contradiction to Christian Religion; a cause of Pelagianisme, Ib. & 434

CHAP. 4. Of Scepticisme.

  • THe Scepticks several Names. 435
  • Pyrrho their Founder, his Character. Ibid.
  • His chief Dogme, that nothing could be known. 436
  • Formal Idea of Scepticisme, the Scepticks bu­sinesse to overthrow all Dogmes of other Sects. Ibid.
  • Sceptick suspension how far it extended. 437
  • Its Original from Heraclitus, and Plato his Schole. Ibid.
  • Plato, and the Old Acad. Dogmatick, not Scep­tick. 437
  • New Acad. wherein differing from Scepticks. 438
  • Scepticks avoided all Dogmatizing. Ibid.
  • Scepticisme a great Enemie to Christian Reli­gion. 439

CHAP. 5. Of Epicurisme.

  • EPicurus his Original. 440
  • His Institution of his Sect, and Character.
  • His Pride, and Contention. 441
  • Temperance, as reported by his friends. 442
  • His Industrie, Works, and Disciples. Ibid.
  • Epicurus's Physicks; 1. of Atomes. 443
  • His Canon, Contempt of Logick, Rhetorick, Mathematicks. Ibid.
  • His Ethicks; 1. Pleasure the chiefest Good, 2. this Pleasure Mental, in Virtue. 444
  • Maximes touching Pleasure, and Pain. Ib.
  • Atheistical Conceptions of God, his Provi­dence, &c. 446
  • How he undermin'd God's Providence. 447
  • He denied the Soul's Immortalitie. Ibid.
  • Pagan Philosophie determin'd in the Epicu­reans. Ib. & 448

Index of Scriptures explicated.

Ch. 1. Ver. 1
page 314, 316
Ch. 1. Ver. 2
page 56, 111, 164, 119, 324, 326
Ch. 1. Ver. 3
page 338, 342
Ch. 1. Ver. 5
page 56, 114, 325
Ch. 1. Ver. 9
page 332, 343
Ch. 1. Ver. 16
page 53
Ch. 1. Ver. 26, 27
page 344
Ch. 1. Ver. 31
page 113, 182
Ch. 2. Ver. 19, 20
page 6
Ch. 2. Ver. 21, 2 [...], 23
page 344
Ch. 13. Ver. 18
page 82
Ch. 14. Ver. 19, 22
page 54
Ch. 18. Ver. 17, 19
page 65
Ch. 44. Ver. 5
page 1 [...]
Ch. 47. Ver. 22
page 39
Ch. 50. Ver. 2
page 27
Ch. 3. Ver. 5
page 201
Ch. 3. Ver. 14
page 174, 175
Ch. 19. Ver. 5, 6
page 143
Ch. [...]. Ver. 13
page 144
Ch. 26. Ver. 30
page 69
Ch. 6. Ver. 6
page 194
Ch. 18. Ver. 19
page 144, 146
Ch. 23. Ver. 14
page 2
1 Samuel.
Ch. 1. Ver. 1
page 2
Ch. 19. Ver. 18, 19
page 2
1 Kings.
Ch. 4. Ver. 30
page 23
Ch. 4. Ver. 14
page 144
Ch. 4. Ver. 3
page 19
Ch. 31. Ver. 26, 27
page 68
Ch. 105. Ver. 22
page 13
Ch. 135. Ver. 4
page 143
Ch. 5. Ver. 1
page 186
Ch. 9. Ver. 8
page 152
Ch. 4. Ver. 32, 33
page 198
Ch. 2. Ver. 1, 2
page 68
Ch. 7. Ver. 6
page 149, 194
Ch. 8. Ver. 22
page 194, 195
Ch. 13. Ver. 3
page 97
Ch. 8. Ver. 11
page 1 [...]
Ch. 9. Ver. 49
page 145
Ch. 11. Ver. 53
page 222, 273
Ch. 13. Ver. 26
page 144
Ch. 14. Ver. 34
page 145
Ch. 15. Ver. 24
page 167
Ch. 7. Ver. 22
page 23
Ch. 14. Ver. 5
page 12
Ch. 17. Ver. 21
page 104
Ch. 1. Ver. 21
page 98
Ch. 2. Ver. 9
page 148, 194
Ch. 3. Ver. 12
page 141
Ch. 3. Ver. 15
page 141
Ch. 2. Ver. 16
page 151
Ch. 2. Ver. 21, 22
page 151
1 Tim.
Ch. 3. Ver. 6
page 141
Ch. 4. Ver. 3
page 152
1 Peter.
Ch. 2. Ver. 9
page 143

The Court of the Gentiles. Part II. Of Philosophie.

Book I. Of Oriental, and Occidental Barbarick Philosophie.

Chap: I. Of Philosophie in General, and Scripture Philosophers.

The Greek [...] from the Hebrew Sophim i. e. Watchmen. Pagans de­fined Philosophie a Love of the highest and best Wisdom, answerable to the Scriptures Phrasiologie. Philosophers called also [...] and [...], from the Jewish Mysteries. God the first Exemplar, Matter, and Efficient of all Philosophie. Of the first Divine Philosophers, Adam, Seth, Enoch, Abraham. Of Joseph his instructing the E­gyptians. Moses's Writings, the Source of Phenician, Egyptian, and Grecian Philosophie, viz. Physicks, Metaphysicks, Mathematicks, and Politicks. Solomons Philosophie; also Jobs; and of the Jewish Scholes.

§. 1. WE now proceed to discourse of Philosophie, its Original and Traduction from the Jewish Church. And before we engage in the formal Explication; and Demonstration hereof, we shall first give a more general Idea, or Notion of Philosophie, (both name and thing) and then proceed to its original causes, &c. Philosophie,The Greek [...] from the Hebrew Sophim. in its first Introduction amongst the Grecians, was called [...], and Philosophers [...], as Heinsius (exercit. [Page 2] Sacr. lib. 1. cap. 2.) presumeth, from the Hebrew [...] Sophim Watch­men: thence 'tis said Numb. 23.14.Num. 23.14. that Balak brought Bâlam into a place, on the top of Mount Pisgah, called [...], which the English Version, printed at Geneva 1560, renders Sede-Sophim, the Seat of the Watch men. And that the Greeks derived their Sophi from this Sophim, Heinsius affirmes it without a peradventure; because the Greek [...] Sophi were wont, on such high hils, to observe the course and motions of the Heavens. That the Hebrews, as well as Phenicians, called their Wise men or Prophets [...] Sophim, Watchmen, is most evident to any that observe the Scripture Phrasiologie. So 1 Sam. 1.1.1 Sam. 1.1. we read of Ramathaim Sophim of Mount Ephraim: on which the Geneva Annota­tors observe, ‘That in this Citie, in Mount Ephraim, were Sophim, that is, the Learned and Prophets. Thence the Syriack Version ren­ders it, the hill of the Watches, or Watchmen. Yea, more particularly, that this Ramathaim Sophim was the chief Academie of their Wise men, or Scholes of their Prophets, is apparent from 1 Sam. 19.18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. v. 18.1 Sam. 19.18, 19. It is said, that David dwelt with Samuel, at Na­joth in Ramah. Najoth, say the Geneva Annotators, was a Schole where the Word of God was studied. Thence v. 20, &c. it is said, there were a Companie of the Prophets there. And what more common in the Scripture Dialect, than the stiling the Hebrew Prophets or Wise men [...] Sophim, i. e. Watchmen? Hence it is most likely (if not without doubt as Heinsius will have it) that the Greeks derived their [...]; who were also stiled [...], Speculatores, Watchmen; and thence [...] Wisdom, or Philosophie, is also called, by some of them, [...] Speculation: Whence that common division of Philosophie, into [...], speculative and practick Philosophie.

Others derive the Greek [...] from the Punick Sufes, which in that Language signifies a Magistrate. So Hornius. Historiae Philosoph. lib▪ 1. cap. 1. ‘We will that the original of the word [...], be fetcht from no other than the Punick Sufes, who, as 'tis well known, drew their tongue from the Syrophenicians or Cananites. And he gives this account of the Origination: In times past, saies he, none but Wise men were admit [...]ed to the dignitie of Magistrates. Such Sufes, in the daies of old, were Charondas, Solon, Lycurgus, and other Legi­slators, who were both wise men and Magistrates. So that there is no doubt to be made of it, but that [...] descended ence.’ This be­ing granted, yet it contradicts not the former Origination of Hein­sius: [Page 3] for Hornius seems to grant, according to that of Scaliger in Fe­stum, that Sufes was deduced from [...], which signifies an accurate speculation or contemplation, and so is the same with the Greek [...], or [...], or [...]: 'tis used in Scripture for the Contem­plation of sublime matters.

Camero Myroth cap. 2. Math. derives [...] from the Hebrew [...], others from [...], which signifies to cover, or hide, and so answers to the Greek [...], and differs but little from [...], which is of the same import. And that which makes for this origination is Joseph's Egyptian name, who was called by Pharaoh [...] i. e. an Interpre­ter of Secrets. Hence also the Persian Kings are, even to this day, cal­ed Sophi, which signifies Interpreters of the Gods and Wise men. So amongst the Arabians Sophus imports a Religious and Wise man, as Horn. Hist. Philos. lib. 1. cap. 4. So much for that proud title [...].

§, 2.Philosophie so called from the love of wisdom answerable to the Scripture Phrasiologie. But Pythagoras (as it is conceived) judging the terme [...] too proud and swelling for degenerate nature, stiles his wise man [...] a friend of wisdom, as Solomon, almost every where, in his Proverbs, describes his wise man, a Lover of wisdom, &c. whence Christ cals his wise men friends and children of wisdom. Thus Plato also defines a Philosopher, [...]: A Phi­losopher is a friend to nature and a Kinsman of truth. And elsewhere he cals Philosophers, [...],Cum majus ho­mine Sapientis nomen esse de­prehendisset, (Pythagoras) coram Leonte, Phi [...]asiorum si­ve Sicyoniorum Tyranno, non [...] se, sed [...] h. c. ut veteres expli­cant, [...], professus est. [...]c [...]. lib. 8. Horn [...]us Hist. Philos. l. 3 c. 11. sincere and friendly Contemplators of truth. Answerably whereunto Philosophie is by him sti­led, [...] love of truth: on which, in his Cratylus, he gives this glosse, [...], q, [...] i. e. a Divine evagation, or wandring of the mind after the first Wisdom and divine Truth. Whence he asserts, that a true Philosopher has the true Knowledge [...] of things: thence he de­fines him thus: [...] a Philosopher is one that covets all wisdom: and so true Philosophie is by him stiled, the Know­ledge of the fairest and choicest good, and not only of its picture: Which in his sixth Book of his Common Wealth, he tells us plainly is no other than the Knowledge of God, which he cals [...], The Idea of the chiefest good, and [...] the highest Discipline, and [...], the genuine Philosophie; namely because it is (saies he) [...], the Introducti­on of the Soul from a certain night-day, to the true discoverie of the first being. Whence he addes, that his [...] or [...] consists, not only in the contemplation of some lower objects, and Arts; but it is conversant [...] [Page 4] [...], about the true being of beings, and the first beautie: thence (saies he) he that contemplates [...], many beauties, but not the one first, and chiefest beautie, is not a Philosopher, but a dreamer, one that has only an opinionative knowledge of things. So Aristotle in his Rhetorick, speaking of true knowledge, saies, [...], Knowledge or Philosophie is the erection and elevation of us into our natural state. And Cicero defines a Philosopher one that studies to know the causes and natures of all things Divine and human, &c. and Philosophie he termes the contemplation of death. Philosophum o­portet nihil sic agere, quam ut semper studeat a­nimam corporis consortio separa­re, & ideo exi­stimandum Phi­losophiam esse mortis affectum, co [...]suetudinem (que) moriendi, Apu­leius lib. 2 de Philosophia. So Plato in Theage, defines Philosophie, [...], a contemplation of death, And Pythagoras made Philosophie to be the contemplation of Truth; which Architus understood of the Principle of Principles, and Plutarch of the Divine Majestie: Whence a Philo­sopher, in the Pythagorean estimation, is the same with [...]. Last­ly Plato in Phaedone, cals Philosophie, [...], an assimilation to God so far as 'tis possible for man. Whence the same Plato defines Philosophie, [...], the knowledge of Divine and human affairs, with their causes: which agrees with that of Cicero lib. 2. Offic. Philosophie is the know­ledge of Divine and human things. Lastly Plato assures us, that to phi­losophize, is to know, love, and imitate God: which he makes to be the summe not only of speculative and moral Philosophie, but also of Poli­ticks: for (saies he) that Common-w [...]alth is most happy in which Philoso­phers are Kings, or Kings Philosophers.

Philosophers called [...] from the Jewish [...].§. 3. Hence also the Greek Philosophers, especially the Pytha [...]oreans, when they came to the perfect comprehension of their mysteries and principles, were called [...] perfect, in opposition to their Novices or learners; which phrases and custom they seem to have borrowed from the Jewish Scholes, and Colleges, wherein there were divers orders; & the highest therein were called [...] perfect: whereunto the Apostle Paul seems (unto some) to allude Phil. 3.12. [...], and v. 15. [...] perfect, Dailie on Phii. 3.12. & 15. of which see Book. 2. chap. 6. par. 5. of which more hereafter when we come to treat of the Pytha­goreans; who were also called by the latter Philosophers [...] and [...], Mythologists and Philomythists; because of their great imitation of, and symbolizing with the Jews, in mysteries and wisdom, from whom they borrowed the most of their Discipline and Philoso­phie. From these general hints and intimations we may easily collect, what cognation the Pagan Philosophie had with the Jewish Wisdom: nei­ther [Page 5] can we imagine how those dark capacities of Heathen Philosophers, should come to be informed with such clear contemplations of God, and Jewish mysteries, but by some derived traditions, and fr [...]gments bor­rowed from the Scriptures and Jewish Church, as hereafter·

§ 4, But to run up Philosophie to its first source and spring head;God the first ef­ficient and ex­amplar of all Philosophie as well as its first object, or mat­ter. we must remember that God (who is the original Idea of all truth, the eternal wisdom and fountain of all light) is the first Exemplar, and Ef­ficient of all Philosophie. For as God made all things according to the eternal universal idea of his own Wisdom and Decrees, so likewise has he stamped, and deeply impressed, on the very beings and natures of all things made, certain characters or intelligible ideas and resemblances of his own divine wisdom, which the Scholes usually terme the light and law of nature; which is nothing else but those created emanations, or rayes of light and order stamped on the beings of things, and scattered up and down in the Universe, which offering themselves to the human understanding, become the objective matter of Philosophie. So that it is apparent, Philosophie, as all other Sciences, owes its original to the Di­vine Intellect and Wisdom; which beaming it self forth on the works of its hands, and diffusing some derivation of wisdom, light, and order into every creature, for the government and direction thereof unto its respe­ctive ends, becomes the objective idea, or matter of all Philosophie; and then the same Divine Wisdom irradiating the mind of man, to con­template those bright Ideas of created wisdom, which lie hid in the creature, and enabling it to gather up the same into several branches or Sciences, it becomes the prime efficient of all Philosophie. So that whether we consider Philosophie objectively, as lodged in the natures of things, or formally, as brancht forth into several sciences, it all owes its original to the bosom of Divine Wisdom.

§. 5. Hence it follows, that the original impulsive cause of all Philo­sophie, was Admiration of the admirable Wisdom, Power,Philosophie from Admiration. See Vossias de Philosophia l. 1. c. 2. §. 6. & Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 1. c. 10. and Good­nes of God shining in his works of Creation and Providence, as Rom. 1.19, 20. So Plato in his Theaetetus tels us, that [...] The great Pa­thos or affection of a Philosopher is to admire: neither had Philosophie any other original than this. The like Aristotle asserts, in the Proeme to his Metaphysicks, (which Stobaeus Serm. 3. cites) [...], &c. Men now, as formerly, begin to Philosophize from admiration: for men first began to admire things lesse [Page 6] wonderful, Eus [...]b. l. 1. Praep. c. 6. scribit, Aegyptios ferunt primos omnium cum oculos in caelum sustulis­sent, modum, ordinem, & quantitatem corporum cae­lestium admi­ratos, Solem & Lunam Deos p [...]tasse. Haec nimirum illa ad­miratio fuit, quam inter Phi­losophiae caussas antiqui retulere Horn. Hist. phil. l 2. c. 5. That all heath [...]n Philosophie sp [...]ung from ad­miration of Gods wonders in na­ture o [...] in his Ch [...]rch see Dr. Jackson on the Sc [...]ptures fo [...]o 47 la [...] Edition then proceeding thus by degrees, they doubted of greater mat­ters, as of the origine of the Ʋniverse, &c. whence he concludes [...] wherefore a Philosopher seems to be, in some sense, a Philomythist: (or Mythologist, i: e: a relator of Fables and wonders) for a Fable consists of things won­derful. The same see Arist. Metaph. lib. 2. cap. 2. In which words Aristotle gives us an exact and full account, of the original ground and impulsive cause of all Philosophie, both Mythologick and Simple. For, whence was it that the Phenicians, Egyptians, and their Apes the Grecians, so much delighted themselves in their Philosophick contem­plations of the origine of the Ʋniverse, &c. but from some fabulous narrations, or broken traditions which they had traduced to them, from the Jewish Church, touching the wonders of God which appeared in his works of Creation and Providence, especially towards his Church which these purblind Heathens greatly admired, though they understood them not, and so mixed their own Mythologick or fabulous conjectures with them. And that this was the true Origine of all the Pagan [...] night Philosophie (which is Plato's own phrase) will be more evident hereafter, when we come to treat of the Grecian Philo­sophie.

§. 6. As for the created causes of Philosophie; they may be redu­ced to these two common heads, 1. Its first Institutors or Authors. 2. Its constitutive principles both material and formal, or the essential parts thereof. We design some discourse on both, thence to make good our Demonstration touching the Traduction of all Philosophie from the Scriptures and Jewish Church. And to proceed methodically here­in,The first Institu­tors of Philoso­phie Divine We shall begin with the first human Institutors, or Authors of Phi­losophie; who were indeed Divine, and divinely illuminated; so that the wisdom we find scattered up and down amongst the Pagan Philo­sophers, was but borrowed, and derived from these Divine [...]ights, who were inlightned by the Divine Word, that life and light of men, which shined in the darknes of the Pagan World, but the darknes compre­hended it not. as John 1.4, 5. the light, &c.

Adam the grea­t [...] human Phi­losopher Gen. 2.19, 20The first created Divine Institutor of all Philosophie was Adam, who, without all peraduenture, was the greatest, amongst meer mor­tals, that ever the world possessed; concerning whom the Scripture tels us, G [...]n. 2.19, 20. That he gave names to every living thing, &c. which argues his great Sagacitie and philosophick penetration into their natures. [Page 7] For look a [...] our conceptions, if true, so also names, if proper, should be, and, as we may presume, at first were no other than [...], images of things: So both Aristotle and Plato cal names [...] imitations of things. Adam could, by his profound Philosophie, anato­mize, and exactly prie into the very natures of things, and there con­template those glorious Ideas, and Characters of created Light and Or­der, which the increased Light and Divine Wisdom had impressed thereon; and thence he could by the quicknes of his apprehension immediately collect, and forme the same into a complete system [...] or bo­die of Philosophie; as also most methodically branch forth the same into particular sciences, &c. whereas all Philosophers since Adam, having lost, by his fall, this Philosophick Sagacitie, of prying into the natures of things, they can only make some poor conjectures (in comparison) from some common accidents, and the external superficies, or effects of things; and therefore cannot receive conceptions, or give names exactly suited to the natures of things, as Adam before them did.

And that Plato had received some broken tradition touching this Philosophie of Adam, is evident from what he laies down in his Politi­cus, (and elsewhere) touching the golden Age, or the state of Innocence, wherein, saies he, our first parent was [...], the greatest Philo­sopher that ever was. And Bal [...]us (de Script. Brit. cent. 10. praesat.) tels us, ‘That from Adam all good Arts and human Wisdom flowed, as from their Fountain. He was the first that discovered the mo­tions of the celestial bodies; the natures of Plants, of Living, and all other creatures; he first published the formes of Ecclesiastick, Po­litick, and Oeconomick Government. From whose Schole pro­ceeded whatever good Arts and Wisdom were afterward propa­gated by our Fathers unto mankind. So that whatever Astronomie, Geometrie, and other Arts contain in them, he knew the whole thereof· Thus Baleus. The like Hornius Hist. Philosoph. lib 1. cap 2. Adam therefore being constituted in this Theatre of the Universe, he was ignorant of nothing, that pertained to the Mysterie of Nature. He knew exactly, and that without error, the Natures of all Animals, the virtues of Herbes, and the causes of things. The Light of Rea­son, which we now call Logick, altogether unspotted, and without cloud, overcame the obscuritie of things, and dispelled darknes, if there were any. Now there was the highest [...], exactnes of Oeconomicks, and Politicks; for man was never so much as then [...] [Page 8] [...] a sociable creature. Which the ancient Mythologists are wont to adumbrate under the Golden Age, wherein ‘Sponte sua sine lege fidem, rectumque colebant.’ The seat of this most noble Philosophie is, in the sacred Scriptures, stiled [...] the Garden of Eden. For there is nothing more excellent gi­ven, by the great God, to mankind than that pleasure, which ariseth from the contemplation of things.’ The Chaldees cal this Garden of Pleasures [...], and the Greeks following them, [...], Paradise. Thus Hornius, who, cap. 11. repetes the same in these words, ‘All Arts, as mankind, had their beginning from Adam, who among the pleasures of Paradise, learned Philosophie even from God himself.’ And K [...]ckerman, Tract. 2. Praecogn. Logic. cap. 2. saies, ‘that he doubts not, but that our first Parents delivered over to their Posteri­tie, together with other Sciences, even Logick also, especially seeing they, who were nearest the Origine of all things, had an intellect so much the more excellent than ours, by how much the more they excelled us in length of life, firmitude of health, and lastly in air, food, &c.

Seths Philoso­phic.§. 7. From Adam sprung Seth, who, according to Josephus lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 3. followed his father in the pursuit of wisdom, especially that part thereof which concernes the Celestial bodies, their [...], in which kind of Philosophie he proved a very eminent Do­ctor, as Josephus. So Hornius Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 2. ‘The first menti­tion of Letters fals upon Seth's times; who being mindful of his Fa­thers Prophesie, foretelling the Universal Dissolution of things, the one by the Deluge, the other by fire, being not willing to extinguish his famous Inventions of Astrologie; he thought upon some monu­ment, to which he might concredit these Mysteries: At length it seemed good unto him to engrave Arts and Disciplines on two great pillars of Brick, thereby to preserve them from destruction.’ And that this Tradition is not vain, is proved by the Autoritie, and [...] of Jo­sephus; who witnesseth, that one of these pillars remained in Syria even to his time, and was seen by him.

Enochs Philoso­phie. Ab Enoch se Astrologiam ac­cepisse professus est Abraham teste Alexandro, ac Euseb. lib. 9. praepar. c. 5. De Mathusalah Artabanus apud Eusch. l. 9 praepar, c. 5. cum ab Angelis multa cognovisse, quae cae [...]eros docuerit, Hornius Histor. Philosoph. lib. 1. cap. 11.§. 8. The learned also reckon Enoch amongst the first Divine Philo­sophers, especially for his supposed skil in Astrologie and Astronomie: so Eusebius de praepar. Evang. lib. 9. and out of him Bochart Phaleg. [Page 9] lib. 2. cap. 13. fol. 101. ‘I cannot but adde (saies he) what is found concerning the same Enoch in Eusebius, out of Eupolemus, of the Jews. He saies that Abraham, when he taught Astrologie and other Sciences at Heliopolis, af [...]irmed, that the Babylonians attributed the invention of the same to Enoch, and that he was the first inventor of Astrologie. It follows, not far after, that the Grecians attribute the invention of Astrologie to Atlas; and that Atlas was the same with Enoch, &c. In which words we may note that Enoch and Atlas are reputed for the same. Perhaps from hence, that as Atlas by the Carthaginians is called Duris, and Dyris, so Enoch by the Arabians, [...] Idris: thus Bochart. How far these Traditions deserve assent, as also those other of Enoch's engraving his Prophecies and Astrologie on pillars, which, they say, continued after the sloud, it concernes us not to debate: only thus much we are assured by Jude 14, &c. That E­noch had certain Prophecies touching the worlds dissolution by fire, and the last judgement, &c. And that the Stoicks derived their [...], or purification of the world by fire, from some broken tradition of this Prophecie of Enoch, is not without ground conjectured by Grotius & other Criticks. Baleus (de Script. Brit. cent. 20 fol. 3.) tels us, that Enoch, a man famous for Prophecie, is supposed to have written before the floud of Divine matters, &c.

§. 9. Another Scripture Philosopher is Abraham, who is supposed,Abrahams skill i [...] Astronomie. See mo [...] of this chap. 4. Sect. 3. of Abrahams communicating Astronomie to the Chaldeans. even by Pagan Historians, to have taught both the Chaldeans, where he was first seated, and also the Egyptians, Knowledge in Astronomie. So Lud. Vives, in August de Civit, Dei lib. 18. c. 2. ‘Not only sacred, but also many of the prophane Writers have mentioned Abraham: as Hecataeus, who writ a Book particularly of Abraham; so Eusebius de praep. Evang. Also Alexander the Polyhistorian; who saies, that Abraham, born in the tenth generation after the Floud, was the In­ventor of Astrologie amongst the Chaldeans, &c. Damascenus Hist. lib. 4. writes, that Abraham coming from Chaldea with an Armie, reigned at Damascus. Hence he passed into Canaan, leaving a great memorie behind him at Damascus. But when Canaan was prest with famine, he travelled thence into Egypt, and entring into debates with those Priests, he much profited them both in the Knowledge of things, & also for pietie, & the ordering of their manners, and life. Alexander reports that he lived some time in Heliopolis, neither did he professe himself to be the Inventor of Astrologie, but to have received it from [Page 10] his Ancestors, by whose hands it was conveighed unto him, even from Enoch. Artapanus reports, that the Hebrews were so named from Abraham, who lived twenty years in Egypt, where he taught Phare­tates the Egyptian King the Knowledge of the Stars, and thence retur­ned into Syria, So Lud. Vives. Baleus (de script. Brit. cent. 10. fol. 3) tels us, out of Phil. Welphius of the lives of learned men, ‘that A­braham found out the Syriack and Chaldee Letters, also many prin­ciples of Astrologie; for he was a prudent and holy man, and excellent­ly learned as to human matters. And after his abode amongst the Egyptian wise men, he was the first that instructed them in Astro­nomie and Arithmetick: for before his coming into Egypt, the Egyp­tians were altogether ignorant of these Sciences.’ So B [...]l [...]us, G [...]r. Vossius de philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 8. §. 7, 8. gives us this ac­count of Abraham's Philosophie: ‘But whether (saies he) Abraham the Patriarch drew his Astrologie from the Chaldeans, or rather the Chal­deans received it from Abraham; this Science came by Abraham first to those of Palestine, or the Canaanites, and afterwards to the Egypti­ans. That Abraham passed from Ʋr of the Chaldeans into Palestine, is sufficiently known by Scripture: and that he was also skilled in Astrologie, Berosus shews in these words: [...]. In the tenth Age after the Floud, there was among the Chaldeans a just and great man, and well skilled in the Knowledge of the Heavens. J [...]se [...]hus Antiquit. l. 1. c 7. cites this passage of Berosus, and addes, that Abraham, who was the tenth from Noah, was signified by it. And this is confir­med by what is said of Abraham by Eupolemus, in Eusebius, [...], that he was the Inventor of Astrologie, and the Chaldaick Art of Divination. Which is an evident confession of an Heathen. It is also enough credible that the Canaanites, and a­mongst them the Phenicians learned much touching the Natures of things from Abraham, who sojourned amongst them. More­over it is well known, that when Canaan was prest with famine A­braham went into Egypt; where he said his wife Sarah was his sister, whom the King had abused, had he not been admonished by God. But being taught who Abraham was, (as Josephus lib. 1. cap. 8. relates) he gave him power of conversing with the most excellent and the most learned of the Egyptians. Then Abraham (saies he) [...] [Page 11] [...], bountifully commu­nicated unto them Arithmetick and Astronomie, for before the coming of Abraham, the Egyptians were ignorant of these Sciences: for they came from the Chaldeans to the Egyptians and from them to the Grecians. This Philosophie of the Jews derived from Abraham was two fold, partly natural, whereof Astrologie was a part; and partly Divine, of God and his works, &c. How far these reports touching Abraham may deserve credit, I shall not contend. I find a great confirmation of what has been mentioned touching Abraham's Philosophie in Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 2. c. 10. ‘Amidst these darknesses (speaking of Nimrod's Apostasie) of depraved Philosophie, shone forth, as an hopeful star, Abraham, a person of a famous ingenie, who was contemporarie with Ninus, Semiramis, and Zoroaster, as Euseb. He was a man renown­ed not only among sacred, but also prophane writers; namely of whom Hecataeus writ a whole book: and Berosus, Nic. Damascenus, Alexander, Eupol [...]mus, M [...]la, with many others cited by Eusebius l. 9. praepar, c 4. make mention of him. He being in his first years educated in the Institutes of the Magi, or Chaldeans, Jos. 24.2. drank in a corrupt Philosophie from his Parents, in which not­withstanding he made a better proficience than all others. For he being a very wise and eloquent person, as also invested with a great sagacitie, observed from natural things, that there was a God, and that he was to be worshipped by us; as Josephus lib. 1. Ant. c. 8. and Philo teach us; But his mind being not as yet irradiated with any Divine Light, it was envelopped in the darknesses of many errors; which, so soon as he was commanded by God to depart out of Chal­dea, he exchanged for a more bright Light, and so of a Magus he became an Hebrew, or Christian Philosopher, studious of sacred wisdom. In whose familie there was a famous Academie and seat of Philosophie. For Abraham had a great name for wisdom, not only among his own, but thorowout all the East. Josephus, out of Bero­sus, attests, that he communicated to the Egyptians the science of Numbers, or Arithmetick; and that of the Stars, called Astronomie, of which sci­ences the Egyptians were then very ignorant. And Alexander tels us, that the Heliopolitan Priests, and others made use of his Institution in Astrologie, Arithmetick, Geometrie, and other parts of wisdom. And who can doubt of his skill in Astrologie, seeing he drew his ori­ginal from Chaldea. VVhence what Orpheus sung, that God of [Page 12] old reveled himself to one Chaldean only, they suppose to be meant of Abraham: when therefore he came into Canaan, it may not be doubt­ed, but that the Phenicians drew from him the rudiments of purer wisdom; for he was much in favor with the Princes of that Countrey, and venerable among their Kings. Thence, whilest his children dis­persed Golonies into diverse Regions, his more pure Philosophie was communicated together therewith; which was soon contaminated by the errors of Cham's Posteritie. This wisdom his son Isaac recei­ving from him, as an inheritance constantly to be reteined, according to the example of his Father, propagated in Canaan, and in Egypt. The same may be said of Jacob, whose great sagacitie and experience in Natural Philosophie, is sufficiently discovered in the wonderful artifice he used for the conception of the Cattel Gen. 33.37, &c. There is also in his Historie, some mention made of the Astrologie of the Syrians, &c. Thus Hornius more largely.

Of Joseph his instructing the Egyptians and by them stiled Hermes or Mer­curius.§, 10. Amongst the Divine Philosophers we must not omit the mention of Joseph, who is said, and that upon solid Scripture grounds, to have instructed the Egyptians in their wisdom, and Philosophie; and in after Ages passed amongst them under the name of Hermes, or Mercurius Trismegistus. Thus much is asserted by Cluverus in his Historie of the world pag. 12. Joseph, saith he, having attained to a mesure of wisdom, as it seemed above human, he obtained the whole administration of Egypt, and a dignitie the next to the Regal. Hence the common sable, that Hermes, that is, Interpreter, was the first inventor of Arts and Sciences amongst the Egyptians. For the wisdom of the Egyptians owes its self unto Joseph, who by the Kings authoritie taught them both divine and human Arts.’ So Cl [...]v [...]rus. The name Hermes [...], which signifies an Interpreter, seems to be gi­ven, and that most properly unto Joseph, because of his Divine Art in the interpreting of Dreams. And that he was esteemed by the E­gyptians, as a person endowed with an extraordinary facultie of divi­ning, and interpreting Dreams, or things secret▪ is most evident from Gen. 44.5.Gen. 44.5. where they mention his divining, &c. Though they knew not the Divining power by which he was inspired, but imputed it to his cup, yet the thing it self was manifested by his interpreting the Dreams of Pharaoh, his Butler, &c. That this Art of Divining, or in­terpreting things was also attributed by the fabulous Pagans to Mer­curie, Act. 14 5. is apparent from Act. 14.12. where Mercurie is called [...] [Page 13] an Interpreter. The Egyptians called their Hermes Theuth, and sup­posed him to be the inventor of all their Arts and Sciences. That Jo­seph was indeed the Instructor of the Egyptians, and that by the Kings appointment, is most clear from Psal. 105.22.Psal. 105.22. where he is said to be appointed by the King to teach his Senators wisdom: but the old Ge­neva Edition (an 1560.) renders it more properly: and teach his An­cients Wisdom, [...] to instruct their Elders, that is, their Priests, That Joseph taught the Egyp­tians Geometrie, &c. see Vossius de Philos. Sect. l. 2. c. 2. §. 2. as hereafter in the Egyptian Philo­sophie. &c. That Joseph took a particular care of the Egyptian Priests, not only by instituting a College for them, and making provision accor­dingly, as Gen. 47.22, but also by instructing them in the Knowledge and service of the true God, the motions of the Heavens, and other parts of sound Philosophie, will afterward appear, when we come to treat of the Egyptian Philosophie. At present it shall suffice us to give his character, as drawn by Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 2. c. 10. Joseph, saies he, was of a great name; who after various Vicissitudes of Provi­dence, was at length, after having happily interpreted the Kings Dream, by the publick suffrage of the King and people reputed, as indeed he was, the most wise of all the Egyptians, and so honored with that splendid Title, [...] i e. an Interpr [...]ter of secrets (Gen. 41.39, 45.) Neither may we in any measure doubt, but that, whatsoever there was of Truth agreable to Scripture, to be found among others, especially the Egyptian Philosophers, that they received it from the Hebrews, among whom they frequently and long conversed, even from Abrahams times. But especially from Joseph they received much of their Wisdom, whom, seeing he was next the King, no one of them durst contradict. Whence there are not wanting some who write, that there were Scholes of Wisdom and Virtue erected by Jo­seph in Egypt. And indeed that there were such, appears, from the Hi­storie of Moses, whom the Scripture makes to be learned in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians, Which seems to be made good by what David notes Psal. 105 22. that Joseph was commanded by Pharaoh, to teach his Princes according to his pleasure, and to instruct his Elders in Wisdom. For so the Vulgar renders the word [...], from which version, seeing it is most plain, we may not recede. For it may be dedu­ced as well from [...], as from [...] &c. [...] signifying as well to instruct as to chastise. Whence I wonder, what came into their minds, who ‘contend, that Josephs Doctrine was not publickly approved. For see­ing it was publickly delivered in their Scholes and Academies, who [Page 14] can denie, that it was publickly authorized by the King, and Nobles of the Kingdom? His Placits were so far from being contradicted, as indeed no one durst murmur against him Gen. 41.39, &c. They do ill allege the event. For the Egyptians after the death of Joseph, and their King, who favored him, returned again to their Vomit, and abrogated the true Philosophie. This is well observed by Philip in Chronico l. 2. Not long after the death of Joseph, the Egyptian Kings, rejecting his Doctrine again worshipped Idols, and embraced Magick Arts. Yet there remained some rudiments, and [...] of truth. For, that the ancient Egyptians held the world to have a begin­ning, and that they thought the year to begin from Libra, which they supposed also to be the beginning of the World; these Traditions they drew from no other fountain than Joseph, as Jos. Scaliger ad lib. 1. Manil [...]i admonisheth. From the same Joseph also they learned the Souls immortalitie, which presently was changed into that mon­stre of their [...]. As therefore the Egyptians owe not the least part of their wisdom to the Hebrews, so also they participate with them in many names, which is even yet discovered, in many of the names of their Gods, as we have before often demonstrated.’ See Part 1. Book 2. c. 7. of Egyptian Gods.

Of Moses's Phi­losophie.§. 11. But amongst all the Divine Philosophers, there was none that opened a more effectual door, for the propagating of philoso­phick principles and light, than Moses; who by his writings,Note: Cum (que) Mo [...]es tot cum Deo ipso col­loquia habuerit, tot leges conduderit, rerum ipsam natur [...]m primigeniam de­scrips [...]t, d [...]bium non est, quia pro­fundissima sa [...]entia praeditus fuerit. Qua etiam apud G [...]atile [...] [...]heme [...]ter incla [...]it. Qui, ut de aliis antiquis patribus pauca, ita de M [...]se plurima cogno [...]runt. Ho [...]ius Hist. Philos. l, 2. c. 13. contained in his five books (besides his per­sonal Conferences) laid the main foundations of all that Philosophie, which first the Phenicians and E­gyptians, and from them the Grecians were masters of. Whence was it that Sanchoniathon, and the Gre­cian Philosophers after him, had such clear notions of the original of the world, the first Cha [...]s or Matter, out of which God framed all things? Was it not from Moses's descriprion of the Creation Gen. 1.2? Lud. Vives de Veritate fidei, speaks thus; ‘The Creation of the World was so described by Moses, that the greatest Philosophers admired the depth, and embraced the truth of the narration; especially the Py­thagoreans (whom Plato in his Timaeus follows) who expressed the said production of the world, sometimes in the very same words.’ Plato (in his Timaeus fol. [...]9. being to treat of the origine of the Universe, ac­knowledgeth, [Page 15] this could not be known but by some probable fable or Tra­dition, [...], &c. which came originally from Moses's Historie of the Creation. This will be evident by the enumeration of particulars.

1. How came Sanchoniathon, that great Phenician Philosopher, to the Knowledge of his [...] i. e. [...] Cauth Ereb, Sand oniathon & Mochus their Philosophie from Gen. 2. but from Gen. 1.2. & darknes, &c. only the word [...] from v. 5 Hence all the Poe­tick fictions of the first Chaos, & the philosophick contemplations of the first matter, privation, &c. Hence also Mochus, another Phenician Phi­siologist, received his traditions about Atomes, Anaxago [...]as pro­n [...]ncia [...]t omnii [...] verum principi­um [...], i. e. men­tem— Eidem menti omnia da­bat Anaxago [...]as a [...]. M [...]ses apud Hebraeos St [...]uch [...]gub [...]a de pe­ [...]. [...]hil [...]. l. 1. c. 4. which he makes to be the first principles of the world, &c. Whence also drew the Egyptians their philosophick persuasions of the worlds beginning, &c. if not from this Mosaick Fountain? How came Plato to discourse so accurately of the order, beautie, harmonie and perfection of the Ʋniverse, the contem­plation whereof (saies he) was exceeding pleasing to its maker? Could he possibly have discoursed of these things in such Scriptural Phrasiologie, had he not received some Traditions from Moses Gen. 1.31, &c? Whence came his conceptions of Anima mundi, the Soul of the world, but from Jewish Traditions touching Gods framing and gover­ning the world by his Spirit and Providence (which Plato cals [...]) in the most perfect harmonious manner, as the soul governes the bodie Gen. 1.2? Hence Plato (according to his Allegerick manner of dis­course) supposeth the world to be an Animal,Joh. Grammat. de mundi Creat. lib. 6. cap. 21. yea a visible image of the in [...]isible God; that is, saies Johannes Grammaticus (that excellent Christian Philosopher) what Moses affirmed properly of man, Gen. 1.27. that he was made according to the image of God, Plato transfers to the wh [...]le Ʋniverse. Yea indeed the whole of the Grecian Physiologie, touch­ing the Origine of the world, its first matter, privation, and forme, &c. in all likelyhood, owes its original to some Mosaick tradition from the first chap. of Genesis, &c.

2. As their Physicks, so also the Metaphysicks, Plato's M [...]ta­physick contem­plations of God and the Soul from Moses's Philosophie. laid down by the Gre­cian Philosophers, seem evidently to be derived, and borrowed from Mo­ses's sacred Philosophie. We read Ex [...]d. 3.14. of Gods name I am, whence Austin puts it beyond all doubt, that Plato traduced his no­tions of [...], which he ascribeth to the first and most perfect Being. From the same Scripture Fountain also came his con­templations about his [...], &c. as Gen. 1.2. whence the Plato­nicks generally assert a [...] Trinitie answerable to the Scriptures: and, in sum, never Heathen Philosopher treated more distinctly, yea di­vinely [...] [Page 14] [...] [Page 15] [Page 16] of God, his Nature, and Attributes, as also of the Soul, its spiritualitie, infinite capacitie, immortalitie, &c. than Plato: which, ac­cording to the common vogue of the Learned, he received, by con­ference with some Jews, or by tradition from Moses's writings: of which more else where.

Pagan Geogra­phie and Poli­tiks from Mo­ses.3. Farther, that the Pagan Geographie had its original from Moses's Narration Gen. 10. how the world was peopled by Noahs posteritie, is asserted and made evident by the Learned Bo [...]haert, in his Phal [...]g; where he demonstrates, that the Pagan Geographie exactly answers to Moses's description. The like may be affirmed of the Pagan Chronolo­gie, and Historie, of which before part 1. bookchap. 2. §. 6 7. So in like manner, that the Heathen Politicians, or Lawgivers, viz. Lycurgus, Solon, Part 1. B. 3. C. 9. Minos, Draco, Plato, &c. received the chief, if not the whole of their Politicks from Moses's Laws, is generally affirmed by the Learned, and will be made farther evident by what follows.

We find a good Character of Moses, and his Philosophie in H [...]rnius Hist. philos. l. 2 c. 13. Moses, saies he, had a mind most capacious for all things: who being educated from his childhood among the Egyptian Priests, drew from them all their wisdom, even their most abst [...]use mysteries: which seems to be the cause why he is reckoned by the Grecians among the Magicians. Plinie l. 10. c. 10. There is another faction of Magick, which sprang from Moses. And Moses indeed has obtained a great name even among profane Writers. Eupolemus saies, that Moses was the most wise man; and that he delivered Letters first to the Jews, and that the Phenicians received them from the Jews, as the Greeks from the Phenicians. Artapanus relates, that Moses was called by the Grecians Musaeus; and that Orpheus learned many things from him. Some conceive that Moses is mentioned in that of Or­pheus; [...].’ For that Moses was thence so called, because drawn out of the water, is the persuasion of Learned men. Others make Moses the same with the Egyptian Mercurie, to whom they ascribe the Invention of Let­ters: of which see Part 1. B. 1. C. 10. §, 4. That Moses arrived unto the top of Philosophie, and by the Inspiration of God, was taught the secrets of Nature, is affirmed by Philo in Euseb. praepar. l. 8. c. 5. And the same Eusebius in Chronico writeth, that Moses philosophized in the Desert 40 years; namely being a wise man he spent his time in Con­templation [Page 17] of things Natural and Divine. Origen and Austin (lib.Quaest. in Gen.) prove that Moses being skilled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians, could not be ignorant of Geometrie. Some also sup­pose him to have been a Chymist, which they collect from his exqui­site skill in reducing the Golden Calf into Ashes. That Orpheus, Pytha­goras, Plato, Homer, and others borrowed many of their choicest no­tions from Moses, is shewn by Justin Martyr, in his Exhortation to the Gr [...]eks, of which hereafter. To conclude this discourse touching Moses's Philosophie, It is apparent from Scripture that he was not only skilled in sacred Philosophie, but also excelled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians: as Act. 7.22. Now the Egyptians (as Macrobius and others tell us were the Parents of all Philosophie; to whom the Grecian Philoso­phers had recourse, age after age, for their Philosophie) who without doubt received great improvement in their Wisdom by Moses, and his writings: for hence they received their Hieroglyphicks, &c. (as hereafter). Though the Egyptians, being unwilling to seem beholding to the Jews for their wisdom, pretend they received it from Hermes, &c. We find Moses mentioned amongst the Egyptians under the fable of Typhon, &c.

§. 12.Of Solomon his Philosophie. Another great (yea the greatest next to Adam in innocence) Divine Philosopher was Solomon, of whom God himself gives this Cha­racter 1 Kings 3.12. that he had a wise, Superavit [...]m [...]i­um mortalium ingenia Solomon. In quo D [...]us, quid in maxima Rege summa sa­pientia posset, o­stendit: De cujus capacissima sapi­entia ita scriptu­ra s. loquitur 1. Reg. 4.29, 30, 32, 33, 34. & cap. 10. Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 2. c. 13. and understanding heart (or as the Hebrew, an amplitude of heart, so that there was none before, or after, like unto him. And more particularly 'tis said 1 Kings 4. from v. 29. to 34. That Solomon's wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the East Countrey, and all the wisdom of Egypt: For he spake 3000 Proverbs, &c. & v. 33. he spake of Trees from the Cedar, to the Hysop: also of Beasts, Fowls, Creeping things, and Fishes, &c. Moreover that Solomon committed this his Philosophie to writing, is affirmed by the Learned out of Eccles. 12.10, 12. and the Wisdom of Solomon (Apocrypha) ch. 7.13. Thus Hornius Hist. Phi­los. l. 1. c. 13. ‘In the Book of Wisdom cap. 17.17, 18, 19, 20, 21. the Amplitude of Solomon's wisdom is egregiously expounded. For he was the greatest Contemplator, especially of things Physick, and admira­ble, a Disputer of the most acute Questions with the Tyrians, and the Queen of Sheba. For having contracted a great friendship with the King of Tyre, (whom Eupolemus cals Syros) it came to passe that they often conferred of the most subtile points. (For the Tyrians, a­mong whom the Phenician Theologie resided, were famous in this Age.) [Page 18] Josephus makes mention of the Tyrian King, and Solomon their provo­king men to the Studie of Wisdom, by great rewards; and that Solomon on that occasion joined some Cities, belonging unto the Kingdom of Tyre, unto his own. And Josephus in his Antiquit. lib. 8. writeth, That Solomon composed Books of Songs 1005; of Parables and Simi­litudes 3000 Books; and that he disputed of every kind of Plant, as in like manner of Beasts, Fishes and all other living creatures, &c. for he was not ignorant of, neither did he leave unexamined any Being or Nature, but philosophized of all things, eminently ex­pounding their natures and proprieties, Solomo primus subtilissimam Philosophiam posteritati literis consecravit. In­de Graeci caepe­runt id, velut proprium sibi, vendicare scri­bendi munus Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 2. &c. so Lud. Vives in Aug. de Civit. De [...], l. 17. c. 20.’ And Eusebius writes, ‘that these Books of So­lomon's Proverbs, and Songs) wherein he discoursed of the nature of Plants, and of all kinds of Animals; as also of Medicine or the cu­ring of diseases) were removed out of the way by Hezekiah, because the people did thence seek the curing of their diseases, without re­course to God for the same.’ See Wendelin in his Preface to his Phy­sicks. Solomons Wisdom is farther evidenced by the Queen of Sh [...]ba her Addresses to him, and his Responses to her, mentioned 1 Kings 10. And some relate, that the Sabeans reteined the Books of Moses, brought to them by the Queen of Sheba, even from Solomon's time: Josephus also indeed reporteth, that this Queen, upon Solomon's permission, carried with her, into her own Countrey, a Colonie of ten thousand Jews. Which if granted, will give us some account how the Zabii, and Chaldean Philosophers came so well acquainted with Jewish Dogmes, even before the Babylonian Captivitie. This Concession of Solomon some gather from 1 Kings 10.13. And that the same of Solomon's Philosophie (as also its main principles) was diffused not only Eastward, as 1 Kings 4.34. but also Westward, amongst the Grecian Philosophers, is very probable. For certain it is, that Solomon had great correspon­dence both with the Phenicians, and Egyptians; by whom, we may presume, his wisdom was communicated to the Grecians Have we not sufficient ground to conjecture, that Pythagoras, and Plato tradu­ced much of their Symbolick and Parabolick Philosophie hence? Also the Stoicks their Moral Philosophie; and Hippocrates his Medicinal Science; and even Aristotle his Historie of Animals; as his Scholar and Successor Theophrastus that of Plants: which have all great Affinitie with Solomon's Philosophie. As for the Writings of Solomon, especially such as were Philosophick, the Jews say, that they were lost in the Cap­tivitie. [Page 19] There are some, who say, that what was more useful therein was, by the Spirits Dictate, collected; and is now extant under the Title of Solomon's Proverbs, which contein the Ethicks of Solomon, Eu­seb. praepar. l. 2. c. 2.

§. 13. We might also mention here amongst the Divine Philoso­phers Job, Of Job. who has many accurate philosophick discourses touching several parts of Natural Philosophie; the Meteors, &c. But I shall con­tent my self with the character given him by Hornius and others. Horn. Hist. philos. l. 5. c. 9. saies, ‘That Job was a famous Doctor of Phi­losophie, than whom there was not a more ancient, more learned, and more sublime to be found throughout all Antiquitie.’ Lipsius cent. 1. ep. 99. saies; Behold amongst the most ancient Job, whom they conceive not to be of the elect Nation, and yet he writ all select or choice matters. His Book, addes Hornius, is Dialectick: For, as Jerom to Paulinus saies, ‘He determines all according to Dialectick Laws; by Proposition, Assumtion, and Conclusion. Moreover he shewes the manner how to solve fallacious Arguments. His friends also, who were very learned in Philosophie, and without peradventure pro­ceeded from Job's Schole, when they sport themselves with perpe­tual Paralogi [...]mes, are egregiously convinced by Job. Who not on­ly propagated this wisdom among his own, but also opened publick Scholes, as Job 4.3. Eliphaz the Temanite testifies: where among other Elogies he saies [...] thou hast taught many. Neither have we more ancient Disputations than those which occur in his admira­ble Book. His friends are the Opponents, and he Respondent: which mode of Disputing was invented by Job, as Ambrose. l. 1. de officiis c. 12.’ It is commended in Plato, that, in his Politie, he brings in him, who dis­puted against Justice, craving leave to oppose what he approved not, &c. By how much more ancient was Job, who first found out these things.

§. 14. We shall conclude this chapter,Of the Jewish Colleges and A­cademies. with a brief account of the Jewish Academies, or Scholes, of which we find frequent mention in the Scriptures; as 1 Sam. 1.1. we read of the Citie of the Sophim or Learned, so 1 Sam. 10 10, 11. and 1 Sam. 19.18, 24. where we find Societies of the Prophets or Students, of whom the more ancient were called Doctors or Rabbies, perfect, and Prophets, [...], as Samuel: but the younger students were called Novices, or Sons of the Prophets, &c. We find a good account of these Scholes of the Prophets in Hor­nius Hist. philos. lib. 2. c. 13. Samuel revived the pristine fame of wisdom [Page 20] among his Countrey men: for there were then erected Scholes of the Prophets, unto which the Jews sent their Children for Instituti­on: Which Custom continued long after. Some one of the Pro­phets, more conspicuous for wisdom, and pietie, presided over them. Among these Scholes, Ramatha in Gilead was mostly celebrated: where there was [...], or an Academie, as the Chaldee inti­mates. Thence those most eminent Wits David, and Solomon, were given to the world; both egregious Candidates of Divine, and Hu­man Wisdom: both excellent Doctors of the Mosaick Sapience.’ And that the Jews had Scholes in Babylon, Of the Pythago­reans symboli­zing with the Essenes see God­wins Jewish An­tiquities of the Essenes. Diodati proves, and observes on Psal. 137.1. After the Captivitie those who instructed the Youth were called Scribes, as it appears out of Esdras, and Nehemiah; and in Christ's time, Doctors, Luke 2.46. Amongst whom there were none more famous, than the Essenes, who had their Colleges and Phi­losophie, which was principally Medicine; with whom the Pythago­reans did greatly symbolize, as hereafter. Viret, in his Interim, pag. 122, treating of the Essenes saies, ‘That they retired from the croud of Politick and Ecclesiastick affairs (wherein the Pharisees, and Saddu­cees were plunged) into certain Colleges, where they addicted them­selves to Gardening; but principally to the Studie of Medicine: And for the better ordering of their Studies, they divided the day into times for Prayer, Reading of Lectures, Private Studies, Labors with the hand, and for Refreshments of Nature: in such sort, that all things were transacted amongst them with very good order. And as they lived in common, so had they all one common purse. In sum; their state, at that time, was an excellent Schole of Medicine, of Doctrine, and of examples of Virtue: and, I suppose, the first Christian Monks took their patterns from them.Eusebius, prae­par. Evang. lib. 11. de morali, naturali, rationali, & in­tellectuali Phi­losophia Hebraeo­rumlate agit. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 13. Thus Viret. That the Pythagoreans had a great affinitie whith them, see Book. 2. Chap. 6. §. 7. &c. Ger Voss. de Philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 1. §. 8. tels us, ‘That the Philoso­phie of the Jews, which they derived originally from Abraham, was two fold. For it was partly natural, whereof Astrologie was a part: and partly Divine, or of God, his works, and will. The latter Jews named their Philosophie from [...], to receive, Cabala: because it was received from God. This they divided into [...] Beresith: and [...] Mercacia. The former treated of celestial, and elemen­tary bodies, in which Solomon excelled; the latter treated of God, and his worship. Johannes Picus Mirandulanus was an admirer [Page 21] of this Cabala, who gloried that he had LXX. books of it,Judaei dispersi duas celeberri­mas Academias, Pumpeduntha­num, & Tiberi­cusem erexerunt. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 3. which he bought at a vast price; and that he found in them the Religion de­livered by Moses, and Christ, &c. Thus Vossius. But Bishop Ʋsher judged all these Rabbinick and Cabalistick writings as cheats, and not ancienter than 600 years, &c.

Touching the Jewish Scholes after the Babylonian Captivitie, Hornius Histor. philos. l. 7. c. 3. writes thus: ‘The Jews, after their returne from the Babylonian Captivitie, erected many Scholes, both at Jerusa­lem, and elsewhere. Before the Destruction there were reckoned in the Hierosolymitan Academie, Synagogues, or Colleges more than 40. in each whereof were two Scholes: one was [...] the house of the Book, wherein the written Law was read: the other, wherein the Misnajoth, or Traditions, and exegeses of the Ancients, the received Sentences, the forensick decisions, and other things of that sort were taught. This was called [...] the house of Doctrine. All these were destroyed by Vespasian, as Rab. Phinees in Gem [...]ra Hie­rosol.

I shall conclude this Chapter of Divine Philosophie, with that of Hornius Hist philos. l. 2. c. 10. ‘Wisdom, as we know, began first in Paradise, and was afterwards cultivated by the sacred Fathers, and propagated to Posteritie. For God alwaies raised up some, who, relinquishing the errors of profane men, endeavored, even by the studie of Wisdom, the restauration of the Image of God. Such were, after Noah, the Hebrews, as Abraham of the Posteritie of Sem, a man of a Divine Ingenie, and famous for his admirable Knowledge, &c. of which see what precedes § 9.’ Of the Jewish Scholes in Babylon, &c. see what follows C. 4. §. 8.

CHAP. II. Of the Egyptian Philosophie, and its Traduction from the Scriptures, &c.

The Egyptians great repute for wisdom: Their Skill in the Mathema­ticks, Astronomie, Geometrie, Arithmetick, Geogrophie, &c. Their Natural Philosophie, Medicine, &c. Their Moral Philosophie, [Page 22] especially their Politicks, both Legislative, and Administrative, from the Jewish Church. The Egyptian Theologie, and Gods from Joseph, &c. Of their Hieroglyphicks, and other waies of expressing things. The Traduction of the Egyptian Philosophie from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures, proved both by Testimonies, and Artificial Demon­stration. Joseph's Provision for the College of Egyptian Pri [...]sts: His informing them in the Knowledge of God and true Philosophie. The Advantages which the Schole of Alexandria received from the Jews, and Scriptures, translated into Greek by Ptolomie's request. Of Am­monius, the great master of the Alexandrian Schole, his mixing Scrip­ture Notions with his Philosophie. The Christian Church at Ale­xandria, its influence on, and advantages from the Schole.

The great repute the Egyptians had for Wisdom and Philosophie.§ 1. BEing now to enter on the Easterne Pagan Philosophers, we shall begin with those of Egypt, who were exceeding famous, e­ven to a superlative degree, for being the first Parents of Philosophie, and conveighers of it unto the Grecians. We find mention in the Scrip­tures of the Egyptian Wisdom, and wise men, so Gen 41.8. [...] Exod. 7.11. And Apulcius 6. Florid. gives this as the peculiar Character of the Egyptians, that they were wise. So Gellius lib. 11. cap. 8, saies of the Egyptians, that they were very exquisite in the finding out of Arts, and endowed with a peculiar sagacitie for the Disquisition of things. So Macrobius tels us, that the Egyptians were the Parents of all philosophick Sciences, Jamblicl [...]s as­serit Pythago­ [...]am & Platonem dogmata sua ex Columnis Tris­megisti exscrip­sisse Hornius Hist. phil. l. 2.6. and Arts. And that a great part of the Grecian Learning was originally borrowed from the Egyptians, is very evident by the Con­fession of the Greek Philosophers; as also from matter of Fact. Thus much is confessed by Plato (in his Timaeus fol. 22.) who making mention of Solon, his Kinsman's travels into Egypt, to informe himself about the ancient pieces of Learning, he saies, that one of the Egyptian Priests told Solon, that the Grecians were but children, as to the true Archaeologie; but the Egyptians were Masters of the most Ancient Wisdom, &c. Of Solon's being in Egypt, and getting VVisdom thence, see Vossius de phi­los. sect. l. 2. c. 2. §. 3. Diodorus Siculus Biblioth. l. 1. tels us, that all those, who were renowned amongst the Greeks for Wisdom and Learning, did, in ancient time, resort to Egypt; and that not only the first Poets, Homer, Orpheus, &c. but also the first Lawgivers, Lycurgus, and Solon, as also Philosophers, Pythagoras, Plato, &c. gained most of their Knowledge out of Egypt. And indeed we need go no farther than the Scriptures, to [Page 23] evince the great repute the Egyptians had for human Wisdom: for in 1 Kings 4.30. it is said, that Solomon's Wisdom excelled all the Wisdom in Egypt. By which it is evidently implied, that the Egyptian Wisdom was ve­ry considerable, in that it is made the measure of Solomon's Wisdom. We have the like honorable mention of the Egyptian wisdom Act. 7.22. where 'tis said, that Moses excelled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians. Without doubt, had not the Egyptian Philosophie been very conside­rable, the spirit of God would not have made such use of it, to adorn Moses's Character, who was otherwise sufficiently accomplished with many eminent qualities. Vossius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 2. §. 4. tels us,Sane Sacerdotes Aegyptiorum in sacris libris scri­ptum inveniunt, Orphea, Musaeū, Melampoda, Dae­dalum, Homerū, Lycurgum, Solo­nem, Platonem. Pythagoram, Eu­doxum, Demo­critum, Enopi­dem Chium, Ae­gyptium petiisse. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 3. c. 1. ‘that in ancient times the fame of the Egyptian Priests was very great: Yet in Strabo's time they were of no repute. See Strabo l. 17. where he saies, That when he was in Egypt he saw vast houses, which the Priests in times past inhabited, who were both Astrologers, and Phi­losophers: but these Sciences were in his time so defective, that there was scarce one to be found skilled therein. All that their Priests could do, was, to enumerate to strangers the Rites of their Sacreds, &c. Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. tels us, ‘That the Egyptians had 42 books, which belonged to their Priests, written by their Mercurie, whereof 36 conteined the whole of the Egyptian Philosophie, their Laws, their Gods, and the discipline of their Priests; wherein their Cantor, sacred Scribe, Astrologer, Curator, and Prophet ought, each according to their respective Offices, to be vers'd. The other 6 Books belonged to such as were called [...] i. e. who wore the Cloke, which conteined their Medicine,Agyptii Philoso­phi Sacerdotes ac Prophetae appel­labantur. Laer­tius l. 1. de vitis. &c. see Vossius de phil. sect. l. 2. c. 2.’ The Egyptian Philosophie lay amongst their Priests: so Strabo Geogr. l. 17. [...], their Priests embraced Philosophie and Astronomie &c.

§. 2. But to treat a little more particularly,The Egyptians skill in Philoso­phie. The Egyptian Philosophie com­hrehended the li­beral Sci [...]nces, Hieroglyphicks, Mathematicks, Physicks, Ethicks, Poli­ticks, Theologie▪ and distinctly of the Egyptian Philosophie, and Wisdom. Vossius de philosophorum sectis l. 2. c. 2. §. 8. gives us this general account of the Egyptian Philosophie, and its extent: ‘How large the Egyptian Philosophie was, is known by this, that it comprehended the Liberal Sciences, the Hieroglyphick mode of writing, the Knowledge of the Stars, and of Universal Na­ture, the Situation of the earth, and particularly of Egypt; and of the increases of Nile, the Discipline of Virtues, and of Laws, the Nature of the Gods, and the mode of worship by Sacrifices, and various ceremonies, also the whole of Medicine both Prophylactick, [Page 24] for the preservation of health; and Pharmaceutick, for the restauration of health; as also Chirurgick. Yet notwithstanding, all these were not required in all Philosophers; but the Cantor, or Musician, took one part to him; and the sacred Scribe another; the Horoscope, or Astrologer assumed other parts; the [...], or Curate of the sacred Rites, others; the Pastophori, and Prophets others. Clemens Ale­xandrinus lib. 6. delivers, concerning the Egyptians, that they had [...] a certain peculiar or mystick Philosophie, which, saies he, appears by their sacred ceremonies, &c. Diogenes Laertius, and others, divide the Egyptian Philosophie into four parts, Mathema­tick, Natural, Divine, and Moral. We shall speak something of each, and endeavor to shew, what advantages, and assistances they had from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures, for their improvement thereof.

Mathematicks.As for the Mathematicks, the Egyptians were reputed to be well skilled in Astronomie, Geometrie, Geographie, Arithmetick and Musick; for the improvement whereof they had considerable helps from the Jewish Church, and Patriarchs.

Astronomie.As to their great insight into Astronomie, it is asserted by Strabo, Herodotus, and Diodorus; and it is sufficiently manifest, in that they, as it is generally affirmed, were the first, who found out the course of the year by the Sun's motion, which, as it is supposed, was the invention of the Priests of Heliopolis. Thence saies Herodotus lib. 2. The Egypti­ans were, of all, the first, who found out the Course of the Year; distin­guishing it into twelve Months, which they gathered from the Stars. This Calculation of the year, Thales (who was the first amongst the Greci­ans that distinguished the seasons of the year) seemed to have learned in Egypt. Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. tels us, ‘That the Egyptian Horoscope, or Astrologer, carried in his hand an Horologe, and Palme, the Symbols of Astrologie, who had alwaies in his mouth the four A­strologick Books of Hermes, whereof one treated of the five Planets, the second of the Sun and Moon, the third and fourth of the rising and setting of the Stars:The rise of Pla­netary Deities & judicial Astro­logie from Astro­nomie. See more of this in Dr Owen De Ortu Idolol. lib. 3. cap. 4. see Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 2.’ By reason of these their Astronomick observations and experiments, the Egyptians fell into a superstitious admiration of these glorious celestial Bodies, and thence into an opinion that they were Gods. Thus Diodorus Siculus lib. 1. tells us, that the ancient Inhabitants of Egypt, contemplating the Celestial World, and the Nature of the Superior World; they, with great [Page 25] stupor, admired the Sun and Moon, esteeming them as the first eternal Gods; whereof the Sun they called Osiris, and the Moon Isis.’ The same Lactantius lib. 2. cap. 2. observeth. And this Idolatrous persuasion, that the Stars were Gods (which sprang from natural Astronomie) was the original of all Idolatrous worship, especially that we call Zabaisme, or the worship of those planetary Deities, so much in use amongst the Chaldeans; whence also sprang judicial Astrologie, as it will evidently appear in our Discourse of the Chaldaick Philosophie, chap. 4. §. 4. As for the occasion, which the Egyptians had for the improving of Astro­nomie, even unto Idolatrie; we have it well described by Eus [...]bius praepar. l. 1. c. 6. They report that the Egyptians were the first, who lifting up their eyes to Heaven, and admiring the mode, order, and quantitie of those celestial bodies, thought the Sun and Moon to be Gods. So Lactant. lib. 2. Inst. cap. 14. The first of all, those, who possessed Egypt, began to contem­plate and adore those cel [...]stial bodies. And because they lived, by reason of the Qualitie of the air, without covered houses, they thence had opportunitie to note the Courses and Defects of the Stars; and thence fell into the admi­ration, and adoration of them.

As for the Egyptians skill in Geometrie, Geometrie. Porphyrie assures us, that they have been for a long time very studious therein. Cumenim Nilus, subinde exua­dans, agrorum li­mites confunde­r [...], quidam sa­gaci ingenio Ge­ometriae rationes invenerunt, qua­rum indicio, sua cui (que) portio, bona side restitueretur, Inde res in im­mensum excre­vit. Horn. Hist. philos. l. 2 c. 7. And Proclus in Euclid. 2.4. faith, that Geometrie was invented by the Egyptians, taking its be­ginning from measuring of fields; it being necessary for them, from the inun­dation of Nilus, which washed away their bounds. Austin de Civit. Dei l. 18. c. 39. gives us a clear account of the whole: The Wisdom of the Egyptians, what was it (saies he) but principally Astronomie, &c? Ludovi­cus Vives on this place▪ gives this account: ‘The Ancient Egyptians much exercised themselves in Astronomie, Geometrie, and Arithmetick. As for Geometrie, necessitie taught them that, which they greatly nee­ded, when the bounds of their fields were broken down by the over­flowing of Nilus; neither could they, any other way, divide their grounds &c. Whence Geometrie is so termed from measuring of the earth.’

‘As for Astronomie, Touching this serenitie of the heavens, Bochart informed me, That it is only in the upper part of Egypt, where the heavens were alwaies clear: but in the lower parts they had not these advantages. the commodiousnes of their situation gave them great advantage for improvement therein, they, having their nights alwaies clear, and serene, and the Heavens lying open to them without clouds, could easily contemplate the risings, and set­tings, [Page 26] of the Stars, with their progresses, and regresses, &c. Then to these two, Arithmetick was added, as subservient, without which the former could not be attained.’ Thus Lud. Vives.

And that our Astronomie came much of it, if not the whole, from the Egyptians, and those Eastern parts, seems very probable from those Hypotheses, or Hieroglyphick Signes, which are used by Astrono­mers in the Zodiack, and other parts of the Celestial Globe, to expresse the Celestial Bodies, and their motions by: which way of expressing things was in much use amongst the Egyptians, and by them called [...]; which they derived (as 'tis supposed) from the Jewish Church, their Rites, and Ceremonies.

Geographie.Neither were the Egyptians unacquainted with Geographie; as it appears from Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. l. 6.) his description of the sacred Scribe, in the solemn procession; of whom it was required, that he should be skilled in Hieroglyphicks, Cosmographie, Geographie, the motions of the Planets, the Chorographie of Egypt, and the description of Nile. Eustathius, in his Notes on Dionysius, attributes the invention of Geographick Tables to Sesostris, who caused the Lands he had conque­red, to be described in Tables, and so communicated it to the Egyptians, and from them to others, as Stilling. Orig. Sacr. Book 2. c. 2. Vossius de phil. sect. lib. 2. c. 2. §. 8. We find a good general account of the Egyptians skill in Mathematicks, given by Hornius Hist. philos. lib. 2. c. 7. ‘They so handled the Mathematick Sciences, that if they be compared with other Nations, they may be said, not so much to perfect, as invent them; which they affected out of a humor of vain glorie. Especial­ly there were famous among them Petosiris, and Necepson: by whose Prudence (they are the words of Julius Firmicus) there was an ac­cesse made to the very secrets of Divinitie. They vindicated to them­selves the invention of Geometrie, Astrologie, and Astronomie.

Their Natural Philosophie.§. 3. That the Egyptians had in like manner the Knowledge of Natural Philosophie, especially of Medicine, and Anatomie (which are but branches thereof) is generally affirmed by the Ancients. Its true their superstition kept them from dissecting,1. Experimental. and prying into the na­tures of those creatures, to which they attributed a Deitie, yet were they not without many choice experiments, and curious observations, even in the experimental part of Natural Philosophie: for Blinie (Hist. l. 19. c. 5.) tels us, that it was the manner of their Kings to cause dead bodies to be anatomized, to find out the Structure, or Composition of Man's [Page 27] bodie, with the causes, and nature of Diseases.’ 2. Their Natu­ral Historie. Besides they were ex­act in making philosophick observations touching any curious natu­ral events, or their irregularities. For when there happened any pro­digie, or irregular thing in nature, they did, saies Strabo, with much cu­riosity, lay i [...] up amongst their sacred records; and Herodotus addes ‘That more things of this nature were observed by them, than by any other Nation; which, saith he, they not only diligently preserved, but frequently compared together, and, from a similitude of Prodigies, ga­thered a similitude of Ev [...]nts. Thus much also Plato in his Timaeus fol. 22.33. observes concerning them, in his relation of S [...]lon's Conference with the Egyptian Priest: where Solon, having a curiosity to find out the truth, and original of those ancient great events, touching Phoro­neus, Deucalion, and Pyrrhus, &c. the Egyptian Priest unfolds these mythologick fabulous narrations, by an historick relation; wherein he seems to reduce the Storie of Deucalion to that of Noahs Floud; and that of Pyrrhus his wife, to the Burning of Sodom, [...] signi­fying fire: as also that of Phoroneus to the drowning of Pharaoh in the Red Sea: Phoroneus, and Pharaoh being according to the Hebrew, and so the Egyptian tongue (which differed little from it) conjugates,

And that the Egyptians had some natural historie of the first Crea­tion, (which could not be traduced to them by any hand,See Stillings. O­rig. Sacrae Book 3. ch. 2. save that of Moses, originally, Genesis 1.) is apparent out of Diogenes Laert. (proem pag. 7.) where he saies; ‘that the Egyptians did constantly believe that the World had a beginning, and was corruptible; that the Stars were of the nature of Fire; and that the Soul was immortal, &c.

But that, for which the Egyptians were most famous abroad,Their skill in Medicine both conservative, purg [...]tive, and Chirurgick see Vossius de sec [...]is Ph [...]los. l. 2. c. 2. §. 8. & Still [...]. Orig. sacr. book 2. c. 2. was their skill in Medicine; which is so much spoken of by Homer, Plato, He­rodotus, Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius, &c. Plinie tels us, lib. 29. c. 1. that ‘the original of Physick, or Medicine amongst the Egyptians, was from the relations of those, who by any remedy were cured of any Disease; which for a memorial to posterity were recorded in their Temples. The Egyptians had also excellent skill in the embalming of dead bodies, for their conservation (which appertaines to Medicinal Philosophie) as it appears from Scripture: Gen. 50.2.Their embalming Gen. 50.2. where Joseph commands the Physicians to embalme his Father. Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. trea­ting of the Egyptian Philosophie, conteined in 24 books written by their Mercurie, tels us, ‘that 6 of these Books concerned Medicine, which were studied by their [...] (i. e. those who wore the Cloke) [Page 28] wherein was distinctly handled the Fabrick of Mans Bodie, the Na­ture of Diseases, and Medicaments; and particularly the Medicine of the Eyes, and of Womens Diseases, &c. Diodorus makes the Egypti­ans the first Inventors of Medicine. And what their dexteritie in Ana­tomie was, is evident by that of Gellius lib. 10. Noct. Att. cap. 10. Ap­pion, in his Egyptian Books, saies that Human Bodies being dissected, and opened, according to the Egyptian mode, it was found out, that there was a certain most tenuous Nerve, which passed from one sin­ger to the heart of man. Farther, how much the Egyptians were verst in Medicine is discovered by that pleasant Character of Homer (who conversed much with them) Odyss. [...].’


Thus Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 7. ‘The Egyptians greatly studied Natural Philosophie, wherein how much they excelled appears from Medicine it self, which they strenuously exercised.’ See Vossius de Phi­los. sect is l. 2. c. 2. §. 8.

Their Moral Philosophie and Politicks. The Egyptians Laws the Source of the Grecian. Stilling. Origin. sacr. Book. 3 [...] ch. 2.§. 4. Neither were the Egyptians defective in Moral Philosophie, especially as to Politicks, for which they had a great repute amongst the ancients, both for their excellent Laws, and also for their good Ad­ministration, and execution thereof. As for their Laws, they are high­ly commended by Strabo, and Diodorus; and so greatly esteemed by Lycurgus, Solon, and Plato, as that they were not ashamed to borrow many of their Laws, and politick Constitutions from them. ‘It is most certain, saies Stillingfleet, that those who formed Greece first into civil Societies, and well ordered Common Wealths, were such as had been Traders for Knowledge in other parts. To which purpose Diodorus Siculus (Biblioth. lib. 1.) informeth us, that Ly­curgus and Solon, as well as the Poets, Orpheus, Musaeus, Melampus, and Homer; and the Philosophers after them, Pythagoras, Plato, &c. had gained most of their Knowledge, and Wisdom out of Egypt: nay he saith in general, [...]:’ All those who were renowned amongst the Greeks, for Wisdom and Learning, did in ancient time resort to Egypt, there to participate of Learn­ing, and Laws, &c,

The Egyptian Laws from the Jews.And as the Grecians received their Learning, and Laws from Egypt; so we need no way doubt, but that the Egyptians received the best [Page 29] part of their Laws from the Mosaick Constitutions, besides what they had immediately from Joseph their great Legislator, as hereafter.The Egyptian Politic, or Go­vernment of State from the Jews. As for the Egyptians Wisdom, in their politick Administration, or Go­vernment of State, it is evident from Esa. 19.11, 12. where the King of Egypt is stiled the Son of the Wise. Besides the continuance of their State so long in peace, is a sufficient demonstration of their State Poli­cie, or prudent management of State Affairs; for the improvement whereof, we have reason enough to judge, they received much light from the Mosaick judicial constitutions; as also from Solomons Politicks, with whom they had great affinitie (by reason of Solomon's Wife) and commerce, or correspondence: Though indeed they owed much of their Politie and Government to Joseph; who passeth amongst them under the names of Hermes, Apis, Serapis, &c. as in what follows.

§. 5. We now come to the Egyptian Theologie, The Egyptian Theologie from Joseph. for which they were greatly reputed; the original wherof they owe to Joseph, and Jewish Traditions, as it will appear by the parts thereof. Clemens Alexan­drinus (so called by reason of his same in the Church, and Schole of Alexandria in Egypt was greatly versed in Egyptian Rites, and Worship, whereof he gives us this account, lib. 6. ‘The Egyptians, saies he, have a proper, or mystick kind of Philosophie, which appears from their sacred Ceremonies. For first [...] the Cantor precedes with a Musick Symbol,1. Their Cantor. and those 2 books of Mercurie, the one containing the Hymnes of the Gods, the other an account of the Kings life. After the Cantor follows the Horoscope, with an horologe, and palme, 2. Their Horo­scope, or Astrolo­ger. the Symbols of Astrologie in his hand. This has alwaies in his mouth the four Astrologick Books of Hermes. The Horoscope is received by the [...] or sacred Scribe, 3. Their sacred scribe. carrying in his head Feathers, and in his hands a Book with a ruler, wherein is an inkhorn, and pen to write. This person ought to be skilled in Hieroglyphicks, Cosmo­graphie, Geographie, the order of the Sun, Moon, and 5 Planets, the Chorographie of Egypt, and the Description of Nile, and all sacred Rites, and Places, with their Dimensions; and whatever belongs to Sacreds. After the sacred Scribe follows the [...], or Ornator, 4. Their Ornator. who hath the Cubit of Justice, and the sacrisicing cup. This person is instructed both in the [...] i. e. such things as conduce to Learning, and the Liberal Sciences; and also in the [...], i. e. the Doctrine of the Sacrifices of Calves, and the Ceremonies appertaining thereto. All these things the Egyptian Religion conteined, Prayers, Pomps, [Page 30] Festival daies, Sacrifices, first Fruits, Hymnes, and other things like hereunto. In the last place goes their Prophet, 5. Their Prophet. who carries in his bo­som a Water pot, and is followed by those who carried the panes emissos, i. e. bread set forth. This person is the Governor of the Sacreds; and he learned [...] the 42 Sacerdotal Books, written by their Egyptian Mercurie, which treated of Laws, Gods, and the whole Priestly Discipline. These Egyptian rites but corrupt imitations of the Jews In all of which this Prophet is to be versed, be­cause he is also to oversee the distribution of Tributes, &c. So Vossius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 2. That the chief of these Egyptian Ceremonies were borrowed from the Jewish Rites will be evident to any, that con­sider, how parallel they are. The Egyptian Cantor to the Jewish Singer; their sacred Scribe to the Jewish; their sacrificing Cup to that, wherein the Jews offered their Libamina, or Drink-Offerings; their panes emissi, or bread set forth to the Jewish panes propositionis, shew bread; their Calve-Sacrifices to the Jewish; as their Prayers, Festivals, Sacrifices, first Fruits, Hymnes to those amongst the Jews.

Philip Melancthon, in his Chronichon lib. 2. concerning Abraham, tels us, that Joseph setling the College of Priests in Egypt, informed them with the Knowledge of God, and planted a Church amongst them, which pious Institution of his, in after times, degenerated into Supersti­tion and Idolatrie, &c. As for the Egyptian Gods, it is evident, they are all younger than the Patriarchs; and, as it is supposed, had their original from them, especially from Joseph. Melancthon makes Osiris, Their Gods Osi­ris, Apis and Serapis Symbols of Joseph. which signifies auxiliator, or a blessed man, to be contem­porarie with Abraham; but I should rather judge him an Hierogly­phick of Joseph, who helped them in their famine. That the memorie of Joseph was preserved amongst them under the Egyptian Apis, Vossius (de Idol. lib. 1. c. 29.) makes very probable, from the testimonies of Julius Maternus, Stilling. Orig. sacr. B. Ch. 5. Ruffinus, and Suidas, as also from the great advanta­ges, which the Egyptians received from Joseph, which no Hieroglyphick could expresse more emphatically, than the Egyptian Apis, which re­sembled the fat and lean Kine. 2. It was the manner of the Egyptians, to preserve the memories of their great Benefactors, by such Symbols, which were at first designed only for civil use. 3. He proves it also from the names of Apis and Serapis. Apis he conceives to be the sacred name of Joseph, from [...] father; so Gen. 45.8. Joseph himself saies he was a father to Pharaoh. And Serapis, as Suidas, and Ruffinus tels us, had a bushel on his head, from [...] Sor, a Bull, and Apis. Yea that [Page 31] the Egyptian Demons had their rise from Joseph, Their Demons from Joseph. whom they esteemed as one of their chiefest Demons, and Heroes, is very probable: so Mr Bochart, in a Sermon at Caen, affirmed, ‘that the Egyptians had a Citie, which they stiled the Citie of their Heroes, as some think, from Joseph, whom they accounted amongst their Heroes, or Demons. That the E­gyptians had their Demons is asserted by Iamblicus, &c. Orus Joseph. As for Orus (which signifies Light, from [...] Or) who is said to have taught the Egyptians their Wisdom, Melancthon (chron. l. 2.) thinks that he was instructed by Abraham, and thence instructed the Egyptians in the Knowledge of the true God, as also in the Motions of the Heavens, &c. But may not this name be more properly applied to Joseph; who is expressely said Ps. 105.22.Psal. 105.22. to teach them Wisdom? Whence he was by the Greeks called [...]: to which the Egyptian, or Hebrew Orus, [...] Or, exactly answers.

Isis was later,Isis. and (as Learned Bochart told me) the same with Pharaoh's Daughter, who adopted Moses: so the name Is [...]ha signifies Virago. as Melancthon. As also Busyris, Busiris. which, according to Melan­cthon, signifies Munitor, Of these Egypti­an Gods see Kir­cher. O [...]dip. Ae [...] ­gypt Tom. 1. Syn­tag. 3. cap 3, 4, 5, 6, &c. and is supposed to have built the Egyptian Py­ramids, by the hands of the Children of Israel. See more of the Egypti­an Gods. Part 1. B. 2. C. 7. §. 10. of Egyptian Gods.

Yea not only the matter of Egyptian Theologie, but also the Instru­ments, and Promotors of it, seem evidently of Judaick, sacred Extract. For look, as the Jewish Theologie was seated among the Priests, and Pro­phets: so also the Egyptians had, in imitation of these, their Priests, Distincti autem fuerunt Sacerdo­t [...]s, & Prophetae. Illi enim praeci­pue sacra cura­bant, h [...] vero ora­culis praeerant; e­disser [...]bant quo (que) res divinas, quod nunc Doctores A­cademiarum sa­cere solent. Quae omnia lucem ca­ [...]ient ex Exod. 7.1. Horn. Hist. Philos. l. 2. c. 7. and Prophets. Thus Diogenes Laertius lib. 1. tels us, that the Egyptian Philo­sophers were stiled Priests, and Prophets. So Apulcius de Dogm. Plat. saies, that Plato went to Egypt, that he might learn there the Rites of the Prophets. This also gives us the reason, why their chief Philosophers were called Priests; namely because the chief Matter of their philosophizings was Theologick. Thus Hornius Histor. philos. l. 2. c. 7. ‘They were called Priests by reason of their ancient Philosophie, which was joined with Theologie. For they discoursed of the Gods, their Natures, and Worship; and of things natural, which they esteemed also a [...] Divine, because Nature was with them as a God. The like he addes [...] what follows: The Philosophie of the ancient Egyptians took in al [...] as has been said, Theologie it self, which they who mostly studied, for distincti­on sake, were called [...] Priests:’ Which is the very [...]otion by which the Jewish Priest is expressed. Some distinguish their Egyptian [Page 32] Priests, and Prophets thus: the former they make to be imployed about Sacreds, the latter about Oracles, and the prediction of futures. Which also answers to the Jewish Distribution. Touching the Egyptian My­steries, or Mystick Divinitie, it was couched under Hieroglyphicks; of which we are now to treat.

Of the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks and their origi­nal from the. Jews.§. 6. We have done with the matter of the Egyptian Philosophie, both Mathematick, Natural, Moral, and Theologick. We now proceed to their manner of philosophizing, which was by Hieroglyphicks, or Sym­bols answerable unto, and, as it is very probable, derived from those in use amongst the ancient Hebrews and Jews. So Lud. Vives, on Austin de civitat. Dei. l. 18. c. 39.Primi Aegyptii per siguras ani­malium sensus effingebant, & antiquissima monumenta in­geaii humani im­pressa saxis cer­nuntur. Tacitus lib. 11. Artapanus (saies he) reports that Moses gave Letters to the Egyptians — and if any shall inquire in what let­ters that Wisdom of the Egyptians, in which we read Moses was in­stituted, was conteined, he will find, peradventure, it was wont to be traduced and received by vocal Tradition, and so conserved in the memorie of the Teachers, and of the Hearers: if they had any formes of letters, they were no other than Images of Animals, or other Crea­tures, which they called [...], that is, Letters engraven in Sacreds, &c. The same Ludovicus Vives tels us, ‘that we find some mention of these [...] Hieroglyphick Letters (which were the formes, or images of beasts engraven on their Sacred Sym­bols) in the fragments of Orus, that ancient Egyptian Writer, &c. Vissius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 2. §. 7. saies, ‘that the Egyptian Philoso­phie, for the most part, was couched under Allegories: which way of philosophizing ought not to be rejected: For every where in the Old Testament we find Allegories. And Christ himself in the Evange­list saies, I will open my mouth in parables, and in dark sayings will I speak of the ancient matters. Also the Evangelist saies, that Christ spake to the people in parables.

Athanas-Kircherus Oedip. Aegypt. Tom. 3. cap. 1. gives us this Ori­gination of an Hieroglyphick. ‘An Hieroglyphick derived [...], i. e. from sacred Sculpture, is nothing else but a Symbol of a sacred thing engraven on stones. It's called a Symbol, to indicate the reason of its mysterious sense. It is said to be of a thing sacred, thereby to constitute the difference 'twixt sacred, and profane Symbols.’ For there was a two [...]ld kind of Egyptian Parables, the one [...], which comprehended vulgar similitudes; the other [...], drawn from their Sacred Doctrine. Clemens Alexandrinus Strom 5, saith ‘that they [Page 33] who are taught by the Egyptians, The sundrykinds of expressing things amongst the Egyptians. learn first of all the method of the Egyptian Letters, called Epistolographick; secondly the Hieratick, used by those, who write of sacred things; the last, and most per­fect, called Hieroglyphick, whereof there is one Curiologick ( [...]) another ( [...]) Symbolick: of the Symbolick also there are three sorts, the one is spoken properly, by imitation;Of the three fo [...]d manner of writing among the Egyptians vulgar, sacred and Hierogly­phick. the o­ther is written as it were tropically; another, on the contrary, doth allegorize by Enigmes. As for instance; in the Curiologick way to ex­presse the Sun, they make a Circle, to expresse the Moon, a Crescent. Tropically they, by resemblance, traduce, transfer, and expresse, by changing some things, and variously transfiguring others. Thus, when they deliver the praises of Kings in Theologick Fables,A [...]gyptii ad hoc denotandum, Sphi [...]gem ante sua templa con­stituere soliti sunt, innuentes sua placita [...]. esse Horn. Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 6. they write by A [...]aglyphicks ▪ In the third kind, by Enigmes, they liken the Sun to a B [...]tle, because they say, this Creature liveth six Months under ground. see Stanly of Pythag. We have an instance of their Hierogly­phick Mysteries in that famous Hieroglyphick of Diospolis, of which we find so much mention amongst the Ancients; where, to expresse our coming into the World, they used a child; and to notifie our going out of the world, an old man; they expressed God by an Hawk; hatred by an Hippotamus; Impudence by a Crocodile. And all this to expresse this pretty Apothegme. O ye that come into the world, and go out of it, God hates Impudence. so Stilling. orig. sacr. book 2. c. 2. Vossius de philos. sect. lib. 2. c 2. §. 5. tels us, ‘that the first Discipline of the Egyptians con­sisted in their threefold Scripture: one vulgar or common, De opertis adyti pro [...]ert quosdam l b [...]os literis ig­norabilibus prae­notatos, partim figuris cu [...]usce­modi animalium, concepti sermo­nis compendiosa verba suggerea­tes, partim nodo­sis, & in modum rota [...] [...]ortuosis capreolatimque condensis apici­bus, à curiosa profanorum lecti­one munitos. A­puleius lib. 11. which was used in writing Epistles, another sacred which they used in writing sacreds; and a third Hieroglyphick, or the Sculpture of sacred Images, &c. These sacred Hieroglyphicks are called by Apuleius lib. 11. Pi­ctures and Images, which saies he, they used to preserve their Philoso­phie from contempt, and oblivion by. Benjamin Tudelensis in [...], ac­quaints us, that at Alexandria, on the shore, there was to be seen a Marble Sepulchre, whereon all kind of Birds, and other Animals were en­graven. Whence it is conceived, that these Egyptian Hieroglyphicks were not so much letters or words, as some conjecture, as intire senten­ces, ye complete Discourses, for the more easie preservation of the me­morie of things. So under the forme of a Bee making hony, they ex­pounded the office of a King. Lucan wittily stiles these Hieroglyphicks, Magicas Linguas, Magick Languages, because they denoted not sin­gle letters, or words, but intire orations; as Hornius Hist philos. l 7. c 6

[Page 34] Hieroglyphick Philosophie tran­slated by Pythago [...]as from Egypt into Greece.§. 7. This Hieroglyphick and Mystick way of philosophizing, though it has little of substance in it, yet did it make a great noise, and was exceeding taking in the infant state of the world; as it is the proper­ty of children, to be taken more with sensible formes, shadows, or pi­ctures, which please the fancie, than with solid reason. So the Gym­nosophists, and Druides were wont to wrap up their Philosophie in ob­scure and enigmatick sentences, as Laert. lib. 1. The like is said of Ta [...]u­tus the Phenician, as Sanchoniathon in Euseb. praepar. l. 1. c. 7. For the first Philosophers delighted to concele their more hidden Mysteries, from the Vulgar; whence they bound their Auditors by an oath o [...] se­crecie [...], which words are taken out of a famous formule of the oath, whereby Vettius Valcus the Antiochene Astrologer bound his reader, as Seld [...] Prol. 3. de Diis Syris & Synt. 1. c. 1. H [...]rnius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 6. This kind of philosophizing, Pythagoras translated immediately from the Egyptians, but originally from the Jews, into Greece. Porphyrie in the life of Pythagoras tels us, ‘that it was permitted unto Pythagoras, when he was in Egypt, to acquaint himself with all the Studies of the Egyptian Priests at Thebes;Eum modum (Symbolicum) ex oriente in Graeci­am Pythagoras tulit, cujus Phi­losophia nil nisi arcana mysteria erant. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 6. which was never granted to any For­reigner besides.’ Diogenes saith, ‘that whilst he lived with these Priests, he was instructed in the Learning, and Language of the Egyptians, and in the three modes of writing, Epistolographick, Hieroglyphick, and Sym­bolick, whereof the one imitates the common way of speaking, the rest are Allegorick, by Enigms, &c. as Clemens Strom. 5.’ Plato also took up the same mode of allegorick, or symbolick philosophizing, though not so expresly, as Pythagoras. And indeed this kind of philosophizing was extremely pleasing to these first Ages, and Philosophers; as A­myraldus well observes in his Salmurian Thes [...]s de Imaginibus. ‘In the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks (saies he) the [...], manners and passions were figured by the shapes of Animals, and other creatures. which were very delightful to sense; &c. Athan. Kircher. Oedi [...]s Aegyptiaci tom. 2. part. 1, cap. 1. saies, ‘that the Egyptians were the first amongst men, who insisted on this mode of philosophizing by Symbols. For they, being of an acute, and subtile ingenie; as also continually vers'd in a certain profound contemplation, and disquisiti­on of Truth, delighted themselves in these mystick expressions, &c. And the same Kircherus, in what follows cap. 2. gives us the Origine of this Symbolick Doctrine. ‘It stands thus (saith he) with human con­dition, [Page 35] that if men have any thing that is pretious, rare, and beauti­ful, they not only hide it under secret formes, but also concele it un­der enigmatick and mysterious words, that none but the more wise, and quicksighted, may come to the manifest notice thereof. VVhich, as it has been the custom of all times, so especially amongst the anci­ent wise men. For seeing they had, as it was most meer, so high an esteem, for those great secrets of Divinitie, communicated, by suc­cessive Tradition, from the Patriarchs, as conteining the in exhausted treasures of eternal felicitie; they thought it dangeorus to expose these rich treasures, to the ignorant people, and dull ingenies. VVhere­fore they endeavored, by all means possible, to couch them under such symbolick coverts, that vulgar capacities might penetrate only the bark, or outside of the words; the marrow, or sense, being still hid from them.’ And then in what follows cap. [...]3. the same Kircher. gives us the Interpretation of many Hieroglyphick Symbols, out of Zo­rcaster. Moreover cap. 4. he interprets many Hieroglyphick Symbols used by Orpheus. And cap. 5. The Symbols of Pythagoras are inter­preted by him, VVhence he proceeds cap. 6, 7, 8, 9, &c, to explicate many Hieroglyphick Symbols used by Plato, Proclus, Picus Mirandula­nus, and others. Thence in the second part of his second Tome, he in­terprets many Mathematick, Mechanick Medicinal, Chymick, Ma­gick, and Metaphysick Hieroglyphicks: from Classis 7. to 12.

This ancient mode of expressing things worthy of memorie,The extent and benefit of this Hieroglyphick way of philoso­phizing: and of its traduction from the Jews. by cer­tain hieroglyphick formes, or symbols, was very common amongst the ancients, both Poets, and Philosophers: For in this infancie of the world, knowledge being impolite and imperfect, they took delight to shad­dow forth their highest mysteries, and contemplations, by terrene Ima­ges, and sensible formes; which way of conveighing, and preserving knowledge is not only helpful to the memorie, and delightful to the fancie, but also very efficacious, as to the moving of Affections; and therefore the wise God made use of this familiar way and method, for the instructing of his own people, in the non-age of his Church, sha­dowing forth, and signifying to them, the most sublime heavenly my­steries of his Gospel, by earthly Symbols, or Types. VVhence that great maxime [...], sensible formes are imitations of Intelligible things. Thus were the greatest pieces of Jewish wisdom couched under the covert of Symbols, or Types. VVhence the Egypti­ans, as the other Easterne Philosophers borrowed their Hieroglyphick [Page 36] manner of philosophizing by fables, &c. which will more fully appear hereafter, in the life of Pythagoras, and Plato. See more of these Egyp­tian Hieroglyphicks in Athan. Kircher. O [...]dipi Aegyptiaci Tom. 3. cap. 1.

That the Egypti­an Philosophie was traduced originally from the Hebrews & Scriptures.§. 8. Having given some account of the Egyptians Philosophie, both as to the matter, and manner of their philosophizing, I shall now proceed to give a more particular demonstration, that the chiefest parts, if not the whole thereof, descended originally from the Jewish Church, or Scriptural Tradition. I shall begin with Inartificial Arguments, or Authentick Testimonies of such whose skill in Antiquitie, and faithful­nes in their relations thereof, is generally acknowledged, and recei­ved.Lud. Vi [...]es's Testimonie. VVe gave some Testimonies hereof afore in our account of A­braham, Joseph, and Moses, their Philosophie; to which we shall adde, 1. that of Ludovicus Vives on August. de Civit Dei lib. 8. cap. 9. The Philosophie of the Egyptians (saies he) is very ancient, but for the most part derived from the Chaldeans, especially from Abraham; though they, as Diodorus writes, refer it to Isis, Osiris, Vulcan, Mercurie, and Hercules. Thus Lud. Vives. First this old Tradition, that the Egyptian Philoso­phie, and thence the Grecian sprang from the Chaldeans is, and that not without great probabilitie, by the Learned interpreted of the He­brews: for Abraham their Ancestor was a Chaldean: and the Hebrews themselves lived under the Chaldean Empire, at that time when this old saying began amongst the Grecians, mentioned by Plato, &c of which more hereafter. 2. Lud. Vives expresly saies that the Egyptian Philo­sophie came principally from Abraham; for which he has much of Pagan Antiquitie on his side, as we mentioned on Abraham▪ Josephus A [...]ti­quit. sud lib. 1. cap. 16. judgeth that the Egyptians learned their Arith­metick, and Astrologie from the Patriarch Abraham, who brought these Sciences from Chaldea. But the Egyptians are wont to refer their Philo­sophie to Isis, Osiris, Vulcan, Mercurie, and Hercules; as Diodorus Sicu­lus. The Doctors of this wisdom are, by Clemens Alexandrinus, called Prophets, by Suidas [...] (as amongst the Ethiopians) by Eusebius, in an Egyptian name, Arsepedonaptae. These drew their wisdom from Abraham, as before; and perhaps from Joseph also, who first taught the Egyptians the use of Geometrie, as Artapanus in Josephus testifies. And this opinion, as some think, may be founded on Psal. 105.22. It is credi­ble also, that they got some things from the Israelites, who also descended from Abraham; and hence Aristophanes, in Avibus, cals them [...]; [Page 37] which Suidas also observes. Thus Ger. Vossius de philosoph. sectis. l. 2. c. 2. §. 2. 3. The Confession of the Egyptians themselves related by Diodorus, The Confession of the Egyptians. seems clearly to intimate, and prove our Assertion. For in that they refer their Philosophie originally to Isis, Osiris, Mercurie, A nonnullis Ae­gyptiorum Sacer­dotibus, quidisci­plinam nostram altius conside­rarunt, Dei ho­mines Gens no­stra est appella­ta. Eleazar. Pon­tifex ad Ptol. 2. apud Euseb. praepar. l. 8. c. 3. &c. it is very probable that these feigned names were originally given to the Patriarchs, especially to Joseph, by the Egyptians, who being un­willing to own the Hebrews, as Authors of their Wisdom, gave these borrowed names unto Joseph, &c. according to the custome of that infant Age. Athan. Kircher. Oedipi Aegypt. Tom. 3. c. 1. makes Her­m [...]s Trismegistus the Author of the Egyptians Hieroglyphick Philosophie. Yet so, as that we received the first Lineaments thereof from the Patri­archs. His words are Hermes Trismegistus contemplating this world composed of so great varietie of things, as a Scene distinguisht with most polite Images, he rightly supposed, that these creature-images were [...], Symbols of God, &c. And hence the first rudiments of Hieroglyphick [...] proceeded; which being adumbrated by the first Patriarchs, Adam, Enoch, Noah, C [...]am, and perfected by Her­mes, sprang up unto the forme, by the stupendious architecture of Hi­eroglyphicks. That Mercurie called by the Grecians Hermes, could be no other than Joseph, has been already proved in the Storie of Joseph's Philosophie: as also Part 1. Book 2. Chap. 7. §. 10. of the Egyptian Theogonie. Serranus's Te­stimonie. But Serranus (that great Philologist) in his Preface to Pla­to, speaks more fully and expresly touching the traduction of the E­gyptian Philosophie from the Patriarchs and Scripture Revelation. His words are these, ‘That the Egyptians retained many things from the Traditions of the Patriarchs, the ancient Historie of Moses demon­strates: & that they derived many things from the clear fountains of the Scriptures, which yet they contaminated by their own mud (or fables) is no way to be doubted.’ Thus Serranus: but of this more hereaf­ter in the life of Pythagoras, and Plato. Ne (que) ullo modo dubitari potest quin, quaecunque vera & Scriptu­rae consentientia cum apud al [...]os, tum imprimis, Ae­gypti [...]s Philoso­phos inveniuntur, ea omnia ab Ebraeis, quibuscum jam à temporibus Abrahae frequenter, & diu [...]onversati sunt, acceperint. [...]primis à Josepho, pl [...]rima, cui, cum proximus à Rege esset, con [...]adicere [...]mo ausus est. Ho [...]nius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 10. The like Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 10. which see in what precedes of Joseph chap. 1. §. 9.

§. 9. To make good yet farther our assertion, touching the Tradu­ction of the Egyptian Philosophie from the Jewish Church, we now shall endeavor to give some Artifiicial Argument, or Demonstration, from the [...], or cause; by shewing what influence the Patriarchs, and [Page 38] Jewish Church had on the Egyptian Wisdom, as well in its first rise, as af­ter improvement. First, that the Egyptians were no way famous for Wisdom, or Philosophie, before the abode of the Patriarchs with them, is evident by their own concessions: for they confesse they owe all their wisdom to their Gods; Isis, Osiris; but principally to Mercurie, or Theuth, whom they call Hermes, &c. So Plato in Phae­dro brings in Socrates relating,Note: Alii s [...] ri [...]sisse de sapientia Mercu­rium non negant, sed haer, quae ho­die circumferuntur, [...], Mercurii esse, id vero pernegant. Olim enim Librarii, ut quaestum uberiorem ex suis nugis co [...]raderent, [...] libros lectoribus ob­trudebant. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 6. that the Egyptians wor­shipped a certain God whom they called Theuth, who found out, and taught them all Arts and Letters, in that time, when Thamus held the Empire of Egypt. This Theuth is the same with the Egyptian Mercurie, of whom Iamblichus (most skilful in the Egyptian Theo­logie) lib. de Myster. Aegipt. cap. 1. thus writeth: ‘The Egyptians report Mercurie to be the M [...]dera­tor, and God of Wisdom, and Eloquence; and they declared that by him not only Letters were found out, and reduced into order; but also that the principles of all Learning were collected, and published, in many thousand books by him,Mr Bochart in a conference told me that none of the Egyptian Gods were more ancient than the Patri­archs. Now that all the Egyptian Gods were younger than the Patriarchs, or at least but borrowed names given to them, is generally asserted by the Learned; especially that Mercurie, or Hermes was Joseph, or Moses. Carion in his Ch [...]oni [...]on lib. 2. of A­braham, tels us, that after the great Famine in Egypt, Joseph altered the constitution, or forme of the Egyptian Kingdom (he having bought in all the Land, that belonged to the people) and erected a College for the Priests which was endowed,Josephs provisi­b [...] for the College of Egyptian Priests, and his instructing of them as also of th [...]ir King in the knowledge of God, &c. of which see more in what precedes ch. 1. §. 9▪ of Joseph. &c. His words are these, ‘After the Fa­mine the forme of the Egyptian Kingdom was constituted, and Tri­butes appointed, and Revenues for the College of the Priests; that so they might be conservators of Learning ▪ And although the Know­ledg of God was, after Joseph's death, changed, yet the Knowledge of the Celestial motions, and of the nature of things, was conserved in Egypt, throughout all the four Monarchies of the Assyrians, the Persians, the Greeks, and Romans, even unto the Barbarians of the Mahometans, almost 3000 years. Jacob saw the flourishing state of this Kingdom, which then had a pious King, with whom he had frequent confe­rence, and who took care, that the true Doctrine should be propaga­ted far and near, and in the famine afforded relief to many neighbo­ring Nations.’ Thus far Carion, or Melancthon. By which we see what care Joseph took, for informing the Egyptian Priests, in the Know­leedge [Page 39] of the true God, and sound Philosophie. The Scripture also makes an honorable mention of Joseph's care of, and provision for the Priests; as Gen. 47.22.Gen. 47, 22▪ by assigning them Portions, and setling their Lands. And as he took this care for their Bodies, and Succession in following Ages; so we cannot conceive, but that he took much more care for their Souls, and the Souls of the whole Kingdom, with which they were entrusted. Can we imagine that Joseph made such large provision for these Egyptian Priests, that so they might be the better qualified to serve the Devil, and Idol Gods? no; without doubt, his great designe was to lay a foundation, for the Knowledge and Worship of the true God, as well as, and much more than, for human Philosophie, and other inge­genious Sciences) for the accomplishment whereof, he had an huge ad­vantage, in that, having been an instrument to save the Nation, he had thereby gained the King's Ear, and Heart, who, if we may credit Carion, was piously inclined: and we may also, not without good ground, conjecture as much from Joseph's Instructions of, and Jacob's Conference with him. And indeed the unparalleld kindnesses he ma­nifested to Joseph, his Father, and Brethren, argues some pious inclina­tion in him. But this holy and great design of Joseph, in erecting a College for the Egyptian Priests, and making such ample provision for their Instruction in the Knowledge of God, and human Philosophie, after his decease determined in miserable superstition, and Idolatrie: so also Carion lib. 2. of the going out of the children of Israel out of Egypt, saies, That Egypt excelled in Arts, and Laws, and other Learning: Jo­seph had planted a Church there; but after his death the Kings turned a­side to Idols, and in the following times Egypt was full of Idols, and Magick Arts. Thus Carion: so Hornius as before Chap. 1. §. 9. Thus we have seen what foundation was laid by Joseph, and the rest of the Pa­triarchs for Divine and human Philosophie, and its improvement in E­gypt: unto which we have ground enough to conjecture, that Moses, by his writings, and Solomon by his, gave no small additional advance, as it has been already observed in its place.

§. 10. We now proceed to demonstrate, what improvement the Egyptian Philosophie, and Wisdom received from the Jewish Church, after the Babylonian Captivitie. When the Jews were carried captive to Babylon, we find that many remainders of them fled to Egypt, where we may presume they had their Scholes, as in Babylon; or at least some way of communicating their Knowledge to the Egyptians, who, with­out [Page 40] doubt, would be very inquisitive into their mysteries. And when Alexander upon personal conversation with the Jews, and observation of their Institutes, and Solemnities, began to have a kindnes for them, mul­titudes of them were, by Alexander's favor, setled at Alexandria; where they had huge advantage to season that Fountain of Learning with Scripture Light, which immediately after their settlement, began to flourish; and being afterwards abundantly supplied with the Waters of the Sanctuarie, I mean with the sacred Fountain of the holy Scrip­tures translated into Greek, this Schole of Alexandria proved the most flourishing in the world.The advantage the Egyptians received from the Jews as to Philosophie after the Captivitie by the Greek versi­on, or LXX. For the greatest advantage that the Egyptians, and Grecians had, for improvement in Divine, and human Philosophie, was the Translation of the Hebrew Testament into Greek by the ap­pointment; as it is supposed, of Ptolomeus Philadelphus King of Egypt; whereof Carion Chron lib 2. of the Kings of Egypt after Alexander, gives us this account. Ptolomeus Philadelphus (saies he) reigning with peace in Egypt, and finding the profession of Sciences confined to the Priests, and the Egyptian Tongue,The beginning of the Schole at Alexandria. and Letters; he caused Learning to be translated into the Greek Tongue, and instituted Studies (or Colleges) at Alexandria; where it was, thence forward, common for all that would, to studie and learn: and the King called thither from all parts Learned men; he erected a copious Librarie, and searched after ancient monuments, amongst divers Nations. Wherefore Callimachus writ a book of the origine, and migrations of the Nations, and of the Buil­ders of the ancient Cities, and their Laws; which book being lost, is of great detriment to Antiquitie. But when Ptolomie understood that the Jews had the ancient series of the Fathers, and saw that the Law of the Jews did mostly accord with reason, touching the unitie of God, and right manners he took care to have the books of the Jews translated into the Greek Tongue. By the labor and bountie of this King Ptolomeus Philadelphus, the Studies of Sciences were restored to mankind, and largely propagated. And it is written, that he was moved by the Counsels of the most learned Aristas, Strabo, and Demetrius Phalerensis, Callimachus, Apollonius, Aratus, Bion, Theocritus, Conon, and Hipparchus the Mathematician, who resided with him, &c. The Studies of the Sciences, instituted in the reign of Philadelphus, flourish­ed greatly at Alexandria, in the reign of Eu [...]rgetes his son; who also was very bountiful towards the Jews. In his time Jesus the son of Syrach, be­ing in Egypt, gathered his sentences; which are yet extant; which [Page 41] (saies he) were written by his Grandfather, but augmented by him­self, and translated into Greek. The reading of which is most profi­table and sweet, &c. Thus Carion (or Melancthon, who added to him) by which it's apparent, what great advance the Egyptian Wisdom, and the Schole of Alexandria (which henceforward became the seat thereof) in its first constitution, received from the Scriptures, and Jewish Church.’

§. 11. This Schole of Alexandria grew exceeding famous for its Li­brarie (wherein was treasured up this rich Jewel of the Old Testament, The fame of the Alexandrian Schole for its Li­brarie wherein were treasured up the sacred O­racles. in its Greek Version) whereunto Mark Antonie, out of Love to Cleopa­tra, afterwards added the famous Librarie of Pergamus; so that this Schole was the great Nurserie of all Philosophie, and ingenious Sciences, in the first dawnings of the Christian Religion. For the sacred Scrip­tures, as well as the Egyptian Philosophie, being translated into Greek, it proved an efficacious attractive to draw all the Candidates of Lear­ing, and Philosophie hither. The head of this Schole in Origens time, was that great, and so much renowned Philosopher Ammonius, Ammonius the great Master of the Alexandrian Schole his mix­ing Scripture with Platonick Philosophie. from whom all those Platonick Philosophers, who were stiled [...], of the sacred Succession, derived their notions. Such were Herennius, Origen, and Plotinus, who were his Scholars; and Porphyrie, who was Scholar to Plotinus, as [...]amblichus the disciple of Porphyrie. This Am­monius, if we may believe Eusebius (Eccles. Hist. l. 6. c. 9.) and Je­rom, lived and died a Christian, though Porphyrie endeavors to con­fute this opinion. Certain it is, that his Philosophie which he communi­cated to his Scholars, had much of the Scripture revelations mixed with it: so that the Platonick Philosophie, which we find in Plotinus, Porphyrie; Proclus, Hierocles, and the latter Platonists, owed not its ori­ginal, as they would persuade us, so much to Plato, or Pythagoras, as to the Divine Revelation, which Ammonius was well versed in, and made the foundation of his Philosophie. Take this in the words of Dr. Owen, in his learned Treatise of Theologie lib. 3. cap. 6. pag. 204. ‘After Am­monius Alexandrinus the Coryphaeus or head of the Philosophers of his Age (whose Scholars were Origen, Herennius, and Plotinus the praecep­tor of Porphyrie, as he of Iamblichus) had sowen in the minds of his Auditors, some seeds of the heavenly Doctrine, they, who, by rea­son of their own inveterate prejudices, and the Worlds enmitie a­gainst the Christian Religion, would not receive the same, desisted not however to manure and improve those seeds they had received, [Page 42] but mixing of them with Plato's muddy Philosophie. Adde hereto, that some of them by reading our books, drew forth many no [...]io [...]s from those hidden mysteries of the Gospel. Of this number were Numenius, Proclus, Amelius, Plotinus, Herennius, Porphyrius, Iambli­chus, Hierocles, Marinus, Damascius, and others; who, though they quitted not the curious speculations of the Platonicks, nor the Magick Inchantments of the Pythagoreans, yet they mixed many sparks of the heavenly Truth with them.’ More of this hereafter. Book 3. [...]. 4. §. 5.What advance the Schole of A­lexandria recei­ved from the Church there.

§. 12. There was also, in the first planting of the Gospel, a famous Church of Christ in this Citie of Alexandria, whence this Schole, as we may justly presume received much Light, &c. To which purpose, Morelius in his Treatise of Church Discipline Lib. 3. c. 14. pag. 260. St Mark, saies he, having performed the office of a Teacher in the Church of Alexandria, the charge of the Schole was af­terwards given first to Panthenus, then to Clemens Alexandrinus, and after him successively to Orig [...]n, Heraclus, Dionysius, Athen [...]dore, Malcion, and Didymus, who reached to the year 350. The which Do­ctors gave an admirable advance to the Church. The Towne was for this reputed as the universal Schole of the Church. The truth is, Phi­losophie and Curiositie corrupted this Schole, and by consequent the Church, which is greatly to be heeded, because these two evils are na­tural to Scholars, who contenting not themselves with the simpli­citie of the Gospel, would fain adorne it with the ornaments of human Eloquence, and Philosophie; and from a rage to learne, would faine mount higher than their Teachers, &c. Hence the same Mor [...]lius lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 87. shews how the Arian, and Pelagian Heresies were hatched out of the vain philosophizings in this Schole of Alexan­dria, which at last proved the dissipation and ruine of the said Schole, and Church. Thus have we gone thorough the whole series of the Egyptian Philosophie, with endeavors to demonstrate, that it received not only its Primitive Foundation, but also its continued advance and improvement in all Ages from the Divine Oracles seated in the Jewish, and Christian Churches.

CHAP. II. Of the Phenician Philosophie, its Traduction from the Jews.

The Phenicians traduced Philosophie themselves, and deriv'd it into Greece, and other parts, from the Jews. Of the Phenician Philosophie, and its propagation to the Grecians. Of Sanchoniathon, and the ori­ginal of his Philosophie from the Jews. Porphyrie's Testimonie of San­choniathon's traducing his Philosophie from Jerombalus, Priest of the God Jao, i. e. Gideon; or some Jewish Priest. Sanchoniathon's Mythologick mode of philosophizing from the Jewish Church. The Matter of his Philosophie from the Jews: His [...], Theogonie, or Genealogie of the Gods. Beelsamen from heb. [...] Gen. 1.16. Eliun from [...], Ilos from [...]: Eloeim from [...]: Baetulia from [...]; Israel from [...]. Of Angels, and the Soul from Gen. 2.7. Sanchoniathon's Physiologie: His Chaos from Gen. 1.2. Ereb. from Gen. 1.5, &c. Mot, and [...] from Gen. 1.2. The Greek Philosophers con­currence herein. Sanchoniathon's Geographie. Sanchoniathon's Natural Historie continued by Mochus the Physiologist, who was the first Founder of the Doctrine of Atomes, which he makes to be the first principle of all things; which he received by some Jewish tradition from the Historie of the Creation Gen. 1. of Addomenus. Vossius's account of the Tra­duction of Phenician Philosophie from the Jews, as the Ionick and Ita­lick from the Phenicians.

§. 1. WE now proceed to the Phenicians, their Philosophers, Of the Phenici­ans their tradu­cing Philosophie into Greece, and other parts f [...]om the Jews origi­nally. and Philosophie; with its Traduction from the Jewish Church, &c. And to make the [...],, or way to our demonstration more clear, we must reflect on some considerations, laid down in our for­mer Discourse of Philologie, touching the Origination of these Pheni­cians from the old Cananites, who, being expelled Canaan, by Joshua, came and seated themselves on these Maritime Coasts of Palestine (cal­led by them afterwards Phaenicia) West of Judaea: whence, being too populous for this narrow Countrey, they transplanted Colonies, and with them Human Philosophie, and other Sciences, into Greece, Afri­ca, Spain, and the chief parts of Europe; especially such as bordered [Page 44] on the Midland Sea, of which see more Part 1. of Philologie B. 1. chap. 3, 4, 5, 6, &c. I shall only adde a Quotation, or two, out of the Learned Ludovicus Vives, and Bochart, which will greatly conduce to the con­firmation, and illustration hereof. Lud. Vives speaks though in a few words, fully to our purpose) thus. ‘The Phenicians, saies he, for lucre's sake, passed in their Ships thorough the whole world, whither they traduced Knowledge, and Philosophie from the Jews.’

The Phenicians skill in Geogra­phie and Navi­gation, &c.This great Bochart does more copiously explain, and demonstrate in the Preface to the second part of his Geographie, stiled Canaan fol. 9. ‘From what we have said, it clearly appears, that the Grecians were greatly exceeded by the Phenicians, as well in the skill of Navigation, as of Geographie. For the Phenicians began long before the Grecians, to view the world. And indeed, this was almost the only Studie, which was innate to this Nation, even from their Origine, to sail throughout all parts of the world, and plant Colonies; whereunto they were incited, either from the thirst of Glorie, or the irksomnes of their own Countrey, or the desire of Empire, or Curiositie (the [...]nquisitor of natures secrets) or the unsatiable desire of Lucre. Thence they, amongst them who first ventured their persons at Sea, were so much admired by posteritie, that they were, for this noble exploit, numbred amongst their Gods. Such were Saturne, and Astarte; whom Sanchoniathon describes, circuiting the Earth, &c. The like the same Bochart mentions fol. 6, 7. ‘Therefore, saies he, if these monuments of the Phenicians were now extant, there would thence accede great light to sacred and profane Historie (we might adde al­so Philosophie) and that great hiatus, or gap, which is betwixt Mo­ses and the Grecians, would be made up: We should also learn ma­ny things touching the ancient Inhabitants of the Earth, and the migration of the Nations. But time having long since consumed, to the great dammage of Learning, these Monuments we have no­thing remaining of the Historie of the Phenicians, but a few frag­ments scattered here and there in the writings of the Grecians, and Romans, &c.

The Phenicians skill in Astrono­mie and Arith­metick.§. 2. And more particularly touching the Phenicians skill in Philo­sophie, especially the Mathematicks, we have a good account in Bochart, part 2. of Canaan cap. 8. fol. 410. thus. ‘This was pecu­liar to the Phenicians, to direct their course by the inspection of the Stars. So Strabo lib. 16, The Sidonians are reported to be Masters of [Page 45] many, and of the best Arts: moreover they were skilful in Astronomie, and Arithmetick, which they acquired at first from the Art of Calculation, and Navigation. Plinie lib. 5. cap. 12. saies, ‘That the Nation of the Phenicians gained a great glorie for their invention of Letters, Astronomie, Navigation, and Militarie Arts. Thence the Cynosura was so called by the Phenicians. And that Arithmetick was greatly in use amongst the Phenicians, by reason of their Mer­chandise, and traffique, is generally affirmed by the Learned. That they were also well skilled in Natural Philosophie will hereafter appear, in what is mentioned of Sanchoniathon, and Mochus the Physiologist.The Phenicians skill in Mecha­nicks. But the greatest excellencie of the Phenicians consisted in their Mechanick Arts (which belong to Experimental Philosophie) of ma­king Glasse, mixing Purple, weaving fine Linne, &c. Whereof we have a full account in Bochart his Phaleg. lib. 4. cap. 35. His words are these: ‘God indulged the Inhabitants of Tyre, and Sidon (the chief Cities of Phaenicia a sharpe vivid ingenie, flexible to all things: A­rithmetick, and Astronomie flowed from them to the Grecians. And (not to mention the modern Phenicians) Mochus began to philoso­phize of Atomes at Sidon before the Trojan Wars, And Abdemonus the Tyrian was bold to provoke, or engage King Solomon by his que­stions proposed to him. But their chief repute was for Mechanick Arts. At Tyre the mixture of Purple, at Sidon Glasse making, and the Texture of fine Linnen (thence called Sindon) of the smallest thread, are reported to be first invented. And Solomon, in his Epi­stle to Hiram King of Tyre, greatly commends the skill of their Car­penters 1 Kings 5.6.1 Kings 5.6. For thou knowest that there are none among us, that can hew Timber like unto the Sidonians. Hence it is, that Homer cals them [...], manifold, or universal Artists. And if there were any thing more excellenly wrought in garments, or vessels, that was usually attributed to the industrie of the Sidonians.’ Thus Bo­chart of the Phenician Learning.

§. 3. The Phenicians being thus renowned for ingenious Arts, The Grecians borrowed much of their Philoso­phie from the Phenicians. and Philosophie, the Grecians were very ambitious of commerce, and cor­respondence with them: For besides the Phenician Colonies, and with them the Alphabet translated into Greece by Cadmns, and other Phe­nicians (of which before Part 1.) the first and chiefest of the Greci­an Philosophers had recourse to Phenicia, to furnish themselves with Philosophick Principles, and Contemplations: Vossius (de Hist. Graec. l. 3. [Page 46] pag. 375. edit. 2.) proves that Thales was (though a Milesian by birth) originally a Phenician; who is said to have learned Astrologie from the Phenicians, especially the Cynosura (or constellation of the lesser Bear) which was first observed by the Phenicians, who sailed thereby; and thence Vossius derives Cynosura from [...] a collection of light. Also that Thales received his opinion, of water to be the first matter, from the Phenician [...], which signifies Slime, will be evident hereafter. That Pherecydes was in like manner of a Phenician extract (though born at Syra, one of the Cyclades) and much versed in the Phenician Mysteries; from whom he borrowed his [...], or Generation of the Gods (conteined in 10 books) also his invention of the Heliotrope, and My­thologick Philosophie, will appear in the Storie of his Philosophie.

So likewise Pythagoras, the Disciple of Pherecydes (as it is generally supposed by the Learned) borrowed his Symbolick Philosophie from the Phenicians, and Egyptians. Iamblichus in the Life of Pythagoras cap. 13. tels us, that Pythagoras made a voyage to Sidon, where he conferred with the Prophets, the Successors of Mochus the Physiologist, and with the Phenician Priests; and was initiated into all the Mysteries of Byblus, and Tyre, &c. And Grotius on Mat. 7.6 assures us, that Pythagoras brought his Symbolick Philosophie, either out of Egypt, or Syria, where his Master Ph [...]recydes was, and as some think, Pythagoras himself. The like will hereafter be evinced of Plato, who makes frequent mention of his Phenician [...], or fables &c. I shall adde for the Confirmation hereof the Testimonie of Learned Bochart in his Preface to Canaan fol. 12. That I may (saies he) adde to these somewhat of the Sciences, and Arts which flourished amongst the Phenicians, in that age, in which the Grecians were Barbarians, or very little instructed: whence it came to passe, that the most ancient Grecian Philosophers had Phenician Masters; neither have a few of Phenician words both Philosophick and Mechanick crept in­to the Greek Tongue. That Democritus, and after him Epicurus recei­ved their Philosophick Contemplations of Atomes from Mochus the Phe­nician Philosopher, will appear in his Storie.

The Phenicians received their Philosophie from the Jews.§. 4. As the Grecians derived the choicest parts of their Know­ledge, and Philosophie from the Phenicians; so these, as it is more than probable, received theirs from the Jewish Church: For indeed, Phenicia was but the great Mart, which receiving Philosophick Tradi­tions from Judea, transported them into Greece, and other parts. Thus much has been already hinted out of Ludovicus Vives, whose words are [Page 47] these, Phaenices quaestus gratia totum orbem navigiis peragrabant, unde scientiam, & philosophiam traduxerunt a Judaeis. And Grotius, in his Annotations on Mat. 24.38. speaks fully to this purpose thus, Quod ex Phaenicum Theologia veteres Philosophi hauserunt, & ex illis Poet [...], Phae­nices ab Hebraeis hauserant. What the ancient Philosophers drew from the Theologie of the Phenicians, and the Poets from them, the Phenicians drew from the Hebrews. Yea we are not without probable grounds for this conjecture, that whereas the ancient Grecians, Plato, and others, men­tion the Phenicians, and Syrians as the Authors of their Mythologick Traditions, they, under these titles, comprehended also the Jews. For it is apparent (as was before mentioned) that the Jews were, by rea­son of their vicinitie, often stiled Phenicians, and Syrians. So in He­rodotus, those Ph [...]nicians, who were circumcised after the Egyptian manner, are the same with the Hebrews, and Lucian does use the Phenician, and Hebrew names promiscuously. Yea in the Scripture Dialect, the Hebrew is called the Language of Canaan, or Phaenicia: so Esa. 19.18. which proves that there was a great affinitie, and corres­pondence betwixt the Phenicians, and Hebrews, both in Names, Lan­guage, and Sciences, as before Part 1. B. 1. C 3, 4, 5, &c.

§. 5 But to proceed to the [...], the manner how,The manner how Philosophie was traduced out of Judea in­to Phaenicia. and chief Instru­ments, by whom the Jewish Mysteries, and Philosophie were traduced into Phaenicia. How near neighbors the Phenicians were to the He­brews, what a great cognation, or rather Identitie, there was betwixt their Languages, and what constant commerce there was betwixt these two nations, even from their first constitution, not only in external, but also mental commodities, is sufficiently known to all, who are verst in the first rudiments of Antiquitie. Yea the Scriptures fully in­forme us, touching this great affinitie, and correspondence 'twixt the Phenicians, and Jews, not only in Solomon's Reign, but before, and af­ter. Our main work will be to treat particularly of the two great Phenician Philosophers, Sanchoniathon, and Mochus; with some in­quirie, and discoverie, how they traduced their Philosophie, which was chiefly Mythologick, and historick, from the Historie of Moses, or some Jewish Traditions. Of Sanchonia­thon his origina­tion.

§. 6. The first great Phenician Philosopher (from whom the Greci­ans traduced their chiefest philosophick Traditions) we shall mention, is Sanchoniathon, a person indeed of great Antiquitie; who,Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. as Bo­chart conceives, writ before the Trojan War. P [...]rphyrie, and Suidas [Page 48] make him contemporarie with, if not more ancient than, the Tr [...]jan War.G. Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 1. cap. 1. Ger. Vossius tels us, that Greece had no Writer, but who was much younger than Sanchoniathon. Theodor [...]t, out of Porphyrie, explains his name thus, [...]. Sanchoni­athon, who according to the Phenician dialect, is Philalethes, i. e. a l [...]ver of truth, or a Philosopher; for so Plato defines his Philosopher to be [...]. Philo cals him [...], the learned, and curious Inquisitor, &c. The Learned Bochart (in his Canaan lib. 2 c. 17.) gives his name this Phenician, or Hebrew origination; viz. [...] Sanchonea­tho, which, word for word, signifies, the Law his Zele; or a Zelot of true Learning. For [...] San, from [...] curtaild, signifies, amongst the Phe­nicians Doctrine, Law, or Canon Law. Hence the same Phenician Ci­tie is sometimes called [...] Judg. 1.11, 12. Josh. 15.15, 16. Ki­riath Sepher i. e. the Citie of Learning, and sometimes [...] the Ci­tie of Learning, or of the Law, as Jos. 15.49. Kiriath Sannath. The Chaldee renders it [...] the Citie of the Archives, where their Learning was lodged: answerably whereto, the Greeks translate it [...], the Citie of Letters. The radix [...] firstly signifying to whet, or sharpen; thence in its borrowed notion, to teach exquisitely. So that Sanchoniathon seems to have received his Name, or Sirname ra­ther, from the time, wherein he began to applie his mind to Learning, thereby to signifie that he was [...] a Candidate of Truth. So in like manner Roman. 16.15. we read of one called [...] Phil [...]logus, which, as Grotius on the place supposeth, was a Sirname given him, from that he addicted himself to the Studie of Philologie, or human litera­ture.

Sanchoniathon's skill in Philoso­phie, Mythologie, and Natural Historie.§. 7. That Sanchoniathon was a person greatly versed in the Philo­sophie, or rather Mythologie, of those Ages, is generally concluded by the Learned, both Ancient, and Moderne. Philo tels us, that San­choniathon was [...],See more Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. learned, and curious, and above all things, most greedy to know, what were the first Originals, and Principles of all things. This inquisitive humor has put him upon prying into Moses's Historie, whence he traduced the best part of his Historick Narrations, of the Originals of things; which he clothed with many fabulous formes, and shapes, (according to the custom of those childish Ages) thereby to disguise the truth, and concele its parentage. That Sanchoniathon was Master, and Professor of Philosophie, as well as Theologie, we [Page 49] have assurance from Suidas: He writ, saies Suidas, [...], of the Physiologie of H [...]rmes: and [...], the Egyp­tian Theologie; which, saies Bochart, without doubt, he took out of the books of Taautus. So Philo assures us, that, with great diligence, he sear­ched into the books of Taautus, who is said to be the first, that found out the use of Letters. Philo oft cites him, and in the beginning of his book, whatsoever he has of the Creation of the world, he saies, he found it, [...], in the Cosmogonie of Taautus. This Taautus, whom the Greeks call Hermes, is said to have written 42 books as A­strologie, of Geographie, of Medicine, of Politicks, of Th [...]ologie, of Religi­on, &c. The Catalogue of which Books is given us by Clemens Alexan­drinus Strom, lib. 6. The great difficultie will be, to discover who this Taautus, or Hermes was, whence Sanchoniathon received his Physiologie, Of Taautus his origine, &c. and Theologie. That the Egyptian Hermes is originally applicable to none more properly than to Joseph, has been already made probable. So in like manner, we are not without probable conjectures, that this Phenician Taautus, or Hermes, whence Sanchoniathon traduced his Physiologie, or Philosophie, might be Moses. For it is well known,Taautus the same with Mo­ses. that it was very common in those Ages, for differing nations to give the same Titles of Honor to differing persons, suitable to their own hu­mors, and interests. Hence it is, that we find mention of so many Jupiter's, and Hercules's, &c. So that those blind prejudiced Hea­thens, being unwilllng to be thought so much obliged to Moses, that servant of the true God, for their Learning, ascribe it to, I know not what, Hermes. That, de facto, the chief matter, and parts of San­choniathon's Philosophie, and Theologie were but corrupt fragments of, and derivations from the Historie of Moses, will be hereafter manifest by particulars. At present that Sanchoniathon had a general Vogue amongst the Ancients, for a great Philosopher, as well as Historiographer, is confirmed by the Learned Isaac Casaubon, in his notes on Athenaeus lib. 3. cap. 36. ‘Thus of Sanchoniathon, that ancient Historian, is men­tion made in many places by Philo, Josephus, Porphyrius, and others: some call him a Berytian, as Porphyrius; others a Tyrian, as Athenae­us; Suidas saies [...], Sanchoniathon the Tyrian Philosopher writ memoir [...]s of the Tyrians in the Phenician dialect. Thus much also has been asserted by Porphyrius (who was a Tyrian) in his second book of Abstinence, Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion: and amongst the Modern Philologists [Page 50] by Ger. Vossius de Hist. Graecis lib. 1. cap. 1. pag. 3. and Learned Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. fol. 856. as anon.

§. 8. We now proceed to the main of our demonstration: to prove, that Sanchoniathon traduced the bodie of his Philosophie (which laid the foundations of the Grecian Wisdom) from some Scriptural, or Jewish Traditions;The original of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie from the Jewish Church. which we shall endeavor to make good. 1. From the confessions of his friends, and followers. 2. From his manner of phi­losophizing; and 3. From the matter of his Philosophie. First touching the original of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie, Philo tels us, that he gathered it out of the hidden Learning, or Mysteries of the Ammoneans. These Ammoneans Heb: [...] ammanim, Aben Ezra on Lev. 26 30. expounds Temples made for the worship of the Sun. And so indeed a­mongst the Hebrews [...] amma signifies the Sun. 'Tis possible un­der this disguise of the Ammoneans, were originally intended no others, than the Ministers of the true God, expressed under these borrowed appellations. That Sanchoniathon did indeed derive the best part of his historick Philosophie, or Mythologie from some Jewish Priest, or Mi­nister of the true God, is openly acknowledged by Porphyrie, who was his own Countrey-man, a Tyrian (being called in the Tyrian Tongue Malchus [...]) and therefore best able to know;Porphyrie's tessi­monie to prove that Sanchonia­thon derived his Philosophie from some Jewish Priest. as also a great admirer of Sanchoniathon, but bitter enemie of the Christians, and so, as we may presume, would not mention willingly any thing, that might tend to the honor of the Christians God. Yet this Por­phyrie plainly confesseth (in his lib. 4. against the Christians) ‘That Sanchoniathon, besides the help he had from the Commentaries of the Cities, and from the monuments or memoires of the Temples, had for his assistance in the composing of his historie, [...].’ So Euseb. Praeparat. Evang. lib. 10. cap. 3. and Bochart Can. l. 2. cap. 17. Ger. Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 1. cap. 1. gives it us in these words, Greece has none, who is not much younger than Sanchoniathon. Porphyrie saies, that Moses, and Sanchoniathon give the names of persons, and places alike; and that Sanchoniathon drew his Historick Observations, partly from the An­nals of the Cities; partly from the books kept in the Temple, which he received from Jerombalus, Priest of the God [...], &c. That this can refer to no other, but some Jewish Priest seems most evident.

1. If we consider who this Jerombalus was, by whose memoires, or Traditions Sanchoniathon is said to have so much profited himself. I [Page 51] am not ignorant, that the Learned differ in their conjectures here­abouts: but none seems to me more probable (whatever Dr Stilling­fleet objects to the contrary out of Jos. Scaliger) than that of Learned Bochart, who by Jerombalus understands Gideon. His words are these,Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 17. Jerombalus is the same with Jerubbaal, as the Learned have for­merly observed.’ Now it is most known, that Jerubbaal is the Sirname of Gideon. as Judg. 7.1. compared with Judg. 8.35. Suidas saith [...]: which is expresly mentioned Judg. 6.32. [...] let Baal plead against him. Sanchoniathon's receiving the chief materials of his Philoso­phie from Gide­on. Gideon might be called the Priest of Jao, because he was Prince, or Judge of those, by whom Jao, the true God, was worshipped.’ That which augments the suspicion is, that presently after Gideons death, the Is­raelites ‘worshipped Baal Berith, or Beryti, from the Citie called Be­rytum, whence Sanchoniathon sprang. So Judg. 8.33. and made Ba­al Berith their God. The like Judg. 9.2, 4. i. e. the Idol of Berith, or the Berytian Citie. Whence it is most likely, that Gideon making a League, or having frequent Commerce with some Berytian per­son of great fame, it gave the occasion of this piece of Jewish Idola­trie, otherwise unknown: for we find not the name Baal Berith mentioned elsewhere. Nonnus teacheth us, that this Town of Beryth or Berytum, received its name from Beroe, the Daughter of Venus, and Adonis, who was worshipped in those parts for a Goddesse.’ Thus Bochart. Certain it is, from the Scriptures above mentioned, that those of Berith or Berytum, where Sanchoniathon lived, had a great commerce, or correspondence with the Jews, in, or immediately up­on, Gideon's time: and as the Jews received from those of Berith their Idol Baal Berith, so we may also suppose, that they communicated to these Phenicians, some of their own Scriptural Traditions, out of which Sanchoniathon composed his Historie. Lastly the Transmutation of Jerubbaal, Gideons name into Jerombaal, or Jerombalus (from whom Sanchoniathon is said to receive the cheif materials of his Historie) is most easie, by the exchange of one of the B [...] into M, viz: Jerobbaal into Jerombaal.

2. Whoever this Jerombalus was, from whom Sanchoniathon is said to have borrowed the chief materials of his Historie, yet certain it is,Jerombalus Priest of Jao, i. e. the God of Is­rael. if we may credit Porphyrie, he was a Priest of the God Jao. i. e. of Jeho­vah the true God. For the Greeks seldom expresse the ineffable name of God, by any other word. So in the Oracle of Clarius Apollo [...] [Page 52] [...], let him be thy greatest God, whose name is Jao. So Diodorus lib. 1. saies that Moses amongst the Jews owned the God called Jao, as the Author of his Laws. And the Gnosticks in Irenae­us lib. 1. cap. 34. reckon up seven names of God, whereof Jao is the second And Jerom in his commentaries on. Psal. 8. reads it Jaho; which seems little differing from the name [...] Jehovah, or [...] Jah; as Bochart Can. lib. 2. c. 17. see more Part 1. B. 2. C. 1. §. 8.

Sanchoniathon's mythologick mode of philosophizing from the Jewish Church.§. 9. Farther, that Sanchoniathon traduced the main of his Philoso­phie from the Jews will be evident, if we consider the manner of his philosophizing; which was Historick, or rather Mythologick, answe­rable to Moses's manner of philosophizing. For the whole of his Histo­rie seems to be but some mythologick fragments, or fabulous traditions of what Moses more nakedly, and purely laid down, as it will be more fully evident, when we come to treat of the Matter of his Philosophie. Touching Sanchoniathon's Historick manner of philosophizing, we find a good account in Bochart Can. lib: 2. cap. 2. fol. 783. Sanchoniathon writ, before the Trojan Wars, his Historie of the Phenicians, even from their first Origine, in the Phenician Tongue. Philo Byblius, who lived under the Emperor Adrian, rendred the same Historie in­to Greek. Euseb. praep. E­vang. lib. 1. Eusebius has preserved for us a famous fragment of this Version; wherein many Phenician things occur, not unworthy of our commentation.’ Thus Bochart. Suidas, who makes Sanchonia­thon to have lived about the time of the Trojan War, speaks to the same purpose. So Porphyrie lib. 2. [...]; speaks thus [...]. The Phenician Historie is full of those who sacrificed; which Sanchoniathon writ in the Phenician Tongue. And Philo Byblius interpreted him in 8 books. As Sanchoniathon's mode of philosophizing was historick, cor­respondent unto Moses; so likewise mixed he many mythologick, or fabulous Stories, and Symbols with his writings; wherein he seems to af­fect an Imitation of the Jewish manner of expressing their mysteries, by Types, and figurative Symbols. And indeed this ancient symbolick, mythick, or fabulous mode of philosophizing, so common not only a­mongst the Egyptians, and Phenicians, but also amongst the first Grecian Philosophers, Thales, Pherecydes, Pythagoras, and Plato, seems to be wholly taken up by Tradition from, and in imitation of the Jewish Church, their manner of expressing their Rites, Mysteries, [Page 53] and other pieces of Wisdom. So Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. 1. [...] The ancient manner of philosophizing was, as the Hebraick, and Enigmatick; for they chose a short manner of speech (by Symbols) which is most apt for admonition, and most profitable. In this mythick, symbolick mode of philosophizing, the Phenicians (as the Egyptians) those Jewish Apes, couched not only their Secrets of Nature, and Theologick Mysteries, but also their Moral Precepts, and Examples of Prudence, Justice, Fortitude, and other He­roick Virtues. Hence the Greek Poets first, as Homer, Orpheus, &c. and then their chief Philosophers, both of the Ionick, and Italick Sects, derived their mythologick, and symbolick mode of philosophizing, as here­after.

§. 10.The matter of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie. His [...] or [...], i. e. his Theologie & Generation of the Gods. We proceed now to the matter of Sanchoniathon's Philoso­phie, which will give us a farther demonstration, that it was traduced from some Scriptural, or Jewish Traditions. Touching his Metaphy­sicks, and Theologie; Sanchoniathon treats of God, his worship, &c; of Angels, and of the Soul. That Sanchoniathon writ of the Phenician The­ologie, Theodoret Therapeut. Serm. 2. assures us, out of Porphyrie, in these words; [...]. Sanchoniathon the Berytian writ the Theologie of the Phenicians. And Porphyrie greatly admires Sancho­niathon, &c. Suidas also tels, that besides the Institutes of the Phenici­ans, Sanchoniathon writ also of the Theologie of the Egyptians. Now this Theologie, of which he treated, consisted chiefly in his [...], or origination of the Gods, and the Sacrifices, or worship they gave un­to them. As for his account of the original of their Gods, it is evi­dent, that they received their Names, and Attributes, the chiefest of them, from some Scriptural Relation, or Tradition of the Jews, which will easily appear by a brief enumeration. The chiefest of the Phenici­an Gods, was the Sun, called by Sanchoniathon Beelsamen: Of Beelsamen frō [...] Gen. 1.16. in the Phe­nician, and Hebrew dialect, [...]; that is, the Lord of Heaven. So Philo Byblius, out of Sanchoniathon's Theologie of the Sun (Euseb. praepar. lib. 1.) [...], This they say is God, whom they repute the only Lord of Heaven, calling him Beelsamen, which is amongst the Phenicians Lord of Heaven. This seems to be but a corrupt Tradi­tion of Gen. 1.16.Gen. 1.16. where 'tis said, that God made the greater Light to [Page 54] rule the day, and the lesser light to rule the night: whence the Phenici­ans stile the Moon Belsisama, the Queen of Heaven: because, as the Sun rules by day, so the Moon by night. But Sanchoniathon (in the fore quoted Euseb. praep. lib. 1.) proceeds to give the extract of his Gods, in these words, [...], by these was produced Eliun called the most high. Eliun in the Phenician, and He­brew, Eliun from [...]. Gen. 14.19. [...] Elion, is one of the names the Scripture gives unto God, and signifies the most high: So that we cannot rationally doubt, but that Sanchoniathon borrowed this Iaol-God from some Scriptural re­lation. Then he addes that this God Eliun begat the Heaven and Earth; which seems evidently to be taken from Moses's words Gen. 14.19, 22.Gen. 14.19, 22. [...], To the most high God, that pro­duced the Heaven. For [...] signifies also to produce, as the LXX ren­ders it Zach. 13.5. [...], and so it is rendred Gen. 4.1. Then Sanchoniathon proceeds thus, The first born of the Sons of Heaven, [...],Ilos from [...]. was Ilos, who also was called Kronos, or Saturne. Ilos is ap­parently from [...] El, a name of God, which the Phenicians gave to their Idol Saturne. So Damascius, [...]. The Phenicians, and Syrians name their Saturne El. Whence the Grecians call the Sun (which was the Phenician Saturne) [...].Elocim from [...]. Then it follows [...], The companions of Ilos (Phaen. [...] or [...] Eloah) i. e. Saturne are called [...] Elohim, as if one should say the Saturnes. Thus Sanchoniathon. By which it seems evident, that he had not only some Tradition of the God of Israel, his several names [...] and [...], but also some broken fragments of the Trinitie, which he here seems to expresse under his [...] and [...]: Hence the Platonists seem to have traduced their [...],B [...]tulia from [...] Bethel. [...], as hereafter. It follows; [...] The God Ʋranus (i. e. Heaven) excogitated or imagined the Baetulia, when he framed the living stones. That these Baetulia, or stones, which the Phenicians worshipped, were taken up by them in imitation of Jacob's anointing the stone, and consecrating the place, where he had received a vision, is very probable, if we consider Gen. 28.18. where 'tis said, he called the place Bethel, and Gen. 31.13. I am the God of Bethel, where thou anointedst the stone. And if Bochart's conjecture hold true (as it seems probable) Sanchoniathon's original of [...] was [...] i, e. anointed stones. So that the Trans­laror transporting [...] and [...] for [...] anointed, read [...] living. [Page 55] That these Baetulia, which the Phenicians worshipped, had their rise from Jacob's consecrated stone at Bethel, is generally asserted by the Lear­ned Jos. Scalig [...]r on Eusebius, &c. as elsewhere. Part 1. B. 2. C.

§. 11. To these pieces of Sanchoniathon's Theologie,Of the Phenici­an Sacrifices, &c. translated by Philo Byblius, Eusebius addes a place, or two, out of Porphyrie, his book [...]; in which the same Saturne is, by the Phenicians, cal­led Israel. His words are, [...],Israel from [...] &c. Saturne, whom the Phenicians call Israel, &c. This Saturne is said also to have an only son by the Nymph Anobret, whom he called [...] Jeud, and sacrificed. So Sanchoniathon [...], He sacrificed his only son, speaking of Saturne. And that all this is but an imperfect Tradition of Abraham his resolution to sacrifice his own son Isaac, is evident. For the name Jeud, Hebrew [...] Jehid, is the E­pithet given to Isaac Gen. 22.2.Anobret from [...] So Anobret is properly given to Sa­rah: for the Phenician, and Hebrew word [...] Anobret or An­nobret signifies one conceiving by grace, which is rightly said of Sarah Heb. 11.11. only what Abraham did in intention only, Porphyrie and Sanchoniathon make Saturne to do actually: which 'twas the policie of Sathan to make them believe, thereby to induce following Ages to offer their sons to Molech, or Saturne; which was the great Idol of the Phenicians. Porphyrie in his lib. 2. [...] tels us, that the Phe­nician Historie, composed by Sanchoniathon, was full of such kind of sacri­fices, &c. which, it is very evident, the Phenicians at first traduced from the Jews, as the J [...]ws not long after received the same Idola­trous, and inhuman mode of sacrificing their sons to Molech, from the Phenicians. So much for Sanchoniathon's Theogonie, and Theolo­gie, which gave foundation to the Grecian Mythologie about their Gods.

§. 12.Of Angels and the human Soul. Sanchoniathon (according to Philo Byblius's Version cited by Euseb. praep. lib. 1.) has other pieces of Metaphysicks, which seem to be borrowed from Scripture relations. He makes mention of [...]: which Bochart interprets of the Creation of the Angels. Also the first men are by him said to be made [...]. This Colpia, which he attributes to the wind, is the same with [...] Col-pi­jah, the word or breath of Gods mouth, according to Gen. 2.7. and breathed into his nostrils; and Psal. 33.6. by the breath of his mouth. As Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 2.

§. 13. But one main piece of Philosophie, which Sanchoniathon is [Page 56] most famous for,Sanchoniathon's Physiologie or Natural Philo­sophie. is his Physiologie, or Natural Historie of the worlds o­rigine, and its first matter; whence the Poet, Hesiod, and his followers, received their first Chaos, and the Philosophers their Materia prima; which all originally descended, by some corrupt derivations, from the first Chapter of Genesis; as it will appear, if we consider the parti­culars of Sanchoniathon's reports. In the beginning of his Historie (according to the Version of Philo Byblius, quoted by Eusebius) we find,His Chaos from Gen. 1.2. in the beginning of things there was [...] a spirit of dark air, which he cals [...] i. e. according to the Phenicians [...] Chauth Ereb, night, or evening darknes: which seems to be taken from Moses's words Gen. 1.2.Ereb from Gen. 1.5. and there was darknes, &c. The word Ereb is taken from v. 5. [...], and it was Ereb; i. e. evening. Whence H [...]siod [...], which Varr [...] thus imitates, Erebo creata fuscis crinibus nox, te invoco. That the Greek [...] signifies sometimes the same with the Hebrew [...] even­ing; see Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 2. Or it is possible, that San­choniathon's [...] might be borrowed from the Hebrew [...] bohu Gen. 1.2. ב being easily turned into ב; whence also we may suppose the Greek Philosophers traduced their Physick privation; which they make one of their first principles.

Mot from [...].It follows in Sanchoniathon thus: From the Commixtion of the spirit with the Chaos, there arose [...]: the words are [...], or (as B [...]chart conjectures) [...]. From the Commixtion of the spirit with the Chaos, was produced Mot, which some call [...] (or [...]) that is, matter, or slime: what Phi­lo Byblius translates [...],Est enim humida natura, quod apud Antiquos Cha­os, a fusione, hu­miditate, terra, aqua, commista, hyle, id est literis inversis [...], li­mus, humus. Steuchus Eugu. de peren. Philos. l. 1. c. 10. the Phenicians write [...] M [...]d: it being very common with the Greeks to change the Hebrew ד into τ so in [...], by them derived from [...]. Now [...] amongst the Hebrews, and Phe­nicians signifies that matter, out of which all things were at first made: which the Arabians call [...] (whence 'tis possible the Latin materia came) from the root [...]. Therefore Sanchoniathon, having called that [...] slime (or [...], the first matter) addes [...] out of this [matter] was produced the whole seed of the Creation, and the generation of the whole: which is as as much as if he had said, This Mot was the first Matter of all things. For al­though the Hebrew word [...] Mod be not found in Scripture, yet we have the thing fully expressed Gen. 1.2. and 'tis possible also the Jew­ish Philosophers might use the same word, and so the Phenicians by [Page 57] Tradition from them, though Moses, writing for the peoples sake, in the plainest termes, did purposely abstain from all philosophick termes. That Sanchoniathon traduced these his coutemplations of [...], or [...], and [...], with the spirits mixing with them, from Gen. 1.2.5.Gen. 1.2, 5. I conceive, is sufficiently evident: whence H [...]siod's [...], as Plutarch, and Or [...]heus's [...] (slime) [...]; also Thales his opinion of water being the first matter. And Plato's first matter, which he makes to be [...] &c, as Aristotle's first matter being ingene­rable, incorruptible, indefinite, without forme, but capable of all formes, &c. which are but broken fragments of Gen. 1.2.

§. 14. That Thales, Pythagoras, Thales, Pytha­goras, Plato con­cur with San­choniath [...]:, and they all with Moses. and Plato concur with Sanchonia­thon, and they all with Moses, about the first matter of the World, will be farther evident, if we consider their several expressions, with their agreement amongst themselves, as also with Moses's words. Thales held water to be the first matter of all things (whence Pindar's [...]) which is the same with Sanchoniathon's [...] i. e. mixture of mud, and water together: which Orpheus also makes to be the Principle of the Universe, and it is the same with Sanchoniathon's [...]. So Philo Bybli­us, [...] This Mot, or Ilus of Sanchoniathon i. e. mud, slime, or fluid matter, which Thales cals [...], water, Pythagoras, and Plato call [...] (by [...] inversion [...]) that is, matter: all of which a­grees with Moses's words Gen. 1.2.Gen. 1.2. And the spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters: i. e. all at first was but mud, slime, and water, or fluid matter. So Paulus Fagius, from Kimchi, renders [...] matter, which fluid matter was agitated, or moved by the Spirit of God; so [...], from this mixing of the spirit with the Chaos, was begotten Mot, which some call slime, or watry mistion, which was made the seed of all creatures, &c. This the Stoicks call [...], or [...]; and Chrysostom [...], a vivifick ener­gie; according to Psal. 33.6. [...], whence Plato, Thales, Pytha­goras, Heraclitus ascribe the Original of Individuals, to the various a­gitations, or motions of this fluid matter, viz: as moved by the spirit of God, so the Phenicians called this motion [...], a dark, and blustering wind, or spirit: see Stillingf. Orig, Sacr. book 3. cap. 7.

§. 15. Sanchoniathon also was not a little versed in the Chronologie, Sanchoniathon's Chronologie and Geographie. and Geographie of those times and places, wherein likewise he accords with [Page 58] Moses, from whom, we may presume, he received both the one and the other. So Eusebius praepar. Evang. l. 10. c. 3. out of Porphyrie lib. 4. against the Christians, makes Moses, and Sanchoniathon to give the same names to Persons, and Places: as Ger. Vossius de Histor. Graec. lib. 1. c. 1. pag. 3.

Of other Pheni­cian writers e­specially Mo­chus.§. 16. Sanchoniathon's Natural or Mythologick Historie was con­tinued by others, some in the Phenician, some in the Greek Tongue, Of the Phenicians, there were Theodotus, Hypsicrates, and Mochus ▪ whose books Chaetus translated into Greek. Tatianus, the Assyrian, in his Orat. against the Grecians, speaks thus. ‘The Phenician affairs proceeded thus; there were amongst them three persons, Theodotus, Hypsicrates, and Mochus, whose books were translated into Greek by Chaetus In Euseb. praep. Evang. l. 10. (where Tatian's place is cited) for [...] we have [...]. Theodotus's Phenician name, as Bochart con­jectureth, was Elnathan or Nathaniel. But the most renowned of these three was Mochus, whom Bochart conceives to be, in the Phenician stile, called [...] Maacha, taken from Compression. Josephus Ant. l. 1. cap. 4. shuts up his Historie touching the long-lived Antidiluvians, with this Epiphonema. ‘And Mochus, and Hestiaeus, and Hieronymus the Egyptian (who prosecuted the Egyptian storie) consent to these things I affirme.’ Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 17.

§. 17. Concerning Mochus we find this mention in Is. Casaubon his notes on Athenaeus lib. 3. cap. 36. Mochus, saies he, is named a­mongst the Authors of the Phenician affairs by Tatianus, in his last book,Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 3. pag. 390. edit. Ludg. 1651. These words which Vossius cites out of Ca­saubon, I could not find in Ca­saubons animad­versions, but found the contra­ry: namely his citing of Tatia­nus touching Mo [...]h [...] as also Euseb. [...]. which place it is worth our while to transcribe, [...].’ Ger. Jo Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 3. pag. 390. Addes to Casaubon thus: Mochus the Phenician committed to writing the af­fairs of his Countrey in the Phenician Tongue. Athenaeus in lib. 3. makes mention of him; where Cynulcus thus bespeaks Ʋlpianus the Tyrian, [...] according to their Citizens Syniaethon (i. e. Sanchoniathon) and Mo­chus, who writ of the Phenician Affairs. Casaubon lib. 3. Anima [...]v. in Athen. cap. 36. saies, I remember not that Mochus is to be found elsewhere: and peradventure [...] or [...] is the name of some Tyri­an, who in his own Countrey was called [...] Mosche, or according to the custome of writing Moses. Thus Casaubon. And truly that Mo­schus [Page 59] is a Phenician name I learnt also one of Strabo lib. 16. where he makes men [...]ion of Moschus a Sidonian, and that he was the Author of the opinions of Atomes; also that he was more ancient than the Trojan War. Neither is any thing in Athenaeus to be changed, for (which occurred not to that excellent man Casaubon) there is menti­on made of this Author, not only once, amongst Ecclesiastick writers: as in Josephus lib. 1. Antiqu▪ cap. 8 (or according to others 50) where you read [...]. Al­so Manetho the Egyptian writer, and Berosus the Chaldean Historiogra­pher, and Mochus, Hestiaeus, and Hieronimus the Egyptian, who prosecuted the Phenician Affaires, consent with us. Also we have a famous place touching Mochus, in Tatianus his oration against the Pagans pag. 217. in Orthodoxogr. which is also cited by Eusebius lib. 10. de praepar. Evang. (pag. 289 Edit. Rob. Steph.) And Georg: Cedrenus transcri­bing Josephus (almost in the beginning of his Compendium pag. 10.) does in like manner make mention of Mochus amongst the Phenician Historiographers. Thus Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 3. pag. 30.

§. 18. And that Mochus was a famous Philosopher,Mochus his Philosophie. as well as Historiographer, is evident, from the mention we find concerning him in lamblichus, of the life of Pythagoras cap. 13. where he saies, that Pythagoras, being at Sidon, conferred with the Prophets, Successors of Mo­chus the Physiologist, &c. By which also we see what piece of Philoso­phie Mochus was chiefly verst in, namely in Physiologie, or Natural Phi­losophie, which was the main Philosophie, these first Ages, and Philo­sophers thirsted after. This Thales brought out of Phenicia, &c. And in brief, this kind of Physiologie, which the Phenicians, and the Grecians so much delighted in, was indeed no other, than a Natural Historie, or some broken fragments of the Historie of the Creation, delivered by Moses Gen. 1, &c. Thus much I was assured of by learned Bochart, upon oral conference with him, to whom proposing some Queries, touching this Mochus, he answered me, that Mochus lived before the Trojan War, and was contemporarie with Sanchoniathon, as Strabo af­firmes; calling him upon a mistake, Moschus; and that his Philosophie was nothing else, but the Historie of the Creation, the same with that of Sanchoniathon. As for other particulars touching Mochus, the original of his name from [...] Maacha, &c, he referred me to his Canaan [Page 60] lib. 2. c. 17. Strabo lib. 16. and Athenaeus l. 3. c. 36. with Casaubon. That Mochus did really traduce his Physiologie, or natural Historie from the Historie of the Creation, written by Moses, will be farther evident, if we consider the main Principle for which he was renowned amongst the Ancients, viz. the doctrine of Atomes. So Strabo lib. 16. makes mention of Moschus the Sidonian, who was the Author of the opini­on of Atomes, &c. The same B [...]chart Phaleg. lib. 4. cap. 35. having made mention of Arithmetick, and Astronomie, being derived from the Phe­nicians to the Grecians, addes thus: ‘that I may be silent as to latter Philosophers,Prima mundi materia fuit dis­perforum Ato­morum chaos, nulla sua parte coharens. Comen. physic. c. 2. Mochus began to philosophize of Atomes at Sidon, be­fore the Trojan War, &c. Hence Democritus borrowed his Notions of Atomes, as Epicurus from him; and that the whole Doctrine of A­tomes to be the first principles of the Ʋniverse came from Moses's Hi­storie of the Creation, see Comenius's Physicks, of Materia prima. cap. 2.

§. 19. Bochart Phaleg. lib. 4. c. 35. makes mention of another Phenician Philosopher, Abdomenus the Tyrian, Of Abdomenus. who, by his questions, was so bold as to provoke King Solomon to disputation, &c. But I shall confirme this discourse of the Phenician Philosophie, and its Traducti­on from the Jewish Church with the observation of Learned Vossius de philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 10. §. 24,Vossius's account of the Phenician Philosophie its traduction from the Jews, as the Grecians from them. &c. ‘The Philosophie of the Phenicians (saies he) is very famous: and in as much as that Na­tion was most like to Judea, they had a mighty advantage of Learn­ing many things from the Jews: some things also they gained by Tradition. For the Phenicians springing from Sidon, the son of Ca­naan, the Nephew of Cham, descended also from Noah. They u­sed the help of their Priests in writing Historie, as Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion. Who also quotes some things out of the Annals of the Tyrians. Concerning their Theologie, Sanchoniathon the Beryti­an writ in the Phenician Tongue, who was more ancient than the Trojan War, as Porphyrie lib. 4. contra Christ. &c. Thence §. 25, &c. he addes, ‘To this Nation the Grecians owe their Letters: whence they are called [...]. Also they attribute Arithmetick to these Phenicians, because they excelled in Merchandise; to which the Knowledge of Numbers is greatly necessary. Ochus the Persian Philosopher was also a Phenician. Thales likewise, who was the first founder of the Ionick Philosophie, had his original from the Phenici­ans. Also Pherecydes the Praeceptor of Pythagoras, who was Con­temporary [Page 61] with Thales, and Author of the Italick Sect, drew his contemplations from the hidden books of the Phenicians. Also Zeno, the Prince of the Stoick Sect, was of a Phenician extract: for Cittium a Town in Cyprus, where he was borne, was peopled by a Phenician Colonie. Then he concludes §. 31. But if we acknowledge the Phenici­an Philosophie, how much more justly must we Christians acknowledge the Jewish? especially seeing the Phenicians, without all peradven­ture, traduced many things from the Jews their neighbors, as also the Egyptians. And hence it is apparent why the most Ancient Phi­losophers delighted so much in brevitie, and symbolick Learning. The Ancient mode of philosophizing was Hebraick, and Enigmatick. Thus Vossius. We may adde hereto that of Hornius Hist. philos. l. 3. c. 14. Joh. Serranus makes Plato to speak many things, which he un­derstood not, drawn out of the Phenician Theologie. So Scaliger Exer. 61. §. 3, which opinion seems very probable to me. For as to the Phenicians, they were given to Mercature, familiar to the Gre­cians: and they sent frequent Colonies into various parts of the world. Also their Theologie was well known: from which Musaeus, Linus, Orph [...]us, and other old Theologists drew most of their notions. Nothing hinders therefore, but that Plato might attain to a more in­timate Knowledge of their Theologie, whereunto Pherecydes had be­fore opened the door, who also, as they say, brought some of their commentaries into Greece. But now the Phenicians had many things common with the Hebrews, drawn either from daily conversation with their Ancient Fathers and their Posteritie, or else from the in­spection into, and reading of Moses; whereof they, being not igno­rant of that tongue, might partake. Thence therefore Plato drew those things which rendred him so admirable to all Posteritie.’

§. 20. And as there were some broken beams, As the Law, so the Gospel shone in its first pro­mulgation, or dawning on the Phenicians. or Traditions of the Law, and Old Testament Light conveighed from the Jews to the Pheni­cians, and thence to the Grecians; so in like manner the Gospel in the first publication thereof, shone, with bright raies on Phaenicia: For the Woman of Canaan, whose Faith Christ so much applauded, was a Phenician, And, upon the dispersion 'tis said Acts 11.19. They which were scattered abroad upon the persecution, that arose about Steven, travailed as far as Phenice, and Cyprus, and Antioch, preaching the word to none, but the Jews only. By which it is apparent that there were Jews inhabiting amongst the Phenicians (and it is not improbable, but that [Page 62] there were some scattered thither even at the first Babylonish Captivi­tie) as also in Cyprus (where were Colonies o [...] the Phenicians and Jews) to whom God in his Providence ordains the Gospel first to be preached (as the Jewish Traditions of old) that so it might thence receive the more speedy conveighance into the Westerne parts, Greece, Italy, Spain, France, Britannie, &c. with which parts the Phenicians had frequent Commerce, and Trading; as it has been largely proved Part 1. of Phi­lologie book 1. chap. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9.

CHAP. IIII. Of the Chaldaick Philosophie, and Philosophers.

The Advantages the Chaldaick Philosophie might have from the Church of God, Noah and his family, Shem, Abraham, &c. The Chaldeans famous for Astronomie, which was communicated to them, by Church Tradition delivered by Abraham, &c. Gen. 1.16. The People of God much taken up in contemplation and admiration of the glorie of God, shining in the Heavens, Ps. 136.4, 5, 6, 7. This gave foundati­on to Astronomie. How Natural Astronomie degenerated into Judi­cial Astrologie, from an Idolatrous admiration of the Celestial bodies, as Gods, Rom. 1.19, 20, 21. The Jewish Teraphim, and Popish Agnus dei answered to the Pagan [...], or Images dedicated to the Sun Judg. 17.5. The Chaldaick Theologie lay chiefly amongst the Zabii, or Sabeans. Balaam one of the Zabii. The wise men, or Ma­gi Mat. 2.1. of these Zabii. Many Zabian Rites mentioned in Scrip­ture, as Job 31.26. beholding the Sun, thence Sternutation a Pagan Rite. So Job 31.27. kissing the hand, is bowing unto, and adoring the rising Sun, The Pagan [...] eternal fire, which was a Symbol, whereby they worshipped the Sun, as Lev. 36.30. from the opinion that the Sun was fire. The Judaick Scholes in Babylon, and other parts of Chaldea.

The Division of Philosophie into Barbarick and Grecian.§. 1. THe Ancients were wont to distinguish Philosophie into Barba­bick and Grecian: by Barbarick, is usually understood that, [Page 63] which was taught out of Grece, and Italie, in Egypt, Phaenicia, Judea, Chaldea, &c. This by general vogue is held to be the more Ancient. Thus Diogenes Laertius prooem; [...]. It is affirmed by some that Philosophie had its beginning from the Barbarians. Which Isaac Gasaubon in his Notes on this place thus explaines, ‘And of the Grecians, those who were best natured, and most ingenuous have alwaies thus thought. And those Ancient de­fenders of our Religion against the Gentiles, have so defended the truth on this part, and so broken the pride, and arrogance of those who were otherwise minded, that none may doubt of it. There are at hand those who have written on this Argument, Tatianus, Clemens, Theo­philus, Eusebius, and others.’ So Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 1.Teslantur autem non modo s. lite­rae Graecos a Barbaris natos, ut supra, sed ip­simet Graeci, se juniores Barba­ris esse, & do­ctrinam, sermo­nem (que) ab illis acceptum▪ Omni­um (que) est testimo­nium, Pythago [...]ā in Aegyptum, So­lonem, Eudoxū, Platonem acces­sisse, ut andi rent corum Sacerdo­tes. Steuch. Eu­gub. De peren. philos. l. 2. c. 2. [...]. Philosophie a thing variously useful, in times past flourished amongst the Barbarians, shining from Na­tion to Nation, till at last it came to the Grecians. Austin lib. 8. de civit. Dei cap. 9. gives us an account of these Barbarian Nations, who were reputed skilful in Philosophie; where having made mention of the two great Sects of the Grecian Philosophers, the Ionick and Italick, he addes, ‘And if there be found any others of the other Nations, who are reputed wise men, or Philosophers, the Atlanticks, Lybicks, Egyp­tians, Indians, Persians, Chaldeans, Scythians, Gauls, Spaniards. Here Augustin makes no mention of the Phenicians, and Jews, who, I think, were mainly understood by the Ancients, under the name of Barbarick Philosophers. But of this we have already discoursed; as also of the Egyptians: we shall proceed therefore to those, who remain of the Barbarick Philosophers; and begin with the Chaldeans, who were great­ly famous for their skill in Astronomie, and Astrologie (which as the Learned suppose, they were masters of, before the Egyptians) for their improvement wherein, they had great advantages,The Chaldaic [...] Philosophie, and its advantages from the Church of God in No­ahs familie. not only from the situation of their Countrey, which lay plain, but also from the Church of God; which after the Floud was first planted, and seated amongst them; and furnished not only with Divine, but also Human Know­ledge. For Noah and his familie, which was then the seat of the Church, living before the Floud, had the advantage of gathering up all the Wisdom of the old World, and conveighing of it, by Tradition to their Posteritie, especially to such as were of the Holy Seed, who, as we may presume, would be most curious in searching into, and inqui­ries [Page 64] after the great works of God, both as to Creation, and Providence: amongst whom we may reckon Abraham, who is said to teach the Chaldeans Astonomie.

The Chaldeans famous for Phi­losophie.§. 2. But to proceed gradually in our Discourse: First that the Chaldeans had a great reputation for the Antiquitie of their Philoso­phie, we have the Testimonie of Cicero lib. 1. de Divinat. Where he saies,Vossius de phi­los. sect. l. 2. c. 1. that the Chaldeans were the most ancient kind of Doctors. And particularly, that they taught the Babylonians, and Assyrians Philoso­phie, we have for it the Autoritie of Aristotle [...], and of So­tion, in his books [...], if we may credit Laertius. So Diodorus tels us,Their main Phi­losophie consisted in Astronomie. that the Egyptians received their Philosophie from the Chaldeans. Now the great piece of Philosophie the Chaldeans were at first famous for, was Astronomie, and Astrologie. So Strabo lib. 12, and 15. Hence Pythagoras is said to derive his Knowledge of the Stars from the Chaldeans, as Porphyrie, Note: Chaldaei in Astrologiae studio sibi pa [...]es non habuere. Nam ut ex Simplicio Comment. 46. in Aristo [...]clem l. 2. de Coelo con­stat, Callisthenes Aristotelis ro­gatu, in Graeciam misit observa­iones Chaldaeo [...]um, ab annis 19 [...]3. ante Alexandri tempora, i. e. ducentis circiter ante natum Abrabamum annis. Has observa­tiones se vidisse Porphy [...]ius testa­tur. Hornius Histor. philos. lib. [...]. cap. 3. in the life of Pythagoras. Whence also the name Chaldeans passed in the Roman Empire for A­strologers. And Quintus Curtius lib. 5. tels us, ‘that Alexander entring Babylon, whereas others approving themselves otherwise, the Chaldeans shewed the mo­tions of the Stars, and the stated vicissitudes of times. Wherefore as Simplicius in Arist. lib. 2. de Coelo affirmes) Aristotle, that great Inquisitor of Nature, gave it in command to Callisthenes his Kins­man and Disciple, who travailed with Alexander into Asia, that he should send him Commentaries of such things, as the Chaldeans had observed touching the Celestial Bodies. And Callisthenes sent him observations of two thou­sand years. Tullie tels us, they had much convenience for such Astro­nomick observations by reason of the plain situation of their Countrey. So Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 1. §. 9. ‘Neither is it to be wondred, saies he, if persons, so ingenious, were so well skilled in the Knowledge of the Stars, who inhabiting a large, and even Countrey, could alwaies behold the face of the Heavens: neither is it more to be wondred if those first Chaldeans observed so many things, who in Aristotle's time gloried in the experience of 2000 years.How Astrono­mie and Astro­logie were com­municated to the Chaldeans by Abraham, &c.

§. 3. But though it may be granted that these Chaldeans had some advantage for the improvement of their Astronomick Skill from the convenience of their Countrey, which lay on a level; yet have we [Page 65] both Authoritie and Reason to judge, that the original of this their Art was more Divine. That the Chaldeans received their skill in Astrologie from Abraham was afore (chap 1. §. 8. of Abraham) asserted, and proved out of Berosus, Eupolemus, Josephus, and Vossius: so Lud. Vives on Aug. de civ. Dei l. 8. c. 9. asserts the Traduction of Philosophie from the Chal­deans to the Egyptians, by Abraham. The truth of which assertion will be more evident, if we consider the original causes of this Astrono­mick Science. We need no way doubt,The Historie of the Creation and Providence con­veighed down by Church-Traditi­on. but that Noah had been fully instructed by Church-Tradition, from his Godly predecessors Methu­selah, Enoch and Seth, touching the Creation of the World by God; and particularly touching the excellent fabrick of the Heavens, the Nature of those Celestial Bodies, their Harmonious Order, and Motion; that the Sun was made to governe by Day, and the Moon by Night, as Gen. 1.16. and Psal. 136.7, 8.Gen. 1.16. Ps. 136.7, 8. that these Celestial had a mighty in­fluence on all Sublunarie Bodies, &c. These and such like considerati­ons, which greatly conduced to the enhanceing the Wisdom, Power,Sapientes ex No­achi schola viri, in campis Babylo­niae Senaar, Phi­losophiae dediti, imprimis Astro­logiam excole­bant. Quod prae­ter Mosem, etiā Gentilium eru­ditiores, ex Chal­daeorum traditi­one, non ignora­runt. Hornius Histor. philos. lib. 2. c. 2. and Goodnes of God, in his works of Creation, and Providence, we may not doubt, were very frequent, by Church-Tradition, in the Hearts and Mouths of those Sons of God, before and after the Floud. And it is the opinion of some, (which is not without probable grounds) that the whole storie of the Creation, written by Moses, was conveighed down even from Adam to his time, by a con­stant uninterrupted Tradition to the Holy Seed, and Church in all A­ges. And indeed if God vouchsafed to any the manifestation of his glorious works of Creation, and Providence, to whom can we suppose it should be, if not to his darlings and friends, the faithful and holy Seed? who both could and would best improve such contemplations, for their Makers glorie, and most faithfully hand them over to posteri­tie. Thus God himself gives Abraham this Character Gen. 18.17.Gen. 18.17, 19. Shall I hide from Abraham the thing which I do? 19. For I know him, that he will command his children, &c· God gave Abraham the Know­ledge of things not only past and done, but to come; because he knew Abraham would make the best improvement, and conveighance there­of to his posteritie. And thus we may conceive how Abraham having the Knowledge of Gods glorious works of Creation and Providence, especially as to the Celestial Bodies, their Natures, Order, Harmonie, Government, Motions, Influences (which takes in the whole of true Astronomie, and Astrologie) communicated to him partly by Church-Tradition, [Page 66] partly by the blessing of God upon his own meditations and contemplations (if not also from some Divine Inspiration even of this Natural Knowledge) could not but conceive himself in dutie obli­ged to communicate the same, not only to his own Posteritie, but also to his Kindred, and Countrey men the Chaldeans.

The people of God much taken up in the contem­plation, and ad­miration of the glorie of God shi­ning in those ce­lestial bodies which gave foundation to Astronomie.That the people of God were, in the infant state of the Church, much ravished with holy contemplations of the Glorie of God, that shone so brightly in those Celestial Bodies, their Order, Government, Motion, and Influence, is evident, by many Philosophick, yet gratious Me­ditations we have to this purpose in the Psalms: as Ps. 19.1. The Heavens declare the glorie of God, &c. to the end. So Psal. 136.4. To him who alone doth great wonders: and v. 5. To him that by Wisdom made the Heavens, &c. 7. To him that made great lights. 8, 9. The Sun to rule by day, the Moon and Stars to rule by night, &c. So it is said of Isaac, he went out into the field to meditate; where he could no sooner open his eyes,Ps. 136.4, 5, 7. but contemplate the wonders of God, in those Celestial Bo­dies. Thus were these holy men Abraham, &c. ravished with the ad­miration (which as Plato, and Aristotle assure us, was the first cause of all Philosophie) of the Glorie of God, that shone so brightly in those Celestial Bodies, the Sun, Moon, and Stars, their admirable natures, positions, conjunctions, regular motions, and powerful influences, which is the summe of Natural Astronomie, and Astrologie; which was, as we have endeavored to prove, communicated to the Chalde­ans, by Abraham or Shem, &c.

How natural Astronomie and Astrologie, dege­nerated into Ju­dicial. Rom. 1.19, 20.21. See more of this in our account of the Egyptian A­stronomie. chap. 2. §. 2.§. 4. This Astronomie, and Astrologie, which the Chaldeans (accor­ding to the common presumption) received from Abraham, did soon by their holding the truth in unrighteousnes (as Rom. 1.18, 19, 20 21, 22.) degenerate into that Black Art (deservedly so called, because from Hell) of Judicial Astrologie, or Divination; which was thence called [...] the Chaldaick Art: the original of which was this; (as we find it Rom. 1.20, 21.) These Chaldeans, besides the Traditions they received from Abraham, and the rest of the Patriarchs, touching these Celestial Bodies, their glorious natures, order, situations, regular motions, and governments, as Gen. 1.16. they themselves, by their own Astronomick observations and experiments, contemplating a mighty Beautie, and Ornament in the Heavens, a regular course in the Motions of the Stars, an excellent Harmonie and Order in the distan­ces and conjunctions, and a powerful influence descending from them [Page 67] on sublunarie Bodies, the more they contemplated these glorious creatures the more they admired them; 'till at last their admiration determined in adoration of them, as Gods. Thus was that Scripture fulfilled Rom. 1.21.Rom. 1.21. they became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish hearts were darkned. That this was the original of their Zaba­isme, or worshipping the Celestial Bodies, is gathered from Deut. 4.19.Deut. 4.19. See more of the original of this Zabaisme in Dr. Owen de Idole­lat. lib. 3. c. 4. p. 117, &c. And lest thou lift up thine eyes to Heaven, and when thou seest the Sun, &c, shouldst be driven to worship them. When they grew vain in their imagi­nations, no wonder if such a glorious sight of their eyes, was followed with the Idolatrie of their foolish hearts. Now this Phaenomenon be­ing granted, that the Stars were Gods, the Hypotheses of Judiciarie Astrologie easily followed. So Maimonides More Nevoch. p. 3. c. 29.See Stilling. O­rig. sacr. book 1. chap. 3. speaking of these Chaldeans, saith, ‘that they had no other Gods but the Stars, to whom they made Statues or Images, which derived an influence from the Stars, to which they were erected, and thence re­ceived a facultie of foretelling things future.’ These images the Greeks called [...], and were much the same with the Teraphim, they being both exactly made according to the positions of the Heavens.The Heathen [...] answerable to the Jewish Te­raphims Judg. 17.5. and the Popish Agnus Dei. So Gro­tius saies, that the [...] Teraphim Judg. 17.5. were Images made with figures; according to the position of the Stars; which also the Idola­trous Jews made use of for divination, as Zech. 10.2. whence the Ephod accompanies the Teraphim Judg. 8.27. And this Idolatrous mode of Divination continues yet to this very day amongst some, who are pre­tenders to this Judicial, or rather Satanick Astrologie. For they make Figures, and Images, which they pretend to answer to the forme of the celestial bodies: thence they persuade the foolish people, that these Images receive influence, and virtue from the Celestial Figure. (near of kin whereunto is the Agnus Dei amongst the Papists) All of which Magick trumperies are but imitations of those [...], or Ta­lismans, so much in request amongst the Chaldeans, and other Idolaters: of which see Plotinus Enead. 4. lib. 3. cap. 11. where he unfolds the whole Mysterie of the [...], or Images, and their manner of Divination by them; which, upon the supposition of the Chaldeans, that the Stars are Deities, might admit of some probable pretext, but without this Hypothesis of allowing a Divinitie to the Stars, I cannot see what shadow of Reason those pretenders to Judiciarie Astrologie can have to salve their Phaenomena. See more of this Owen de Idololat. l. 3. c. 7.

§. 5. This leads us to the Theologie of the Chaldeans, which com­prehended [Page 68] a chief part of their Philosophie. The Chaldaick Theologie among the Zabii. So Diodorus Siculus lib. 3. tels us, That the Chaldeans were most skilful in Astronomie, Divination, and sacred Offices. This their sacred Philosophie, or Divinitie was chiefly studied by, and preserved amongst their [...] Zabii, who, according to Scaliger's account, were the most Easterne Chaldeans: which he ga­thers from the origination of the word Zabii from Saba the Son of Chus. See Stilling, O­rig. sacrae book 1. chap. 3. Salmasius thinks these Zabii were the Chaldeans, inhabiting Mesopotamia. If so, it is very probable that Balaam that famous Ma­gician, or Diviner, was one of these Zabii. For Mesopotamia seems to be Balaam's Countrey, thence Numb. 22.5.Numb. 22.5. Pethor, where Balaam lived, is said to be by the river, i. e. saies the Chaldee Paraphrase, Eu­phrates. That Balaam was a Magician, or Conjurer is evident from the whole of the Storie.Balaam one of these Zabii. Thus Stillingfleet Orig. sacrar. lib. 1. chap. 3. To which he addes these words, ‘Hence we may conclude, that these Zabii were the same with the Persian Magi instituted by Zoreaster: which farther appears from the Magi, Mat. 1.2. These wise men Zabii. that were guided by the Star unto Christ, who are said to come from the East (i. e. Sabea, or Ara­bia Foelix) with presents, which are peculiar to that Countrey.’ That Balaam was a Zabean, and of these Zabii, or wise men mentioned Mat. 2.1, 2. may be gathered from what Deodate observes on that place v. 2. viz. ‘that this Star was the signe that the King of the World should be born in Judea, which perhaps might come to their notice, by the Pro­phecie of Balaam Numb. 24.17. continued amongst them, &c.

The Rites of the Zabii mentioned in Scripture.§. 6. Concerning these Zabii, Maimonides tels us, that the under­standing their Rites would give light to many obscure passages of Scri­pture: I suppose he means such as relate to the Original of Idolatrie or the Worship they gave to those Planetarie Deities: for, saith he, they had no Gods, but the Stars, to whom they made Statues (or pillars which the Greeks stiled [...]) and Images [...]. We find one Rite or Ceremonie of this Zabaisme, or Planetarie Worship Job. 31.26, 27. If I beheld the Sun when it shined, Job 31.26, 27. Beholding the Sun a piece of Pagan Worship. &c. This holy man (who, as 'tis supposed, lived amongst these Zabii about Joseph's time (as Jerome) when this their Idolatrie was come to some maturitie) speaks openly of this Pla­netarie Worship, then so common. And the first part of this Zabaism, he so industriously a moves from himself, is Beholding the Sun when it shined: Not the simple beholding of it, that's only a Natural Act of our Natural Sense, and hath no more of Moral Evil in it, than the Natural Shine of the Sun beheld by it: But beholding it with such an Eye, as secretly steals away the heart from the Worship of the Creator, affecting the Soul with, [Page 69] and carrying it out in an Idolatrous Adoration of that so glorious a Creature (as in some it did, to such an height,Job. 31.27. Kissing the hand bowing to or a­doring the Sun. that Plato saies Socrates underwent [...] an Exstasie in worshipping the Sun) for so it follows Job. 31.27. And my heart hath been secretly en­ticed. Job shews here that the original Seat of this Zabaisme was the Heart: for by long contemplation, and admiration of the eyes the heart was drawn away to worship those Celestial bodies as before. So it followes, or my mouth hath kissed my hand, i. e. adored the Sun: for kissing the hand and bowing to the Sun was a main ceremonie they used in their worship. So the worship of Christ the Sun of Righteousnes is, under that ceremonie of kissing, commanded Ps. 2.12. And Hos. 13.2. the worship of the Calves expressed by that ceremonie reproved. There were other parts of Zabaisme, or Star-worship, namely Images and Fire; of which we find some mention in Scripture: so Lev. 26 30. ‘God threatens to destroy their [...] Images of the Sun, as some, but rather their [...],’ their hearths where they kept their perpetual fire, for these are called [...] from the Heb. [...] which signifies both the Sun, and Fire. Hence from [...] comes the Greek [...] (q. [...]) and the Latin Caminus a Chimney, or Furnace ▪ So in like manner the Hebrew [...], which signifies the Light of the Sun, is used also for fire (as the Greek [...] is by Plato used for both fire and light) whence some derive Ʋr in Chaldea, Lev. 26.30. Why they wor­shipped the Sun under the Sym­bol of Fire. which was the Seat of this Idola­trous worshipping the Sun by Fire, from [...], or Light. Now the reason of this piece of Zabaisme, or worshipping the Sun by Fire, seems this. These Zabii, or Chaldean Philosophers were possessed with this o­pinion (which afterward was taken up by many of the Greek Philoso­phers (that the matter of the Sun was Fire,The Pagan [...] from that opini­on that the Sun was Fire. which 'tis possible they might take up from some broken Tradition, touching the Creation of those greater Lights, as Gen. 1.16. And the words [...] and [...] that signifie the Sun, and its Light are used also to expresse Fire. Plato in his Timaeus cals the Sun [...], an heavenly Fire: and Job. 31.26. cals the Sun [...], which also signifies Fire, thence Ʋr in Chaldea was so called because it was the Seat of their eternal fire, and the Stoicks of old held that the Sun was Fire. So Grot. on 2 Pet. 3.7. and Comenius in his Physicks. Thus the French Conferences, par les beaux exsprits tom. 1. conf 6. so Willis de febribus saies the Light is but a greater flame more dilated. And Ames. Medul. Theol. l. 1. c. 8. thes. 50. Subtilissi­ma illius massae parte sursum evocata, facta suit lux i. e. ignis lucens. [Page 70] That the Sun is of an ignite fiery nature was generally believed a­mongst the ancient Philosophers; particuarly by Thales, Plato, Hera­clitus, Anaximenes, Xenophanes, Theophrastus, Anaximander, Anaxago­ras, Philolaus, Empedocles, Democritus, Cleanthes, Zeno, Chrysippus, and others, as we intend to prove in what follows of Plato's Physicks, of which see more Part 1. B. 3. C. 3. §. 9. And that the Sun, and Fire agree, not only in name, but also in nature, I am apt to think, is the more probable conjecture, if we compare their properties, influences, and effects, which are very near akin, if not the same. However we have sufficient ground to conclude this to be the reason why these Zabii worshipped the Sun under this Symbol of Fire. Moreover Maimonides tels us that Abraham had his conversation amongst these Zabii. That he lived in the Countrey of Ʋr in Chaldea, the Scripture assures us; whence he wanted not opportunitie of communicating Knowledge in these and other things, to these Chaldeans as before. Batricides attri­butes the original of the Religion of these Zabii to the time of Nahor, which disagrees not with what has been laid down. I shall conclude this with the words of Learned Owen de Ortu Idol. l. 3. c. 4, pag. 187. Sabaisme consisted in the worship of the Sun, Moon, and Stars: Helle­nisme added the Daemon-worship; the adoration of Images [ [...]] and pillars [ [...]] was common to both: the beginning of Idolatrie was in Sabaisme or the worship of celestial bodies.The Sects of the Chaldeans.

§. 7. Besides the Zabii, there were other Sects of these Chaldeans: for some were called Orcheni, others Borsippeni. They were also di­stinguished by other names, as it often happens among Sects who have different apprehensions of the same things: of which see Strabo lib. 16. Amongst the Chaldeans, who writ in Greek touching Astrologie, Bero­sus gained the greatest repute, especially amongst the Greeks. Of whom Plinie lib. 7. cap. 37. gives this character. Berosus was famous for Astro­logie; to whom, for his Divine predictions, the Athenians gave a golden tongue, which was placed publickly in their Schole, as Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 1.

The Chaldeans received much light from the Jewish Scholes.§. 8. Besides the advantages, which the Chaldeans had from the first Patriarchs, Abraham, &c. without doubt, they received many Scripture Traditions, and much light touching the origine of the Uni­verse, &c. from the Jewish Doctors, and Scholes, which were setled at Babylon, in the time of their Captivitie. That the Jews had Scholes in Babylon, Deodati has well observed on Psal. 137.1. according to the French thus, ‘Being near the Rivers of Babylon] He has regard to cer­tain [Page 71] Townes in Chaldea, mentioned in Histories, which were assigned to the captive Jews for their abode, in the which they had their Syna­gogues, Scholes, and places for the service of God; which were nigh the River Euphrates, &c. thus Deod. To which Stillingfleet orig. sa­cr. l. 1. c. 3. addes, ‘that In order to the spreading of sacred Scripture Traditions, the Jewish Church, which before the Captivitie was as an enclosed Garden was now thrown open, and many of the plants re­moved and set in forrain Countries, not only in Babylon, where even after their returne were left three famous Scholes of Learning Sora, Pompeditha, and Neharda, &c. By which it is evident what mighty advantages the Chaldeans had from the Jewish Church and Scholes for improvement in their Philosophie, at first received from the Patriarchs, Abraham, &c. And indeed whereas it's said that Pythagoras, and De­mocritus, with others travelled into Chaldee, to acquaint themselves with the first principles of Philosophie, and that they received much of their Philosophie from the Chaldeans, why may we not by the Chalde­ans understand the Jewish Church, and Scholes which were then setled in Chaldea, and under that Empire.

CHAP. V. Of the Magi, Gymnosophistae, Druides and other Barbarick Philosophers.

Of the Persick Philosophie preserved by the Magi, who were instituted by Zoroaster, with the origination of his name, &c. Of the Indian Gym­nosophists, both Brachmanes, and Germanes. The Phrygian Philo­sophers. The African Philosophers, both 1 Atlantick or Lybick. 2 E­thiopick. The European Barbarick Philosophers, 1 In Scythia. 2 In Thracia. 3 In Spain. 4 Britannie, and Gallia, who were called Dru­ides from [...] an Oke; in the Celtick Tongue deru, and in the Brittish drew. The Druides first in Britannie; thence they translated their Sect and Discipline into Gallia. Their Academies, Degrees, Privi­ledges and Studies. Their Philosophie Natural, Moral, Medicine, Ge­ographie, Astronomie, Magick, Their mode of philosophizing sym­bolick; which they learned from the Phenicians, with their distinctive [Page 72] habits. Their Theologie, touching God, and the Souls immortalitie. Their Ecclesiastick Discipline, and Worship, by human sacrifices. Their names Taronides, Bard, Euates. Their Oke Religion from Abra­ham, &c.

§. 1. HAving dispatched the Jewish, Egyptian, Phenician, and Chal­dean Philosophie, we now proceed to the remaining Sects of the Barbarick Philosophers, both Easterne and, Westerne; and shall be­gin with the Persians, Of the Persick Philosophie. who had a considerable repute for their Philoso­phie, from whom the Grecians received many things, especially such as referred to their Gods. Thus Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras, tels us, ‘that as Pythagoras received his Arithmetick from the Phenicians, his Geometrie from the Egyptians, The chief Phi­losophers among the Persians cal­led Magi. his Astrologie from the Chaldeans, so also what appertained to the worship of the Gods, and to other Studies, which regard conversation, he learned from the Magi, or Persick Phi­losophers. So Plinie lib. 34. c. 37. testifies, that Democritus had re­course to them. Laertius tels us that Pyrrhus, the head of the Scepticks, and companion of Anaxarchus, had conversation with them. And Philo­stratus 5. de vita Apollonii informes us, ‘that Apollonius Tyanaeus (that great Magician, who is by the Heathens extolled above Christ for his miracles) in his travels into India, made some stay in Persia, partly to visit the King, and partly to consider their Wisdom, [...], studied by their Magi: with whom he conversed twice every day; and be­ing asked his judgement concerning them, he answered [...] they are wise men, but comprehend not all things. So Vossius de phi­los. sect. l. 2. c. 1. §. 7. These Magi were the Interpreters of Human, and Divine Laws; and of so great reputation among the Persians, that as Cicero lib. 3. de Nat. Deor. writes, no one could attain to the Persian Empire, but he, who had been instructed in the Science, and Discipline of the Magi; who taught [...], and instructed their Kings in the mode of Government. So Apuleius, Apolog. informes us, that Magick is taught among the chief Regal Affairs; neither was it per­mitted to any among the Persians rashly to undertake the office of a Magus, no more than that of a King. Neither were these Magi lesse prevalent in the Affairs of their Gods. Plato joins both their politick, and sacred capacitie together, Alcibiad. 1, [...] [sc. [...]] [...] Magick is a Ministerie of the Gods: it teacheth also things that appertain to the Regal Office. Lucian de Longaevis, saies [...] [Page 73] [...], &c. Apollo­nius Tyanaeus Epist ad Euphrat. saies, [...], The Magus is a Minister of the Gods; which Porphyrie interprets, [...], wise about sacreds, and ministring in the same. To which agrees that of Laertius lib. 1. [...], &c. Among the Persians the Magi, were Authors of Philosophie, who im­ployed themselves about the worship of the Gods. The like Suidas, who cals these Magi [...].The Magi insti­tuted by Soroaster had many rites from the Zabii and Chaldeans.

§. 2. That the Magi were the Authors, and Preservers of the Per­sick Philosophie, is affirmed by Aristotle [...], and Sotion in his books [...]. As Laertius. These Magi are said to be instituted by Zoroaster. So Lud. Vives in Aug. civit. l. 8. c. 9. Thus Hornius Histor. philos. lib. 2. c. 6. Zoroaster therefore was the first most illustrious Do­ctor of Magie in Persia: neither did he deliver this Art by oral Tra­dition only, but also in large Writings, according to Plinie, and Ari­stotle. For he writ concerning it an hundred thousand Verses; which Hermippus is said to illustrate by his Commentaries. There are yet extant certain, Geek Poems, which passe under the Inscription of Zoro­aster's Chaldaick [...], and are not unlike to Theognes's Sentences, yea in many things they resemble much the Sacred Scriptures. But Beza, Magia sine du­bio orta in Per­side a Soroastre Plin. hist. lib. 3. cap. 8. and others justly suspect that these are but the spurious Comments of some Semi-Christian. Concerning the origination of Zoroaster's name, there are various opinions, but none more probable than that of Learned Bochart, who derives the name from [...] contemplari and [...] Astrum, q. d. [...], for which Dinon in Persicis cals him [...]. This Soroaster, who is reputed the Founder of the Persick Phi­losophie, and Worship, was indeed but the Promoter of it: for the main of the Persian Rites and Wisdom, wherein their Magi were instructed,Salmasius Ma­gos dictos vult a Zoroastre, cui cognomen Mog fuerit, unde Ma­gus factum Hor­nius philos. lib. 2. c. 3. were traduced from the Zabii, or Chaldean Philosophers, with whom they agreed in the chief points of their Idolatrie, viz. in the worship of the Sun by Images, and kissing their hand, as Job 31.26, 27. also in their [...] or hearths, where they preserved their eternal fire, the Symbol of the Sun, Lev. 26, 30. as before chap 4. §. 6. So Stillingfleet orig. sacr. book 1. c. 3.Note: Plutarchu de Isid. tradit Zoroa­strem apud Chaldaeos Magos insti­tuisse, quorum imitatione etiam Per­sae suos habuerint. Horn. l. 2. c. 5. Hence probably the Rites of the Zabii are the same with those of the Chaldeans and Persians, who all agreed in this worship of the Sun, and of Fire, &c. Neither had the Persians only their Magi, [Page 74] but also the Medes, Vossius de philo. sect. l. 2. c. 1. Parthians, and other neighbor Nations; as Lucian de Longaevis, and Plinie cals the Arabian wise men Magi. One chief Philosopher amongst the Persians was Ochus the Phenician, who, as we may presume, instructed them in the Phenician, and so in the Jewish Wisdom. See Suidas in [...].

Of the Indian Philosophers viz. the Gymnosophi­sts, Germanes, and Brachmanes so called from Manes.§. 3. Austin, de civ. l. 8. c. 9. makes mention of the Indian Philoso­phers, and Lud. Vives on that place addes thus, ‘The Indians had their Philosophers, whom they called the Brachmanes, of whose Life, and institutes Philostratus, in the Life of Apollonius, has given us many things, as Strabo, and such, who have written of the things done by Alexander. So Apuleius Florid. 15. The Brachmanes are the Wise men among the Indians. And Bardisanes Syrus in Euseb. lib. 6. praepar. Evang. cap. 8. gives us a more full account of them thus: ‘Among the Indians, and Bactrians there are many thousand of men called Brachmanes· These, as well from the Tradition of their Fathers, as from Laws, neither worship Images, nor eat what is animate: they never drink Wine, or Beer: they are far from all Malignitie, atten­ding wholly on God.’ These Brachmanes some derive from [...] Barac, Horn. Hist. phil. l. 2. c. 9. he praised, or worshipped: Others make the name to be com­pounded of [...] ab rec the Father of the young King, as Onk [...]los and Rabbi Judas. Some of the Ancients make several Sects, or Societies of these Indian Philosophers, namely the Brachmanes, Gymnosophistae, Sa­manaei and Calani. The chief of the Brachmanes, and Samanaei is by Philostratus lib. 3. de vita Apollon. Tyan. called Iarcha. The Head of the Gymnosophists is, by Hieronymus, contra Jovin. named Buddas. But Vossius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 1. tels us that the common Appellative of these Indian Philosophers was Gymnosophists, as Aristotle [...], and Sotion in libris [...] according to Laertius; as also Strabo, Clemens, Apul [...]ius, Indi nihil anti­quius habuerunt, quam sapientiae, neglectis caeleris rebus, operam dare Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 9. Solinus, &c. These Indian Gymnosophists were of two sorts some were called Brachmanes, as before, others Germanes. And a­mongst the Germanes some were called Hylobii, because they lived in Woods, for that's the import of the Greek word [...]. To these the name Gymnosophists properly belonged. See Strabo l. 15. and Cle­mens [...] 1. Amongst the Brachmanes there was one named Buddas Preceptor to Manes the Persian, who was the Founder of this Sect, as Suidas, &c. These Brachmanes held a [...] and [...] or Transmigration of Souls into Beasts, The Brachmanes especially into Oxen. They held also the worlds Creation by God, and his Providence in governing of it. So [Page 75] Strabo lib. 15. of these Brachmanes saith [...], &c. They agree with the Grecians in many things viz. touching the worlds production, and destruction, and that God is the Creator and Governer of it: which opinions of theirs, Owen questions not, but they had, by ancient Tradition, from the Church of God. Owen Theol. l. 1. c. 8. Hence, as we justly conjecture, from this cog­nation 'twixt these Indian Philosophers, and the Jews in some Divine Dogmes, sprang that mistake of Clearchus the Peripatetick, and Me­gasthenes, who thought the Brachmanes and Calani to be the same with the Jews. Of which see Euseb. l. 9. praep. c. 3. Amongst the Greeks, who resorted to these Indian Philosophers, we may reckon Democritus, so Aelian lib. 4. Var. Histor. and Laert. Also Pyrrho the Head of the Scepticks is said to have conversation with the Gymnosophists in Indiae as Laertius. Apollonius Tyanaeus, that great Pagan Antichrist, is said to have spent much conversation among these Indian Philosophers. Eu­sebius contra Hieroclem l. 5. brings him in thus characterizing of them: ‘The Indians, contracting Philosophie for the greatest advantage, com­prehend it in the Divine and sublime Nature. These truly I have greatly admired, and esteem them blessed, and wise.’ By which it ap­pears that their Philosophie was mostly Theologick. Apulcius Florid. l. 5. saies, ‘that the Philosophie of the Brachmanes was composed of ma­ny severals: viz. what were the documents of Souls, what the ex­ercitaments of Bodies, what the parts of the Mind, what the turnes of Life, and what were the Torments, and Rewards, which the Gods appointed to all, according to their Merits.

§. 4. Amongst the Asiatick Philosophers we might reckon the Phry­gians, The Phrygians. who had also their Philosophie, which had been better known to us, if Democritus's [...] which Laertius makes mention of lib. 9. were extant. Concerning their Theologie see Diodorus Siculus, and Eusebius: so Vossius.

§. 5. We now proceed to the African Philosophie;The African Philosophers. 1. Atlantick Philosophers. and passing by the Egyptian, of which we have already treated, we shall begin 1. with the Atlantick or Lybick Philosophers, of which Lud. Vives, in Au­gust. civ. l. 8. c. 9. thus speaks; ‘The Atlanticks inhabit the places in Africa bordering on the Ocean, whose ancient King was Atlas, the brother of Saturne, and son of the Heaven, who being a great Astro­nomer (whence he was said to bear up the Heavens) taught his son Hesperus, and others of his kindred, and people, the same Art: from [Page 76] whom this Science of Astronomie crept into the inner Lybia; where also Hercules philosophized. By which it seems most probable that the Atlanticks, and Lybicks received their Philosophie from the Phenici­ans; for Hercules, as its well known, was a Phenician; and so, I doubt not, was Atlas. Also Laertius, in his Preface makes mention of Atlas the Lybian, amongst the ancient Philosophers. And Diodor. Siculus l. 4. reckons up some fables concerning the Gods, which these Atlantick Philosophers held. Atlas is said to bring Astronomie out of Lybia into Greece, whereof Orion is said to be the first Author in Baeotia, whence the Star Orion received its name: so Carion. Chron. lib. 2. But Bochart makes Atlas the same with Enoch as before chap. 1. §.7. V [...]ssius tels us (de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 2.) ‘That the Lybick Philosophie came from Atlas, especially Astrologie, whence Atlas is said to hold up Heaven with his shoulders, and the mountain called Atlas received its name from him, &c. Plin. l. 7. c. 56,’

2▪ Ethiopick Philosophers.2. The Ethiopians also had their Philosophers called Gymnosophists, so Jerom l. 4. in Ezech. cap. 13. makes mention of these Ethiopian Gym­nosophists, who received both their Name, and Philosophie from India, as Philostratus in the Life of Apollonius lib. 6. Touching the Ethiopick Philosophie, and its Traduction from the Mosaick, we have this particular account in Hornius, Histor. Philosoph. lib. 2. c. 8. ‘Touch­ing the Philosophie of the Ethiopians, little is mentioned by Antiquitie; and what has been mentioned, is well nigh all lost, by the iniquitie of the times. But this is certain, that they received all their Divine, & Hu­man Dogmes from the Egyptians. Whence their very names were con­fused. For the Romans called the Ethiopians Egyptians; because indeed they descended from Egypt. Moreover there is no doubt to be made of it, but that they drew somewhat of more sound Wisdom from Moses.

European Philo­sophers.§. 6. Amongst the European Barbarick Philosophers we shall first mention the Scythians (who according to their ancient bounds lay part­ly in Asia, partly in Europe) of whom August. Civit. l. 8. c. 9. makes mention, and Lud Vives on that place speaks thus. ‘The Scythians in times past philosophized and contended with the Egyptians touching their Antiquitie. The Scythians. They are a people stout, simple, and just, ignorant of vice, and malice, and got that by their natural ingenie, which the Grecians could not attain unto by all their magnifick and illustrious Sciences: see Justin l. 2.’

Thracian Philo­sophie.§. 7. But we passe on to the Thracians, who had anciently a great [Page 77] repute for Philosophie, which some think, they owed to Zamolxis a Thracian (whom some make the servant of Pythagoras) but others de­rive their Philosophie from the Grecians, as Laertius lib. 8. What the Philosophie of the Thracians was, may be known by the Doctrine of Orpheus, who was a Thracian. Many Anciently writ [...], or Poems according to the Doctrine of Orpheus, of which see Suidas in Orpheus's Philosophie (delivered in Poesie) which was chiefly Moral, and Theo­logick; for by his Musick, and Rhetorick, he had so great a power on the Thracians, to civilize them, as that he was said to have drawn Trees and Beasts. Justin Martyr cals him, [...], the first master of Polytheisme, or multiplicitie of Gods; which he brought from Egypt, with many superstitious Ceremonies and Ʋsages, and set them up amongst the Thracians, and Macedonians, &c. see more in our relation of Orpheus Part 1. B 3. C. 1. §. 5.

§. 8. But to come to our Westerne Philosophers;Spanish Philo­sophie. and firstly the Spa­niards; of whom Aust de Civ. Dei l. 8. c 9. makes mention; and Lud. Vives on him speaks thus. ‘In Spain, before the veins of Gold and Silver were found out, and Wars begun, there were many Philosophers; and the people lived holy and quiet lives, being every where govern­ed by such Magistrates, as were men most excellent for Learning and Probitie: Their affairs were transacted according to Justice, and Equitie, not by the number of Laws: and if any were written, 'twas principally amongst the Turdetans, in the most ancient times. There were scarce any quarrels or controversies amongst the people: and all the disputes were touching Emulation of Virtue, the nature of the Gods, the reason of Nature (or Natural Philosophie) of good manners (or Morals) which their Learned men, on stated daies, publickly dis­puted of, the women also being present. But when the mountains, bigge with metals, brought forth Gold, and Silver, men began to ad­mire this new matter. Hence the Phenicians, who sailed far and near, for lucre sake, traded here, and drew multitudes of men, from Asia and Greece hither, who taught us the Grecian, and Asiatick Vices: there remain yet some few fragments of our Antiquities in Greek and Latin, whence I hope in time to illustrate the Origine of my Nation. Thus Lud. Vives. That the Phenicians brought into Spain, with their Colonies, not only the Phenician Letters, but also Sciences, and Philosophie, we have reason to believe by what has been before as­serted out of Bochart, &c. Part 1. B. 1. C. 5.

[Page 78] Of the Druides.§. 9 We shall conclude this Discourse of Barbarick Philosophie with that in use among the old Britains, and Gauls, whose Philosophers are by Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 12.Primus Romano­rum J. Caesar Druidun Ritus, Leges, Philoso­phiam mandavit Scriptis. Selden. Jani Anglor. p. 16. reduced to two Sects, the Bardi, and Druides. The Bardi were an inferior sort of Philosophers, and for the most part Poets, according to that of Lucan. l. 1. ‘Plurima securi fudisti carmina Bardi!’ Who notwithstanding, as the ancient Greek Poets, arrogated to them­selves no smal reputation for Wisdom. But the Druides were accoun­ted the more worthy, yea almost Divine Philosophers, and obtained no small Autoritie among the people. These Druides, who in ancient times philosophized amongst the old Britans and Gauls, and were in­deed a peculiar and distinct Sect of Philosophers, differing from all the world besides, both in their mode of philosophizing, as also in their Re­ligious Rites, Of the Phenici­ans trading with the Britains and Gauls, see part 1. book. 1. chap. 7. and Mysteries: yet we may not doubt, but that they re­ceived much of their Philosophie, as well as Theologie from the Ph [...]ni­cians, who traded amongst them, as before. As for the name Drui­des, Plinie l. 16. c. 44. deduceth it [...], from an Oke: ‘For, saith he,The Druides so called from [...] an Oke, thence deru and drew. the Druides have nothing more sacred than an Oke. Even now, they of themselves chose groves of Okes; neither do they per­forme any Sacreds, without that leaf; so that hence they seem to be called, according to the Greek interpretation, Druides. Bochart (Canaan lib. 4. c. 42.) assents to this Origination of Plinie; to which he addes ‘Neither is it to be wondred that the Druides were so called from this Greek name, when as an Oke amongst the Celtae, was called Deru. The Britains in England write drew (so Drewstenton in De­von) and our Countrey men deru. That Drewstenton, and names of like sound, came from these Druides, 'tis not without probabilitie Vossi­us de Orig. & Progr. Idolotr. l. 1. c. 35. thinks that the name Druides ought rather to be fetcht from the Celtick name deru. So Dickins [...]n. Druidum origo p. 35. ‘I assent most to them who fetch the Druides from the Celtick name Deru, i. e. an Oke; which the Cambro-Bri­tains or Welch to this day call Drew. And I am so far from believing that the Druides were so called at first from [...], that I rather think [...] was formed out of the Celtick deru.

The Druides first in Britan­nie.§. 10. This Sect of the Druides began first in our Countrey of Bri­tannie; and hence it was translated into Gallia. Thus Caesar de Bello Gall. lib. 6. Their Discipline, saies he, was first found out in Britannie, and thence translated into Gallia, according to the common opinion. The [Page 79] like Bochart acknowledgeth. Can. l. 1. c. 42. These Druides instituted their Academies, for the promoting of Learning, in Groves;Their Academies and privileges. in which tbey had their Scholes filled with studious youth; so Caesar, also Mela l. 3. c. 11. They spent twenty years, before they were admitted to the degree of Doctor. That which allured them to studie,Their Degrees. Druides à bello abesse consueve­runt, ne (que) tributa unà cum reliquis pendunt, mi [...]itiae vacationem, om­nium (que) rer [...]m ha­bent, immunita­tem. Caesar l. 6. Selden Jan. Ang. l. 1. was the ma­ny privileges of their Students, and the great Authoritie their anci­ent Doctors obtained. So Caesar lib. 6. tels us, that the Druides were exempted from War, and paying Tribute. The which privileges are still continued in our Ʋniversities. As for the method of their Studies, the same Caesar tels us, they were wont to get by heart a great number of ver­ses. They affected various, and almost all kinds of Philosophie. Stra­bo l, 4. relates, that, besides the Science of natural causes, they were also exercised in Moral Philosophie. And Plinie lib. 3. c. 1. makes them to be skilled in Medicine, and Magick. Touching their Skill in Moral Phi­losophie or Ethicks, Diogenes Laertius, in the Proeme to his Book, gives us this account; [...]·Their skill in the chiefest parts of Philosophie natural, Moral, Medicine, Ma­gick. Their symbolick mode of philoso­phizing from the Phenicians and Jews. And they say the Druides were wont to philosophize enigmatically, that the Gods were to be worshipped, that no evil was to be done, that fortitude was to be embraced. By which also we learn, that the mode, or manner of their philosophizing was sym­bolick, or enigmatick; which, we need no way doubt, they learned from the Phenicians (as these had it from the Jews). Hence their famous symbolick Image of Hercules Ogmius, who was a Phenician, as Bochart proves at large Can. l. 1. c. 42. ‘The Gauls, saies he, called Hercules Ogmius, as Lucian in Hercul. [...] Ogmion, that is, [...] agemion, a stranger, so in the A­rabick: Namely because Hercules came from Phaenicia, or Africa, or the Gades, and after his many and great Labours arrived amongst the Gauls; thence his picture in Lucian Hercul. [...] &c. a decrepit bald old man, Gray, and wrinkled, as old Mariners, &c. Farther,Their skill in Geographie, A­stronomie, &c. that these Druides were skilled in Geographie, Astronomie, and Natural Phi­losophie, we have the testimonies both of Caesar, and Mela. Caesar Com­ment l. 6. speaks thus of them: They dispute, and teach their Scholars ma­ny things touching the Stars, and their motion; also concerning the Magni­tude of the Ʋniverse, the nature of things, the force, and power of the Im­mortal Gods. Mela lib. 3, cap. 2. saies, that the Gauls have their Ma­sters of Eloquence, and Wisdom from the Druides. These professe they know the magnitude, and forme of the earth, and world▪ they teach many Noble [Page 80] persons of their Nation privately. One thing which they commonly teach is, that Souls are eternal.

Their distin­ctive babits.As for their habit, it was (as in our Universities) distinctive and pe­culiar, thereby to gain the veneration of the people. In their sacred Offices they used a white Vestment (answerable to the Jewish Ephod) as we are informed by Plinie lib. 6 cap. ultimo. Their Rhetorick. They also gave them­selves to the studie of Eloquence▪ so M [...]la l. 3. as before. Caesar addes farther concerning these Druides, That they learnt by heart a great num­ber of Verses: Therefore some of them continued twenty years in studie. Neither did they conceive it meet, to commit their studies to writing, where­as in other affairs, both publick, and private, they used the Greek Let­ters.

Their Theologie, the Souls immor­tality.§. 11. But these Druides had a special vogue for their Theologie, wherein they taught many things peculiar, and some things excellent, as Owen Theol l. 3. c. 11. particularly they asserted the immortaltie of the SoulCaesar l. 6. dog­ma boc iis tribu­it: non interire animas, sed ab aliis post mortem transire ad alios, hinc animosi in praeliis Luc. lib. 1. Vossius de philos. sect. lib. 2. cap. 3. §. 7. Their Ecclesia­stick dignities, power and disci­pline. so Strabo [...]: the like Caesar. The Dru­ides held also a Metempsychosis, or Transmigration of Souls, which some conceive they received from the Pythogoreans, as these derived it from the Jews, as Selden Jan. Anglor. l. 1. p. 22. Strabo also tels us, that they held the World should be at last destroyed by Fire: which, without doubt, they had from some Jewish or Phenician Tradition. They taught also that one God was to be worshipped, as Origen on Ezech. 4. This one God was the Sun; to whom the Moon was added, which was worshipped by the Women.

§. 12. As for their Ecclesiastick Discipline; they being many, re­duced themselves unto a Hierarchie, under one President, who ruled them all. So Caesar, and out of him Selden Jani Anglorum l. 1. p. 18. The Druides have one presiding over them, who holds the supreme Autoritie a­mongst them. This being dead, he that excels most, succeeds in his Digni­tie; but if there be many equal, they choose by suffrage. And to strengthen this their Imperial Autoritie, they made use of a politick religious ex­communication, as Caesar, and Grotius, de Imper. summ. p [...]test. of excom­munication. Thus Selden, Jani Angl. p. 17. (out of Caesar) ‘If any private person or people amongst them▪ submit not to their Decree, they excommunicate him from their Sacrifices. This is amongst them the higehst punishment. They, who are thus interdicted, are esteemed in the number of the most impious, and wicked; all separate from them, they avoid any conversation, or discourse with them, lest they [Page 81] should receive dammage from their Contagion. Neither is the Law open for such, neither is any Honor given to them.’ The same Caesar tels us, that they had so much Autoritie amongst the people, that they de­termined almost all controversies, both publick and private. So Selden Jan. Angl. lib. 1. ‘They determine all controversies, both publick and pri­vate. If there be any crime committed, if any murder done, if there be any controversie about inheritance, or bounds, the same decree, and constitute rewards and punishments.’ Hence we may gather whence the mysterie of iniquitie gathered much of its power.

§. 13. As to Rites and Worship, Their worship and sacrifices. the main Sacrifices of the Drui­des was [...] Human Sacrifice: whereof there were 2 sorts, the one private; when any sacrificed himself, or another,Vtut se [...]eshabet, constat hinc li­quido vetustissi­mos inter Gen­tium Philosophos, antiquissimos in­ter corum LL. Custodes suisse Druidas. Seld. Jani! Anglor. p. 22. A brief account of the Druides their Philosophie. for some others safety: the other publick, not unlike that which the Phenicians offe­red to their Molec; from whom, we have reason enough to persuade us, these Druides received this, as other Rites. By reason of these cru­el inhuman human Sacrifices the Romans endeavored, though in vain, to take away all their superstitious worship; as Strabo de Gallis lib 4. Owen Theol. l. 3. c. 11. We have a good, though brief account of these Druides in Lud. Vives on August. Civ. l. 8. c. 9. ‘There were, saies he, amongst the Gauls, the Druides, as Caesar l. 8, who were Priests, Po­ets, Philosophers, and Divines; whom they called Saronides, as Dio­dorus l. 6. They had also their Diviners, to whom the people referred their affairs. Neither was there any Sacrifice performed without a Philosopher, i. e. one skilled in the Divine Nature: by whose advice all things, at home and abroad, were administred. That the Druides were Philosophers, Strabo l. 4. relates.’ That the Saronides were the same with the Druides Bochart (Can. l. 1. c. 42.They were called Saronides from [...] an Oke.) proves out of Diodo­rus l. 5. These Philosophers, and Divines, saith he, were in great venerati­on amongst them, [...] whom they call Saronides: which name has the same origination with that of the Druides, namely from an Oke; which anciently was by the Greeks called [...] or [...]. Thus Plinie lib. 4: c. 5. And Hesychius cals [...] Okes having an hi­atus, by reason of their antiquitie. So Callimachus in his hymne on Ju­piter, [...], [...]numeras quer­cus liquidus pro­ducit Jaon De­super. The Bardi, Eu­ates, and Drui­des. where the Scholiast renders [...] i. e. Okes. Caesar l. 6. comprehends all the wise men of the Gauls under the name of Druides: so Cicero 1. de Divina­tione. But Strabo divides them into 3 sorts, [...], the Bardi, the Euates, and the Druides: the Bardi, addes he, were [Page 82] Singers, and Poets: the Euates, Priests, and Physiologists: the Drui­des (especially so called) to Physiologie added Moral Philosophie. The like Marcellinus lib. 15. as Vossius de Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 3. §. 6.

The Okes of Mamre the ori­ginal Idea of the Druides Oke re­ligion.§. 14. Now that the Druides derived much of their Philosophie from the Mosaick Historie is farther evidenced from that of Learned Dickinson, Druidum Origo (at the end of his Delphi Pheniciz.) pag. 36. ‘Farther, thou mayest demand whence this Oke Religion (of the Drui­des) sprang? namely from the Okes of Mamre: under which, in times past, those holy men (in whose hands the administration of Divine Service and Worship was) lived most devoutly: the shadow of which Okes afforded an house to Abraham, and a Temple to God. This I sucked from the Dugs of Truth, namely from the sacred Scriptures▪ Abraham dwelt (saith the Hagiographer Gen 13.18.Gen. 13.18.) [...] in, or (as the Arabick has it) among the Okes of Mamre. Which the Lxx renders [...],Gen. 14.13. and ch. 18. [...]. Under which Oke he fixed his Tabernacle, erected an Altar, and of­fered to the Lord Calves, Goats, Rams, and other Sacrifices of like kind;Gen. 15.9. and performed all Sacerdotal Offices. Yea under this tree he entertained God himself, Note: Ad sacros Druidum Ritus, & do­ctrinam quae ulterius attinent, praeter Caesarem, Strabo, Plinius. Diodorus Siculus, Lucanus, Pomponius Mela, Ammianus Marcellinus; Heurnius in Barbariae Philosophioe Antiquitatibus, alii satis explicate tradiderunt. Sel­den Jani Anglor. l. 1. together with Angels. He here had conference with God, and entred into covenant with him, and was blessed of him. These are indeed admirable praeconia of Okes. Lo the Oke Priests! Lo the Patriarchs of the Druides! For from these sprang the Sect of the Druides, which reached up at least, as high as Abraham's time (for they report that the Druides Colleges flourish­ed in the time of Hermio, who was King of the Germans, immedi­ately after the death of Abraham). For because this holy man and Priest, Abraham lived under Okes, and enjoyed God for his com­panion, performing worship to him, our Divines (the Druides) from this so famous example, chose Groves of Okes for their Religi­ous Services, &c. See more of the Druides, their Doctrine, and Rites, Caesar Com. l. 6. Strabo l. 4. Diodor. l. 5. Owen Theol. l. 3. c. 11.

BOOK II. The Original of the Ionick, but chiefly of the Italick, or Pythagorick Philosophie.

CHAP. I. The Traduction of the Grecian Philosophie from the Patriarchs and Jewish Church proved by Universal Consent.

The Grecian Philosophers recourse to Egypt, and Phaenicia. That the Grecian Philosophie was originally traduced from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures, is proved by Testimonies. 1. Of Heathens, and Greci­ans themselves, Plato, Numenius, Hermippus. 2. Of Jews, Aristo­bulus, Josephus. 3. Of the Fathers, Tertullian, Justin Martyr, Mi­nucius Foelix, Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius, Theodoret; as also Joh: Grammaticus. 4. Moderne Papists, Steuchus, Eugubinus, Ju­stinianus on Joh. 1.1. 5. Forreign Protestant Divines, and learned men, Serranus, Julius and Joseph Scaliger, Vossius, Heinsius, Hor­nius, Bochart, Grotius, Diodate. 6. The Testimonies of English Writers, Jackson, Usher, Richardson, Preston, Sir Walter Raghley, Owen, Hammond, Stillingfleet, Mede, Cudworth, Selden, Dickin­son, &c.

§. 1. HAving finished our Discourse of Barbarick Philosophie, The Grecian Philosophers re­course to Egypt and Phoenicia. and Philosophers, we now proceed to the Grecian; which owes its original to the former. So much Plato in his Cratylus (and else where) acknowledgeth, that they received their Learning from the Barbarians, and Ancients▪ who lived near the Gods, &c: so Clemens Alexandr: lib. 1. saies, that Philosophie, a thing variously useful, in times past shined from Nation to Nation amongst the Barbarians; whence afterward it came into Greece. What these [Page 84] Barbarick Nations were, from whom the Grecians received their Phi­losophie, has been already B. 1. Ch. 4. §. 1. demonstrated: and it will be farther evident by what follows in the enumeration of particulars; how Thales had recourse to Egypt, and Phaenicia for his Philosophie, Ph [...]recydes to Phaenicia for his; Pythagoras to Phaenicia, Egypt, and Chaldea for his; Socrates and his Scholar Plato, traduced theirs from Egypt, and Phaenicia: Solon his Laws from Egypt, and Zeno his Morals from Phaenicia: As Democritus, and Epicurus their Atomes from Mo­chus: And Aristotle his Natural Philosophie of the first principles, mat­ter, forme, and privation, &c. from Sanchoniathon's Historie of the Cre­ation: of each whereof in its respective place. At present, we shall only endeavor some general demonstration, that the Grecians traduced the chiefest part, if not the whole of their Philosophie originally from the Scriptures, either by personal conversation with the Jews, or Traditions from them; which they gleaned up in Egypt, Phaenicia, and Chal­dea, &c.

That the Greci­an Philosophie was derived from the Jews.§. 2. That the Egyptians, Phenicians, and Chaldeans received their Philosophie from the Jewish Church and Scriptures; we have, in the for­mer Book, endeavoured to prove, both as to the [...], and [...]: which might suffice to make good our position, on this supposition (which is u­niversally granted,The Testimonie of Heathen Gre­cian Philosophers Plato, &c. and shall be hereafter proved) that the Grecians received their Philosophie from these aforementioned Egyptians, Pheni­cians, and Chaldeans. But to make our demonstration more valid, we shall give some more immediate (though at present only general and inartificial) proofs, that the Grecian Philosophie was traduced from the Jewish Church and Scriptures. And we shall begin with the Testimonies of the Grecian Philosophers themselves, Plato, with others. Plato in his Gratylus tels us plainly, that they (the Grecians) received their Learn­ing from the Barbarians, who were more ancient than themselves. These Barbarians, Clemens Alexandrinus, Justin Martyr, Epiphanius, Nice­phorus, and Serranus understand to be the Jews (as before) whose name Plato conceled, thereby to avoid the envy of the people (who were pro­fessed enemies of the Jews, and their Religion) as also to gain the more credit to himself. But Plato, in his Philebus, speaks more plainly to this purpose, acknowledging, ‘that the report or tradition he had received of the Ʋnitie of God, as to his Essence, and pluralitie of per­sons, and Decrees, was from the Ancients, who dwelt nearer the Gods, and were better than they (the Grecians).’ Who certainly could be [Page 85] no other than the Patriarchs, and Jewish Church, from whom all those Traditions, touching the Ʋnitie of God, and Pluralitie of per­sons, and Decrees, were traduced. Whence also Plato acknowledg­eth, that the best, and surest course to prove the immortalitie of the Soul was by some Divine Word [...], as in his Phaedo. The like he acknowledgeth elsewhere, that he received his knowledge of, [...] or providence governing the World, from the wise, i. e. as 'tis conceived, the Jews. And Serranus, in his Preface to Plato does confidently affirme, ‘that Plato received his symbolick Philosophie from the Jews, i. e. from the Doctrine of Moses, and the Prophets; as all the learned, and an­cient Christian Doctors have judged; though he industriously avoided the naming of the Jews, which was odious.’ We have also the Testi­monies of other Pagan Philosophers concurring herein; as that famous saying of Numenius the Pythagorean, Numenius. what is Plato, but Moses Attici­zing? Also that of Hermippus, Hermippus, a most diligent, and ancient Writer of Pythagoras's Life, who plainly affirmes (as Josephus contra Ap. lib. 1.) that Pythagoras translated many things out of the Jewish Institutes, into his own Philosophie. So Aristotle, in his Books of Politicks, makes mention of many things taken out of the ancient Lawgivers, which exactly suit with Moses's Laws, as Cunaeus observes. Thus Diogenes La­ertius in his Proeme to the Lives of the Philosophers begins with these words [...]. Some affirme that Philosophie had its origine from the Barbarians. That by the Barba­rians must be understood (inclusively, if not exclusively) the Jews, is affirmed by Justin Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Epiphanius, and o­thers, as in what immediately precedes §. 2. Thus Steuchus Eugubinus de peren. Philosoph. l. 1. c. 12. ‘whence it is manifest that the Philosophers thought, and spake those things, which they had learned from the Barbarians. The first Barbarians were the Chaldeans, Egyptians, and, whom we ought to place in the first rank, the Hebrews.

§. 3. We may adde hereto the Testimonies of Jews;Testimonies of Jews. Aristobulus. as that of Aristobulus, the Egyptian Jew, affirming, that Pythagoras translated many of his opinions out of the Jewish Discipline. The like he affirmes of Plato, as Euseb praep. Evang. l. 9. c. 6. and Clemens Alexand. Strom. 1. who also Strom. 5. saies, that Aristobulus affirmed the same of the Peri­patetick Philosophie, viz. that it depended on Moses's Law, and other of the Prophets. Josephus l. 1 contra Apion. saies of Pythagoras, Josephus. that he did not only understand the Jewish Discipline, but also embraced many things [Page 86] therein; Whence he gives this character of him, out of Hermippus, who writ his life, [...] he was an Imitator of the Jewish Opinions. So the same Josephus Antiq. l. 11. c. 2. ‘brings in Demetrius Phalereus, commending the Law of Moses, and giving this reason, why their Heathen Poets, and Historians made no mention of this Law; because (saith he) it being holy, ought not to be delive­red by a profane mouth.’ Its true the Jews mixed with these their re­lations many sigments, yet this notwithstanding is sufficiently mani­fest hence, that they had a strong and fixed persuasion, that the Gre­canick Philosophie was traduced from them and their Sacred Oracles; as Learned Selden has observed de Jure Nat. Hebrae. lib. 1. c. 2.

Testimonies of the Fathers.§. 4. If we consult the Memoires of Christians, both Ancient, and Moderne, we shall find abundant Testimonies conspiring to make good this Assertion, that the Grecians traduced their Philosophie from the Scriptures and Jewish Church. Amongst the Ancients we have Ter­tullian Apol. c. 17.Tertullian. ‘who of the Poets, saies he, who of the Sophists was there, who did not drink of the Prophets fountain? Hence there­fore the Philosophers quenched the thirst of their ingenie.’ Thus Justin Martyr in his Paraenesis to the Greeks, sheweth, how Orpheus, Pytha­goras, Clement Ale­xand. De quo argumen­to praeter Euse­bium, prolixe a­gunt prisci pa­tres, Cl. Alex­and. passim, im­primis lib. 1 & 5. Strom. Theo­philus lib. ad Autolycum. Ta­tia [...]. [...] &c. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 2. Plato, Homer, &c. borrowed many things from Moses: and he does industriously prove the Noveltie of the Grecian Philosophie, out of Polemo, Apion, Ptolemaeus Mendisius, Philocrates, and others. So Minucius in Octavius: The Philosophers, saies he, have imitated some shadow of interpolated Truth from the Divine predictions of the Prophets. So Clemens Alexandrinus, in his exhortation to the Gentiles, speaks thus: ‘O Plato what ever good Laws are afforded thee of God, &c. thou hadst from the Hebrews; and else where Strom. 1. he cals Plato the Philosopher, who derived what he had from the Hebrews, and he speaks this universally of the Philosophers, that before the coming of Christ, the Philosophers took part of the truth from the Hebrew Prophets, though they acknowledged not the same, but attributed it to themselves as their sentiments or opinions; and thence some things they adulte­rated; and other things they did by a needles diligence unlearnedly, yet as seeming wise, declare; but other things they invented. Thus Clemens. Eusebius tels us,Eusebius. ‘that Pythagoras, and Plato translated the Learning of the Jews, and Egyptians into Greek. The like Euseb. prae­par. l. 9. c. 1. ‘The most Illustrious of the Greeks, were not altogether ignorant of the Judaick Philosophie: some by their Writings, seem [Page 87] to approve their manner of life, others followed their Theologie, Theodoret. so far, as they were able.’ Thus again Euseb. praepar. l. 10. c. 2. & prae­fat. in lib. 5. ‘The Grecians like Merchants fetcht their Disciplines from else where. So Theodoret l. 2. de Curand. Graec. affect. saies that A­naxagoras, Pythagoras, and Plato gathered many riddles, or dark sayings of God, from the Egyptians, and Hebrews. The like is affir­med of Justin Martyr, Ambrose, Augustin, and Jerom, as Justinianus in 1. Joh. 1.1. and Selden de Jur. Nat. Hebr. l. 1. c. 1. have observed. And Johannes Grammaticus (called otherwise Philoponus) speaks affir­matively to this point:Jo. Grammati­cus. so de mundi Creatione lib. 1. cap 2. pag. 4. he tels us, that Plato, in expounding the production of the world by God, imi­tates Moses in many things. The like he affirmes de mundi creatione lib. 6. cap. 21. pag. 24 [...]. ‘what Moses, saies he, said of Man, that God made him after his own image, Plato translates to all things in the world, whence he stiled the world a sensible Image of the intellectual God.’ But of this more in its place.

§. 5. As for Moderne Writers we have a cloud of witnesses,Testimonies from moderne Papists. and those of the most Learned, and that both of Papists, and Protestants, who have given assent and consent to this our conclusion, touching the traduction of Grecian Philosophie from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures. Amongst the Papists we might mention Brietius, in his Geographie. Mariana on Genes. 1. also Ludovicus Vives upon August. de civ. Dei, & de veritate, &c. of whom else where: we shall at present content our selves with the Testimonie of one or two of the most learned amongst them. August. Steuchus Eugubinus, De Peren. Philosophia lib. 1. cap. 1.Aug. Steueq. Euguhinus. treating of the Succession of Doctrine from the beginning of the world, be­gins thus: ‘As there is one Principle of all things, so also there has been one and the same Science of him at all times, amongst all, as both Reason, and Monuments of many Nations, and Letters testifie. This Science springing partly from the first origine of men, has been devolved through all Ages unto Posteritie, &c. Thence he proceeds to shew the Modus, how this Philosophie was derived from hand to hand, in all Ages. ‘The most true Supputation of Times proves, that Methusalem lived, and might converse with Adam, as Noah, with Methusalem. Therefore Noah saw, and heard all things before the Floud. Moreover before Noah died, Abraham was fifty years aged. Neither may we conceive, that this most pious man, and his holy Seed would concele from Abraham (who they foresaw would prove most [Page 88] holy, and the Head of the pious Nation) things of so great Moment, & so worthy to be commemorated. Therefore from this most true cause it is most equal, that the great Science of Divine and human Affairs should be deduced unto following Ages greatly overcome with Bar­barisme, &c. Thence having explicated how Philosophie was han­ded down even to Moses's time, the same Eugubinus addes: ‘There­fore that there has been one, and the same Wisdom alwaies in all men, we endeavor to persuade, not only by these reasons. but also by those many, and great examples, whereby we behold some Vestigia of the truth scattered throughout all Nations, which Moses in his books long since held forth to be beheld as in a glasse a far off.’ So in what fol­lows he saies, ‘That Sapience also, besides what the ancient Colonies brought with them, passed from the Chaldeans to the Hebrews, except what Moses writ, which passed from the Hebrews to the Egyptians, from these to the Grecians, from the Grecians to the Romans. For Abra­ham was a Chaldean, in whose family the ancient Theologie, and the Traditions of the Fathers, whereof he was Heir (as it was most e­qual) remained. All these things being reteined by Noah, and his Sons, were seen and heard by Abraham: he declared them to his Son, & Grandchild: from Jacob they passed unto posteritie. Whence also flowed the Pietie, and Sapience of Job, who in no regard came short of the Pietie, and Sapience of the Hebrews. Canst thou conceit, that he, who was most ancient, even in Abraham's daies, saw not Noah, and heard him not discoursing?’ Hence the same Eugubinus cap. 2 having di­vided Philosophie into 3 parts, the first conveyed by Succession from Adam to Moses; the second corrupted by the Philosophers, the third restored by the Sacred Scriptures: of this last he concludes thus: ‘At last the third kind of Philosophie shone forth, scattering by its Bright­nes all the darknesses of the former, not conteining it self in one place, but by its beams filling the Universe, &c.

Justinianus. Justinianus on the first Epistle of John c. 1. v. 1. having given us a large account of the Jewish Traditions, scattered up and down amongst the Pagan Philosophers, touching the Divine [...] or Word, concludes thus: ‘Truely many things have been taken up by the Philosophers, and Poets from Moses's Law, which they depraved, changed, and wrested: as touching the Chaos, the Giants War, the Floud; and many other things, as we learn out of Augustin de civ. dei l. 8. c. 11. and lib. 18. c. 37.’ And it is likely that in the same manner they corrupted those [Page 89] ‘traditions, they had received touching the Divine [...], his generation, & so taught, that those Persons differed in nature, which (according to the word of God) differ only in Hypostasis, or manner of subsisting, &c.

§. 6. But none have given a more full Explication, and Demon­stration of this our Assertion, than the learned Protestants,The Testimonie of Protestant Writers. Melancthon. Serranus. as well Divines as Philologists, of this last Age. Amongst whom we may men­tion P. Melancthon in his Preface, and additions to Carion. Serranus (that learned Philologist, as well as Divine) in his Preface to, and Anno­tations on Plato almost every where asserts our conclusion; as we shall have frequent occasion to shew. The like doth Julius Scaliger, that great Philosopher, as well as Critick; and Joseph Scaliger his Son more fully in his Notes on Esebius's Chronicon, gives testimonie to,Julius and Jo­seph Scaliger. and proof of this Assertion. The same does learned Vossius in his excellent Treatise of Idolatrie;Vossius. as also in that de Philosophorum sectis l. 2. c. 1, &c. as hereafter. Heinsius has a Discourse professedly on this Subject.Heinsius. But Learned Bochart (that rich Antiquarie, Bochart. and Philologist) has given an in­comparable advance, and light to this Notion, from whom, I thankful­ly acknowledge, I have received great assistance in this undertaking, both by personal conference with him, and also from his elaborate Works; especially his Geographia Sacra. Grotius also (from whom I received the first hints of this Assertion) doth positively affirme the same;Grotius. as on Mat. 24.38. but especially in his book de Veritate Religionis, as else where. Hornius Hist. Philos. lib. 3. cap. 1.Hornius. speaks categorically thus: ‘The most famous of the Grecians deliver, that Philosophie flow'd from the Barbarians to the Grecians. Plato in Epinom. Cratylo, Philibo. Manetho in Josephus against Apion. Whence they so fre­quently, and so honorably mention, the Phenicians, Chaldeans, Egyp­tians, who were all instructed by the Hebrews. Whence also it was so solemne a thing for the most ancient Grecian Philosophers to travel into the Oriental parts. Whence sprang the mutual commerces, and common studies betwixt the Grecians, and Egyptians. Whence he concludes, that Philosophie was not borne but educated in Greece: for the most ancient wise men of Greece brought Philosophie thither from the East, &c. We have also the Testimonie of Dioda [...]e, Ami­rault, and Daillè, &c. of whom in their place.

§. 7.Testimonies of the English. Jackson. To come to the Testimonies of our English Divines and learned men. Jackson of the Authoritie of the Scriptures (last Edit. in Polio) pag. 27, 34, 47, 49, 54, 55, 56, 57, &c. largely proves this our Asserti­on, [Page 90] touching the Traduction of Philosophie from the Scriptures, and Jewish Church. And withall gives account of the manner, how it was tradu­ced; of which else where. Learned and pious Ʋsher asserts the same of Pythagoras his Philosophie,Usher. as it will appear in his Life, &c. Thus great Richardson, in the Exposition on his Divinitie Tables, Table 5. MSS. treating of the first Matter saies, that Aristotle received it from Plato, and he from the Egyptians, as these from the Jews. Preston makes use of this Principle as a main Argument to prove the Divine Original,Preston. and Authoritie of the Scriptures, as before. Sir Walter Ralegh, Sir Walter Ra­legh. in his Historie of the World (Part 1. Book 1. Chap. 6. §. 7.) affirmes Catego­rically ‘that the wiser of the ancient Heathens, viz. Pythagoras, Plato, &c. had their opinions of God from the Jews, and Scripture; though they durst not discover so much: as in what follows, of Plato­nick Philosophie. Owen in his learned Discourse of Gentile Theologie (which I must confesse,Owen. has given me much light, and confirmation herein) does frequently assert the same Conclusion. The same is often, and strongly maintain'd by the Learned Stillingfleet in his Origines Sa­crae, Stillingfleet. it being indeed one chief medium, he much insists on, to prove the Autoritie of the Scriptures. We have also the Testimonies of Mede, Hammond, and Cudworth for confirmation hereof; as good Essayes, and Discourses on this subject, by Duport on Homer, Bogan's Home­rus Hebraïzans, and Dickinson's Delphi Phoenicizantes; &c. But amongst our English learned Men, none have given us more ample Testimonies to confirme our assertion, than famous Selden, Selden. in his elaborate book de Jure Nat. Hebrae. lib. 1. cap. 2. where, saies he, ‘Touching the fa­mous custome of the ancient Philosophers before Christ, to consult, and hear the Hebrews, we have many Testimonies, both of Jews themselves, of Christian Fathers, and of Pagan Writers; which he cites at large in what follows.’

CHAP. II. Of Mythologick Philosophie its Traduction from the Jews.

Of Mythologick Philosophie in general, and 1. particularly of the Poetick, [Page 91] and fabulous. How the Greeks disguised Oriental Traditions by Fables. Of the use and abuse of Fables and Parables. 2. Of Symbolick or E­nigmatick Philosophie, and its traduction from the Jewish Types, Sym­bols, and Enigmes. 3. Of the Metaphorick, and Allegorick mode of philosophi [...]ing by Plato, and its descent originally from the Jews. Mat. 13.3. The Matter also of Mythologick Philosophie from Gods sacred Word, and Works. The Causes of Mythologick Philosophie. 1. Ig­norance of the Hebrew. 2. Of the Matter of their Traditions, or Jew­ish Mysteries. 3. Of the Forme of Jewish Doctrines. 4. Of the Tra­ditions. 2d Cause was Admiration of the wonders of God brokenly re­ported to them. 3. Imitation another cause, concerning which Plato has excellent Discourses touching the Subject, Object, Effect, Uses, and Abuses of Imitation in Symbolick Philosophie. 4. Curiosity, and affectation of Novelty Act. 17.21. 5. Pride, and self advancement. 6. Inclination to Idolatrie. 7. Carnal Policie to avoid the peoples ha­tred. A general Conclusion that all Philosophie, even Aristotle's it self, as to its Matter, was traduced from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures.

§. 1.Of the Grecian Philosophie its traduction from the Jews. THat the Grecian Philosophers received the choisest of their Phi­losophick Contemplations from the Jewish Church, and Divine Revelation, we have already endeavored some inartificial demonstra­tion, as to the [...], thereof: we now proceed to the [...], to demon­strate the same from the several causes from whence; and wales by which the Grecians traduced their Philosophie from the Jewish Church and Scriptures. And to make this good, we shall first run thorough the sundry kinds and modes of Grecian Philosophie, and thence proceed to their several Sects of Philosophers. The first great mode or way of the Greeks philosophizing was Mythologick and Symbolick, of which we are now to treat, with endeavors to demonstrate how, that both as to mat­ter and forme, they traduced it from the Jewish Church.

§. 2. That the first Grecian Philosophie was Mythologick and Sym­bolick, will be easily granted by any versed in those Antiquities. Of Mythologick Philosophie in general. So Diodorus Siculus lib. 4. makes mention of [...], an anci­ent Mythologie, which he also calls, [...], old fables; and [...] Mythick Historie. This Aristotle, in the Proeme to his Me­taphysicks, cals Philomythie: for, saith he, a Philosopher is in some sort [...] a Philomyther, or Lover of fabulous Traditions. Strabo lib. 11. [Page 92] makes mention of this ancient [...], as that which gained little credit in the world. Which Proclus on Plato's Theologie l. 1. c. 4. cals Symbolick Philosophie. But to speak distinctly and properly, we may distinguish Mythologick Philosophie (or Philosophick Mythologie) in­to these severals, 1. Mythologick strictly taken, or Parabolick. 2. Hi­eroglyphick, Symbolick, or Enigmatick. 3. Metaphorick, and Alle­gorick: The difference betwixt these several modes of philosophizing is this: The Mythologick (which the Scripture cals the Parabolick) is the couching of Philosophick Principles, and Mysteries under some fabu­lous narration, or feigned storie: the Symbolick is the wrapping up of Natural Principles, or Moral Precepts under certain Symbols, Hiero­glyphicks, sensible Images, or obscure Enigmes and Riddles: Metapho­rick, and Allegorick is the expressing things, either under a naked sin­gle Similitude, which belongs to Metaphors; or by a Series of Meta­phors, which belongs to Allegories, &c. see Diodate on Mat. 13.3.

Mythologick Philosophie strictly taken first seated a­mongst the Poets.§, 3. To begin with Mythologick Philosophie, strictly so taken, called, in Scripture Phrasiologie, Parabolick, which was, as to order of time, the first, taken up by the Grecian Poets, and after embraced by some of their Philosophers. The chief Grecian Poets who traded in this kind of Mythick, or Fabulous Philosophie, were 1. Orpheus; who is supposed to have been the most Ancient of the Poets, and equal with their Gods; insomuch as he is said to have sailed among the Argo­nats, with Hercules, and the Tyndarides; as Lactant. l. 1. c. 5. They say he was a Thracian by birth; but his Philosophie he gained in Egypt as Euseb. l. 2. praep. c. 1. They report also, that he was very famous for Musick, wherein he so greatly excelled, as he mollified not only Men, but the brute beasts also by his singing. But others give a more ratio­nal account of this fable, namely, that congregating men, who were dispersed here and there, and lived as beasts in the fields, he drew them to a more civil forme of life. so Horat. in Arte Poetica.

Sylvestres homines, sacer, interpresque Deorum,
Caedibus, & Victu faedo deterruit Orpheus,
Dictus ob hoc lenire Tigres, rapidosque leones.

There were Contemporaries with Orpheus, Musaeus, Arion, and Am­phion. Of Amphion 'tis said, that having received an Harp from the Muses, he fitted his verses, composed with great suavitie so exactly thereto, as that the stones ran [...] of their own accord, &c. Which Thucydides lib. 1. thus unriddles: Orpheus and Amphion a [Page 93] little before the Trojan War, drew men out of the Wood, unto Hu­manitie, or a more civil conversation.’ By which it appears, that Or­pheus's Phhilosophie was, as to the Matter of it, chiefly Ethick, and Theologick. Thus of Orpheus himself. Orpheus's followers writ [...] Poems according to Orpheus's Doctrine, which were partly Moral, partly Theologick; but wholly Symbolick, or Fabulous, so Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. [...], The Orphicks delivered their Philosophie by Symbols or Fables.

2. Homer also was a great Inventor, and Propagator of this Mytholo­gick Philosophie. So Democritus [...], &c. Homer having obtained a nature inspired by a Divine Afflatus, or Spirit, framed a beautiful Structure of divers verses. Plutarch l. 2. de Homero, sheweth, how the seeds of all Arts, Physicks, Medicine, Politicks, Ethicks, Eloquence, Militarie Discipline, &c. are to be found in Homer, Alcidamus, a noble and ancient Orator, cals Homer's Odyssea, [...] a good glasse of human life. These Poemes of Homer were in great estimation with many of the latter Philosophers, who received much of their Philosophie thence. So Zeno, the Head of the Stoick Sect, writ five books of Homerick Questi­ons: Yet some of them were not so well pleased with Homers mode of philosophizing, in as much as it had so many Fables, and so much obscu­rity mixed with it. Thence Plato in his Alcibiades, concludes [...]. Novices in Philosophie ought not to fall upon Homers Poems, least they should fancie this Hero writ fables. The Egyptians say, that Homer was in Egypt: others suppose him to have been born in Egypt: and that he imbibed there his choicest Notions, from the Jewish Doctrine originally, if not immediately, we have proved Part 1. B. 3. C. 1. §. 6. of Homer. 3. Hesiod philosophized much in Oeconomicks, as also in Natural Philosophie; as of the first Chaos, &c. We find this character of him in Velleius lib. 1. Hesiod lived about 120. years after Homer. He was very famous for his elegant Wit, and the most soft sweetnes of his Verses. He was most desirous of ease and quiet, &c. see more of him, and the Traduction of his Philosophick Poems from the Jewish Church, Part 1. B. 3. C. 1. §. 7. of Hesiod. 4. Phocylides, Theognes, Museus, and Py­thagoras writ much in Moral Philosophie. 5. Empedocles, Nicander, A­ratus philosophized in Naturals. As 6. Solon and Tirtaeus in Politicks. But all the ancient Poesie was fabulous, & obscure, so Maximus Tyrius orat. 7. [Page 94] [...], because all Poesie does obscurely hint a thing.

How these Greek Poets disguise the Traditions which originally came from Scri­ptures.§. 4. These ancient fabulous Greek Poets having received from Egypt, and else where, many broken Traditions, touching the seve­ral Names, and Works of God, the Origine of the World, with other Mysteries, wrapt up in the bosome of the Scriptures, and Jewish Church, they made it their busines to disguise these oriental Traditi­ons, by clothing them with a new Grecian dresse, of many fabulous narrations; with which they were so disfigured, as that they could never recover their old face. Thus Jackson on the Scriptures folio 29. ‘continually, saith he, whilst we compare ancient Poets, or Stories, with the book of Genesis, & other Volumnes of sacred Antiquitie; these sacred books give us the pattern of the waking thoughts of ancient times. And the Heathen Poems, with other fragments of Ethnick Writings (not so ancient as the former) contain the Dreams, and Fancies, which suc­ceeding Ages, by hear-say, and broken reports, had conceived con­cerning the same or like matters. For any judicious man from the con­tinual, and serious observation of this Register of truth, may find out the Original at least, of all the Principal Heads, or Common Places of Poetick Fictions, or Ancient Traditions, which cannot be imagined, they should ever have come into any mans fancie, unles from the imi­tation of some Historick Truth, or the impulsion of real events stirring up admiration.’ Thus Jackson.

The use and a­buse of Mytho­logick Philoso­phie.§. 5. This Mythologick Philosophie begun by the Poets, and after taken up by the most Ancient Philosophers, had it not been mixed with so many ridiculous, and Idolatrous Fables, might have been of much use in those first Ages, even amongst the Heathens, as well as in the Jewish Church, whence it received its origination. For under these sensible Formes, and Images (suited to that infant state of the world) were conteined many lively examples of, and strong incentives unto, Virtue: Hence Basil saies of Homer [...], &c. all Homers Poesie is but the commendation of Virtue, &c. Of the same use were Esep's Fables, and the Fables of Philostratus. On­ly the Elder Poets of Greece had such unworthy Fables of their Gods, as also so much obscurity in their Traditions of Natural Experiments, and Moral Precepts, as that the Wiser Philosophers, who followed, thought it most expedient to reject this mode of philosophizing, and to begin upon a new foundation, namely, some more immediate Traditi­ons from the Easterne parts, with which also they mixed some Fabu­lous, or Symbolick conceits of their own.

[Page 95]§.6. After the Mythologick, followed the Symbolick, or Enigmatick mode of philophizing amongst the Grecian Philosophers,Symbolick Philosophie from the Jewish Types, Enigmes, &c. especially those of the Italick Sect, Pythagoras, &c. who, though they rejected the multi­tude of obscure and absurd fables, taken up by the Elder Poets; yet, were they not without their Symbols, Enigmes, and Emblemes, or Cor­poreal Images, which are but branches of Mythologie considered in its general Idea. Such were the Enigmes, and Fables so common among the Ancients, whereof we have a collection extant ascribed to Esop, which yet were not (at least) originally his, as Quintil. lib. 5. cap. 11. ‘These Fables (which albeit they received not their origine from Esop; (for Hesiod seems to have been their first Author) yet are they celebra­ted chiefly under his name) are wont to lead the minds of rustick, and unskilful persons, who are more easily taken with things feigned, and finding a pleasure in them, do more easily assent, and consent to them.’ Dius in the Phenician Historie relates ‘that Salomon proposed Enigmes to the King of Tyre, which could not be solved, but produced many concertations; till at length he found Abdemon a Tyrian young man, who solved many of them Josephus Ant. 5. c. 2.’ We read also of Amasis an Egyptian King, who disputed by Enigmes with the Ethiopian King. Al­so in the Oriental parts it was a received custom among the Nobles, having staked down their wager, to contend by Enigmes or Riddles; and he that could not solve what was proposed, lost his wager. Which custom Plutarch, in Convivio Sapient. mentions; and we have some Vestigia of it, in the Historie of Sampson, and Salomon: Whence even in the Sacred Scripture we find the name [...] Enigmes, attributed to such Philosophick Placits, of which of old the most Learned among the wise men oft disputed, as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c 6. This mode of philosophizing Pythagoras principally addicted himself unto. So Porphyrie, Note: Erat adhuc alia species Mythi­cae Philosophiae, & ea uti etiam ex sacris apparet, praesertim libro ju­dicum, omnium antiquissima. Nam fabulae artificiosè compositae rudibus popu is proponebantur, quae sub ima­gine brutorum, aut aliarum rerum instituendae Vitae rationem ostende­rent. Quae fabulae postea collectae uni A [...]sopo, quia is maximè excel­luit, adscribi coeperunt. Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 7. and Iamblichus attributed unto him [...], a Symbolick mode of teaching, or as Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. observes in general of the Pythagoreans, [...]. The Py­thagoreans study to deliver Divine things by Images, i. e. by corporeal Images; Emblemes, and short Enigmatick Symbols, or Sayings, whereby they shadowed forth [...] and [...] the Affections and Morals of the Soul. Neither did these Pythagoreans only expresse their moral precepts thus, but also couched their most sacred mysteries [Page 96] both of God and Nature under these, and such like figures, numbers, and enigmatical propositions, which they all founded on these Principles: [...], sensible Formes are but Imitates, or Ima­ges of Intellectuals: and [...], man is the most imitating creature. That Pythagoras traduced these his Sym­bols (if not immediately, yet) originally from the Jewish Church, we need no way doubt. So Clemens Alexandrinus l. 1. [...], the old mode of philosophi­zing was Hebraick and Enigmatick. This way of philosophizing by E­nigmes and Problemes was common among the Jews in the time of the Judges, as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 2. c. 13. observes, ‘They were ex­ercised, saith he, now and then in the solution of hard Problemes, such were those which Sampson in his Nuptials proposed.’ It is called [...], which you may translate either an Enigme, or Probleme: of which see more what precedes B. 1. C. 2. §. 7. Such also were Salomon's Proverbs, for the most part, and all the Jewish Types, which indeed were but Symbols, or corporeal Images of things spiritual. Or if we will not grant, that Pythagoras received his Symbols immediately from the Jews, yet we may without danger conclude he had them from the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks: as hereafter.

Metaphorick & Allegorick Phi­losophie from the Jews.§. 7. Another mode of philosophizing amongst the Grecians was Metaphorick, and Allegorick; which also is a Species or kind of My­thologick Symbolick Philosophie. For, as Aristotle in his Rhetorick ob­serves [...], a Metaphor is but an Image, or shadow of a thing; And an Allegory is but a continued metaphor, or taking the fi­gure of a true Historie, but in a metaphorick sense, to represent things moral or spiritual;Taautus Theolo­giae suae mysterta non nisi per alle­gorias tradebat: teste Sanchonia­thone, Euseb. l. 1. Praep. c. 7. whereby it is differenced from a Parable or Fable, which is but a feigned storie, to represent something moral; as also from a Symbol and Enigme which is more short, and obscure; yet do they all accord in the general Idea or Notion of Mythologie. Now this Metaphorick Allegorick mode of philosophizing, was chiefly em­braced by Plato, who conceled the most of his more sublime Traditions, and contemplations under Metaphorick, and Allegorick Shadows, and Figures, with wch he likewise mixed many Fables, and Parables. So in his [...] or Dialogue of Love (which seems to be an imitation of Salo­mon's Song) we find many Allegorick Figures; as that of his [...] (which is conceived to be but a Symbolick Tradition of Adam and Eve, & their Creation) &c. And that Plato received this Allegorick mede of [Page 97] philosophizing from the Jewish Church, Serranus (in his Preface to Plato) makes to be the common persuasion of all Learned Christians, of which more in the storie of Plato's Philosophie. That the Spirit of God makes great use of Parables, Symbols, Enigmes, Metaphors, and Allegories for the unfolding of Heavenly Mysteries, any, that acquaints himself with the Scriptures, cannot be ignorant, as Mat. 13.3.Mat. 13.3. 'tis said, Christ spake many things to them in Parables, &c. where Diodate asserts, ‘that this was a fashion of teaching used amongst the Jews, fol­lowed by our Lord, and very profitable to make the truth to be un­derstood, and to insinuate the apprehension thereof into the mind of the Auditors, by a well appropriated similitude, taken from a feign­ed story, &c. And as this parabolick, symbolick mode of expressing heavenly Mysteries was so frequent amongst the Jews, so we may, on good grounds, conclude, that the Grecian Philosophers traduced their like mode of philosophizing, from this sacred fountain originally, if not immediately.

§. 8. Having demonstrated,The matter of Mythologick Philosophie from sacred works, and truthes. how the Mythologick and Symbolick mode or form of philosophizing amongst the Grecians was derived from the Jewish Church, their Parables, Types, Allegories, &c. we now proceed to the matter of the Grecian Mythologick Philosophie, to demon­strate its traduction from the Jewish Church and Scriptural Traditions. And to make this evident, we must recollect (what has been oft hint­ed) that the Elder Poets (as well as Philosophers) had generally re­course to Egypt, and Phaenicia, for the matter also, as well as for the forme, or mode of their Philosophick Mythologie. So Diodorus Siculus bibl. l. 1. tels us, ‘that the Poets, Orpheus, Musaeus, Melampus, and Homer, and the Philosophers afterwards, Pythagoras, Plato, &c. had gained most of their Wisdom out of Egypt. And Carion, in his Chro­nicon lib. 2. touching the ancient Learning of the Jews; saies, ‘that men write, that Linus brought Learning from Phaenicia into Greece: for the ancient Learning of Greece was some part of the Law touch­ing Morals, known partly by Nature, partly by Tradition from the Fathers, as also the inquisition of herbs, and remedies, the considera­tion of the Stars, and the description of the year; and in these Scien­ces he (Linus) received the chiefest part, from the Phenicians, and Egy­ptians, &c. The same he affirmeth afterward of Orpheus, Homer, Hesiod; as also of Thales, and Pythagoras. Now this being granted, it is not diffi­cult to conceive how these first Mythologists gained the chief materials [Page 98] of their Philomythie, or Symbolick Philosophie. For here it was, in E­gypt, and Phenicia, that these Grecian Philomythists got the skill of coining Wonders, and Fables in imitation of, and by Tradition from the wonders of Creation, and Providence mentioned in the sacred Scri­ptures, and vouchsafed to the Jewish Church. For the report of Gods miraculous works in creating the World, and governing of it, especi­ally his miraculous preservation of the Jewish Church, being by tra­dition, soon communicated to the Phenicians, and Egyptians, who were next neighbors to the Jews; hence the Grecians derived the principal heads, or first lines of their Philosophick Philomythie; wherein, although by successive artificial imitation, the varietie grew greater, and the re­semblance of Divine truth lesse, yet there still remained some chara­cters, and footsteps of those Divine truths, and sacred Oracles, from whence they originally were traduced; as Jackson on the Script. fol. 57.

The causes of Mythologick Philosophie. 1. Ignorance.§. 9. This Demonstration touching the Traduction of Mythologick Philosophie, both as to Forme, and Matter, from the Jewish Church, will be more evident, if we shall take a more particular view of the causes of it, which were very many, and great; as 1. Ignorance was a pregnant, and great cause of all that Mythick Philosophie, which gain­ed so much upon the Grecians, as well as on the Egyptians, and Pheni­cians. For when these dark, and purblind Heathens had received any broken Traditions touching the glorious Works, Wonders, Mysteries, and Truths of God reveled unto, and in his Church (the seat of his glorious presence) they being not able to apprehend, much lesse to comprehend the same, grew vain in their imaginations, and turned the glorie of God into a Lye, by mixing their own Fables with those fragments of Divine Revelation, which, by imperfect Tradition, were delivered over to them. Thus were their foolish hearts darkened, as Rom. 1.21.1. Ignorance of the Hebrew Idi­ome. Now this their Ignorance of these Divine Mysteries was much greatned, 1. from want of skill in the Hebrew Tongue, and Idiome; whence they gave words of ambiguous Interpretation a sense far diffe­ring from what was intended: also some words they understood in a literal, and proper sense, which, according to their genuine mind, and sense,Gen. 46.26. 2. Ignorance of the matter of their traditions. ought to be taken improperly; of which many instances might be given, as that of Gen. 46.26. whence Bacchus was feigned to be born out of Jupiters thigh, &c. 2. Another thing, which greatly fed, and nourished the Ignorance of these Mythologick Philosophers, was [Page 99] the sublimitie and greatnes of the Matters, concerning which they philosophized. So great was the confidence, or rather ignorance, of these first Grecian Sophists, as that they durst adventure to philoso­phize on the deepest Mysteries of the Jewish Religion; which being not able, in any measure, to apprehend, they turned them into meer Fa­bles. This might be largly exemplified in all parts of their Philoso­phie: as, 1. In their Theologie; whence came their mythologick con­templations of their Gods. Jao, Adonis, Saturne, Jupiter, 1. In Theologie. &c. but from Hebrew Traditions of the true God, &c? Whence the Platonick [...], Trinitie, but from some imperfect Scripture Traditions? whence Pla­to's [...], but from that essential name of God Exod 3.14? as Austin long since observed: whence his [...], and [...], but from the Scripture Relation of Christ, if not Gen. 1.1. yet Prov. 8. where he is called Wisdom? hence also that Poetick Fiction of Minerva the Goddesse of Wisdom being produced out of Jupiters head: whence also Plato's Fable of the [...], or [...], but from Gen. 1.2. The Spirit of God moving on the Waters? whence also the original of their De­mons, and Demon worship, but from some broken Traditions touching the Jewish Messias, his Nature, and Offices? as elsewhere. 2.2. In Natural Philosophie. And as those fabulous Grecians were ignorant of the sublimer matters of the Jewish Religion, so also did they discover much Ignorance in Natural things; concerning which they had received some traditions. As Plato, having had some broken relation of Eve her being taken out of Adam's side, coined from hence, his [...]. Lastly whence all those Poetick and Fabulous Narrations of the first Chaos, the Golden Age, &c. but from corrupt traditions from Gen. 1, &c? 3.3. Ignorance of the Jewish form, or mode of Do­ctrine. Ano­ther spermatick principle, which bred, or Root, that nourished this Gre­cian Ignorance, and consequently their Mythologick Philosophie, was the peculiar mode, and hidden forme, under wdich the Jewish Mysteries were couched. For God condescending to the Childish capacity of that Infant Church, clothed the sublime Mysteries of Salvation with terrene habits, sensible formes, and Typick shadows, or shapes, which the carnal Jews themselves could not understand; much lesse could those blind Heathens, who received only some broken traditions of them, penetrate into their Spiritual sense, and marrow; whence they turn­ed all into Fables. All Types, Symbols, and Parables, though never so lively Images of things Spiritual, to those, who have Senses spiritually exercised in Converse with them, are yet but Riddles, and dark say­ings [Page 100] to such, as have not a capacitie to dive into their Spiritual import: whence Christ is said Mat. 13.13.Mat. 13.13. 4. Ignorance from the imper­fection of Jewish traditions. to speak in Parables to the obsti­nate Jews, that so they might not understand. 4. The last thing I shall name, as that, which added to their Ignorance, and thence en­creased their Philosophick Philomythie, was the imperfection of those traditions which originally descended from the Jewish Church. For as Rivers the farther they are from the Fountain, the lesse they have of its original puritie, and favor; or as it is fabled of Argos's ship, that through long absence it passed under so many emendations, and alterations, as that at last there was no piece left of the old bulk: The like usage did these Jewish traditions find amongst those fabulous Grecians. For they passing from one Age to another, through the various Imaginations, Inclinations, Humors, and Interests of men, re­ceived such strange alterations, and disfigurations, as that it was at last difficult to find any certain piece, or footsteps of the original Tradi­tion. This is well observed by Learned Selden de Jure Nat. Hebrae. lib. 1. c. 2. fol 26. ‘Neither, saies he, is it a wonder, that we find not in the writings of the Greek Philosophers more expresse footsteps of the Jewish Doctrine, yea that there is scarce any thing occurring in them, which retaines the pure nature of the Hebrew originall: for the Sects of Barbarick Philosophers were so mixed in the Greek Sciences, as also the Greek Philosophie it self torn into so many pieces, and fractions, as that it was wholly disguised, &c.

2. Admiration the cause of all Mythologick Philosophie.§. 10. A second cause (or prolifick root) of Mythologick Philosophie was Admiration, and this indeed follows naturally upon the former: for what is admiration, but the Souls contemplation of some novel, and rare matter, proposed to it, with desire to know the cause? or as o­thers describe it, the state and disposition of the Soul towards things, that are new, and rare, and strange, of which we can give no reason: for wise men wonder not, because they see a reason, and have a comprehension of things. I hence Plutarch in his book [...], saies of Pythagoras, ‘that he affirmed of himself, that he gained this by Philosophie, not to admire any thing: for Philosophie takes away wonderment, and ad­miration, which flows from Ignorance.’ So Aristotle Eth. l. 1. c. 3. [...]· He, that is conscious of his own ignorance, admires what seemes above him. Now this being the genuine notion, and Idea of Admiration, to con­template overmuch things above our capacities, especially if they are [Page 101] strange and rare; hence we may easily gather, how soon those Grecian Mythologick Philosophers fell in love with the contemplation of those wonderful Experiments, and Issues of Divine Creation, and Providence, which were handed over to them by some broken Traditions. We have already shewed, how Egypt, and Phaenicia with other parts bor­dering on the Jewish Territories, had received many imperfect frag­ments, or broken Traditions touching God his Names, Attributes, and Works both of Creation, and Providence; especially of the wonders he wrought for his Church in Egypt, at the Red Sea, in the Wildernes, and after they came to Ganaan: also that they had some, though ve­ry obscure, notices of the Messias, and his work of Redemption, &c. Now the Grecians travelling into those Oriental parts, to acquaint themselves with these hidden Mysteries, and Wonders, at first fell into a great Admiration of them, and anon set themselves to philosophize upon them in a mythologick mode, according to the fashion of th [...]se first Ages, Oriental parts. And this kind of Admiration was a genuine, yea the main, cause of all Philosophie, both Mythologick, and Simple, as is confessed by the chiefest Philosophers, Plato, and Aristotle; so Plato in his Thaeetetus informes us; ‘that this is the great Affection of a Philo­sopher to wonder, neither had Philosophie any other origine but this:’ the like Aristotle in his lib. 11. Metaphys. cap. 2. [...], &c. by reason of admiration men both now, and in times past began to philosophize. Aristotles ac­count how ad­miration was tbe cause of all Philosophie, espe­cially Mytholo­gick. But Aristotle, in the Pro [...]me to his Metaphysicks, gives us a full and excellent account of the mode, or manner how all Philosophie, especial­ly Mythologick, sprang from Admiration; which because it is so much to our purpose, I shall first give it at large: [...]. Both now, and in old times men began to philosophize from admiration; at first indeed admi­ring the more easie wonders, thence proceeding by little and little, they began to doubt of greater matters, as concerning the Origine of the Uni­verse, &c. wherefore also a Philomyther (or Mythologist) is in some sense a Philosopher, for [ [...]] a fable is composed of things wonderful, wherein we have an admirable account: 1. How all Philosophie sprang from admiration, first of the lesser works, and wonders of Providence [perhaps he means the wonders which God wrought in Egypt, the Wildernes, Canaan, and Babylon, which were of latter date, [Page 102] and so yet fresh in their memories]. 2. Then saies he, they proceeded by little & little to doubt of greater Matters, a [...] of the original of the Ʋ ­niverse, &c. Namely of the Creation of the World out of no preexi­stent Matter; of the first Chaos; of mans first Production, and state in Innocence; of the Fall; of Noahs Floud, which they call Deucalions, &c. All which particulars are largely philosophized upon by Plato, in his Timaeus, of the Origine of the Ʋniverse. 3. Aristotle concludes, that every Philomythist, or Lover of Fables, is in some sense a Philosopher; for a fable is made of wonders. That is, as Jackson on the Scriptures (fol. 34.47. and elsewhere) well observes, All the principal heads of My­thologick Philosophie, entertained by the elder Poets, and Philosophers, came not into their fancies by meer accident, but from the impulsion of real events, and wonders of God, which being delivered to them by tradition (originally from the Jews) stirred up Admiration in them. For the traditions of God's miracles being far spread, when Greece be­gan to philosophize, they could not but admire the Wisdom, Power, and Majesty of God, that shone so greatly therein, which yet being no way able, for want of Divine Revelation, to apprehend, they turn­ed all into Fables, and vain Philosophie.

3. Imitation a cause of Mytho­logick Philoso­phie.§. 11. A third Mother root, or cause of Mythologick Philosophie was Imitation; which indeed was the great sovereign principle that ruled and governed those Infant Ages, but its influence appeared in nothing more powerful, and particular, than in the Philomythie, and Symbolick Philosophie of the first Poets and Philosophers; who having had some broken Relations of the great Works of God in Creating ▪ and Governing the World, were not only taken up in the contemplation, and admiration of them; but also grew ambitious of coining the like; which by an artificial kind of Imitation they were dexterous in, as Strabo observes, and Jackson on the Scriptures fol. 49. From this vici­nitie of true wonders in Jury, or thereabouts, were the Medes, Persians, and Syrians so much addicted to fabulous narrations, and coining of Wonders. And Greece, as it received artificial Learning first from A­sia, so did it drink in this humor with it. For the traditions of Gods Mi­racles in Jury, and the Regions about it, having been far spread when Greece began first to tattle in artificial Learning, the Grecians, as Chil­dren in true Antiquitie (as the Egyptian Priest told Solon) were apt to counterfeit the forme of ancient truthes, and misapply it to unseemly mat­ters, or purposes, as Children will be doing in homlier stuff, which they [Page 103] see their Elders do better in. Finally the same humor, which yet reigns amongst men, might possesse most of them: There is no famous event which falls out though it be but a notable jest) but in a short time is ascribed to a great many more, than have affinitie with it. In like manner did the re­ports of sundry events, which either fell out only in Jury, or upon occasion of Gods people, fly about the world, some with cut, and mangled, but most usually with enlarged artificial wings; as if the same had been acted every where, or the like invented on every occasion. And fol. 57. he con­cludes, that the principal, or first heads of the Grecian invention were de­rived, for most part, from the Hebrews; although, by successive artificial imitation, their variety grew greater, and their resemblance of Divine truth lesse. Thus Dr Jackson. And that the main, if not the whole, of Mythologick, and Symbolick Philosophie was but a [...], or re­flexe Image of Jewish Mysteries, and Discipline, traduced by Artifi­cial Imitation, has been sufficiently proved by what was mentioned touching the matter, and forme of Mythologick Philosophie: Namely, as to its forme: Whence sprang the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks; the Phenician, and Grecian [...], or Fables; Pythagoras's Symbols; and Plato's Allegories; but from the Jewish Types, Allegories, Enigmes, and Parables? and both the one, and the other founded upon that great Oriental Maxime, [...]. Then if we con­sider the matter of Symbolick Philosophie, it seems plainly to be taken up by traducti [...]n from, and in imitation of, some Divine work, or truth. Whence can we imagine that Pythagoras should receive his Insti­tutes, and Ceremonies of Purifications, Washings, White Vestments, Sacri­fices, with his [...] or School ▪ wherein were [...] perfect, as well as novices; but from the Jewish Ceremonies and Scholes, which he affected, to the utmost of his skill, to imitate? whence he was stiled [...] the Jewish Imitator, or Ape. And as for Plato, Johan. Grammaticus de Creat. Mundi l. 1. c 2. tels us plainly,Plato's great skill in imitation both as to the practice, and Theory thereof. that he imitated Moses in his exposition of the World's Origine, as in many other things. And indeed none of the ancient Philosophers was better skil­led in this kind of artificial Imitation than Plato; who had a luxuri­ant, pregnant Fancy (which is the proper seat of Imitation) and a great dexterity, backed with much affection, yea ambition, to imitate the Easterne, particularly the Jewish, Wisdom. Neither was he only versed in the Practick part of this Art, but also in the Theory. For we find in his Works (and no where else, that I know of) excellent discourses [Page 104] professedly treating of Imitation, 1. its subject, which he makes to be the Phantasie, that [...], or [...]. Touching the power of the imagination in order to imitation, see Les Conferences par les Beaux esprits Tom. 1. Confer. 5. de la ressemblance: 2. its object, which he cals [...], and [...] i. e. se [...]sible Formes, or Images, re­presenting some thing Moral, or Spiritual: 3. its effect, which he makes to be a shadowy dark truth. For, saies Plato Reipub. lib. 6. [...], &c. an Imitator is but a Coiner of Idols, or Images: and these Images, he cals [...], Shadows of Truth; whence he addes, that imitation [ [...]] is but [...], an imperfect represen­tation of Truth; wherefore he adviseth those, who would studie with advantage the Symbolick Philosophie (which he, and others before him had taught) not to fasten on the Fables, Allegories, or Symbolick Ima­ges, wherewith Truth was clothed, but rather to attend unto the Truth it self couched under these Images, Shadows, or imperfect noti­ces: 4. whence he laies down the great Benefits of Imitation in Na­tural, and Moral Philosophie, for the colouring, and shadowing forth of Truth; as also in Oeconomicks, and Politicks: Examples and Patternes being the most powerful, because visible precepts: lastly he shews the sad abuse of it, by the fabulous Poets, in their feigned St [...]rie [...], or Romances, and blasphemous Figments of their Gods; which gives us a clear Demonstration, what a mighty influence Imitation had upon the Grecanick Philosophie; Symbolick, and what followed: of which see more Plato Reipub. lib. 6. also lib. 10. and Serranus thereon.

4. Curiosity and affectation of Novelty.§. 12. 4. Another Seminal Principle, which had an influential Causality on this Mythologick, Symbolick Philosophie, was the Itch of Curiosity, or an eager inquisitive humor innate in those first Grecian Philosophers, which made them restles in their Inquisitions after some Knowledge, touching the first Principles of things, and the Supream Ʋniversal First Cause. This indeed was one first moving impulsive Cause of all Philosophie, whence it received its name [...], and so it's defined by Plato, [...], &c. an Appetition of Wisdom. For the Oriental parts, Phenicia, and Egypt (which bordered on Judea) ha­ving first had some tasts of the Knowledge of God, the first Cause, his Names, Perfections, and Works, both of Creation, and Providence, by some imperfect Traditions from the Jews; this awakened the inquisi­tive Grecians (who alwaies labored under an itch of curiosity, even unto Pauls time,Act. 17.21. Some new thing. as it appears Acts 17.21.) to make farther Search in­to [Page 105] these dark Mysteries concerning which they had received some ve­ry broken, and imperfect notices. This inquisitive curious humor put Thales, Pythagoras, Solon, and Plato, with the Poets before them, upon their travels into the Oriental parts, to get more exact informa­tion touching the first principles of Wisdom.

§. 13. 5. Another Master vein,5. Pride and self advance­ment. which fed the Grecian Mytholo­gick Philosophie, was Pride, in appropriating that to themselves which was done by, or belonged unto, others; thus did they appropriate the chief of God's names to their own Gods, Jupiter, Jao, Adonis, &c. so in like manner Noahs Floud was attributed to Deucalion, with multi­tudes of the like Instances; and to make these their assumings authen­tick, they disguised the traditions, they received in the Oriental parts, with many Fables, and Symbols, thereby to make them passe for their own.

6.6. Inclination to Idolatrie. Another fountain of their Philomythick Philosophie was the natu­ral propension, and inclination of their hearts to Idolatrie. Hence sprang the Grecian Polytheism, Hellenism, and much of their vain Philosophie, for their imaginations being vain, and their foolish hearts darkned by Idolatrous opinions, and persuasions; hence they convert all those im­perfect Traditions, they had received, touching the true God,Rom. 1. and his Works, into fabulous narrations, which they appropiate unto their false Gods, &c.

7.7. Carnal policie to avoid the peoples envy and hatred. We might also mention the Carnal Policy of the first Greek Phi­losophers, as another spring of their Mythologie. For seeing the peo­ple too much resolved to maintain these fabulous Gods, the Poets had commended to them, they conceived it their wisest course, to darken those traditions, they had received touching the true God, his Ʋnity, Nature, and Works, by Fables, Symbols, and Allegories; thereby to avoid the envy, and hatred of the people. And thus much indeed Plato seems ingenuously to confesse: for, saith he, ‘to assert many Gods is without shew of reason. Only we embrace them being impelled thereto, though without shadow of reason, by the Autori­tie of our Fathers, and the severity, of Laws, &c. Plato Timaeo. A general con­clusion that all Philosophie, even Aristotles, as to us matter, was traduced from the Jewish Church. It seems he had not so much courage as his Master Socrates, who notwith­standing these Obstacles declared himself plainly enough in the case.

§. 14. By all that has been mentioned touching the Matter, Forme, and Causes of Mythologick, or Symbolick Philosophie, I conceive we have given (so far as our Matter will bear it) a sufficient demonstration [Page 106] of its traduction originally from the Jewish Church, and Scripture Re­velation: And what has been affirmed of Mythologick Philosophie, and its Causes in particular, may also be applyed to all the Grecian Phi­losophie in general; which, as it is evident, had the same Causes; name­ly Ignorance, Admiration, Imitation, Curiositie, Pride, &c. Moreover it i [...] evident that all the first Philosophers, Thales, Pherecides, Pythago­ras, Socrates, and Plato, did more or lesse exercise themselves in this Mythologick, Symbolick mode of philosophizing. Aristotle was the first, who rejected this fabulous Symbolick manner of philosophizing, and clothed Philosophie in a more native, and simple dresse, the materials of whose Philosophie were notwithstanding taken up from Plato his Ma­ster, and the more ancient Symbolick Philosophers. So that what has been said of Symbolick Philosophie will serve also to demonstrate that Aristotle's more simple Philosophie, as to the Matter of it, was deriv­ed originally from the Jewish Church.

CHAP. III. Of the Ionick Philosophie by Thales, and its Jewish Original.

Of the first distinction of Philosophers, into the Ionick, and Italick Sects. Both the Ionicks, and Italicks derived their Philosophie by Traditi­on, immediately from the Egyptians, and Phenicians; but original­ly from the Jews. Thales of Phenician extract, the first that brought Philosophie into Greece: his Philosophie traduced originally from the Jews. His Natural Philosophie plain. His great Principle, that Wa­ter is the first Matter of the Ʋniverse, derived immediately from San­choniathon his [...] and [...], which descended originally from Gen. 1.2. His other principles of Physiologie, viz. touching the Worlds pro­duction by God, by its Beautie; and the precedence of the Night before the Day from Gen. 1.5. Thales's Astronomie; his Invention of the Cynosure from the Phenicians; his Calculation of the Year from the Egyptians: his Geometrie, and Arithmetick. Thales's Divine Phi­losophie, or Natural Theologie from the Jews. His Demons thence also. His Scholars, and Successors, &c. Anaximander, Anaxime­nes, [Page 107] Anaxagoras, Empedocles, Heraclitus, Democritus, Hippo­crates.

§. 1. HAving discoursed at large of Philosophie in general,The chief heads of the Ionick & Italick Philoso­phie from Egyp­tians, Phenici­ans and Jews. especi­ally of Symbolick, and its Traduction from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures, we now proceed to the several Sects of Greek Philoso­phers, and therein to demonstrate, that the chief Heads (at least) of each Sect, traduced their philosophick notions, and contemplations from some Scriptural, or Jewish Tradition. As for the several Sects of Gre­cian Philosophers; there were at first but few, but in after times they grew very numerous. Varro in August. de Civit. Dei l. 19. c. 1. tels us, ‘that in his time, there were found in the Books of Philosophers, no lesse than 288. different opinions (which made so many different Sects) concerning the chiefest Good. For that Doctrine was, at that time, the touch-stone, whereby the different Sects of Philosophers were distin­guished.’ Themistius acquaints us, ‘that there came under his exa­men, near 300 several Sects.’ The first, and most Ancient Division of the Greek Philosophers was into the Ionick, and Italick Sects:Succedunt Ionicî illi, qui primi se­ctae nomen dede­re. Nam aliàs certum est nulli­bi antiquiores Philosophos quam in Ionia suisse. Horaius Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 12. as for the Eleaticks (which Vossius addes as a third Sect) they were but a branch of the Italicks. Now touching the chief Heads, and first Foun­ders of these two Sects, we have this good general Account in Carion's Chronicon l. 2. of the Studies of Learning in Greece. ‘The first Doctors, saies he, in Greece were the Poets. Thence other Doctors sprang up, who embraced all Arts: Arithmetick, Geometrie, Astronomie, Phy­sicks, and Medicine. Part of these Sciences the ancient Iones (as it is likely) received from their Parents, Japhet, and Javan. But yet as for Arithmetick, Geometrie, Astronomie, and Medicine, the Egypti­ans, and Phenicians were more skilled herein. By conversation with whom Thales, and Pythagoras being instructed (about the time of Craesus & Cyrus) by the exāple of their Ancestors raised up the Studie of these Sciences in Europe; and taught them familiarly in the Scholes of their Disciples. From these two then arose two Kinds of Philosophie:Of this first di­vision of the Greek Philoso­phers into the Ionick and Ita­lick Sects, see August. de civit. Dei lib. 8 cap. 2. with Lud. Vives thereon. the Ionick from Thales, which was lesse obscure, & mostly Natural The Italick from Pythagoras, which was more obscure, and full of Enigmes, &c. And that these two Founders of the Ionick, and Italick Sects re­ceived the first Principles of their Philosophie by tradition, rather than from any natural improvement, or Theories of their own, we have a good Demonstrative account in Stillingfleet Orig. Sacrae Book 3. Chap 2. [Page 108] Sect. 2. which is worth our transcribing. ‘It is a matter of some in­quirie (saith he) whether the first principles of Philosophie amongst the Greeks, were not rather some traditional things conveighed to them from others, than any certain Theories, which they had formed from their own Experiments, and Observations. The former is to me far the more probable, on many accounts, but chiefly on this; that the first principles of the two Founders of the two chief Sects of Philo­sophers, viz. the Ionick, and Italick, did come so near to that, which we have the greatest reason to believe to have been the most certain account of the Origine of the World. For this opinion of Thales, viz. that Water was the first Matter, seems to have been part of that universal Tradition which was continued in the World, concerning the first Principles. This I suppose is evident; that those Philosophers of Greece, who conversed most abroad in the world, did speak far more agreeably to the true account of things, than such, who only endeavored by their own Wits to improve, or correct those principles which were delivered by their other Philosophers. Which I impute not so much to their converse with the Mosaick Writings, as to that universal Tradition of the first Ages of the World, which was preserv­ed far better amongst the Phenicians, Egyptians, and Chaldeans, than among the Greeks. For Greece from its beginning shined with a borrowed Light, &c. Thus Stillingfleet. Wherein he fully grants, and proves, that the first principles of the Ionick, and Italick Philoso­phie were received by Tradition: only he seems to dissent from such, who derive their Tradition from Moses's Writings, or the Jewish Church; rather inclining to believe, that the Tradition was univer­sal from Noah's Sons, &c. which, if we grant, will not overthrow our Hypothesis, that the Grecian Philosophie descended by tradition from the Church (for Noah's family was the Church) of God. Yet I conceive (with submission) that (as it hath been already proved) the Egyptians, and Phenicians (if not the Chaldeans) received their traditions of the Creation, &c, not from their Ancestors, Cham, and his Posteritie; but from Moses's Writings, and the Jewish Church: and I think we shall hereafter give most probable (if not certain) conjectures, that the chief principles of Thales, and Pythagoras their Philosophie were tradu­ced from the Writings of Moses, or the Jewish Church. Yea Mr. Stil­lingfleet himself, in what follows in this same Section 3. gives us this in­genuous Concession. ‘I will not deny but that Pythagoras might have [Page 109] had converse with the Jews, who it is most probable was in Chaldea after the Captivity, &c.

§. 2.Of Thales his extract from Phaenicia. Multi tamea Thalem non Mi­lesium, sed I hoe­nicem fuisse pu­tant, t [...]s [...]e Euseb. lib. 10. P [...]aep. cap. 2. Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 3. c. 12. But to begin with Thales the Head of the Ionick Philosophie who was born at Miletus, the chief City of Ionia in the 31 Olymp. as Laertius informes us out of Apollodorus: yet others make him to be not a Milesian, but Phenician by birth. Pliny l. 2. saies, that he lived in the time of Alyattis; and Cicero lib. 1. de Divin. tels us, that he lived under Astyages: both of which Relations agree; in as much as these two Kings waged war, each against other: as V [...]ssius de Philosoph. Sectis l. 2. c. 5. Hyginus, in his Poetico Astronomico, treating of the lesser Bear, speaks thus: Thales, who made diligent search into these things, and first called this [lesser Bear.] Arctos, was by nation a Phenician, as Herodotus saies.’ Which well agrees with these words of Herodotus Halicarnassensis [...]· This was the opinion of Thales the Mil [...]sia [...], by his Ancestors a Phenician: i. e. he was born at Miletus, but his Ancestors were Phenicians. So Vossius de Hist. Graec. l. 3. That Thales was of a Phenician extract, is also affirmed by Diogenes Laertius, and Suidas. So in like manner Vossius de Philosoph. Sect. lib. 2. cap. 1 §. 28. Thales al­so, saies he, who founded the Ionick Philosophie, drew his original from the Phenicians: Whether he travelled from Phenicia to Mile­tus, with his Father N [...]leus, and there was made a Citizen, as accor­ding to Laertius, some would have it; or that he were born at Mile­tus, but of Phenician Parentage, as others rather incline.’ By which it is evident, that he was of a Phenician Extract;Thales quo (que) sa­pien [...]iae amore sa [...]cius, in ori­entem abiit, ibi (que) Aegyptiis sacer­dotibus familia­riter adhaesit. Laert. lib. 1. whence he had no small advantages fully to informe himself in the Phenician, and Jewish Philosophie. Some say that Thales travelled into Phanicia, and brought thence his Knowledge of Astronomie, particularly his observations of the Cynosura, or the lesser Bear, as Plinie lib. 5. c. 17. That Thales tra­velled into Asia, and Egypt, to informe himself in the Oriental Wisdom, he himself affirmes in his Epistle to Pherecydes.

§. 3.Thales his Wis­dom and Philo­sophie. That the Grecian Philosophie owes its original to Thales is ge­nerally confessed. For he, travelling into the Oriental parts, first brought into Greece Natural Philosophie, and the Mathematicks, Geo­metrie, Arithmetick, Astronomie, and Astrologie. Whereupon he had that swelling Title of [...] i. e. wise man, conferred on him.The seven wise men, and their Philosophie. About which time the same title was bestowed on six others, for their more than ordinary Skill in Moral Philosophie, and Politicks, viz. on Chilo [Page 110] Chilo the Lacedaemonian, Pittacus the Mitylenian, Bias the Prienean [...] Cleobulus the Lindian, Periander the Corinthian, & Solon the Athenian; who with Thales made up the seven wise men of Greece, of whom see Diogenes Laertius. The Wisdom of these [...], was for the most part Moral, tending to the Government of Human Conversation, which they wrapped up in certain short Aphorismes, or Sentences, as it ap­pears out of Quintil. l. 5. c. 11. ‘The Precepts of those seven men, may we not esteem them as certain Rules of Life? For the Art of Disputing obteined not as yet: but couching their Placits, under a few round words, they commended them as so many Religious My­steries. Which at first began to be called [...], because they con­teined the Sentences of Wise Men touching the Precepts of Life, and Manners. The like Euseb. 10. praepar. cap. 2. These Sentences, that they might have the greater Autoritie, and seem to be derived from God, rather than from men, were ascribed to no certain Author. Whence that famous Sentence [...], was attributed by some to Chilo, Lud. Vives, in Aug. Civ. Dei l. 8. c. 2. saies, that Thales was the first in Greece, that began to philosophize of things natural, being born O­lympiade 35. as Laertius. by others to Thales. Concerning Thales, Apuleius 18. Flor. gives this honorable Character. Thales the Milesian, of those seven wise men mentioned, will easily be granted to have the preeminence. For he was the first Inventor of Geometrie amongst the Greeks, and the most certain finder out of the nature of things, and the most skilful Contemplator of the Stars; by small lines he found out the greatest things, the Circumferences of Times, the Flatus, or blowings of winds, the Meatus or small passages of the Stars, the miraculous Sounds of Thunders, the oblique Courses of the Stars, the Annual Re­turnes, or Solstices of the Sun, the Increases of the New Moon, as the Decreases of the Old, and the Obstacles which cause the Eclipse. He truely, in his old Age, found a Divine account of the Sun; how often (i. e. by how many degrees) the Sun, by its magnitude, did measure the Circle it passed thorough: thus Apulcius: see more in August. de Civ. Dei l. 8. c. 2 and Lud. Vives.

Thales's Natu­ral Philosophie from the Pheni­cians immediate­ly, but originally from the Scri­pture relation of the Creation.§. 4. Now to come to the particulars of Thales's Philosophie, there­by to demonstrate, that the main therof was traduced immediately from the Phenicians, and Egyptians, but originally from the Jewish Church. The chief of Thales's Philosophie was Natural (which the Greeks called Physick) and that not obscure (as Aristotles) but plain, and familar. Hence Thales's Followers in the Ionick Schole were in a peculiar manner stiled [...] Naturalists, because quitting the mode [Page 111] of philosophizing in use among the other Wise Men, which was chiefly Ethick; as also that in the Italick Sch [...]le which was Theologick, they whol­ly busied themselves in the Contemplation of things sensible & natural. In brief; Thales his Natural Philosophie was indeed no other than a Natural Historie of the Origine of the Ʋniverse, or (as Divines phrase it) of the Creation of the World, which, as we have sufficient reason to judge, he received from the Phenician Sophists, Sanchoniathon, and Mo­chus, their Physiologie, which originally was derived from Moses's Wri­tings, and the Jewish Church. And to make the Demonstration hereof firme, we must consider that in Thales's time, when Philosophie began to take place in Greece, the main [...], or first great principle of Natural Philosophie, then in question, was touching the first matter of the Ʋniverse. For that the World had a beginning; and that this be­ginning was from God, all the Philosophers, till Aristotle, generally as­serted. So that this being a [...], or a thing taken for granted;Thales's great prinicple, that Water was the first matter of all things, immedi­ately from San­choniathon's Phi­losophie, but ori­ginally from, Gen. 1.2. the great Inquirie was, about the first matter, out of which the World was formed. Concerning which Thales delivers his Judgement, that Water was the first Matter of all things. So Tullie de nat. Deorum lib. 1. c. 25. saies ‘that Thales affirmed Water to be the Beginning of things, and that God out of Water framed all things. So Diogenes Laertius of Tha­les. Thus Steuch. Eugub. de peren. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. Thence Thales the Milesian, according to the Theologie of Orpheus, and the Egyptians, pro­nounced, that Water was the principle of all things. And according to the affirmation of Homer, this opinion was delivered by other Grecians before Thales. Pherecydes also held the same opinion, that Water was the first Matter of the World, which, as 'tis most p [...]bable, was traduced immediately from Sanchoniathon's Physiologie; for in the beginning of his Natural Historie (cited by Eusebius praepar. Evang. l. 10) he saies there was in the beginning of things a spirit of dark Air, which he cals [...] an evening chaos, or darknes. And that Thales's [...], Water, Thales's [...] the same with Sanchoniathon's [...]. was the same with Sanchoniathon's Chaos, we have the Testimonie of Plutarch, who produceth the Authoritie of Hesiod touching his Chaos; & addeth, that the greater part of ancient Philosophers called water chaos, from diffusion (a [...] sundo) which will farther appear, if we compare it with what follows in Sanchoniathon: [...] & [...] i. e. slime, or a mixture of mud and water, the same with Tha­les's water, ‘From the conversion of the Spi­rit with the chaos, there resulted [...], which they call [...].’ This [...], (according to the Phenicians [...]) signifies matter, which he in­terprets by [...] mud, or slime, or watery mistion, which indeed was but [Page 112] the effect, or grosser part of that Water, which Thales makes to be the material principle of all natural bodies. So Orpheus, speaking of the first matter of the Ʋniverse saies, [...] out of water slime was made. Which is a full explication of what Thales understood by his [...], water; and the same with Sanchoniathon's [...], or [...], i e. slime, or mixture of mud, and water. And we have a good explication of the whole by the Scholiast, on these words of Apollonius: [...] The Earth of slime was made; where the Scholi­ast affirmes that ‘the Chaos, whereof all things were made, was Wa­ter, which setling became Slime, and the Slime condensed into solid Earth.’ Thus we see how that Thales's Water, which he makes the first material principle of all things, was indeed the same with, or im­mediately derived from, Sanchoniathon's [...], and [...] i. e. slime, or mixture of water and mud together, from which the [...] of Plato, and Pythagoras, seems little to differ. Now that Sanch [...]niathon, and Thales, who followed him, traduced these their sentiments of the first matter out of Moses's Historie Gen. 1.2.That Sanchoniathon and Thales received these their principles not by universal Tradition but o­riginally from Gen. 1.2. we have already demon­strated (Book 1. Ch. 3. §. 13, 14, 15.) out of Learned Bochart, and others. But because Learned Stillingfleet (as before §. 1.) inclines rather to believe, that these first Philosophers received these their princi­ples by universal Tradition from the first Ages, and not from the Jews, or Mosaik Writings. I shall adde farther. 1. The Confession of Sancho­niathon, who said, that he received the materials of his Hist [...]rie, from Jerombalus the Priest of the God Jao: who certainly was some Jewish Priest (as before Book 1. Ch. 3. §. 8.) 2. Sanchoniathon makes men­tion of Sydic, &c. which, without doubt, he received from the Jews. 3. Numenius an ancient Philosopher cites for this opinion of Thales, that water was the first matter, the very words of Moses Gen. 1.2. The Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters; as Porphyrie de Antro Nymph. Of which see Stanley on Thales. 4. That Thales received these Traditions of the Creation from Moses's Writings is affirmed, and demonstrated by Steuchus Eugubinus. de peren. Philosoph. l. 7. c. 12. where he shews how Thales subcribed to Moses, in his notions of the Worlds Creation, as in what follows, §. 5. 5. Yea Stillingfleet him­self, in the following Section (Orig. Sacr. Book 3. Chap. 2. Sect. 3.) has these very words: ‘And thus we see, these 2 renowned Founders of the Ionick, and Italick Societies, both giving their concurring testi­monie with Moses, as to the true Origine of the World, and not at [Page 113] all differing from each other. Thales meant by his Water, the same with that [...], or mixture of mud, and water, which Orpheus, &c. speak of, as the principle of the Universe. And the Successors of Thales, Anaximander, and Anaxagoras expresse themselves to that purpose, which is the same with the Phenician [...], which some call [...], some mud, or slime, which they say was [...]. Thus we see, how Thales with the Phenicians, from whom he was derived (as Laertius tels us) and Pythagoras with the Egypti­ans, and others concur with Moses, not only in the Production of the World, but in the manner of it, wherein is expressed a fluid mat­ter, which was the material principle, as Gen. 1.2. upon the face of the waters: that is, all at first was but fluid matter, &c. Thus Stilling­fleet, which, I conceive, fully proves our Assertion; and overthrows his foregoing Hypothesis. That Thales, &c. received not these traditions from Moses's Writings, or the Jewish Church originally. 6. Vossius de Philos. Sect. l. 2. c. 5. §. 3. seems to refer this principle of Thales, that water was the original of all things, to the words of Moses Gen. 1.2. upon the face of the waters, ‘which, saies he, perhaps he learned from the E­gyptians, and they from the Jews: even so plainly asserting our con­clusion: Yet I should think it most probable, that Thales had it from the Phenicians, and they from the Jews. 7. Lastly, Mariana in his Annotations on Gen. 1.1. assures us; ‘that from this place the Ancient Poets derived their chaos, and other like things.

§ 5.Other principles of Phisiologie as­serted by Thales. Thales held also many other philosophick opinions touching the Worlds Origine, and perfection, which seem to be but traditions o­riginally taken from Moses's Historie. 1. He held there was but one world, and that made by God the spirit, out of the foresaid Water.The origine of the world by Gods spirit Gen. 1.2. So Montaigne Essay l. 2. c. 12. Thales, qui le premier s'enquesta de telle Matiere estima Dieu un esprit, qui sit d' [...]au toutes choses. This great Fundamental Principle, that the world was made by God, was generally received, and asserted by all the Philosophers before Aristotle, who was the first that opposed it, because seemingly contradictory to his Phae­nomena, or purblind principles, as we are told by Plutarch de philos­placit. 2.1. and Johan. Gram. de Creat. Mundi. 2.The beauty and perfection of all things. Gen. 1.13. Thales held (as Diogen. Laert.) [...] That the world being God's workmanship, was exceeding beautiful, or good, and perfect; as Gen. 1.31. This beauty or perfection of the world, he made to consist in the admi­rable disposition, and harmony, or order of every part, wherein he [Page 114] was followed by Pythagoras, who for this reason called the world [...]; and Plato, who saies, that God [...], &c. beautified, and orderly disposed every part of this Universe, with great symetry, and proportion answerable to his own eternal Idea, or forme, as in his Timaeus, of which hereafter. That Thales received this contemplation from Moses, is affirmed by Steuch. Eugub. De Pe­ren. Philosophia l. 7. c. 2. ‘To which it is to be refer'd, that according to Laertius the same Thales pronounceth: [...], The world is most beautiful because the workmanship of God. Doest not thou think that he subscribeth to the Mosaick Theologie? Moses saies, In the beginning God created. Graec. [...], made: which Tha­les expresseth by the substantive [...], designing thereby the same which Moses does by [...].’ 3. Thence Thales asserted the world was Animate, or a Living Creature: which also Plato held, calling the World [...] from Moses's words Gen. 1.2. supposing this world to be animate, or vivified by the Spirit, or Providence of God called [...]. 4. Thales said, the night was elder than the day, according to the Scripture Phrasiologie Gen. 1.5.Gen. 1.5. Thus Steuch. Eugubinus, de peren. Phil. l. 7. c. 12. Thales being asked, [...], what first existed night or day? The night, saith he, was before any one day. Thou maiest not judge that he conceived any thing else hereby, than what Moses before delivered, and what the Latin Poet heard, from the same Grecians: but Thales, who, according to Laertius, went to the Egyptian Priests, to be instructed by them, had this passage from them.’ This circumstance of the Creation was held also by Orpheus, and Hesiod, who (as Stanley affirmes on Thales) had it from the Phenicians: I suppose from Sanchoniathon's [...], which in all likelyhood was traduced from the Hebrew [...] Gen. 1.5. as Bochart Can. l. 2 c. 2.

Thales's Mathe­ticks. 1. Astronomie.§. 6. Thales was in like manner well instructed in the Mathema­ticks, especially in Astronomie, which he is supposed to have gained, partly from the Phenicians, and partly from the Egyptians: From the Phenicians he received, as 'tis said, the Invention of the Cynos [...]ra, or the Constellation of the lesser Bear, which he first brought into Greece. For that the Phenicians were the first Inventors, or observers of this Con­stellation, Vossius endeavors to make good, from the word Cynosura, which he makes to be Phenician from [...] a collection of light, that they were the first, that found out the use of this Constellation, to saile [Page 115] by (which has been ever since of great advantage to Mariners in their Navigations) I think, is generally granted. Yet it cannot be denyed, but that Thales received much emprovement, in his Astronomical Con­templations, from the Egyptians. For he himself in his Epistle to Phe­recydes confesseth, that he travelled into Egypt to confer with the Astro­nomers. This Journey of his into Egypt is supposed to be the last he made; where having studied Philosophie, he returned to Miletus. That Thales was the first that brought Astronomie into Greece, we have the affirmation of Eudemus to confirme us. Laertius tels us,Laertius l. 1. that Tha­les was the first amongst the Grecians, who found out the calculation, or distinction of the year into its seasons, calling the last day of every moneth [...], the 30th day, which we have good ground to persuade our selves, he learned in Egypt; for there it was first in use, according to Herodotus lib. 2. The Egyptians, saies he, were the first, that found out the year, distinguishing it into 12 moneths, this they gathered from the Stars. But I think we have more probable conjectures, that the Egyptians received their distinction of the seasons of the Year, from the Jewish Church their Institutes, touching the Calculation of the Year, which I conceive were more ancient, than those of the Egyptians. Thales's Geo­metrie from E­gypt, and his A­rithmetick from Phenicia. Thales also brought out of Egypt the Science of Geometrie, which took its beginning there, from the constant occasions the yearly overflowing of Nile gave them of renewing the bounds of their Fields: Proclus on Euclia. 2.4. As in like manner he brought his skill in Arithmetick out of Phoenicia, which was found out there, in order to their Traffick.

§. 7. Thales also was the first of the Grecians, who made any Phi­losophick Inquiries into the Nature, and Perfection of God. Thales the first of the Grecians, that philosophi­zed of God, his nature, &c. 'Tis true Orpheus, Homer, Linus, and Hesiod had gotten from Egypt, and Phae­nicia, some cloudy, and very obscure traditions of God, which they made much more dark, by the many fabulous, and unworthy narra­tions, they mixed with them. But Thales delivered those traditions, he had received in the Oriental parts, touching God, in a more Phi­losophick, naked, and simple mode. For as Diogenes Laertius informes us, he held [...]· That God was the most ancient of beings, because without generation. 2. That the World was [...]. The Work of God. 3. He asserted that God by his immu­table Decree, and Providence governes the World (as Stobaeus) whence his opinion that the World was animated, i. e. by the Spirit, or Provi­dence [...] [Page 114] [...] [Page 115] [Page 116] of God acting therein; as Gen. 1.2. The Spirit, &c. 4. Tha­les also (as Pythagoras, and Plato after him) held the Doctrine of Dae­mons (mentioned Psal. 106.24. 1 Tim. 4.1.) which he asserted to be Spiritual Natures, or Substances, and a kind of midling made Gods, betwixt the immortal Gods, and mortal men: which traditions, some conceive, he had from Egypt: for that the Egyptians held these Dae­mons in the same manner, Iamblichus de myster. Aegypt. acquaints us. So Mr. Bochart, in a Sermon at Caen, affirmed, that Joseph was reputed the first of these Egyptian Daemons. But I should rather think, that Thales had his Traditions of these Daemons, from Phaenicia, where they mostly abounded, under the common name of Baalim, from [...] Belus one of the first Phaenician Kings, whence Jesabel, &c. and that the Phaenicians had their Baalim from some broken tradition, and in imitation, of the Jewish Messias his Mediatorship, &c. as elsewhere. That Thales the first of all the Grecian Philosophers, was of all the first, that treated Philosophically of God, and heavenly things, we are assu­red by Tully; and so Minucius in Octavio saies, that Thales the Mile­sian was the first of all, that disputed of heavenly things. Which Philo­sophick Traditions, we need no way doubt, came (though immedi­ately from the Egyptians, and Phenicians, yet) originally from the Jew­ish Church.

Iamblichus de Vita Pythag. c. 12.§. 8 Amongst the Disciples of Thales, we may reckon firstly Py­thagoras, the Institutor of the Italick Sect, who, being but 18 years old, addressed himself to Thales, at Miletus, from whom he receiv­ed the first Rudiments of his Philosophie, especially his Mathematicks; with instructions to addresse himself to Egypt, Of the Scholars & Successors of Thales, see more August. de civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 2. with Lud. Vives thereon. for farther progresse therein. But he that suceeded Thales in his Schole, was Anaximan­der the Milesian, who in some things differed from his Master. For he held an Infinity of first principles, yea of worlds, and Gods born, &c. as Laertius in his Life, Plutarch de philos. placitis, Eusebius, &c. The Successor to Anaximander was Anaximenes the Milesian, who dy­ed the same year that Croesus was taken captive by Cyrus, as Laer­tius. Anaxagoras the Clazomenian succeeded Anaximenes, whom Justin Martyr cals the Atheist, following herein the Judgment of his adversaries, Cleon, &c. who thought him so, because he denyed the multiplicitie of their Gods. This Anaxagoras translated the Schole from Asia to Athens;Vossius de Sect. Philos. l. 2. c. 5. Sect. 6. where he taught Socrates, Euripides, and Pe­ricles: his Successor was Archelaus the Athenian: as Vossius.

[Page 117]§. 9 Among those of the Ionick Sect, Chrysyppus, Empedocles, Danaeus ad en­chirid. Laurent Hora. Hist. phil. l. 3. c. 12. Empedocles. Heraclitus, Democritus, Protagoras, Polemon, Epaminondas, Hip­pocrates, are by some reckoned. Empedocles was a person of a sharp Ingenie, but mighty greedy of fame; for he affected not only Adora­tion while living, but after death also: wherefore, that he might be thought to have his abode among the Gods, he cast himself into the furnace of Etna. Heraclitus was of a great A [...]umen,Heraclitus. but cloudy;Heraclitus sen­tentiarum sua [...] nuhilus. Apul. de Mundo. whence he is stiled [...]: He seems to have borrowed many things from the Jews, as elsewhere. Democritus glorieth in this, that he learned many things from the Barbarians, (by whom,Babylonem, etiam & Persas, & E­gyptum, ut disce­ret, pet [...]it Demo­critus. Hor. Hist. phil. l. 3. c. 12. as we have of­ten hinted, we are principally, if not only, to understand the Jews) as Euseb. praep. l. 10 c. 2. Out of Democritus's Schole proceeded Pro­tagoras, who turned ad [...], as also to make Sale of Philosophie for money, which was of ill fame among the Ancients. Epaminondas, Epaminondas. the Th [...]ban, is by Austin lib. 7. de civ. Dei, called the chief Philosopher, and Emperor. But none gained a greater name a­mong the Ionicks after Thales, than Hippocrates;Hippocrates. a person of a stupendous Acumen,Note: Hippocrates non tantum omnia prisco­rum Philosophorum ad unguem tenuit, sed & om [...]ium judicem egit, primus hic ipsis Aegyptiis palmam praeripuit: qui medicinam cum philosophia ita jun­xit, ut dubium sit, maiorne Philo­sophus, an Medicus suit. Certe cius placitis summa semper autoritas, & quasi sacra fuit. Hornius Histor. phi­loso, h. lib. 3. cap. 12. and eruditi­on. He it was, that first made that happy con­junction 'twixt Philosophie, and Medicine. The manner how he attained unto his Medicinal Sci­ence, they make to be this. There was in the Iland of Cous, where he lived, the Temple of Aesculapius, wherein were laid up the Cures of Diseases engraven on tables; as also rare Mo­numents of Wisdom collected by former Ages: all these Hippocrates transcribed, examined, and perfected, so that the praise not only of the Restitution, but also of the Invention of Medicine is given to him. Although these all are by some reckoned Ionicks, yet some of them may be reduced to more particular Sects: as hereafter.

CHAP. IV. Pherecydes his Philosophie traduced from the Jews.

Pherecydes born at Syrus, was of Phenician original. The original of his Philosophie from the Phenicians, and Jews. He was the first that writ Philosophie in Prose: He yet retained the old Symbolick mod of Philosophizing: His Natural Philosophie, and Astronomie: His In­vention of the Heliotrope from the Phenicians. His Theologie was chiefly [...], which he received from the Phenicians, as also the im­mortality of the Soul.

Pherecydes his original from Sy­rus.§. 1. HAving dispatcht the Ionick Philosophie, as founded by Tha­les, we now come to the first foundations of the Italick, began by Pherecydes; who, though he had not a Schole in Italy, yet in as much as he was the Praeceptor of Pythagoras, and led him the way to that Symbolick mode of Philosophizing, he afterwards taught in Ita­ly; he may justly claim some commemoration amongst the first foun­ders of the Italick Sect. So Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 1. §. 29. cals Pherecydes the Author of the Italick Sect. This Pherecydes is by Strabo lib. 10. called [...] (so Laertius, and Suidas) a Syrian, which is dif­ferently understood by the Learned. For some make him to be a Syri­an, i. e. a Phenician: but others, and that upon more probable grounds, call him a Syrian because born in the Iland Syros, or Syrus, one of the Cyclades, those lesser Ilands in the Egean Sea, near Delus. So Apuleius, and Suidas; whence Cicero 1. Tuscul. Quaest. cals him Syrus. This opinion I was confirmed in, by a conference with learned Bochart; who also gave me the ground of the difference; with this reconcilement, viz. Syra, or Syrus, where Pherecydes was borne, re­ceived both its name, and people originally from the Phenicians, or Syrians (Phenicia being a part of Syria) whence Pherecydes might just­ly be reputed a Phenician, if we regard his Ancestors; or perhaps he might be so esteemed by reason of his Philosophie, which he drew from the hidden Books of the Phenicians, as Suidas: of which here­after.

[Page 119]§. 2 Pherecydes's fathers name was Badys, Pherecydes his father Babys, his birth, &c. as Diogenes Laertius l. 1. [...], or rather as Vossius will have it Babys: for so Strabo, and Suidas write it, [...], or [...] with a [...]. He was borne, according to Suidas, in the 46th Olympiad, who also distinguish­eth him from Pherecydes Lerius the Historian, who lived in the 75th O­lympiad. So Vossius de Histor. Graec. lib. 4. cap. 4. Some, saies he, con­found Pherecydes the Historian, with Pherecydes the Physiologist, and Theologue: This latter was of Syrus, one of the Cyclades, as Strabo lib. 2. Hesychius, and Suidas in [...]. Laertius makes this our Phe­recydes, the Philosopher, to have flourished about the 69th Olympiad. Others make him more ancient. Tzetzes, Chil. 2. Hist. 55. saies, that he lived in the time of the Rich Croesus, about the 59th Olympiad, and that he was Praeceptor to Thales the Milesian. But this account has no likelyhood; for Thales seems, at least, contemporary to, if not more ancient than Ph [...]recydes. Cicero 1. Tusc. quaest. saies, he lived in the Reign of Servius Tullius his Country man, &c. That Thales was more ancient than Pherecydes, Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 1. proves from this, that Thales, according to Laertius, dyed in Olym­piad 58, whereas Pherecydes flourished in Olympiad 60.

§. 3. As for the original of Pherecydes's Philosophie,The original of Pherecydes's Philosophie from the Phenicians, and Jews. some say he heard Pittacus, so Laertius: others, that he had no Praeceptor, but drew his Philosophie from the secret Books, and hidden Mysteries of the Phenicians: so Suidas in the Life of Pherecydes, [...]. ‘The same goes, that he was Praece­ptor of Pythagoras, but he himself had no Instructor; but that he exer­cised himself in the hidden Books of the Phenicians, which he was possessor of. Thus Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 1. §. 19. Pherecydes also the Praeceptor of Pythagoras, who was contemporary to Thales, and the Author of the Italick Sect, drew his Philosophie from the hidden Books of the Phenicians. Yea some think him to be a Syrian, not from Syrus, one of the Cyclades, but from Syria, a famous Coun­trey of Asia, whereof Phenicia is part.’ Yea Ambrose lib. 1. Epist. 6. of Pherecydes speaks thus: seeing he drew his pedegree, as some con­ceive, from the Jews, from their Discipline also he derived his Magiste­rial Precepts. That he traduced his invention of the Heliotrope, and other parts of his Philosophie, from the Phenicians will be hereafter evident.

[Page 120] Pherecydes the first that writ Philosophie in Prose.§. 4. Touching the mode or forme of his Philosophie, it was deli­vered in Prose, but symbolick, and mystical. That Pherecydes was the first that delivered his Philosophie in Prose, we have co [...] ­curring Testimonies from the Ancients, Strabo lib. 1. tels us that Cadmus, Pherecydes, and Hecataeus were the first that writ in loose Oration, or Prose:’ and so Porphyrie, as Suidas testifies, made this Phe­recydes [...] the Author of loose Oration, The like Apu­leius in Floridis; ‘Moreover, saies he, Pherecydes, who sprang from the Iland Syrus, was the first, who rejected Verses, and attempted to write in words at large, loose Discourse, and free Oration.’ The like Theopompus, Laertius, and Suidas affirme, that Pherecydes was the first that treated of the Gods, and the Natures of things in Prose, for the former Philosophers were Ports, &c.

His Philosophie Mythologick.§. 5. Notwithstanding Pherecydes rejected the ancient mode of delivering his Philosophie in Poems, yet he still retained the old My­thologick, and Symbolick mode of the Poets, in mixing many Fables with his Philosophie. So he himself confesseth in his Epistle to Thales, thus: ‘Whatsoever the Theologist (speaking of himself) saith, you must understand otherwise; for I write in Fables.’ And this is suf­ficiently evident from the Matter of Theologie (which contained the most of his Philosophie, and was written in 10 books) which, saith Dr. Owen (in his Theol. l. 1. c. 1.) was [...], or [...], symbolick, and cryptick, or enigmatick (wherein he was followed by the Pytha­goreans) whence he was stiled [...] the darke cloudy Divine, as anon.

Pherecydes's Natural Philosophie.§. 6. Pherecydes, as to Natural Philosophie, differed in some things from Thales; yet he agreed with him in that great, and first principle, that Water was the first Matter all things; which they both received from the Phenicians, as these had it from Genesis 1.2. by some Jewish Tradition.His Astronomie, and invention of the Heliotrope. Pherecydes was very famous amongst the Ancients for his Astronomical Invention of the Heliotrope: whereas yet he was not in­deed the first Inventor, but only a great Emprover of it, as great Bochart in a Conference informed me;Mar. 27, 1664. viz. ‘That this Astronomical Experiment was brought into Syra (or Syrus) where Pherecydes liv­ed, by the Phenicians, who had a Colony there (of which Homer makes some mention:) and that Pherecydes only emproved this same invention of the Heliotrope; the original patterne, as some conceive, was taken from the Jews, or Asa's Dial. The said Bochart referred me, for more information herein, unto his Canaan l. 1. c. 14.’ That [Page 121] Pherecydes was the first of the Grecians, that found out the Eclipses, and periods of the Moon, Tzetzes Chil. 2. Hist. 55. gives us to under­stand: as Vossius.

§. 7. But the main of Pherecydes's Philosophie was Theologick. Pherecydes's Theologie, or [...] from the Phenicians. So Laertius out of Theopompus acquaints us, [...] he was the first amongst the Grecians, who writ of Nature, and of the Gods. Whence he was stiled [...], the Theologist: which Title Pythagoras, and Plato also obtained. For amongst the Greeks, who ever discoursed accurately of God, was stiled the Theologist, and their Science [...] Theologie, as Arist. Metaph 3. Pherecydes is supposed to be the first, that handled [...] Theologick Mysteries in Prose. This Theologie of his consisted in [...], or a description, and exposition of the Generation, and Suc­cession of the Gods. For the Grecians, after the introduction of Helle­nism, supposed all their Gods to be generated. This his [...], or Theologie, Pherecydes comprized in 10 books: enigmatick, and clou­dy Discourses, full of Fables, and Allegories; which Isidore, cited by Clemens Alexandrinus, supposed to have been taken from the Prophecy of Cham: but its much more probable, he traduced them from Sanchoniathon's Mythologick Theologie, touching the Origine, and Succession of the Gods: for it is the common opinion of Suidas, and others, that he derived this his Mystical Theologie from the abstruse, and darke books of the Phenicians. Pherecydes, in the beginning of his book, affirmes that Musaeus the son of Eumolpus [...], was the first that made Poems of the Generation of the Gods, which others ascribe to Orpheus, others to Homer.

§. 8. Concerning Pherecydes his Books of [...],Pherecydes's ten books of [...]. &c. there pas­seth an Epistle under his name written to Thales, which Montaigne Essais livre 2. c. 12. gives thus. Pherecydes one of the Seven Wise men (that is a mistake) writing to Thales, as he expired; I have, saies he, appointed my friends, after they have enterred me, to bring unto thee my Writings: if they content thee, and the rest of the Wise men, publish them; if not, suppresse them. They containe not any thing certain, that gives me satisfaction: so that I professe not to know the truth, nor to have attained to it. I start many things, that I cannot discover, &c. Though it is likely this Epistle is as fabulous, as the Matter of his Books; yet we may suppose it to be Ancient; and so to give us some account, how much unacquainted these fabu­lous [Page 122] Mythologists were with the materials of their own traditions. Touching this mystical Theologie of Pherecydes, see more in Diogenes La­ertius of his Life, Ger. Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 4. cap. 4. pag. 443. Edit. 2. Dr. Owen Theol. lib. 1. c. 1. pag. 3, &c.

Pli [...] opinion of the Souls immor­tality.§. 9. Though Pherecydes's Philosophick Theologie was fabulous, and mystical, yet, as it is generally conceived, he did clearly, and plainly assert the Soul's Immortality. So Cicero lib. 1. Tusc. quaest. Pherecydes Sy [...]us was the first that asserted the Souls of men to be immortal. Thus Tullie, Pherecydes Py­thagorae praecep­tor fuit, multa (que) [...]tilissima, impri­mis animarum [...], Graecos primus [...]do [...]uit. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 3. c. 12. which Lactantius lib. 7. cap. 8. quotes. Also Austin Epist. 3. to Volusianus, thus writeth. ‘What Idiot now, what abject woman is there, who believeth not the Immortality of the Soul, and a future Life after Death? which in old times Pherecydes, first disputed for, amongst the Grecians, and Pythagoras the Samian being much mov­ed by the novity of this Dispute, was transformed from a Wrestler into a Philosopher: so Montaigne Essais livr. 2. cap. 12. The opini­on of the Immortality of the Soul, Cicero saies, was first introduced by Pherecydes; but others attribute it to Thales. Who ever were the first traducer of this opinion into Greece, we have sufficient reason to conclude it was originally traduced from some Scripture, or Jewish Tradition.

CHAP. V. Of Pythagoras, and the Traduction of his Philosophie from the Jews.

Of the sundry Sects of Philosophers. Testimonies proving, that Pythago­ras traduced his Philosophie from the Jewish Church. The Story of Pythagoras's Life. His extract from Phenicia. Pythagoras flou­rished about the 60. Olymp. when the Jewish Garden was laid open to the Grecians. Pythagoras his Preceptors in Greece, and how he was first converted from a Pugil, to a Philosopher. His first travels into Phenicia, and conferences with the Successors of Mochus, Phenician Priests, and Jews. His travels into Egypt, familiar conversation with the Priests, as also with the Jews in Egypt: and the motives inclining him thereto. Pythagoras's travels into Babylon, and con­verse [Page 123] with their Wise men, as also with the Jews under Chaldean titles, Zabratus, &c. The advantages he had for converse with the Jews, and their Writings from his skill in the Egyptian, and Chaldee Tongues, &c. His Returne to Samos, and Voyage to Cre [...]e. Pythagoras's com­ing into Italie, and restoring many Cities to liberty, and unity by means of his Scholars; by whom he gave Laws to Italy. His Character, wherein appears his many eminent qualities, Natural, and acquired: his freedom from undue passions: his moderation in use of Creatures, care for his health, and husbanding his time: his aweful presence, and Severity, his contempt of honors, and contentation.

§.1. THe first Distribution of Philosophers into the Ionick, and Italick Sects, has already passed under some general consideration; with endeavors to demonstrate, that Thales, and Pherecydes, the two Heads of these first Sects, received the main of their Philosophie by tra­dition originally from the J [...]wish Church. But we now proceed to a more particular reflexion, on the Italick Sect, in regard to its more pro­per, and immediate Founder Pythagoras, who had his Schole in Italy (that part which was called Magna Graecia) where he vented his Phi­l [...]sophie, which consisted mostly of Jewish Mysteries, and Traditions, as it will be evident by what follows. His Adherents were termed Pytha­goreans, as those who followed Plato's Philosophie Platonicks: whence also there sprang up many other Sects of Philosophers, which gave oc­casion to a second Distribution of Philosophers into their several Sects, as we have it excellently laid down by Ammonius (not he, who was head of the Alexandrian Schole, but the Scholar of Proclus) on Aristo­tles Categories pag. 9. in these words.The 2. distribu­tion of Ph [...]loso­phers into Sects. 1. Pythagorea [...]s. 2. Platonicks. 3. Cyrenaicks. 4. Megaricks. 5. Acad [...]micks. 6. Sce [...]ticks. 7. Stoicks. 8. Cy [...]ic [...]s. 9. Epicurean [...]. 10. Perip [...]t [...]t [...]cks [...]· We must know that the Sects of Philosophers had a seven fold Denomination; either from the Head of the Sect, as the Platonicks, and Pythagoreans; or from the Heresiarchs Countrey, as the Cyrenaicks from Aristippus, and the Megaricks from Euclid; or from the place, wherein they taught, as the Academicks from Xenocrates, a [...]d the [Page 124] Stoicks from Zeno the Citiean; or from their Judgment in philosophi­zing, as the Scepticks; or from their manner of life as the Cynicks, of whom Antisthenes was Head: or from the End of their Philosophie, as the Voluptuous Epicureans: or from some Accident, as the Peripate­ticks, from Aristotles walking, &c. Thus Ammonius: of which Sects we shall discourse in their order, beginning with the Pythagore­ans.

Pythagoras's Philosophie tra­duced from the Jews, proved by Testimonies.§. 2. As for Pythagoras (the Heresiarch of the Pythagoreans, as al­so the chief Founder of the Italick Sect) that he traduced the main, or choicest parts of his Philosophie originally from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures, is a persuasion generally received by the Learned, both ancient, and modern, as well Pagans, as Jews and Christians. As for Pagan Testimonies,Of Pagans. we have a famous Concession of Hermippus (quo­ted by Josephus lib. 1. against Apion) a most ancient, and diligent Writer of Pythagoras's Life, who, in his first book of Pythagoras, affirmes plainly, that he did [...], translate many of the Jewish Laws into his own Phi­losophie: and he gives a particular mention of some Jewish opinions, which Pythagoras taught, viz. of the Soul, of Purification, of Excom­munication, &c. to which he subjoynes [...], and he was an Imitator of the Jewish, and Thracian opinions. Dio­genes Laertius also affirmes, that he went to the Hebrews, as hereafter. So Strabo, that he went into Judea, and inhabited Mount Carmel, where the Priests shewed Pythagoras's Walks, even in his time. And Malchus (otherwise called Porphyrie) who writ also the Life of Pytha­goras, saies ‘that he went to the Arabians, Hebrews, and Chaldeans, and that amongst the Chaldeans he had converse with Zabratus: whom Selden makes to be Ezekiel, as hereafter. Amongst the Jews we have the Testimonie of Aristobulus, Jews. Aristobulus Py­thagoram ex Mo­s [...]s lege multa di­dicesse non dissi­tetur. Clemens. l. 1. Strom. Euseb. praep. l. 9. c. 3. Joseph. l. 1. con­tra Apion. a Jew of Egypt, who is supposed to have been the Master of Ptolemeus Philometer mentioned in the Macca­bees (2 Mac. 1.10.) who saies expresly of Pythagoras (as Clement A­lexendrinus lib. 1. [...].) (or as others [...]) [...]. Pythagoras has translated many things from us, into his own Traditional Dogmes. So also Josephus (contra Apion. l. 1.) speaking of Pythagoras, saies, that he was [...] ‘not only well skilled in our Discipline, but also embraced many things gree­dily.’ Amongst the Fathers, Fathers. we have this Testimonie of Origen (lib. 1. [Page 125] contra Celsum). [...] It's said, that Hermippus in the first of his Legislators reports, that Pythagoras traduced his Philosophie from the Jews unto the Greeks; we have also concurring Testimonies of Modern Learned.Modern Learn­ed. Thus Aug. Steuch. Eugub, de peren. phil. l. 2. c. 2. ‘We have the Testimonie of all, that Pythagoras travelled into Egypt to hear their Priests: The like is said of Solon, Eudoxus, Plato: Strabo writes, that in his time the Priests could shew their very Walks. It is reported, that Pythagoras brought his Symbols from them, and that he was circumcised after the Egyptian (which we must understand of the Jewish) manner. That he was in Judea, and that he dwelt in Mount Carmel, is the report of Iamblichus; also that he travelled 22. years in Egypt, embraced their manners, and the Institutes of the Egyptian Priests, and desired Polycrates the Tyrant, that he would write to his friend Amasis King of Egypt, that he might participate of their Discipline, &c. To Steuchus Eugub. I subjoin our learned and pious Ʋsher in his Annals fol. 151. It may be proved (saies he) that Pythagoras conversed with the Jews, at Babylon; for as much as he transferred many of their Doctrines into his Philosophie, as Hermippus declareth in his first book of things concerning Pythagoras, cited by Jo­sephus, and in his first book of Law givers, cited by Origen; which is likewise confirmed by Aristobulus the Jew (a Peripatetick) in his first book to Philometer; who moreover was induced by the same reason to believe, that the Books of Moses were translated into the Greek Tongue before the Persian Empire; whereas it is much more probable that Pythagoras received that part of his Learning from the Conversation he had with the Hebrews, thus Ʋsher. Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ. l. 8. c. 11. Lud. Vives that learned Philologist supposeth, that Pythagoras might have, whilst in Egypt, conversation with Jeremy the Prophet: That he traduced many things originally from Moses his Writings (as Plato after him) he affirmes with some confidence, in his notes on August. Civ. lib. 8. c. 11. Selden de Jure Nat. Hebr. lib. 1. c. 6. §. 5. proves this at large. Cassander in his Consult. on Art. 21. asserts the same. Grotius on Mat. 10.29. saies, that many of the Hebrews held Gods Providence about men, but not about Beasts; which Pythagoras may seem to have learned from the Hebrews, and to have taught the Grecians. And in his Votum, pag. 124. he saies, that Pythagoras lived amongst the Jews, as Hermippus te­stifieth; and that he drew many of his Symbols from the Jews he af­firmes [Page 126] very positively, in his Annotations on Mat. 7.6. and Mat. 8.22. as hereafter. Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 5. proves at large, that Pythagoras owes much of his Philosophie to the Jews. And Mr. Stillingfleet himself (the only learned man that I have met with seeming­ly contradicting our Hypothesis) saies ‘I will not deny, but that Pytha­goras might have had converse with the Jews in Chaldea, &c. Orig. sacr. book 3. c. 2. sect. 2. But we shall endeavor to make good our As­sertion [that Pythagoras traduced the main Principles of his Philoso­phie from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures originally] from the [...] rie of his Life, his Institutes, and Philosophie, both as to Matter, and Forme thereof.

Pythagoras's extract and ori­ginal from the Phenicians.§. 3. We shall begin with the Storie of Pythagoras's Life, who is said to be a Samian; but whether he were born there, or elsewhere, is not certainly determined. Cleanthes (as Porphyrie de Vita Pythag.) saies, he was a Syrian of the Citie of Tyre in Ph [...]nicia (a part of Syria) whence making a Voyage to Samos (before Ionia) for traffick,Pythagoras Mne­sarchi sil [...]us, ut Apuleius Flo [...]id. 15. vel Dema­rati Samii, ut Justinus l. 20. vir suit ingenio acer, indust [...]ia singulari [...] promp­tus simul & ad­mirabundus. Horn. Hist. phi­los l 3. c. 11. at such time, as the Samians were much prest with famin, he supplied them with Corne; in acknowledgement whereof they made him free of their Countrey. Suidas saith, Pythagoras was a Samian by education, but a Tyrrhenian by Birth, brought over young by his father to Sam [...]s. So Aristoxenus makes him to be a Tyrrhenian, as Lud. Vives in August. Civ. l. 8. c. 2. and Grotius on Mat. 7.6. ‘Many, saies he, make him to be a Tyrrhenian; others a Tyrian, &c. But the more general, and approved opinion is that of Iamblichus (de vita Pythag. cap. 2.) ‘that Pythagoras's Father was a Samian, descended from Ancaeus, who first brought a Colony into Samos; and that Pythagoras his Son was born at Sidon in Phenicia, but educated at Samos. Which ever of these accounts we fix upon,Mnesarchus. it is evident, Pythagoras had a very great affinity unto, and so advantage from, the Phenicians, whereby to ac­quaint himself with the Jewish Learning, and Mysteries.

Pythagoras flou­rished about the 60. Olympiad an [...]. 3360.§. 4. Pythagoras is supposed to have been borne about the 3. year of the 53. Olympiad, and he flourished, as some think about, the time that Nebuchadnezar besieged Jerusalem an. mundi. 3360. or according to Laertius, about the 60. Olympiad. About which time the Jewish Garden, which had been before enclosed, was thrown open, and ma­ny of the Plants thereof removed and set in forrain parts; in Babylon, Egypt, Phenicia, &c. By which means Pythagoras and the rest of the inquisitive Grecians had a mighty advantage to informe themselves in [Page 127] the Jewish Wisdom, and Mysteries, touching God, his Names, and At­tributes; the Production, or Creation of the World, and its first prin­ciples, and all the Jewish Ceremonies. That Pythagoras went to Pheni­cia, and thence into Egypt, where he stayed 22. years, and afterward into Babylon, where he continued 12. years, and had conversation with the Jews in those parts, I now proceed to make evident.

§. 5. Iamblichus (Vit. Pythag. cap. 2.) tels us, that Mnesarchus, Pythagoras's Preceptors in Greece before his Travels. ‘the Father of Pythagoras, returning from Syria to Samus, brought up his Son in many excellent Sciences, committing him sometimes to Creo­philus, sometimes to Pherecydes of Syrus. Diogenes Laertius saies, that Pythagoras's Father dying, he was committed by his Uncle Zoi­lus to Pherecydes the Syrian, &c. Augustin. Epist. 3.Pythagoras how he was first changed from a Wrestler into a Philosopher. ad Volusianum saies, ‘That Pythagoras, hearing Ph [...]recydes disputing amongst the Greeks of the immortality of the Soul, was so moved with the novity of this Dispute, that he was changed from a Pugil, or Wrestler in­to a Philosopher. That Pythagoras first was a Pugil, Laertius lib. 8. relates, as Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 8. The same Laertius (in the Life of Anaximenes) reckons Pythagoras amongst the Disciples of Thales. ‘For (saies he, out of Anaximenes's Epistle to Pythagoras) Pythagoras, being from his youth greatly enclined to an inquisition in­to Religious Rites, and Mysteries, addressed himself to Thales at Mi­letus, as to one, that could most advance him in this Enterprize. From Thales he received the first Elements of his Philosophie. So also Iamblichus (de vita Pythag. lib. 1. c. 2.) tels us ‘that Thales entertain­ed him very civilly, with admiration of his excellent naturals, which surpassed other Youths; and after he had given him such instructions, as he could, in the Mathematicks, he advised him to have recourse to Egypt, there to converse with the Priests of Memphis, especially those of Jupiter; from whom he himself had obtained those pieces of Know­ledge for which he was accounted Wise. Amongst other things Thales advised him to emprove his time well, by reason whereof he abstained from Wine, and Flesh.’ See more Stanly on Thales. Whence we may col­lect how Pythagoras came by the first rudiments of his philosophick incli­nations, and principles, namely from Thales, and Pherecydes; from the former we may suppose he received his Natural Philosophie, and Mathe­maticks; from the latter his mystical and symbolick Theologie, as also his notions of the Souls Immortality, &c. which were derived originally from the Jewish Nation, as before▪ Vossius de philos. l. 2. c. 6. §. 9. saies, ‘that [Page 128] Pythagoras heard in Greece, besides Pherecydes, Hermodamas, and Anaxi­mander the Physiologist. Pythagoras's travelling into Phenicia.

§. 6. Pythagoras having learned of Thales to emprove his time, and inure himself to temperance, both as to the quantity, and quality of meats, whereby he acquired an [...], a good habitude, and clear­nes of mind, and an exact constant health of Body, he resolves upon travelling into the Oriental parts; thereby to informe himself touching the first principles of Wisdome, and sacred Mysteries. And the first Voyage he made, was unto Sidon in Phenicia; whereunto he was en­clined,His conference with the succes­sors of Mochus. as well from a natural desire he had to the place, which he sup­posed to be his own Native Countrey, as also that he might satisfie himself touching their Mysteries, and Philosophie. Here he had con­ference with the Prophets, Successors of Mochus the Physiologist, with the Phenician Priests, and others; and was initiated in all the Mysteries of Byblus, and Tyre, and sundry of the chief sacred Institu­tions in other parts of Syria, not undergoing these things out of superstition, but from his natural inclination and love to Wisdome, and fear, lest any thing worthy to be known, which was preserved amongst them, in the Mysteries of the Gods, might escape him. Thus Iambli­chus c. 13.And with Jews. and Stanly out of him. That Pythagoras, whilst he was in Phenicia, had conversation with some Jews, is not unlikely; for their own Countrey being depopulated, many of them fled for refuge to their neighbours the Egyptians, Phenicians, &c. Yea that Pythagoras visited Judea, is affirmed by Strabo, ‘who affirmes that Pythagoras visited not only the Egyptians, Arabians, Chaldeans, but also penetrated into Judea it self, and inhabited Mount Carmel, where the Priests even in his time shewed the Walks of Pythagoras. So Hornius Hist. philos. l 3. c. 11. ‘That Pythagoras, saies he, penetrated into Judea it self is affir­med by great Authors, though all agree not to it.’ However Iamblichus openly informes us, that he had conference with the Successors of Mo­chus, who, as has be [...]n already proved, had his Philosophie from the Jews.

His travels into Egypt and con­versation with their Priests, etc. see more chap. 7. §. 2.§. 7. From Phenicia Pythagoras passed into Egypt, with recom­mendation from Polycrates the Tyrant, to Amasis King of Egypt, who gave him Letters to the Priests, to whom he had recourse. In the first place he went to those of Heliopolis, who sent him to the Priests of Memphis: from Memphis he was sent to Thebes, where he was permitted to acquaint himself with all their Learning, which was never granted to any stranger before, as Porphyrie de Vita [Page 129] Pythag. p. 5. So Vossius de philos. sect. lib. 2. c. 2. §. 2. Pythagoras (saies he) was sent by Thales into Egypt, Venit & ad Aegyptios Pytha­goras, & Ara­bas, & Chaldae­os, à quibus ra­tionem insomnio­rum edidicit, vaticinio (que), quod sit thurc, primus usus est, & in Aegypto cum Sa­cerdotibus est ver­satus, sapientiā ­ (que) Aegyptiorum & sermonem didicit. Sic Por­phyrius, Steuch. Eugub. de peren. philos. l. 2. c. 2. to confer with the Priests of Memphis, and Diospolis where he arrived in the Reign of Semneserteus, as Plinie, or of Amasis, to whom he was recom­mended by letters from Polycrates the Samian Tyrant, as Laertius: Plutarch saies, he heard Oenuphis the Heliopolite, &c. Diogenes saith, whilst he lived with these Priests, he was instituted, and informed in the Language, and Wisdom of the Egyptians, and in their threefold kind of Writing, Epistolick, Hieroglyphick, and Symbolick; of which see Clemens Alexandr. Strom. 5. as before.’ Laertius also addes, that ‘while he was in Egypt, he entred into the Egyptian Adyta, [...], and was instituted in things unexpressible touch­ing the Gods. Perhaps he means the Tetracty, and the other Jewish Mysteries, in which Pythagoras was instructed, of which hereafter. Clemens Alexandrinus [...]. 1. saies, ‘he was Disciple to Sonchedes, a chief Prophet, or Priest of the Egyptians; Diog. Laertius saies, that he learned the Egyptian Tongue. And Iamblichus (l. 1. c. 4.) saies, ‘that being thus acquainted with the Learning of the Egyptians, See Stanly of Pythagoras ch. 4. he gained the observations of many Ages; and, whilst he lived amongst them, was admired, and beloved of the Prophets, and Priests, with whom he conversed; by which means he gave himself exact infor­mation concerning persons, and things; not omitting any person e­minent a [...] any time for Learning, or any kind of Religious Rites; nei­ther leaving any place unvisited, wherein he conceived, he might find somewhat extraordinary. Now that Pythagoras had converse with the Jews, is more than probable.’ Some incline to think he might have conference with Jeremy. So Lud. Vives in Aug. de Civ l. 8. c. 11. tels us, ‘that Jeremy went with the Tribe of Juda, and Benja­min into Egypt, and dyed at Tanis; where he was worshipped by the Natives, for a present remedy against the stinging of Serpents. Eusebius placeth the beginning of Jeremy's Prophecie in the first year of the 36. Olympiad. Then afterwards making mention of sundry Platonick Mysteries of God his infinite Essence, His conference with the Jews in Egypt. and Idea's traduced from Exod. 3.14. [...] he concludes thus: ‘Although I do no way doubt, but that Pythagoras himself learned these Mysteries in Egypt from the Sacred Volumnes; and the conference with Jeremy, The motives which might en­duce him to en­quire into Jew­ish Mysteries. rather agrees to him, than to Plato. Though it is possible, Jeremy might be dead before Pythagoras came into Egypt. Yet we need no [Page 130] way doubt, but that his fame was then living, which together with the great repute the Jewish Nation had for ancient Wisdom, Records, and Mysteries, could not but prove a prevailing motive, and quicken­ing of Pythagoras's inquisitive humor, to make some inquisition into the Jewish Records, Rites, Wisdome, and Mysteries, contained in the sacred Volumnes, according to this positive affirmation of Lud. Vives. And indeed how can we rationally imagine, that Pythagoras, who was so greedy after oriental Traditions, Wisdome, and Mysteries; and so curious to pry into every corner of Egypt (where he staid 22. years) to examine all persons, and things, especially such as pretended to any ancient Records, Religious Rites, or Mysteries; I say, how can we ima­gine, that he should passe by those multitudes of Jews, he met with in Egypt, without enquiry into their ancient Wisdom, and Records, which infinitely excelled those few broken Traditions, and corrupt de­rivations, which the Egyptians had extracted from their sacred Foun­tains? Yea Clemens Alexandrinus [...]. 1. tels us, ‘that Pythagoras, to satisfie his curiositie in these his enquiries in Egypt, suffered him­self to be circumcised, and so learned things not usually communi­cated, concerning the Gods, and their Mysteries. Now we know this Rite of circumcision was proper to the Jews, not used by Egypti­ans.

Pythagoras's tra­vels unto Baby­lon, &c.§. 8. Pythagoras, quitting Egypt, went to Babylon; of which Voyage Iamblichus l. 1. c. 4. gives this relation: ‘that Cambyses hav­ing (in the 63. Olympiad) conquered Egypt, Pythagoras was taken prisoner by him,See Stanly of Py­thagoras ch. 5. and sent to Babylon, where he conversed with the most eminent amongst the Chaldeans (I suppose the Zabii) as also with the Persian Magi, who entertained him very curteously, and gave him insight into their more hidden Mysteries, and Religious Rites of worship performed to their Gods, as also in the Mathematicks. Thus Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 4. treating of Pythagoras, saies, ‘out of a desire to get Learning, he was conversant with the Persian Magi, and with the Assyrians, or Chaldeans; as, besides others, Laer­tius testifieth, who saith, that he was initiated in all the Grecian, and Barbarian Mysteries; and that he learned the Egyptian Tongue, and thence had conversation with the Chaldeans in Assyria, and the Magi in Persia. The same Vossius saies (de philos. l. 2. c. 1.) that from the Chaldeans he learned Astronomie. Laertius saies, that he was most conversant with these Chaldeans. Now that by these Chaldeans, with [Page 131] whom Pythagoras was so intimate,Pythagoras's converse with Jews under the name of Chalde­ans, Zabratus, &c. we may justly understand inclu­sively (if not exclusively) the Jews, I think, will be pretty clear, if we consider that the Jews having lost their own visible state, and Nation, lived now under the Chaldean Government, and State; and so might passe amongst the Grecians for Chaldeans. And this will be farther evident, if we reflect on what is mentioned by Diogenes (cited by Porphyrie) of the Chaldeans, with whom Pythagoras conversed in Baby­lon; amongst whom he particularizeth one Zabratus, ‘by whom he was cleansed from the defilements of his Life, and informed in ma­ny things concerning Nature, and the first principles of the Ʋni­verse. This Zabratus (Selden de Jure Nat. Heb. l. 1. c. 2.) enclines to believe was Ezekiel: for he takes notice that Ezekiel, and Pythago­ras flourished about the same time, betwixt the 50. and 52. Olympiad. The like is mentioned by Selden Syntag. 2. de Diis Syris cap. 1. ‘True­ly the most accurate Chronologie teacheth us, that Pythagoras, and E­zekiel flourished together, between the L. and LII. Olympiads. There­fore the account of time hinders not, but that Nazaratus (who is said to be Pythagoras's Master) should be the same with Ezekiel. He also is the same with [...] Zabratus, who by Malchus in the Life of Pythagoras is called his Master, &c. Godefred Wendelin as­serts, that Pythagoras derived his Tetractie from the Jews; and par­ticularly from Daniel, the chief of the Magi, who was then, when Pythagoras lived in those parts, about 70. years old. So Selden Syntag. 2. de Diis Syris cap. 1. affirmes, that Pythagoras had some rude notices of the [...], or Gods name [...] Jehovah, which he called [...] Tetracte. That Pythagoras had conversation with, and some traditions from, the Jews, whilst he was in Babylon appears farther, by what Diogenes in his Treatise of incredible things beyond Thule (quo­ted by Porphyrie pag. 8.) affirmes of Pythagoras; that he went also to the Hebrews, &c. That Pythagoras visited Egypt, and Babylon, at those very times, when the Jews had their abode there, is affirmed by Eusebius lib. 10. praepar. c. 2. ‘They report, that Pythagoras was an Auditor, not only of Pherecydes Syrius, but also of the Persian Magi, and of the Egyptian Divinators, at that very time, when some of the Jews went to Babylon, and others of them to Egypt. That there were a quantity, or great number of Jews in Babylon, when Pythagoras was there, is most evident: for suppose we fix the time of his being in Babylon after the Captivity of the Jews, and their Returne to Judea; [Page 132] yet it is certain, there were great numbers of them never returned, but continued in Babylon, where they had 3. famous Scholes, or Ʋni­versities, Sora, Pompeditha, and Neharda (as has been afore observed) which we cannot conceive, that Pythagoras, so curious an Inquisitor in­to Antiquity, would passe by, without observation for 12. years space, for so long he continued in Babylon, according to Iamblichus. That,The advantages he had for con­versation with the Jews, f [...]om his skill in the Egyptian and Chaldee tongues. which gave Pythagoras the greatest advantage, and encourage­ment to converse with the Jews in Babylon, was his skill in the Egyp­tian Tongue (as Diogenes, and others assert) which indeed differed not in Substance, but only in Dialect, from the Hebrew, and Chaldee, as we have endeavored to prove out of Bochart, and others; so that we need not, with Aristobulus, suppose the Translation of Moses's books into Greek before the Persian Monarchie; for Pythagoras being skilled in the Egyptian, and, I suppose, also the Chaldean Tongue, having lived in Chaldea 12. years, might without difficulty, read Moses's Writings, at least have conversation, and conference with the Jews, who could, without doubt, (having lived so long in Chaldea) speake the Chaldean Tongue, &c. That Pythagoras really had conversation with the Jews at Babylon, and translated many things out of their Doctrines into his Philosophie, has been already proved by sundry Testimonies collected by Learned Ʋsher, as also by the concession of Stillingfleet; of which see §. 2. of this Chapter.

His returne to Samos, and de­parture thence.§. 9. Pythagoras having spent 12. years at Babylon, in conversa­tion with the Persian Magi, Chaldeans, and Jews, about the 56 year of his age he returned to Samos, where hee endeavored to instruct the Samians in that Symbolick mode of philosophizing, he had learned in Egypt, and other oriental parts, but the Samians, not affecting his ob­scure, and enigmatick Philosophie, did not give him any great encourage­ment to continue long with them, as Iamblichus de vita Pythag. l. 1. c. 5. Laertius informes us, that the occasion of his departure from Sames, was the Tyranny it lay under by reason of Polycrates his usurpation. So Vossius de phil. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 1. That Pythagoras was a great asser­tor of the peoples Liberties (as Plato) but an inveterate enemy of Ty­ranny, will appear in its place.

His going to Crete and Spar­ta.§. 10. Iamblichus also (cap. 5.) acquaints us, that, before his go­ing into Italy, he went to Crete to acquaint himself with the Laws of Minois, as also to Sparta, to gain Knowledge in those of Lycurgus, which then had the Vogue for great Legislators. Laertius tels us, [Page 133] while he was in Crete, he had conversation with Epimenides, with whom he entred the Idean Cave. This Epimenides is by Apuleius in 2. Florid, stiled the famous Diviner, where also he addes, that Pytha­goras made use of one Leodamas the disciple of Creophilus for his Ma­ster; but Laert. l. 8. and Suidas call him Hermodamas. Casaubon thinks, that he might have heard Solon also, but Vossius gainsays it, Vossius de phil. sect. l. 2. c. 6. § 4.

§. 11. Pythagoras, quitting Greece, Pythagoras's coming into Ita­ly, and restoring those Cities to their liberty, and unity, by commu­nicating good Laws, &c. went into Italy (that part which was called Magna Graecia) and first arrived at Croto, where, by his graceful presence, Rhetorical Orations, and friendly complaisance, he gained the affections of the Citizens, both Magistrates, and others; as Iamblichus cap. 8. The same Iamblichus (cap. 6.) tels us, that, at the first Speech he made in Croto, he attracted many followers, in so much that in a short time he gained 600. Disciples. And that he had a general esteeme amongst the Romans, is evident by the Statue, they erected to him, at Rome; of which Plinie lib. 34. cap. 6. thus speaks: I find Statues erected to Pythagoras, and Alcibiades in the hornes of the Comitium. see Vossius philos. l. 2. c. 6. §. 28. &c. And indeed no won­der, that the Italians had so great an esteeme for, and affection to Py­thagoras: for he had been a great Instrument of delivering them from Oppression, and Sedition amongst themselves, as also of communica­ting to them Good Laws (which he had from the Jews) and such a constitution of their Common Wealth, as tended most to the pre­servation of Libertie, and Ʋnitie; the main pillars of any State. So Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras, pag. 14. and Iamblichus out of him l. 1. c. 7. informe us, ‘that whatsoever Cities Pythagoras in his travels through Italie, and Cicilie found in subjection one to another, he instilled into them, by his Disciples, a principle of Libertie. Thus he freed Crotona, Sybaris, Catana, Rhegium, Himera, Agrigentum, and other Cities where his Disciples prevailed.’ Yea indeed many of the most eminent Rectors of the Italian common wealths proceeded from Pythagoras's Schole, as Zaleucus, who gave Laws to the Locrians, and Charondas the Catanaean, who gave Laws to the Thurii, with other Legislators, of whom see Iamblichus l. 1. cap. 30. By means of which Pythagorean Laws, and Governors, these Cities were a long time well governed. Pythagoras wholly took away dissention. So Iamblichus. Some also say, that Numa Pompilius had his Laws from Pythagoras; but of this more hereafter.

[Page 134]§, 12. From Pythagoras's settlement, and Schole in Italie, the Ita­lick Sect received its denomination. That part of Italie, wherein Py­thagoras taught, was called Magna Graecia, which comprized Taren­tum, Metapontus, Heraclea, Croto, and the Thurii. Pythagoras having lived at Croto 20 years, dyed in the last year of the 70. Olympiad, as Eusebius will have it. He had indeed an universal esteeme amongst all:Pythagoras's character by Iamblichus. but a particular reverence from his Scholars, who, as long as he lived, were wont to stile him [...] the Theologue; but after his death they called him [...] the man. Iamblichus de vita Pythag. l. 1. c. 2.His eminent qualities both natural and ac­quired. gives him this honorable character. Pythagoras (saies he) after the death of his Father, grew up in Wisdome, and Temperance, being even from his youth generally honored by the most ancient. His graceful presence, and taking Discourse drew all persons to him; in so much that many affirmed him to be the son of some God. He be­ing thus confirmed by the common vogue of all men concerning him, by the education given him in his youth, and by his excellent Natu­rals, made himself dayly more deserving of these advantages; a­dorning himself with Religious Exercises, natural Sciences, exemplary conversation, His freedome f [...]om irregular passions. stability of mind, grave deportment, and with an ami­able imitable serenitie. He was never transported by unlawful pas­sion, laughter, emulation, contention, or any other disorder. He lived like some good Genius comeing to converse in Samos, whence he was stiled the Samian Comet. His care of his health, modera­tion in use of the Creature, & diligence in em­proving time. Iamblichus (chap. 13.) gives us a farther account of his Moderation in the use of creature comforts, and re­freshments; of his exact Wisdome, and diligence to preserve a good ha­bitude, and disposition of body, and mind: as also of his great care in redeeming, and emproving his time. Pythagoras (saies he) having learned of Thales above all things to husband his time well, he did for that reason abstain from Wine, and Flesh; having before abstained from eating much, and accustomed himself to such meates, as were of more easie digestion; by which means he acquired an ha­bit of watchfulnes, serenity, and vivacity of mind, and an equal continued health of body.’

§. 13. To give a brief Abstract of what Diogenes Laertius does more at large relate touching Pythagoras. ‘He was (saith he) the first Institutor of the Italick Sect; all the others were called Ionick from Thales. Pythagoras, when young, was committed by his Uncle Zoi­lus to Pherecydes a Syrian. When he was young, and most studious [Page 135] of Learning, he initiated himself in the Barbarian, and Grecian Rites ▪ and Mysteries. At length he went to Egypt, with commendatory Letters from Polycrates, where he learned the Egyptian Tongue; but he was most conversant with the Chaldeans, and the Magi. Af­ter that he went to Crete, where he conversed with Epimenides. In Egypt he entered the Adytum, and was instructed in the ineffable my­steries of the Gods. At his return to Samos, finding his Countrey un­der Tyranny by Polycrates, he went to Croto in Italie: where he gave Laws to the Italians; and was honored by his Scholars.His aweful pre­sence & rebukes. He is reported to have been of a most awful majestick presence, which made so deep an impression on such, as had conversation with him, that a young man being severely rebuked by him, immediately hanged himself; whereupon Pythagoras ever after forbore to reprove any:His contentation and contempt of honors. thus Laertius. We have a good evidence of Pythagoras's contentati­on, and contempt of wordly grandeur by his Epistle to Hiero, in an­swer to an invitation he made him, to come and live with him. ‘My life, saies Pythagoras, is secure, and quiet, but yours will no way suit with me: a moderate, and self denying person needs not a Sici­lian table. Pythagoras, wheresoever he comes, has all things suffi­cient for the day; but to serve a Lord is heavy, and intolerable for one unaccustomed to it. [...] self sufficiency is a great, and safe thing; for it hath none, that envyeth or conspires against it. Whence that life seemeth to come nearest to God. Therefore write not to Pythagoras to live with you: for Physicians will not fall sick, to bear their patients company.’ Stanlie Life of Pythagoras chap. 22.

§. 14. Apuleius Florid. 15. gives us this brief account of Pythago­ras's Travels, Instructors. and Philosophie: The common fame goes, that of his own accord he sought after the Egyptian Sciences, and learnt there of the Priests the incredible efficacies of their Ceremonies, the admirable changes of Numbers, the most exact formules of Geo­metrie: but his mind being not satiated with these Siences, he thence goes to the Chaldeans, and hence to the Brachmanes, and Gymnoso­phists. The Chaldees teach the Sideral Science, or Astronomie, the sta­ted ambitus of the wandring Stars, and the various effects of both in the Genitures of men; also Medicine, &c. The Brachmanes also con­tribute much to his Philosophie. Moreover Pythagoras embraced Phe­recydes, who sprang out of the Scyran Iland, for his Master. It is said, that he studied Natural Philosophie with Anaximander: also [Page 136] that he followed Epimenides of Crete, that famous Prophet, and Poet, for Science sake: also Leodamas, the Disciple of Creophilus, &c. To which we may adde that of Justin Hist. lib. 20. He went first to Egypt, then to Babylon to learn the motions of the Stars and the O­rigine of the Ʋniverse. Whence returning he came to Crete, and Lacedemon, to understand the Laws of Minos, and Lycurgus, at that time most famous. With which being instructed he came to Cro­to, where, by his Authoritie, he reduced the people fallen into Luxu­ry, to the use of frugality. He enumerated the ruines of the Ci­ties, which had been destroyed by the pest of Luxurie. He frequently taught the Women apart from the Men, and the Children apart from their Parents. And he gained thus much by his continual Disputation, that the Matrones laid aside their golden garments, and other or­naments of their Dignitie, accounting Chastitie, and not fine Clothes, to be the true ornaments of Matrones: Thus Justin. Pythagoras, the more effectually to forme, and shape the Manners of the Citie, fre­quently explicated the practick part of Wisdom. Pythagoras leaving Croto went to the Metapontines, who had him so greatly in admira­tion, as that after his death, they made his house a Temple, and wor­shipt him as a God. Justin lib. 20.

CHAP. VI. Pythagoras's College, and Discipline from the Jews.

Pythagoras's 2. Scholes 1. common. 2. His private College, wherein were 1. Novices, their examen, and probation. 2. [...], or Intrin­sicks, Phil. 3.12, 15. [...]. 1. Tim. 3.6. [...]. The Disci­pline of Pythagoras's College. Their consociation founded on Virtue as Exod. 19.5, 6. set forth by Salt, from Lev. 2.13. Numb. 18.19. Covenant by Salt what? Luke 13.26. Ezra 4.14. Mark 9.49. Of the Essenes, their Collegiate Life, and the Pythagoreans Symbolizing with them in 16 Particulars. The Pythagoreans a sort of Separatists Gal. 2.9. Their shunning worldly Pleasures, and Company: their Celibat, and Abstinenoes, as Col. 2.16, 21, 22. 1. Tim. 4.3. Their Purifications [Page 137] and Festivals. Their white Vestments from Eccles. 8. Their perpetual Silence, and their concealing Mysteries. Their reverence towards their Elders. Their owning Providence, with their Devotion. Their day­ly exercises, with morning premeditation, and night examination. Their Constancie, with their excommunication Mat. 8.22.

§. 1. HAving given the Storie of Pythagoras's Life, and Travels, and some account of his Conversation with Jews therein; we proceed to his Schole, Institutes, and Discipline; wherein we doubt not, but to make discovery of many Jewish Institutes, & traditions. Iam­blichus, lib. 1. cap. 6. tels us, that Pythagoras, upon his settlement at Croto in Italy, drew unto him, by his perswasive Orations, many followers even unto the number of 600. persons, who were by him won, not onely to the embracing that Philosophie he professed; but also to submit to his Rules of Discipline, and that Collegiate mode of life, which he prescribed to them. For the more full understanding whereof, we must know, that Pythagoras had two severall Scholes, and thence two sorts of Disciples, as Porphyrie, Iamblichus, and Clem. Alexandr. have observed. For 1. he had his Homocoeion or common Schole, for all;Pythagoras's 2. sold Schole and Disciples. 1. His Homoco [...] ­ion, or common Schole where were his [...] hearers. which Clemens Alexandrinus ( [...]. 1.) enterprets [...] Church, where all sorts of hearers were admitted: where the Disciples that belonged to this Schole were called [...], and [...] Auditors, or Pytha­gorites, these learned only the chiefe Principles of Philosophie, without more exact explication. For these being either of more dull capacities, or else ingaged in civill affaires, had not Abilities, or leisure to addict themselves wholly to Pythagoras, and his Philosophie; wherefore he expounded to them only the [...] or naked Heads of Philosophie. Among these common hearers there were of all sexes, ages, and condi­tions: men, women, adult, youth. The Citizens, and men of Croto he exhorted daily, and apart with a great splendor of Oration, to the stu­dy of Vertue. The Matrons also, who were thence stiled, Pythagoricae, he instructed frequently, and apart in their duties, as also the children apart from their parents, as Laert. lib. 8. and Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12.

2. Pythagoras also had his [...] coenobium, Pythagoras's College or Co [...] vent, where were his [...] or genuines. which Laertius calls [...] his Systeme; and Cassiodorus his College, as others his Family, and the Disciples, that belonged to this Schole, or College, were called [...] Genuine, as also [...] Mathematicians, because they being generally young, of quick apprehensions, and as willing, as also able, to [Page 138] devote themselves to the study of Philosophie, Pythagoras expounded to them not onely the [...],Habebat (Pythagoras) domi suae plurimos jute­nes, quos ex col­latis opibus ale­bat; corúmque conversatio [...] dicta est. Gellius l. 1. c. 9. quod omnia iis com­munia essent. Laërt. lib. 8. Hora. Hist. Phi­los. l. 7. c. 12. In Pythagoras's College or Co­vent, 1 were his Novices or Probationers. but also the [...], the Causes, and Reasons of things; why it was so, and so, and why it could not be otherwise. These Mathematicians being of Pythagoras's College, Covent, or Fami­ly, and by him instituted in the more full, and exact Reasons of things, and deeper points of Philosophie, were only esteemed and called genu­ine Pythagoreans: the former acoustiques, or common hearers, being cal­led only Pythagorites. To these two sorts of hearers Gellius l. 1. c. 4. addes a third [...] of naturalists. Yea the Author of the Pythago­rean life addes more: of which see Photius cod. 249. Clemens Alexand. lib. 5 [...] V [...]ssius de Philos. Sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 18. Stanly of Pythag. Discip. Chap. 1.

§. 2 In Pythagoras's [...], Convent, College or Family there were also two sorts of Disciples; some were only [...] Exoteriques, No­vices or Probationers. Others were [...], or [...] Intrinsiques, or Perfect. As for the Probationers or novices, Pythagoras, to render them capable of Philosophy, prepared them by a most severe Discipline, and made them passe a very strict examen. For Pythagoras studied very much to know, and understand men; what every mans Disposition was, what his natural capacity for Philosophy, and what his inclinations thereto were: neither would he admit any into his College, or Family, before he had made some Physiognomicall observations concerning the man; If upon exact observation of all circumstances, he found the per­son to be of good naturals, and of an awakened understanding, then he brought him under an Examen touching his morals; whether he were of good manners, and had affectionate inclinations to Philosophy, &c. The person thus examined, and approved by Pythagoras, was admitted into his Society, or College as an Exoterique, or Probationer; as Iambli­chus cap. 20. and Stanly of Pythagoras's Discipline chap 2.

§. 3. Now that Pythagoras traduced this part of his Discipline, as also the former relating to his Acoustiques, Pythagoras's [...]mitting his Scholars after examen &c. from the Jewish rite of admit­ting Proselites. or Common auditors from the Jewish Church, seems very probable. For who knows not, that the Jewes had two sorts of Proselites? 1. Those of the Gates, i e. such as lived within their gates, and partaked of some common privileges; unto whom Pythagoras's common Disciples seem to answer: but secondly, there were Proselites of the covenant, or of Righteousnesse, i e. such as were incorporate into the Jewish Church, and so made partakers of all their privileges. Now in the admission of these, Maimonides tels us, [Page 139] the Jewes were very strict and severe, as Ainsworth out of him on Gen. 17.12. [Bought with money.] ‘when a man or woman cometh to joyne a Proselyte, they make a diligent enquiry after such, lest they come to get themselves under the Law, for some Riches, they should receive, or for Dignitie they should obtain, or for Fear. If he be a Man, they enquire whether he have not set his affection on some Jewish woman; or a Woman her affections on some Young man of Is­rael. If no such like occasion be found in them, they make known to them the Weightinesse of the Yoake of the Law, &c. to see if they will leave off. If they will take it upon them, and withdraw not, and they see, that they come of love, then they receive them as its written Ruth. 1.18. &c.’ Thus Ainsworth. By which we see, how near Pytha­goras comes to the Jewes in his strict, and severe examen, as to the Ad­mission of Disciples, from whom we have some reason to perswade us, that he tooke the whole Idea, or Platforme of his Schole and College. Yea if we may believe Clemens Alexandrinus ( [...]. 1.) Pythagoras himself was circumcised; and if so, we may suppose he was admitted as a Prose­lyte, to partake of the Privileges, and Mysteries of the Jewish Church. And Porphyrie (pag. 2.) tels us, that he was cleansed from the polluti­ons of his life past by one Zabratus, who according to S [...]lden was Eze­kiel. Or if not a Proselyte of the Covenant; yet we may with safety sup­pose him to be a Proselyte of the Gates; that is, one that heard amongst them, and so acquainted himselfe with their Discipline, and Mysteries, and affected an imitation thereof, particularly in this rite of admitting his Disciples and Probationers.

§. 4.Probationary Discipline, and Exercises. Pythagoras appointed his Exoteriques under Probation many Exercises for the purification of their minds, as also many Abstinences from wine, flesh, and other meats obstructing the clearnesse of under­standing, with many other probationarie exercises: which probation or preparative Discipline they underwent usually five yeares before they were admitted to be Intrinsiques, or compleat Pythagoreans. But the main Injunction, which Pythagoras laid on these Exoteriques, or No­vices, was their [...] quinquenniall, or 5 years silence. The Pythagore­an [...] or Silence. The cause of which silence was to inure his Disciples to the right govern­ment of their Tongues, which of all things is most difficult, and yet the most usefull, and necessary for Novices in any science. Thence Iambli­chus lib. 1. c. 31. [...]The Government of the Tongue is of all most difficult. So Apul. Florid. 15. [Page 140]The first Founder of Philosophie first taught his Disciples to hold their peace,Finis autem si­lentis bujus alius non erat, quam ut discentes ini­tio intra mode­stiae terminos se continentes di­scerent diligen­ter voci prae­ceptoris auscul tare. Horn. Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. and his first mediation, in order to the procuring Wisdome, was to bridle the Tongue, and keep our words within the wall of our teeth; for he forbad not speech altogether, but loquacitie; requiring that they spoke more rarely, more submissively, more modestly, which is a great vertue, though very difficult in Scholars:’ according to that of Quintilian, Decl. 19. I thinke there is no virtue more difficult, than that of Silence. This Pythagorean silence answers that of Job ch. 6. v. 24. Teach mee and I will hold my tongue. Others make the reason of this si­lence to be ‘that the soule, turning inward to her selfe, might be di­verted from externall objects, and all irregular passions. Hence his si­lence was termed [...], that is, (saies Aulus Gellius lib. 1. c. 9.) [...], or as Hesychius, and out of him Suidas from [...], conteining within himselfe his speech. This Probationary silence of these Novices, Laertius lib. 8. calls [...] a quinquenniall silence. Laertius saies, ‘that the Pythagorean Novices kept silence 5. years, only hearing Pythagoras's discourses, but not seeing him, till they were fully approved, & then they became of his Family, which he cals [...] systeme.’ So Servius on Virgil, Aen. 10. yet Aulus Gellius l. 1. c. 9. informes us, that this [...] 5 yeares silence was not required of all, but of some more, of some lesse; but none were enjoyned lesse than two yeares silence, as none more then five yeares. The like Apuleius in floridis tels us, that some were silent for a lesser space, especially such as were more grave: but those who were more pratling, were enjoyn­ed a quinquenniall silence. The Pythagoreans for this their silence con­tinued in great honour even to Isocrates's time, who in his Busiris saies, ‘that men more admired the Pythagoreans, who held their peace, than others, who had obtained the greatest glory by speaking.’ Yea Pythagoras enjoyned his Disciples some kind of perpetuall silence, for he taught 1. That we ought to be silent, or to speake things better than Silence. 2. to comprehend many things in few words, not few things in many words, whence Zeno blamed such as instead of being [...] lovers of learning, were [...] lovers of words. 3. Pythagoras forbad his Scholars declaring his mysteries to others. Those who after their five years preparative Discipline, and Probation, appeared by their mo­deration, commendable conversation, and other qualifications fit to par­ticipate of Pythagoras's more secret Philosophie and Mysteries, were made Intrinsiques, being admitted to hear Pythagoras within the screen, [Page 141] and to see him, and henceforward were accounted [...] i. e. perfect, which privileges the former Probationers, or Novices were not made partakers of. But if these Novices, after the time of their Probation, were not judged worthy to be received to the condition of the perfect, or compleat members of Pythagoras's [...] or Covent, then were they rejected, & a Coffin was made by the Disciples of Pythagoras, & pla­ced in their room, as a lively symbolique image of a person morally dead: so Iamblichus cap. 17. and Grot. on Mat. 8.2. as Hammond on Luke 25.24. of which hereafter in the Pythagorean Excommunication Par. 9.

§. 5. That Pythagoras took the Idea, The Pythagore­an distinction of Disciples into Novices and perfect, from the Jews meerly. Phil. 3.12. and Platform of his probationary examen, Discipline, and preparative exercises from the Jewish Church the Learned assure us; and that upon more than conjecturall grounds. So Daillé in his Sermon on Philip. 3.12. [...]] ‘This term [perfect] saies he, is taken from those (viz. the Pythagoreans) a­mongst the Pagans, who after many preparations and purifications ren­dred themselves capable of the view, and participation of certaine great Idololatrique mysteries, which in those times were had in great veneration, &c.’ Now that this mode of initiating Novices by such pre­parative exercises, after which they became [...] or perfect, Phil. 3.15. [...] alludes to the Jewish [...] perfect. does ori­ginally belong to the Jewish Church, the same Daillé affirmes on Phil. 3.15. Parfaits perfect. ‘The ancient Greek Pagans had in their Religion certain mysteries, & sacred ceremonies, to the view, & parti­cipation of which they received not their Devoto's, till they had been prepared for the same by diverse Disciplines, calling them perfect, who were admitted thereto, and holding the others for Novices or Ap­prentices only — But these words were taken originally from the fashion of the Jewish Church, in the Scholes whereof there were di­vers orders: some were more low, others more high, in which were taught the most sublime mysteries: and this last part of their Theologie was called by a word, that signifies perfection, because they held it for the top of their Discipline: and in like manner they, who had been instructed in this their sublime Theology, were called The perfect [...].’ Thus likewise the Levites (as some observe) had their quinquennial, or five yeares probation and preparation, by preparative Exercises, before they entred upon their compleat office: whence we see what affinity there is betwixt Pythagoras's Probationers, or Novices, 1 Tim. 3.6. [...], a Novice. and those in the Jewish Church, and Schole. Paul also 1 Tim. 3.6. makes mention of a [...], that is, a Novice in the Christian Church, which Oecume­nius [Page 142] enterprets [...], one newly initiated in the faith, a Catechu­men, and Theophilact [...], one newly baptized, and admitted in­to the Church, answering to the Hebrew [...] (which the LXX. render Job. 14.9. [...]) and as we may presume with allusion to the No­vice in the Jewish Church. And this very custome of initiating No­vices by preparative Discipline the popish Monks, such as are Regular, universally retain to this very day (both name and thing) in the admit­ting persons into their Covents; which, we need no way doubt, they at first took up in imitation of, and compliance with the Pagans, especial­ly the Pythagoreans, and the Jewish Church; as also their whole Mona­stique Life, and Institutes, of which hereafter. Lastly, we should be per­fect [...], and without blemish; such were the Pythagorean [...]; and Plato's Priest, whom he requires to be [...], perfect and genuine.

The Discipline of Pythagoras's Schole and Col­lege.§ 6. We have spoken of Pythagoras's Disciples in common, as also of those who belonged to his coenebium, or College, both his Novices, and perfect, with their cognation to, and derivation from the Jewish Church, and Scholes. We now proceed to treat of the Discipline Pythagoras ex­ercised amongst his Scholars, especially those of his [...] or Col­lege, wherein we doubt not, but to discover many remarkeable, and e­vident footsteps of Jewish discipline, and Traditions, whence we may suppose it was traduced.

The first thing considerable in the Discipline of Pythagoras's [...] or College was the Confoederation, The confoedera­tion or consocia­tion in Pythago­ras's College founded in vir­tue. League, or Covenant betwixt all those, who were Members thereof. For as we have already proved, Pythago­ras was very severe and strict in the admission of Members into his Sy­steme or College. He judged, and that rightly, there could be no fra­ternity and lasting friendship, but what was grounded on Likenesse; and no true proper Likenesse, but what was founded in virtue, or resem­blance of God. Whence saies Iamblichus of the Pythagoreans, ‘Their study of friendship by words and actions, had reference to some Di­vine temperament, and to union with God, and to unity with the Divine soule.’ So Stanly of Pythag. Philos. ch. 2. By which it is plain, that Pythagoras asserted both in Thesi, or Opinion, and in Hypothesi, and Practice, that there could be no Consociation, or friendship worthy of that name, but what was founded on Virtue, and Likenesse to God. This also was sufficiently couched under two of Pythagoras's Symbols accor­ding to the explication of Iamblichus, as that Symbol 28. [Lay not hold [Page 143] on every one suddenly with your right hand] i. e. sayes Iamblichus,See Stanly of Pythag. Symbols fol. 120. give not your right hand, or draw not easily to you into your society per­sons not initiated ( [...]) i. e. such as have not been long tryed by Do­ctrines and Disciplines, nor are approved as worthy to participate, &c.’ Another of Pythagoras's Symbols, whereby he signified to us, that Vir­tue, or Likenesse to God, was the onely solid and genuine foundation of strict Friendship and Society, was this, Symbol. 35. [set downe salt] that is, saith Iamblichus Justice, of which salt is an embleme. This also Plato (Pythagoras's imitator) does much insist upon, especially in Lysis (this Lysis, whom Plato makes to be the subject of this discourse of friendship, was Pythagoras's Scholar) [...] of Friendship, proving first that [...] Likenesse was the ground of all Friendship. 2. Thence [...] &c. that good men only were alike, and Friends, [...], that wicked men had no likenesse, &c. Whence he con­cludes 3. [...], there is no con­junction, or stable union amongst wicked men.

§. 7. Now that Pythagoras took this Foundation, Constitution, Pythagoras's College from the confoedera­tion of the Jew­ish Church. or Idea of his Cellege from the Jewish Church their holy confederation, I thinke we have good conjectures, if not demonstrative Arguments to prove it. For we know, the Jewish Church was by virtue of Gods Covenant, and gracious presence with them a separate, select, peculiar, and holy people: Exod. 19.5. —and keep my covenant, then shall ye be a peculiar treasure to mee above all people, [...] signifieth ones owne proper good, Exod. 19.5, 6. peculiar trea­sure. which he loveth, and keepeth in store for himselfe, and for peculiar use: 1 Chr. 29 3. Here it is applyed to Gods Church, and translated by the LXX. a peculiar people, and St Peter expresses it by a word, that signifies a people for peculiar possession 1 Pet. 2.9. [ [...]] i. e. as Camero observes [...] for [...] signifies primarily abundance, thence excellency, as choice, select jewels, &c.’ Therefore God, though he were the Rector of all the earth, yet the Jewish Church was his peculiar treasure, or possession, as the Diademe on the head, or the seale on the hand: so Exod. 34.9. and take us for thine inheritance [...] we find the same Psal. 135.4. For the Lord hath chosen Jacob to himselfe, and Is­rael for his peculiar treasure [...] it is the same word with Exod. 19.5. and so rendred [...] such a separate, peculiar, and holy rela­tion had the Jewish Church by virtue of Gods Covenant, and their owne stipulation unto God. In imitation whereof, we may safely conjecture, Pythagoras framed his [...] Covent, or College, which was to him [Page 144] as a peculiar Family, Pythagoras's Symbol of Salt as a sign of con­foederation and covenant from the Jewish use of this type. or Church; and therefore look as Salt was of great use in the Jewish Church, and Sacrifices, as that which did lively, though but Symbolically, represent their holy friendship, and communion with God; so in like manner Pythagoras makes great use of this same Sym­bol [set down salt] to expresse the holy Friendship and Communion there should be amongst his Collegues. And that Pythagoras's Symbol of Salt, by which he signified that Covenant, and Friendship, which ought to be betwixt his Collegues, had its first rise from the parallel use of Salt in the Jewish Church, will I thinke appeare very probable, if we consult the Scriptures, where we find this Symbol mentioned, as also its use amongst the Ancients.Levit. 2.13. Salt of the Co­venant. Numb. 18.19. Covenant of Salt. It is said Lev. 2.13. Thou shalt not suffer the Salt of the Covenant of thy God to be lacking; with all thine offerings thou shalt offer salt. So Numb. 18.19. we read of a Covenant by Salt. The like 2. Chron. 13.5. where the salt, that was cast upon all the Sa­crifices, is called the Salt of the Covenant, because the Covenant of God with his people was confirmed by Sacrifice, as Psal. 50.5. Gather my Saints together unto mee, The Covenant by Salt the same with the Cove­nant by Sacri­fice. those who have made a Covenant with me by Sa­crifice. The original of which Covenant by Sacrifice we find Gen. 15.9, 10. which was afterwards imitated by the Heathens in the confirma­tion of their solemn Covenants: so that this Covenant by Salt is the same with the Covenant by Sacrifice, because these Covenants by Sa­crifice, both in the Jewish Church, and also amongst the Greeks, were solemnized by Eating, and drinking the Sacrifices, whereunto Salt was alwayes a necessary appendix. For God by these feastings upon the Sacrifices, wherein Salt was used, did confirme his Covenant with those, who did participate of them; in as much as they did in some sort eat and drinke with God: as Luke 13.26. We have eaten and drunke in thy presence. Luk 13.26. Salt used as a Symbol of Co­venants and friendship. i. e. we have eaten and drunke together with thee of thy Sa­crifices, or at thy Communion Table, for the ratifying our Covenant, and in token of our friendship with thee. And, that Salt was alwayes accounted by the Ancient Jewes, as an essentiall concurrent of their feasts, especially such as were for the confirmation of Covenants, Love, and Friendship, appears by that common proverb, [...] Every feast wherein is not some salt, is no feast. We have a great instance, and proofe of this Jewish custome to make use of Salt for the confirmation of their Covenants,Ezra. 4.14. in Ezra 4.14. where the original Chaldee (different from our version) runs thus [...] because we have eaten of the Kings salt. i. e. be­cause [Page 145] we have engaged our selves in a Covenant of Friendship to him, by eating of his meat. So that we see this Rite of making Covenants by Salt was fresh amongst the Jewes even then, when Pythagoras flourish­ed, and lived amongst them in Chaldea. Hence learned Cudworth (in his Discourse of the true notion of the Lords Supper pag. 68.) having shewen how Salt was used amongst the Ancients as a Symbol of Cove­nants, and friendship, addes, ‘Thus I understand that Symbol of Py­thogoras [...], to set downe Salt for Friendship, and ho­spitality.— Because Covenants and reconciliations were made by eat­ing, and drinking, where salt was alwaies used. Salt it selfe was ac­counted amongst the Ancients a Symbol of friendship, [...] Salt, and the Table was used proverbially amongst the Greeks to ex­presse friendship by: thence Origens quotation out of Archilochus [...], to transgresse the Salt and Table, was to violate the most sacred league of Friendship. Aeschines in his Oration de perperam habita Legatione hath a passage very pertinent to this purpose, [...]. For he saith, that he ought greatly to esteem the Salt, and common Table of the City. Thus Cudworth, &c. By which we see how, and why the Ancients both Jewes, and Greekes made Salt a Symbol of their Covenants, and friendship. But yet I conceive there was something more couched under this Symbol of Salt, than learned Cudworth hath taken notice of, which will give further illustration, and proofe to our Assertion, that Pythagoras traduced it from the Jewish Church. For God instituting Salt, as a Symbol of his Covenant, to be eaten with the Sacrifices, as Lev. 2.13. did thereby represent to the life that sanctity, or holinesse, Salt also used as a Symbol of Sanctitie. which he required, and expected from such, as entered into Covenant with him: For who knows not, that Salt, as it gives a savour, and re­lish to meats, so its chief use is to preserve from putrefaction: this ex­plication Christ himself gives of this Symbol, Marke 9.49, 50.Marke 9.49. Every one shall be salted with fire, and every Sacrifice salted with Salt, &c. Sal­ted, i. e. purifyed, and preserved by Grace, as flesh by Salt: the like Sym­bolique usage of Salt is given by Christ Mat. 5.13. Yee are the salt. So Luke 14.34. Coloss. 4.6. seasoned &c. That this was a main use of Salt amongst the Heathens, and that they traduced this usage from the Jewish Church, is asserted and proved by Francis Valesius de Sacra Pholosophia, cap. 16. on Levit. 2.13. ‘It is a wonder (saith he) that it was a solemn Rite, not only in the Sacrifices of the true God, but [Page 146] also in those of the false gods, to use salt, as you may understand by Pliny lib. 31. cap. 7. where discoursing of the praises of Salt, he saith, that its autority is much understood in Sacreds, seeing no Sacrifices are per­formed without Salt. Whence I conjecture that this custome was de­rived from the first Sacrifices of the infant world, which were offered to the great God. And that it was thence derived into the Sacred Rites of all the Gentiles: for we have much reason to judge, that those false Ministers of Sacreds, received this custome from the true Priests, according to the Devils institution, thereby to have the Divine Sacri­fices offered to him. Plato in his Dialogue of Natures saies, that Salt is a body friendly to God, which accords with this present text: for God requires every Sacrifice to be seasoned with Salt, as that which was gratefull and friendly to him. — Namely Salt seems to be a Sym­bol of Integrity, and Incorrupti [...]n, and thence of Innocence. For Salt, as tis manifest by experience (and from Aristotle Problemat. 26. Sect.) dries, and thence preserves things from Corruption. Deservedly there­fore is Salt made a Symbol of Justice, and so commanded in the Sacri­fices. To which belongs that Numb. 18.19. Its a covenant of salt for ever. He calls it a covenant of Salt. i. e. a covenant of Sacrifices, &c. Here Valetius seems to take in both notions: namely, as salt signifies an inviolable covenant of friendship, and moreover Integrity and Holinesse, both which are couched under this borrowed Symbol of Salt, and both conveighed from the use of Salt in the Church of God to the like usage of it amongst the Pythagoreans, and other Heathens. And thus much indeed Pythagoras understood by this Symbol of his [...], to place salt. i. e. saies Iamblichus in his explication, as a signe of Justice, Righteousnesse or Holinesse. Thus also Diogenes explaines this Symbol of Salt as preservative of meats, &c. For Pythagoras conceived there could be no right consociation or friendship, but what was founded in virtue (as before) and therefore was he so strict in the examen or tryall of his Probationers, and so severe in the whole Discipline of his College, which that it all sprang from the Jewish Discipline, and his af­fectation thereof, will farther appeare by what follows.

Pythagoras drew the pat­tern of his Col­legiate life from the Essenes.§. 9. As Pythagoras tooke the Idea or platform of his Systeme, and College from the Jewish Church in general, that holy, and peculiar re­lation they had to God, and to each other, by virtue of that mutual confederation or covenant betwixt them and God. So I conceive he had a peculiar regard, in framing this his College, to the particular Confoe­deration, [Page 147] or Monastique consociation of the Essenes, with whom he does in the chiefe parts of his Collegiate Discipline Symbolize, as it will ap­pear, when we descend to particulars. Now here to make the way to this demonstration clear, we are to consider the Rise, constitution, and Discipline of these Essenes. As for the origination of their name they were called [...] i. e. according to the Greeks [...], and accor­ding to our English Dialect Pure. Now the Origination or Rise of these Essenes I conceive (by the best conjectures I can make from Antiquity) to be in, or immediately after the Babylonian Captivity, (though some make them later) and the occasion of their separation, or consociation, seems this. Many of the carnall Jewes defiling them­selves either by beeing too deeply plunged in Worldly Affaires, even to the neglect of their Religion, or, which was worse, by sinfull compliances with their Idolatrous Lords, thereby to secure their carnall interests, these [...], or Essenes to preserve themselves from these common pollutions separated, and retired themselves from the croud of worldly affaires into an holy solitude, and private condition of life;The Discipline of the Essenes. where ente­ring into a strict confederation, or consociation, to lead together a Colle­giate devout life, they 1. shunned all carnall pleasures, which might entice them from their Devotion. 2. They avoyded all profane compa­ny, and conformity to the world, as also all affectation of Secular dignity, applause and honour. 2. They engaged in a strict fraternal com­munion amongst themselves, professing a community of goods, &c. 4. They did in time of persecution, so far as they were able, lead a Monastique life, forbearing marriage, &c. 5. They were very abstemi­ous and moderate in the use of creature comforts; forbearing wine, drinking water, &c. 6. They had their Distinctive garments, or white vestments. 7. They used Ceremoniall purifications, according to their Law; as also moral mortification of sin. 8. They enjoyned silence on their Novices, and were all studious for the right government of their speech, &c. 9. They forbad Oathes. 10. They had their Elders in great esteem. 11. They acknowledged all things to be disposed by a particu­lar over-ruling Providence. 12. They did in a peculiar manner devote themselves to the worship of God by Prayers, and Sacrifices, especially of manimates. 13. They divided their Lives, and Studies into two parts, 1. contemplative. 2. active: they spent their time most in Acti­on, besides what they employed in their Devotions; the principal study they addicted themselves unto was Medicine: they gave them­selves [Page 148] also to gardening, and other labours of the hand. 14. They di­stributed the Day into times for Prayer, for Reading, for Study, for la­bour with their hands, and for naturall Refreshments. 15. They endea­voured much exactnesse in their Morals, to lead an exemplary Life. 16. Such as prov'd Apostates, or Scandalous, they excommunicated by the common consent of all the Fraternity, or Society. And to conclude with the character of Viret. (in his interim pag. 122.) In summe ‘their Estate was in their first constitution an excellent Schole of Me­dicine, of Doctrine, and of Examples of virtue: all things were done a­mongst them in good order, and I thinke the first Christian Monks took their pattern from these Essenes. But the later Monks have rather followed the example of the Sadduces, and Pharises. Thus Viret. Indeed the Sadduces, and Pharises seem to be orders of much later constituti­on, and but a spurious degenerate off-spring of the ancient devout [...] Essenes. For although they both affected the opinion and e­steem of eminent Saints, or Separatists (for so their name Pharisee im­ports) yet all their pretended sanctity was but apparent hypocrisie, as far short of the sanctity and devotion of the first [...] or Essenes, as the pretended Popish mortifications of the later Monkes comes short of the sanctity and devotion of the first Christian [...], or Puritans. He that will see more of these Jewish [...] or Essenes may consult Drusius de 3. sectis Judaeorum, &c.

The Pythagore­ans imitation of the Essenes.Having laid downe the original of the Essenes, their Collegiate Con­stitution, Order, and Discipline, I shall now proceed to shew, how much the Pythagorean College, or Systeme did Symbolize, and agree therewith: which will give a great confirmation to our Hypothesis; that Pytha­goras traduced the Idea of his College, and its Discipline from the Jewish Church, &c.

1. The Pythago­reans great Se­paratists from all that were not of their So­cietie.1. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, separated themselves from the rest of men, whom they accounted Profane; not at all regarding their Riches, Honours, or Pleasures. Hence that great Law amongst them [...], to give the Right hand of fellow­ship to none but to Pythagoreans: i. e. saies Iamblichus, to have commu­nion with none, who are not initiated, or tryed by Doctrines, and Disci­plines, &c. The same phrase was used in the Jewish Church, to denote communion. So Paul speakes of the Right hand of fellowship given to him by Peter, Gal. 2.9. See Chap. 9. Parag. 3. James, and John. Gal. 2.9. according to the Jewish Dia­lect. And as the Jews accounted all, that were not of their Church, as [Page 149] dogs, profane, without, &c. So likewise the Pythagoreans, called all those, who were not of their Society [...] or [...] not initiated; & [...] & [...], those without, profane, &c. So Grotius on Mat. 7.6.Mat. 7.6. [cast not what is holy to dogs] observes this Symbolick mode was brought by Pythagoras out of the Oriental parts. Yea Iamblichus tels us, that the Pythagoreans excluded all, save their Parents, [...], from their conversation; hence those verses touching Pythagoras.


‘His Associates he esteemed equall to the blessed Gods: but as for o­thers he esteemed them not either in speech, or number; Iamblichus lib. 1. cap. 35. This Pythagorean separation; and contempt of all others, but their own Collegues, gained them much envie, so that as some ob­serve, they being once assembled in their College, or the place where they were wont to meet, some ill-willers accused them of a conspiracie against the City, which caused them to be almost all massacred, of which see Vossius de Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. par. 26. This is most probable, that the Pythagoreans were strict and severe separatists, as the Essenes, and Jews before them.

2. The Pythagoreans, as well as the Essenes, shunned all carnal plea­sures, all mundane Honours, Riches, and Grandeur,2. Their shun­ning worldly pleasures, &c. affecting an [...] a mental self-sufficiencie. Thus Pythagoras in his Epistle to Hiero (of which before chap. 5.) pretends to an [...], a self-sufficiencie, which made him scorne the Honours, Pleasures, and Pomp of Hiero's court. Herein the Pythagareans were followed by the morose Cynicks, who affected a great aversation from all worldly pleasures, dignities, and conformities: as also by the Stoicks, who placed happinesse in an [...] a self-sufficiencie, thence Epictetus begins his Enchiridion with his [...], &c.

3. The Pythagoreans made not only a separation from the world,3. Their strict consociation & community of goods. both persons and things; but also a strict Consociation, or Confoederation amongst themselves; professing a community of goods, or enjoying all things in common; wherein they did exactly imitate the Collegiate Discipline of the Essenes. Thus Iamblichus (cap. 17.) ‘Pythagoras,Inter Pythago­raeos col [...]batur societ as insepa­rabilis, quod à communione appellabatur [...]. Hunc morem [...] apud Judaeos imitati sunt Essenes, qui omnia communia habebant. Horn. Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. saies he, appointed a Community of Estates, & constituted an inviolable [Page 150] Confederacie, and Societie as being that ancient way of consociation (perhaps he meanes in the Jewish Church, which was most ancient) which is truly stiled [...] a Covent or College. This was agreable to the Dogmes of Pythagoras [...], all things ought to be com­mon amongst Friends, And [...] Friendship is an equality: whence his precept, Esteem nothing your own. So Diog. Laër. saies, the Pythagore­ans put their estates in one cōmon stock, &c. Thus Vossius de Phil. Sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 25. The Pythagoreans, saies he, maintained the strict­est conjunction amongst themselves; also a communion of Goods. But as for the Friendships of other men, they no way esteemed them, albeit they abounded with Riches, and Honours.’ And Plato proceeding up­on the very same principles with Pythagoras, viz: That all things must be common among friends, &c. enjoynes a Community of all things in his Common-wealth: of which hereafter.

Their Celibate from the Essenes, or Jewish Priests.4. As the Essenes, and devout Jewes did, if they had ability, for­bear marriage in times of persecution, especially thereby to avoid ma­ny snares, and encumbrances; so likewise the Pythagoreans, who did not only look on Celibate, or single life as expedient for some times, and conditions; but enjoyned it in their sect, as a thing sacred, and holy. This learned Bochart. proves at large in his excellent Treatise a­gainst Veron. part 3. chap. 25. sect. 4. Art. 1. (in French pag. 1338.) where he shews, that the Injunction of celibat, or Monastique life, was one great part of the doctrine of Daemons (mentioned 1. Tim. 4.1.3.) ‘which, saies he, was one of the superstitions Pythagoras brought out of Egypt, when he returned into Greece. For (as Clem Alexandr. [...]. l. 1.) he forbad marriage to those of his sect, and erected a Cloy­ster of Virgins (or Nuns) the charge of which he gave to his Daugh­ter. Plato held the same sentiment, and Heraclitus, and Democritus, and Zeno the Prince of the Stoiques, who never touched a Woman.’ Thus Bochart. But 'tis possible, Pythagoras might take up this his in­junction of Celebat from the Jewish Priests, who at some times were enjoyned abstinence from Women. So Grotius on Colos. 2.21. having shewne how these Injunctions did not refer to the Jewish Law, but to some Traditions of the Jews, and Dogmes of Philosophers, especially the Pythagoreans, he concludes thus, ‘This last phrase [...] handle not, refers to separation from Women, which the Jewish Priests at some certain times were enjoyned, but the Pythagoreans alwaies, &c.’ Hammond on 1. Tim. 4.3. [forbidding to marry] shows, how the [Page 151] Gnosticks received this part of their character forbidding marriages, &c. from the Pythagorean Philosophers, as Clemens Alexandr. Strom. lib. 3. &c.Pythagorean ab­stinences from Jewes and Es­senes.

5. As the Essenes had their particular Rules for Abstinences from wine, &c. And the Jews in general had their Abstinences from seve­rall meats, and at several times. So also the Pythagoreans in imitation of them. Thus Jerom tels us, that the Essenes abstained from flesh: whence some conceive Pythagoras brought this superstition into Greece, as Horn. Hist. Phil. l. 7. c. 12. Thus also Stanley of Pythagoras's Disci­pline, ch. 5. out of Iamblichus. ‘Moreover Pythagoras commanded his Disciples to abstain from all things, that had life, and from certain other meats, which obstruct the clearness of understanding: like­wise from wine, also to eat, and sleep little.’ So Diogenes Laertius tels us, that ‘Pythagoras held things dedicated to God were holy, and so not to be used for common uses:Col. 2.16. Pythagorean Praecepts. thence that fishes were not to be eaten [...], &c. And Grotius on Col. 2.16 gives us a full account hereof, [...], in meat, or drinke.]’ In one clause, saies Grotius, he comprehends both those, who Judaized, and Pythagorized. ‘To abstain from wine was not a perpetual Jewish Institute, but in some [persons and Times] but amongst the Pythagoreans it was frequent. The Jewes abstained from some meats; the Pythagoreans from many more.’ Thus Grotius. The like he addes on vers. 20. To the rudiments of the world, [...], saies Grotius, Rudiments, &c. every institution, Gal. 4.3.9. where you'l see why they are called rudiments of the world, namely because they were common to the Jewes with other Nations. There was nothing in these Rites proper to the Jewes, &c. The same he addes on vers. 21. [...]] Here is,Col. 2.21.22. Pythagoras's Dogmes. saies Gro­tius, a [...], the note whereof the Syriack has placed here. For thus these masters spake. Tertullian against Marcion 5. denyes that this belongs to the Law of Moses. He seems to mee to have used common words which should comprehend both the Jewes and Philosophers, espe­cially the Pythagoreans. And these first words [...], touch not, tast not, chiefly belong to meats: the later [...] refer to Women, &c. So again, v. 22. [...]] This, saies Grotius, refers to the [...], v. 20. These things were invented by men, they came not primarily from God. [...] pre­cepts were such as were commanded by mens Laws: [...], such [Page 152] things as were enjoyned by the Pythagoreans, as before.’ Thus likewise Hammond in his Paraph on 1. Tim. 4.3.1. Tim. 4.3. Commanding to abstain from meats. Forbidding to marry, and com­manding to abstain from meats affirmes that the Gnosticks had these Doctrines from the Pythagorean Philosophers. And Mede in his Apo­stacie of the latter times, on these words 1. Tim. 4.3. forbidding to marry, &c. proves at large that these Monkish Abstinences were but imitati­ons, and branches of the Doctrines of Daemons (mentioned v. 1.) brought into Greece by Pythagoras, Plato, and other Philosophers.

6 Their purifi­cations both Ce­remonial and Moral.6. The Jewes in general, but more particularly the Essenes had their Purifications, or Purgatories, both Ceremonial, and Moral. So in like manner the Pythagoreans. Thus Iamblichus of Pythagoras. ‘He said (quoth he) that purity is acquired by expiations, and bathings, and sprinklings, &c. So Diogenes Laertius in his life. Pythagoras, saies he, held, that cleanesse is acquired by expurgations, washings, and sprink­lings, with separation from all that defileth.’ And Justin Martyr. A­polog. 2. gives us this general assertion, ‘that all these washings, which the Heathens used in their sacreds, had their original, though by a Diabolique imitation, from our Sacred Scriptures, &c.’

7. Their obser­vation of Festi­vals.7. The Jewes in general, and the Essenes in particular, were very exact in their observation of their Festivals. So likewise were the Py­thagoreans. ‘For, saith Iamblichus, Pythagoras commanded that upon holy dayes we cut not our hair, nor pair our nailes: See Stanley of Py­thag.'s Discipline, chap. 3. fol. 92.’

8. Their white distinctive vest­ments from Ec­cles. 9.8. Let thy garments be white.8. Again the Pythagoreans, as well as the Jewes and Essenes, had their white distinctive vestments, or garments. So Iamblichus (cap. 20.) speak­ing of Pythagoras's Disciples, saies, They wear a white, and clean gar­ment: So Diogenes Laertius saies, that Pythagoras held the Gods to be worshiped [...], with a good conscience (so [...] is used by Plato) and white Vestment, &c. as Eccles. 9.8.’ Let thy Vestment be alwayes white, &c. Hence I suppose the Pythagorean white. P. Virgil quaest. 4, de Inv. Rer. 7. supposeth that the Hebrews borrowed their white Garment from the Egyptians, whence also Py­thagoras received the same: for Herod. l. 2. acquaints us, that the E­gyptian Priests used a pure white Vestment, and rejected the Woollen, as profane. But it seems evident, that both the Egyptians, and Pythagore­ans traduced their white Vestments from the Jewes, who received them from sacred Institution.

[Page 153]9. As the Essenes, so the Pythagoreans enjoyned silence, Their perpetual silence, or con­celing their mysteries from strangers. and that not only on their Exotericks, or Novices; but also on their [...], or In­trinsicks: for besides the five years silence which Pythagoras prescribed his novices, he had another called [...] a continual silence, which properly belonged to his perfect Disciples, who were enjoyned secresie, or concelement of the Pythagorean mysteries from all those who were not of their societie, whom the Pythagoreans termed [...], uninitiated, prophane, &c. therefore not meet to have notice of their mysteries. Thus Iamblichus, speaking of the Pythagoreans, saith. ‘That the Principal, and most mysterious of their Doctrines they re­served amongst themselves unwritten, as not fit to be published, but to be delivered by oral tradition to their Successors, as mysteries of the Gods. To which that of Cicero lib. 1. de nat. Deor. refers. Thou maist not concele it from me, as Pythagoras was wont to concele his mysteries from aliens. Thus Vossius de Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 24. having spok­en of the Pythagorean quinquennial silence saies, ‘They had another silence, which was perpetual: by which it was unlawful for the Py­thagoreans to discourse (not amongst themselves, but) with strangers of those mysteries, which they had received.’ This indeed exactly answereth the Jewish silence, or secresie in conceling from the Gentiles their mysteries. viz. the name Jehovah, which they (as 'tis said) would alwaies pronounce by the other more common name Adonai, thereby to concele it, &c. For the Jews accounted the Gentiles, but as pro­fane, and Dogs; therefore not fit to be made partakers of their my­steries. To which Christ seems to allude Mat. 7.6. give not what is holy to Dogs. Yea indeed the Pythagoreans were not without some kind of silence amongst themselves, for they esteemed the right government of our speech, one of the hardest, and therefore best governments; as Iam­blichus l. 1. cap. 31. Thence Pythagoras enjoyned his Disciples, 1. Perpetual silence, unless they could speak somewhat more profita­ble than their silence. 2. When they did speak, to utter many things in few words, nor few things in many words: For Pythagoras was a professed enemy to tatling; thence that Symbol of his: Receive not a Swallow into your house, i. e. saies Vossius, admit not of tatlars. So Ze­no, the Prince of the Stoicks, when he heard any talk much, was wont to say. That man's ears were fallen down into his tongue. 3. Pytha­goras enjoyned his scholars not to speak rashly without premeditation. 4. Not to discourse of Pythagorean mysteries without Light: For, [Page 154] saies Iamblichus, ‘it is impossible to understand Pythagorean Doctrines without Light.’ 5. Pythagoras required a particular silence, or right ordering of speech in speaking of, or drawing near unto the Gods. So Iamblichus on Pythagoras's Seventh Symbol. [Above all things govern your tongue in following the Gods.] The first work of wisdom (saith he) ‘is to turn our speech inward upon our selves (by meditation) for no­thing does more perfect the soul, than when a man turning inward up­on himself followeth the Gods.’ 6. And touching the Pythagorean silence in general, Apuleius in floridis tels us, ‘That the first thing Pythagoras taught his Disciples, was to hold their peace; and the first meditation of him who would be wise, should be for an universal bridling of his tongue; and having clipped the wings of his words, which the Poets call birds, to shut them up within the walls of his white teeth.’ 7. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, forbad Oathes.

Their Reve­re [...]ce towards their Elders.10. The Pythagoreans in imitation of the Essenes, and Jews, had their Elders in great esteem. They never made mention of Pythago­ras, without some note of reverence, calling him [...] the Theo­logue &c. And [...] he said it, had with Pythagoras's Disciples the same authoritie, as a first principle with other Philosophers, or a Scrip­tural testimony with a Jew, and Christian. This is observed by Laert. l. 8. Cicero l. 1. de. N. Deor. Quint. l. 11. c. 1. and others; who tell us that Pythagoras's Authoritie answered all objections: for when he spake, he was esteemed as the Pythian oracle: so that the solemn for­mule was [...]: And 'tis not unlikely, but this title also he borrow­ed from the Sacred Records: for [...], or thus saith he, is a title given to God in Scripture; as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. [...] ‘an honorable appellation is attributed not only to Prophane, but also to Sacred Writers; so that it is not given to any, but the most ex­cellent, yea to God himself: for so He more easily gain'd credit to his Doctrine, and Authoritie to Himself.’

They own Fate.11. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, acknowledged all things to be disposed by a particular providence, which they called Fate.

Their Devoti­on.12. The Jews, and particularly the Essenes, did in a peculiar man­ner, especially in times of Persecution, and captivity, devote them­selves to the worship of God, by prayers, &c. in order whereto, they had their [...] praying houses. So likewise the Pythagoreans were generally Devoto's, or much addicted to devotion: of which here­after.

[Page 155]13. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, divided their life, Their studies, Contempla­tive, Active. and studies into Contemplative, and Active. In their studies they much addicted themselves to Medicine; in their bodily exercises to Gardening, &c.

14. The Pythagoreans, in imitation of the Essenes, distributed the day into several parts, for Devotion, Study, Labour, &c. The Pythago­rean dayly ex­ercises, with their morning Premeditati­ons, and even­ing Recollecti­on of all. So Iam­blichus of Pythagoras cap. 20. ‘Those who were taught by Pythagoras, spent their morning walk alone, and in such places, where they might be most retired, and free from disturbances.’ After their morning walk, they met together in the Temple, or place of Devotion. After that, having spent some time in their studies, they went to their morning Exercises. At Dinner they used (mostly) bread and honey. Their afternoon they employed in Political affairs. All the actions of the day they contrived in the morning before they rose, and exa­mined the same at night before they went to sleep.Pythagoraei exercendae me­moriae causa, singulis diebus quid egissent, quid legissent, quid profecis­sent, in Vita, in Doctrina, vesperi com­memorabant: benefacta lau­dem, malefa­cta vituperium merebantur. Hornius. Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. A Pythagorean ‘rose not out of his bed, before he had called to mind the Actions of the day past, which recollection he performed in this manner.’ He endeavoured to call to mind what he had heard, or done in the first, second, third place (and so in order) after his rising: And then after his going forth, whom he met with first, whom next, &c. and what discourses he had with the first, what with the second, &c. for he ‘endeavoured to keep a Diarie, Journal, or memoires of all that hap­pened throughout the day; and so to repeat every thing in order as it happened. Thus they cheifly exercised their memories; for they conceived nothing conduceth more to knowledge, experience, and wisdome, then to remember many things. He taught his Dis­ciples to do nothing without premeditation; nor any thing whereof they could not give a good account; but that in the morning they should consider what they were to do; and at night make a recol­lection thereof: so Porphyrie on the life of Pythag. pag. 26. saith, That Pythagoras advised his Scholars, to have regard chiefly to two things. 1. The time of their going to bed. 2. The time of their rising: at each of these to consider what actions are past, and what to come: of the past to require from themselves an account; of the future to have a Providential circumspection, and care.’ So Virgil ex Pythag. inter Epigr.

Non prius in dulcem declinat lumina somnum,
Omnia quam longi reputaverat acta diei;
Quae praetergressus, quid gestum in tempore, quid non:

[Page 156] See more Stanly, of Pythagoras's discipline cap. 9, 10.

Constancie, and against Apostacie.15. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, affected a great constancy in their principles, and morals: in order whereto they had many cautio­nary precepts against Apostacy. So Iamblichus explaines that 15th. Symbol of Pythagoras. [Travelling from home turn not back, for the Furies go back with you.] i. e. saith Iamblichus after you have applyed your self to Philosophie, turn not back, &c. Which also was a Proverbi­al Symbol amongst the Jews; to which our Saviour seems to allude, when he giveth those cautions against Apostacie: viz. Remember Lots Wife: and He that puts his hand to the Plow and looketh back, &c.

Their Excom­munication.16. As the Essenes were severe in their Excommunication of Apo­states, and Scandalous persons, so the Pythagoreans. Thus Iamblichus cap. 17. ‘Those, who were cast out of Pythagoras's Schole, had [...], a coffin made by his Disciples, placed in their room, as if they had been dead: for all, that were about Pythagoras, spake of them as dead; and when they met them, behaved themselves to­ward them, as if they had been some other persons; for the men themselves they said were dead, &c. That Pythagoras traduced this Symbolick Embleme, of persons dead in sins, from the Jewish Church, is well observed, and proved by Grotius on Mat. 8.22. Let the dead bury their dead: and Hammond (out of him) on Luke 15.24. of which hereafter.

17. As the Pythagorean Novices had their probationarie year, or years; so the Jewish Essenes. Thus Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 15. ‘The Essenes, who alone are worthy the name of Philosophers among the Jews, did not presently admit their Disciples, till after one year, (or more) they had probation of their behavior, &c.

I have in these severals drawn the Parallel betwixt the Jewish Essenes and the Pythagoreans:A general Pa­rallel 'twixt the Essenes & Pythagoreans. and for the farther conviction, that all this was not a meer figment of mine own, without foundation, or prescript, see something of this Parallel in Godwins Jewish Antiquities l. 1. c. 12. of the Essenes, whom he makes to symbolize with the Pythagoreans. 1. In that both professed a Communion of goods. 2. Both shunned pleasures. 3. Both wore White garments. 4. Both forbad Oathes. 5. Both had their Elders in singular respect. 6. Both drank Water. 7. Both asserted Fate. 8. Both enjoyned silence, &c.

Now that the Pythagoreans derived these parts of their Discipline from the Essenes, and Jews, will be further evident by what follows.

CHAP. VII. Of Pythagoras's Philosophie Natural, and Moral, &c.

The Original of Pythagoras's Philosophie, from the Jews, &c. 1. His Mathematicks. 1. Arithmetick. 2. Musick. 3. Astronomie. 4. The earths Motion, &c. 5. Geometry. 6. Weights, and Mea­sures, from the Jews. 2. Pythagoras's Physicks. 1. Contempla­tive, The world's origine, its first Matter, Gen. 1.1, 2. Its Form, Gen. 1.13. Fire the great active principle in all things, from Gen. 1.2. 2. Medicine from the Jews. 3. Pythagoras's Moral Philosophie. 1. Ethicks, Dogmatick, Preceptive, and Characteristick Ethick, Characters Jewish. Death a Character of a wicked state, as Luk. 15.24. Salt of Grace, &c. The Summe of Pythagoras's Ethicks in [...], and [...]. 2. Pythagoras's Politicks from Moses's Politie: The Pythagoreans great Politicians. Their two great Maximes to preserve 1. Liberty against Tyranny. 2. Ʋnity against Faction.

§ 1. HAving gone thorough the story of Pythagoras's life, as also the Discipline of his Schole, and College, A distribution of Pythagore­an Philosophie we now proceed to his Philosophie; wherein we doubt not but to discover many Jewish Traditions, and Foot-steps. And to proceed methodically, we shall begin with the matter of his Philosophie, and thence pass on to his Form, or mode of Philosophizing; each whereof will afford us very strong Presumptions (though not Physical demonstration) that he traduced both the one, and the other from the Jewish sacred fountaines. Some distribute Pythagoras's Philosophie into two parts. Theologick, and Ethick: By Theologie, they understand that, which we usually call Physicks, namely the knowledge of God, as the first cause of all things. Thus Danaeus in cap. 9. August. ad Laurent. and Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 3. c. 11. But we shall follow the usual Distribution thus. The matter, or body of Pythagoras's Philosophie may be distri­buted into Natural, Moral, o [...] Supernatural. 1. His Natural philo­sophie conteines, 1. His Physicks, or Natural philosophie properly so called. 2. His Mathematicks. His Physicks were either, 1. Con­templative, which was nothing else but the story of the Creation; or 2. [Page 158] Active consisting in Medicine. 2. His Moral philosophie consisted, 1. in Ethicks, or moral precepts, 2. in Politicks. 3. His Supernatural philosophie was 1. Diabolick, or Magick divination. 2. Theologick, and Divine: Pythagoras usually began with the Mathematick Scien­ces, as preparatives to the contemplation of things more sublime: So Porphyrie in the life of Pythagoras pag. 31. He is said to be the first, that changed the proud title of [...] wisdom into [...] a Love of Wisdome as Austin. de civ. Dei l. 8. c. 2. They report, that the name Philosophie sprung from Pythagoras, whereas before they were called [...] wise-men, &c.

§. 2. Now that Pythagoras traduced the main parts, if not the whole, of this his Philosophie from the Jewish Church originally, may in the general be demonstrated from what we find in Iamblichus, and other Historiographers, concerning the original of Pythagoras's Phi­losophie.Pythagoras received part of his Phi­losophie. 1. from Orphe­us. Iamblichus saies, that Pythagoras drew his Philosophie, and the several parts thereof, [...]. 1. He saies, That Pytha­goras drew part of his Philosophie from the Orphicks, i. e. Doctrines of Orpheus. So elsewhere, he tells us, ‘That Pythagoras derived much of his Theologick Science from Orpheus. That Orpheus's Theo­logie was symbolick, and mystical, much the same with that of Pytha­goras, we have already proved, out of Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. Also, that Orpheus had his Theologie originally from the Jews: which is farther evident by that famous fragment of the Orpheick Doctrine in Justin Martyr; wherein we find mention of Abraham, and the Mo­saick tables, 2 part from Egypt. or Decalogue. 2. Iamblichus informes us, That Pythago­ras received part of his Philosophie from the Egyptian Priests. The like he affirmes lib. 1. cap. 5. Pythagoras, saies he, owes to the Egyptians [...], &c. his symbolick mode of learning. So, Clemens Alexandrinus. 1. [...], ‘It is storied that Pythagoras was instructed by Sonchedes the Egyptian Arch-prophet.’ That the Egyptians had their Philosophie from the Jews, we have before proved book 1. chap. 2. Besides we have shewen (book 2. chap. 5. §. 7.8.) That Pythagoras, while in Egypt, had immediate conversation with the Jews, (who resorted thither in great numbers) by meanes of his skill in the Egyptian tongue, which was but a different Dialect of the He­brew, so that he was thereby capacitated to read, and enquire into the [Page 159] Sacred Scriptures and Jewish bookes, without supposition of their be­ing translated into Greek, which was not till after times. 3. Iam­blichus acquaints us,3 From the Chaldeans. That Pythagoras received part of his Philosophie from the Chaldeans. Now that Pythagoras had converse with the Jews, whilest in Chaldea, by meanes of his skill in the Egyptian, and Chalde­an tongues (which differed from the Hebrew only in Dialect) yea that the Jews themselves, frequently past amongst the Greeks, under the name of Chaldeans, because they lived under their government, we have endeavoured to prove in chap. 5. §. 8. of this second Booke.4 From the Thracians. 4. Iamblichus, together with Hermippus, tell us, That Pythagoras re­ceived part of his Philosophie from the Thracians, so Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion. That the Thracians had their Philosophie originally from the Jews has been proved Book 1. chap. 5. parag. 7. 5. Porphyrie p. 4. acquaints us, That Pythagoras had part of his Philosophie from the Phenicians, who had theirs from the Jews, as before. 6. Porphyry pag. 8. and Clements Alexandrinus [...]. 1. assure us, ‘That Pythagoras learned the most excellent parts of his Philosophie from the Barbari­ans. That by these Barbarians must be understood the Jews, in the first, and cheifest place, we have Testimonies of Justin Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Epiphanius, Nicephorus, and Serranus on Plato's, Cratylus fol. 426. 7. What Pythagoras learned from his Preceptors, Thales and Pherecydes, owes its original to the Jews, as before, chap. 3.4. of this second Book.

§. 3.Pythagoras begins with the Mathema­ticks. Having given a general Demonstration touching the traducti­on of Pythagoras's Philosophie from the Jews; we now proceed to its Particulars, and shall begin according to Pythagoras's own method, with his Mathematicks: So Porphyrie in his Life, pag. 31. ‘The Mind (saies he) being purified by Disciplines, ought to be applied to the most useful: These Pythagoras procured by certain methods, and gradual mediums, bringing the mind by degrees to the contem­plation of Eternal, Incorporeal, Real Beings. To this end, he first used the Mathematicks, as degrees of preparation to the contempla­tion of things that are, &c.’ This Pythagorean method of beginning with the Mathematick Sciences has been greatly applauded by some of our New Philosophers (and that perhaps not without sufficient grounds) as a method most proper for the fixing the Volatile vagrant spirits of young Students, in their entrance on Philosophie. And this is much practised by the French Nobles, who studie little else of Philo­sophie besides the Mathematicks.

[Page 160] Pythagoras first entred his Scholars in Arithmetick.§. 4. Amongst the Mathematick Sciences, Pythagoras firstly en­tered his Scholars in Arithmetick, So Stobaeus in Ecl. Phys. lib. 1. c. 11. [...], Pythagoras seems of all Scien­ces to have esteemed mostly of Arithmetick, and to have brought it in use from Mercature; he compared all things to Numbers. That Pythagoras made great use of Numbers, is apparent, in that he does symbollically set forth, and describe his chiefest mysteries by numbers, as hereafter. This part of his Mathematicks Pythagoras learned from the Phenici­ans, who by reason of their merchandizing made much use of Arith­metick.

§. 5. Pythagoras having laid a foundation in Arithmetick, pro­ceeds to other parts of the Mathematicks, 2. His skill in Musick. especially to Musick, of which also he made a very great symbolick use in all other parts of his Philosophie:Pythagor [...]is certe moris f [...]it, & cum e­vigilassent a­nimos ad ly­ram excitare, quo essent ad agendum e­rectiores, & cum somnum peterent, ad eandem le­nire mentes, ut si quid fuis­set turbidiorū cogitationum, componerent. Quintil. l. 9. c. 4. So Iamblichus de vita Pythag. cap. 29. [...], &c. Of the Scien­ces, they say, the Pythagoreans did not a little esteem of Musick, &c. Thus Apuleitus Florid. 15. and Quint. l. 1. c. 16. tell us, that Py­thagoras was a great esteemer of, and very well skilled in Musick, which he commended to his Scholars daily. This they practised morning, and evening: in the morning after sleep to purge their minds from stupor, and impure imaginations; at evening to allay their more disturbed affections by this kind of Harmonie, as Plut. de Iside. and Horn. Hist. Phil. l. 7. Thence Pythagoras gives symbolical de­scriptions of the Heavens, of the Soul, and of other of the mysteries by Harmony, &c. This his Science of Musick, I suppose he might re­ceive from the Egyptians, who greatly affected Musick, or rather im­mediately from the Jews, who were the first, and most skilful musici­ans; receiving their Musick by Divine Institution, and Inspiration, it being prescribed them by God, as a medium, or Ceremonial Rite of his worship, and practised by them in Moses's time, long before Orpheus, who (next to their Idol god Apollo) was stiled [...].

3. His skill in Astronomie.§. 6. Pythagoras also was skilled in Astronomie, or the Science of the stars, which Porphyrie in his Life tels us, he received from the Chaldeans. That the Chaldeans at first received this Science of Astro­nomy from the Patriarchs, See Book 1. chap. 4. Paragr. 3. One great [Page 161] Astronominical Paradox, which the Phythagoreans maintained was,The Earths motion. That the Earth moved, and the Heavens stood still. This was also the opinion of Aristarchus the Samian, who whether he were more anci­ent or latter then Pythagoras, is not determined. This likewise was the opinion of Gleanthes the Samian, Leucippus, Heraclides, and Ec­phantus. That the Pythagoreans generally affirmed, That the Earth was not immovable, but moved in a circle about the fire: Plutarch in the life of Numa informes us. For they held, ‘that Fire being the most excellent of creatures, was placed in the midst of the world, which moved round about it.’ They asserted moreover, That the Sun was composed of Fire, &c. Which opinions, that they were from Jewish traditions, we shall hereafter prove: Laertius acquaints us, that Philolaus the Pythagorean was the first, who openly taught [...], The Earth moved in a circle. Cicero in his 4o Academ. Qu [...]stion, attributes the same opinion to Hicetas the Syracusian. Plu­tarch in Numa saies, that Plato in his old age asserted the same. The like is said of Seleucus. This Hypothesis of the Earths moving, has been since revived by Cardinal Cusanus, lib. 2. c. 12. Doct. ignorant: but more professedly defended by Nicol. Copernicus, who about the year 1540, writ a Book concerning it, which is Dedicated to Pope Paul 3d. who was followed herein by Joannes Keplerus, Mathematick Professor to Rudolphus, Matthias, and Ferdinand the Emperours. Also by Christo­pher Rothmannus, Michael Maest [...]inus, David Origanus, Mathematick Professors. Lately, Patricius Galilaeus, Hoscarius Italians, with, Willi­am Gilbert, our English Physician, famous for his Book de Magnete; wherein he asserts this Hypothesis, having all maintained the same o­pinion: which albeit it was condemned by the Cardinals at Rome, An­no 1616, yet is it still defended by many of the New Astronomers: Ticho Brahe, the famous Danish Astronomer went a middle way: affirm­ing, that both Earth, and Heavens moved, though in a differing man­ner: See Vossius sect. Phil. l. 2. c. 6. s. 41.

§. 7. Pythagoras was also skilled in Geometrie, Geometrie. which I suppose he learned from Thales, or immediately from the Aegyptians, His Weights, and Measures of Jewish ori­ginal. who were the first, amongst the Nations, that practised this Art. Dioge­nes Laertius also tels us, that Pythagoras was the first, that brought Measures, and Weights into Greece; which also belongs to the Ma­thematicks; and as we have good reason to judge, he received them from the Jewish Weights, and Measures. To conclude this, as we be­gan [Page 162] with Pythagoras's Mathematicks in the general: Iamblichus l. 1. c. 2. tels us, he was first initiated therein by Thales. And Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras (pag. 4.) saies, that the Mathematick Sciences he learned from the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Phenicians. Now that these Nations received their first Rudiments from the Patriarchs, and Jews, has been already proved.

Pythagoras's Physicks.§. 8. Another branch of that Natural Philosophie, which Pythagoras professed was that, which we properly call Physicks, or Natural Phi­losophie: Whereof there are two par [...]. 1. Contemplative. 2. Active. As for Pythagoras's skill in Contemplative Physicks, or Natural Sci­ence,1 Contempla­tive, which was the Histo­rie of the worlds origine it was indeed nothing else but the Historie of the Creation, with some Experimental Observations and Conclusions, which we need no way doubt was traduced to him from the Jewish Church, and Sacred Fountaines originally. For Diogenes tels us, ‘That Pythagoras whilest he was in Babylon, had familiar conversation with one Za­bratus, by whom he was cleansed from the Pollutions of his life past, and learned this Science concerning Nature, and what are the Prin­ciples of the Universe.’ That this Zabratus was a Jew, we have en­deavoured to prove afore, chap. 5. §. 8. And whether we affirm that Pythagoras received his History of Nature, and of the principles of the Ʋniverse, from his Masters, Thales, and Pherecydes, or from the Egyptians, or Phenicians, yet that it came originally from Moses's storie of the Creation, I think will be prettie evident from a consideration of Particulars.

1. The world made by God.§. 9. First Pythagoras held Positively that the World was made by God, and by Him adorned with an excellent Order, Harmonie and Beautie, as to all its parts, whence He was the first that called it [...] from [...], to Adorn, or Beautifie, answerable to Gen. 1.31. Very good. Gen. 1.31.2. The first Matter, Gen. 1.1, 2. &c. 2. Pythagoras's [...], or first matter, was the same with that of Plato; concerning which he treats so largely in his Tima [...]s, proving that it was [...], &c. without Forme &c. This Timaus the Locrian, whom Plato here brings in, thus discoursing of the Origine of the Ʋniverse, its first Matter, &c. was indeed a Pythagorean, from whom Plato borrowed much of his Natural Philosophie, as Hieronymus in his Apologie against Ruffinus assures us. And that Plato's Timaeus, or discourse of the Origine of the Universe was traduced from the first chap. of Genesis, and other parts of the Mosaick historie, I conceive will receive a strong probabilitie, from what shall be laid down in the [Page 163] original of Plato's Philosophie. At present let any but compare this [...] or first Matter, asserted by Pythagoras, and Plato, with Sanchoni­athons [...], or slime, and Thales's [...] water, they will find all to an­swer exactly to Moses's description of the first Matter, Gen. 1.1, 2. &c. 3. As for the Forme of the Universe, Pythagoras, Plato, and the foregoing Philosophers, dreamt not of any such Forme, as Aristotle invented to be educed out of the passive power of the Matter: no;3. The Forme of the World, its Order, &c. Gen. 1.13. all the Forme they asserted, was the Harmonie, Beautie Order, and Perfe­ [...]ion of the Universe, and all its parts, resulting from that Law of Na­ture, which Divine Wisdom stamped on the Beings of all Things, to­gether with that Divine [...], or Providence, which Inspired, and In­fluenced the whole Creation; Governing and Directing all things to their proper Offices, Functions, and Ends, which they stiled [...], the soul of the world. From this Order, Beautie, or Perfection of things, the word Forme had its original; for [...] comes from [...] Beauty, by an easie transposition of φ into the place of μ, on which account Pythagoras called the World [...], as before. Yea Pythagoras made Harmonie the Forme, and Soul of all things, as Gen. 1.3.

§. 10.The main Ac­tive principle Fire. But the main Active principle of all things in the Uni­verse, according to the Pythagorean Philosophie, was Fire. So Ari­stotle, lib. 2. de Coelo, cap. 13, tels us, ‘That the Pythagoreans placed Fire in the middle of the world, as that which was the most excel­lent Principle, and preservative of all things:’ he addes also that Fire was called [...] Jupiter's custodie. This also was the opinion of Numa Pompilius, as Plutarch in his Life affirms: whence it is ge­nerally thought, that Numa had conversation with Pythagoras; but this cannot be, because Numa was more ancient: only we may sup­pose they both had their perswasion from the same original, namely the Mosaick Institutes, by the hands of the Phenicians, or some other. The same Plutarch tels us, ‘That Numa caused the Temple of Vesta to be made round according to the Figure of the World, in the midst whereof was placed the eternal Fire (preserved by the Vestal Nuns) as a symbolick image of the Sun. That the main Ceremonies of this Temple were instituted by some Pythagorean Prescript, in imitation of the Jewish Temples, we shall endeavour hereafter to prove, both from the name Vesta, which comes from the [...]reek [...], and this from [...] Es Jah the Fire of Jehovah, according to Lev. 6.12, 13. where [Page 164] the Priests are commanded to preserve the Fire on the Altar, &c. as also from the Vestal Nuns, and Priests, &c. At present, it may suf­fice to shew, that the Pythagoreans had a great reverence of Fire, as that, which being the most active, and noble principle of all things, diffuseth it self thorough out the whole Universe; and therefore they placed its main seat in the midst of the World, whence it might, as the Heart in mans body, shed abroad its natural vivifick heat, and in­fluences into all sublunarie bodies, for their nourishment, and conservati­on. Plato speaks to the same purpose of a Fire that diffuseth it self through the Ʋniverse, for the production of diverse effects, which a­grees exactly with the words of Moses, Gen. 1.2. according to the interpretation of Beza, and Serranus out of him, on Plato's Timeus, fol. 10. ‘The element of Fire, saies Serranus, was nothing else, but that fiery spirit, or efficacy, which is variously diffused, in the Sym­metrie of the Universe, for the nourishing and somenting all things according to their respective natures. Which vivifick natural heat Moses, Gen. 1.2.Gen. 1.2. calls the Spirit of God: and Plato [...], ef­fective Fire. And whereas it is said, this sacred Fire, which the Py­thagoreans so much adored, was a Symbol of the Sun; I suppose, this sprang from that common opinion amongst the Ancients (especially the Chaldean Philosophers) that the Sun was a fierie bodie: which how far it is consonant to truth, and Mosaick Tradition, we intend here­after to examine, when we come to the Philosophie of Plato; who also affirmed the same. To conclude; This Pythagorean principle, That Fire is the great Active principle of all things; was also held by Heraclitus the Founder of the Heraclitian Sect, which was but a branch of the Pythagorean: Also Xenophanes the Colophonian, the Founder of the Eleatick Sect (another branch of the Pythagorean Sect) held the Sun consists of a collection of little Fires; &c. Plato also held the Hea­vens to be Fire, as August. lib. 8. c. 11. which seemes most conso­nant to Scripture story; for [...] comes from [...], which signifies both Light, and Fire: as also the Greek [...] signifies Fire, as well as Light; so Mark. 14.54. of which more in Plato's Philosophie where [...] is defined [...]: The Stoicks also made Fire the chief Principle of all things.

Pythagoras's Medicine.§. 11. Pythagoras and his followers were much versed in Medi­cine, or active Physick. So Iamblichus (de vita Pythagorae cap. 20.) saies, ‘That amongst the Sciences, which the Pythagoreans were versed in [Page 165] Medicine was one of the chief: then he addes [...].’ The chiefest part of their Medicine consisted in an exact Regiment, or right order of Diet. Where Iambli­chus subjoynes many other particulars of the Pythagorean Medicine. So Cornelius Celsus in Praefat. amongst the famous Professors of Medi­cine reckons up Pythagoras for one, who flourished under Cyrus, Cambyses, and Darius: as Laertius, Solinus, Eusebius, and Vossiu [...]. That Pythagoras was very severe in his Prescripts, or Rules of Dyet, both to himself and his Followers, we have already shewn: how that he Prescribed to himself, and his Followers, Abstinence from all Meats, that might too much heate the bloud; as from Flesh, and Wine: also from such meats as did load the stomack, and were not easily digested; likewise from such as were obstructive, and bred ill humours; as Beanes, &c. Lastly from all such meats as might bring a [...], an ill habitude of bodie, or mind. For the great end, and scope of all the Pythagorean Prescripts, and Abstinencies, was to preserve an [...], a good Healthfull Complexion of Bodie, and cleannes of Mind. As for the original of Pythagoras's Medicinal skill, Apuleius tels us, That he received it from the Chaldeans; i. e. as I concieve the Jews; who in Pythagoras's time lived amongst, and were subject to the Chalde­ans; and therefore might well passe under their name; as before: Neither do we find any considerable mention of the Chaldeans, their skill in Medicine; but that the Jews were excellently versed therein, we have sufficient proof, both from what is mentioned of Solomon, 1. Kings 4.3, 4. touching his skill in Plants, and Animals, &c. Also by Eusebius, who saies he was excellently skilled in Medicine, and curing of Diseases, &c. (as book 1. cap. 1. par. 11.) Likewise from what Cu­naeus (de repub. Jud.) relates of the Jewish Physicians, that belonged to the Temple for curing the sick Priests, and Levites. But amongst the Jews none more famous for skill in Medicine than the Essenes, who had a particular inclination, and devotion to this Studie, whom the Pythagoreans affected an imitation of, in this, as in other parts of their Discipline, as before.

§. 12. As Pythagoras was well skilled in Physicks,Pythagoras's Moral Philo­sophie. or Natural Sci­ences, both Contemplative, and Active; so was he likewise no lesse versed in Moral Philosophie; which according to the Third [...], or Relation of men· 1. To Themselves, or, 2. To their Families, or, 3. To the Cities, or Common-wealths they live in, admits of a Three-fold [Page 166] Distribution. 1. Into Ethicks, 2. Into Oeconomicks, 3. Into Politicks. The Pythagoreans were skill'd in all these. 1. As for that part of Moral Philosophie, the Greeks call [...], Ethicks, 1. Ethicks. which con­cerns the right government of man's self, Pythagoras, and his Adhe­rents were much in the Studie, and Practice thereof. Yea indeed Py­thagoras esteemed all Philosophie but Vain, which did not some way conduce to the m [...]liorating, or bettering of a man's self. Thus Stobaeus Serm. 80. brings in Pythagoras thus Philosophizing: [...]. That discourse of a Philosopher is Vain, which cures not some passion of a man: For look as that Medicine is use­lesse, which frees not the bodie from diseases, so likewise Philosophie, which drives not away evil from the soul. The Learned divide Ethicks into 3 parts [...] 1.1. Pythagorean Dogmes rela­ting to Mo­ral Philoso­phie. 1. [...], Dogmatick. 2. [...], Exhortative, or Preceptive. 3. [...], Characteristical. Pythagoras, and his Disciples were versed in each of these. Concerning the Dogmatick part of Ethicks, the Pythagoreans laid down many wholesome Princi­ples relating to the Object, Subject, and End, &c. of Moral Philoso­phie, viz· That the Souls happines lay only in God its chiefest Good: That the proper Subject of Ethicks was the Humane Soul, as capable of the chiefest Good: That its chief End was to cure the Soul of its [...] its sick diseased passions, and to bring it to an [...], or good healthie complexion, which consisted in vittuous Dispositions, and Acts. These Dogmes, albeit they were not Formally, and Me­thodically treated of, according to that accurate Method of Definition, Division, &c. to which Aristotle reduced them, yet were they all se­minally, and virtually comprised in the Pythagorean Philosophie. And particularly Pythagoras expresly asserted [...] &c. That virtue consisted in Harmonie; yea that all health of bodie, and minde, yea all good, yea God himself, and so all things else consisted in Harmonie, as Diogenes Laertius informs us. Pythagoras farther taught his Scholars 3 Mediums, by which they might become Ma­sters of Philosophie, and better themselves: 1. By conversation with the Gods. 2. By Well doing, for that is proper to God, and therein they were imitators of God. 3. By Death, whence he affirmed, that the most considerable of all things, is to instruct the Soul aright, touching Good and Evil: and that men have perfect felicitie in [Page 167] having a good Soul, as Iamblichus, and Stanly out of him of Pythago­ras's Philosophie, part. 3. chap. 1. fol. 83.2 Their pathe­tick precepts, and exhortati­ons to virtue. And as the Pythagoreans held many useful Dogmes of Moralitie; so were they not lesse versed in the Hortative, and Preceptive part of Ethicks; as it appears by the model of their Discipline before mentioned; as also from that great Apothegme of Pythagoras, which he frequently inculcated on his Disci­ples, as the summe of his Philosophie, viz. That in all things they should endeavour to avoid excesse, &c. of which hereafter.

§. 13. But the chief part of the Pythagorean Ethicks was Characte­ristical: for Pythagoras taught moralitie mostly,Characteristi­cal Ethicks. A wicked state represen­ted by a Cof­fin, and Death. Virtutis studi­um litera Y. significabat Lactant. [...] by Ethick Characters; i. e. Lively descriptions of Virtues, and Vices, by Symbols, Fables, Emblems, Images, or Signes, and Effects, answera­ble to Aesops-Fables, Philostratus's-Fables, and also the Scriptural Types, and Parables. Pythagoras also exhorted his Scholars to Virtue under that Symbolick letter Y, as Lactant. l. 6. c. 3. which was thence called Pythagoras's Letter; not that he was the first Inventor of it, as some conceive (for it was found out 600 years before his time, by Pa­lamedes) but because he was the first, that applied it to this Mystical. sense, as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. Thus Pythagoras expressed to the Life, the condition of a Debauched Profligate Wretch, by his Symbol of a Coffin, which signified his being dead in sin, exactly an­swerable to the Jewish, and Scriptural Phrasiologie; whence we need no way doubt, but that Pythagoras borrowed this Symbolick Image. Thus the Father of the Prodigal speaks, Luk. 15.24.Luk. 15.24. [This my Son was dead.] where Hammond (out of Grotius) observes, ‘That this is ac­cording to the ordinarie Notion of Pythagoras, who for any, that had forsaken his Schole, i. e. refused to live according to his Rules of Philosophie, had a [...], an emptie Coffin set in his place, to signi­fie him to be morally dead. This was a common Symbolick manner of speech amongst the Jews, to expresse a wicked state of Spiritual, or moral death. So Philo defines this Moral death, [...], when the soul is dead as to the life of Vir­tue, and lives only the life of sin, as elsewhere, [...], wicked men are dead in their souls. And that this Symbol was by Tradition from the Jews universally received amongst the Oriental Barbarick Philosophers, and thence traduced into Greece, appears by what follows, [...]. ‘For [Page 168] in the Barbarick Philosophie (which takes in also the Jewish) they call men fallen from their Principles dead; as such also, who subju­gate their Minds to their Sensual passions.’ But more of this, when we come to discourse of Pythagoras's Symbols.2. Salt a Sym­bol of holie Communion. 2. Another Ethick Character, or Symbol, which Pythagoras used to express his Moral Pre­cepts by, was that [...], to set down Salt: by which he sig­nified, that Holy, and Intimate Communion, and Friendship, which ought to be amongst all those of his Society. For Salt was used first in the Jewish Church, and thence in the Pythagorean College, as a Symbol, 1. Of Confederation, or Covenant, 2. Of Communion, and Friendship, 3. Of Sanctitie, as we have proved already, and shall give farther proof thereof. 3. Another Characteristical Symbol, under which Py­thagoras couched a reproof against Sloathful, or Pratling Scholars was this.3. The Swal­low a Symbol of a s [...]loathful Student. [Receive not a Swallow into your house] i. e. saith Iamblichus, ‘Ad­mit not a sloathful person unto your Philosophie, which requireth great industrie, and unwearied patience. The Swallow comes but in one season, and staies not long; but sleeps a good part of the year.’ Others by Pythagoras's Swallow intend a great pratler, or babler. This Ethick Character against sloath, and vain discourse, doth Symbolize with many of Solomons Proverbs, against sloathful persons. 4. Under this Symbolick Character, 4. Against Passion. 5. [...]. [Turn away from thy self every edge.] Pytha­goras exhorted men to the use of prudence, rather then passion, as Iam­blichus. 5. By this Symbol [Stir not the Fire with a sword] Pythago­ras advised his Disciples not to provoke the passions of Potent men; as Diogenes understands it; or not to provoke a man full of Fire, and Anger,Diogen. is for Patience. 6. Against Co­vetuousnes. 7. Fortitude. 8. Against di­stracting Cares 9. Justice. 10. Virtue ex­pressed by Harmonie, Health, &c. as Iamblichus. 6. Pythagoras's Ethick Character, or Symbol, by which he dehorted men from Covetousnes, was this, [Breed no­thing that has crooked Talons,] i. e. saith Iamblichus, be not tenacious. 7. Pythagoras taught his Disciples Patience, and Fortitude, &c. by this Symbol, [Help to lay on a burden, but not to take it off.] This saith Iamblichus, teacheth Fortitude, &c. 8. Pythagoras taught his Scholars to avoid anxious heart-distracting cares by this Symbolick Character, [Eat not the heart.] i. e. Consume not thy heart by cares, &c. answerable to that of Chirst, Mat. 6.27.31, 32.27. [...]. 9. Pythago­ras exhorted men to Justice under that lively Symbol [Passe not over the ballance] ‘This, saith Iamblichus, commands to do justice, to ob­serve equalitie, &c. which agrees exactly to that Ethick Character, or Proverb, used frequently by Solomon, as Prov. 11.1. A false ballance [Page 169] is an abomination to the Lord; but a just weight, &c. The like Prov. 16.11 Prov. 20.23.10. And lastly Pythagoras to draw his Scholars to a chear­ful embracing of Virtue, was wont to give it many amiable, and lively characters under the Symbolick Images of Bodilie Health, Sanitie, and Beautie; but principally under the Symbol of Musical Harmonie; for what ever was excellent he compared to Harmonie; which suites very much with the Characters of Grace in Scripture, which stiles it the Beautie, Health, and Harmonie of the Soul. But more of these Symbols hereafter.

§. 14. We have now dispatched Pythagoras's Ethicks, The summe of Pythag.'s Ethicks. [...]. which may be summed up in these two words, [...], i. e. forbear moral evils, or the evils of action; and bear physical natural evils, or the evils of passion: for all Ethicks, or morals are comprehended un­der active, and passive moralitie, or under Abstinence, and Tollerance. i. e. forbearing what is evil in manners, and bearing (which implies do­ing also, as well as suffering) what is evil to nature.Pythagoras's Politicks.

§. 15. Pythagoras taught not only Ethicks, but also the two other parts of Moral Philosophie; viz. Oeconomicks, which regard the Go­vernment of Families; and Politicks, which respect the Government of Cities, and Nations. This latter Pythagoras, and his Followers, were greatly versed in: for 'tis said that Pythagoras had his [...], book of Politicks, which he composed, and gave to his Scholars, as Laerti­us relates. Iamblichus saies, ‘That Pythagoras used to say, that a­mongst Being's, nothing was pure, but every thing partaked of some other, as Earth of Fire, &c. farther, That there was a friendship of all to [...]ards all, answerable to that saying, man is [...] on which he grounded his Politicks. Iamblicus saies also ‘That men hold Pythagoras was the first Inventor of all Politick Science.’ 'Tis true there were Lawgivers more ancient, as Minos of Crete, and Lycurgus of Sparta, whose laws Pythagoras consulted (as Iamblichus cap. 5, (but yet we read not (as I conceive) of any publick Professor of the Sci­ence of Politicks more ancient than Pythagoras, The original of Pythag.'s Politicks from the Jewish & Mosaick Laws. who made it a main design of his Travels, & Studies to informe himself, touching the ancient Laws, and the best Maximes of Politie; this put him upon a journie to Crete, to consult Minos's Laws; and upon another to Spar­ta to informe himself in the Constitutions of Lycurgus. But amongst all the Constitutions, Laws, and Maximes of Politie, he met with none afforded him greater light, and assistance, for the framing his Bodie [Page 170] of Politicks, than the Mosaick Laws, and Politick Constitutions. And that Pythagoras did in truth traduce the best of his Laws, and Prin­ciples of Politie from Moses's Laws, and Politie, will be more evi­dent hereafter, when we come to treat of the traduction of all Hu­mane Laws from the Divine Mosaical Law. At present take only this proof hereof: It is well known, that Zaleucus, the great Founder of the Locrian Laws, was Disciple to Pythagoras, from whom we may presume he received the Bodie of his Politie, now that the Locrian Laws were many of them of Jewish extract, and original, is evi­dent. I shall only mention one, which Aristotle in his Politicks takes notice of, telling us, that the Locrenses were forbid to sell their Ance­stors possessions: which was plainly a Mosaick institute. I might instance in the Roman 12 Tables, the Agrarian Laws, and others, which, were traduced originally from the Mosaick Laws, by the hands of Pytha­goras, or some other.

The Pythago­reans greatly verst in Poli­ticks.§. 16. Pythagoras, as he had an high esteem of this Science of Politicks, so it was the last piece of Philosophie he acquainted his Disciples with; as Varro, and out of him Augustin in his last Book de ordine. Iamblichus (cap. 20.) tels, ‘That the Pythagoreans im­ployed their time after Dinner in Political affaires.’ And that the chief Politicians of Italie proceeded from Pythagoras his Schole we are assured by Iamblichus, (l. 1. c. 29.) and by Vossius, de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 27. ‘This, saies he, was the great glorie of Pythagoras, that in Italie so many excellent Rectors of Common-wealths proceeded out of his Schole.’ Amongst these the most famous were 1, Zalencus, who gave Laws to the Locrenses, and is supposed to have been the first, who committed his Laws to writing. For Strabo saies of the Lo­crenses, That they are beleived to be the first that enjoyed written Laws. As for the Laws of Lycurgus, he forbad the writing of them. 2. Also Charondas the Catanean another of Pythagoras's Disciples, who gave Laws to the Thurii, &c.

The two main Pythagorean principles of Politie, were 1. For Liber­tie, 2. against Faction.§. 17. The great Maximes of Politie, or Reasons of State, which Pythagoras instilled into his Disciples, as the main Foundations of Hu­man Politie, and Government, were these Two: 1. The extirpation of Tyrannie, and Preservation of Libertie. 2. The Prevention, and removing of Dissentions: These Principles he endeavoured to put in Practice, where ever he came. So Porphyrie pag. 14, and Iamblichus cap. [...]. informe us. ‘That whatsoever Cities Pythagoras in his [Page 171] travels through Italie, and Sicilie found subjected one to the other, he instilled into them Principles of Libertie by his Scholars, of whom he had some in every Citie. Thus he freed Croto, Sybaris, Catana, Rhegium, Himera, Agrigentum, &c. To whom he sent Laws by Charondas the Catanean, and Zaleucus the Locrian; by means whereof they lasted a long time well governed. He wholly took away dissention: for he did frequently utter his great Apothegme, Pythagoras's great Apo­thegm. (which was a kind of abstract of his Philosophie) That we ought to avoid with our utmost endeavour, and to cut off even with Fire, and Sword, from the Bodie Sicknes; from the Soul Ignorance; from the Bellie Luxurie; from a Citie Sedition; from a Familie Discord; from all things Ex­cess. Which Apothegme comprehends the summe of all his Morals, both Ethicks, Oeconomicks, and Politicks: of which see Stanly of Pythag. cap. 17.

CHAP. VIII. Pythagoras's Theologie traduced from the Jewish Church.

Pythagoras's Theologie the center of his Philosophie: his Tetractie from the Hebrew [...]. His [...] from Exod. 3.14. His Scrip­tural notions of Gods Unitie, Simplicitie, &c. His Divine Ideas the same with the Scripture descriptions of Gods Decrees; and founded on that Oriental Maxime, All things are one, and many. Parmenides's opinion of Ideas. Timaeus [...]oc [...]us of Ideas. His primarie Idea the same with Gods Idea of things possible. His exemplar answers to God's Decree of things future. Gen. 1.31. With Timaeus's Tradition thence. Of Gods Creation, and Providence. Of Divine Worship against images, Exod. 20.4. That God is to be worshipped according to his own Will. Their exactnes in Divine Worship, Eccles. 5.1. Pythagoras's Damons, their Nature, and Office according to Plato's description. Pythagoras's Aeones. His traditions of the Soul, its Immortalitie, &c. His Metemp­sychosis. The Pythagorean Theologie mystical, &c.

§. 1. HAving finished Pythagoras's Philosophie, both Natural, and Moral; we now proceed to his Supernatural, or Metaphy­sicks, [Page 172] which is either Theologick, and Divine; or Magick, and Diobo­lick: We shall begin with Pythagoras's Theologie, which indeed comprehended the best part of his Philosophie, and gave foundation to Plato's [...] Natural Theologie, Platoni disci­plinam Pytha­goricam dili­genti et ma­gnifica opera instructam vi­sam fuisse: e­umque ab ipsis intellectualem Philosophiae partem acce­pisse. Apuleius de Philos. as also to Aristotle's [...] Metaphysicks. That Plato received much of his Natural Theologie from this of Pythagoras is generally granted, and shall be hereafter proved: our present work is to shew, what Pythagoras's Theologie was, and how he traduced it from the Jews, and Scrip­tures. That Pythagoras received the choicest of his Theologick con­templations immediately from the Jews, while he was in Judea, E­gypt, and Babylon, I conceive may be groundedly conjectured by what has been before laid down, chap. 5. §. 2. & 6. But supposing this be denyed, yet I suppose no one can rationally denie, that he received his Theologie from the Phenicians, Egyptians, Chaldeans, Pherecydes, and Orpheus, who had theirs origionally from the Jews, as before. He is said to have a particular affection for, and inclination unto Orpheus's Theologie, whose Philosophie, if we may believe Iamblichus, he had continually before his eyes.

Pythagoras. made Theolo­gie the Center of his Philoso­phie.§. 2. Pythagoras according to Iamblichus's relation (chap. 29) made Theologie, or the Knowledge of God the first, most universal Being, to be the Center of all his Philosophie; for, saies he, Pythagoras, who first gave the name to Philosophie, defined it ( [...], Pla­to termes it [...]) a friendship, or love to Wisdom. Wisdom is the knowledge of the truth of things that are [...]. Things that are, he called immaterials, eternals, and Sole Agents. Other things are equivocally called such by participation with these; For Cor­poreals indeed are not further then they depend upon incorpo­reals,Philosophie properly only [...]. &c. Hence Pythagoras defined Philosophie, The knowledge of things that are, as things that are: again, the knowledge of things Di­vine, and Humane: also the meditation of Death, daily endeavou­ring to free the soul from the Prison of the bodie; Lastly he defined it the resemblance of God, &c. Which Definitions are properly applicable to no part of Philosophie but Metaphysicks, or Na­tural Theologie;August. Steuch. lib. 10. d [...] Per [...]n. Philos. cap. 10. whence Pythagoras judged the supreme end of all Philosophie to be the contemplation, and knowledge of Ʋnitie: which Architas interprets, of the Principles of all Principles; and Plutarch of the Intelligent, and Eternal Nature: and Simplicius, of the Divine Ma­jestie i. e. God. Hence we see the reason why Pythagoras was by way [Page 173] of Eminencie called [...], and his Philosophie [...] The­ologie, namely because he treated chiefly of God, his Nature, and Worship, and delivered [...], a Science of the worship of God; which is properly the office of a Divine. So greatly was the Idea and perswasion of Divinitie impressed on his minde, as that with­out it he judged there could be no true Philosophie. Yea Aristotle himself. 10 Metaph. cap. 6. and elsewhere stiles his Metaphysicks [...] a Theologick Science. The Rabbins call the same [...] the wisdom of the Deitie. The Author lib. de Mundo saith, [...]. which Cicero lib. 1. de Leg. ex­presseth thus: A man by Philosophie, undertakes the worship of the Gods, and pure Religion. By which it appears, the Ancients, especially Py­thagoras, made Knowledge, and Worship of God the chief part of their Philosophie. Plato in his Definitions of Philosophie follows Pythagoras [...], making its Object to be [...], that which truely is; also [...] Being it self, or the most independent Being, &c. Yea Aristotle himself comes not much behind in making the object of his Metaphysicks to be [...], Ens or Being in its universal latitude; & its Affections [...], Ʋnitie, [...] Truth, [...] Bonitie, which Notions, I presume, he had from Plato, as he received the same from Pythagoras, or from the Jews.

§. 3. Pythagoras's Natural Theologie, as to its Object or Matter, com­prehended, 1. the Knowledge of God, his Names, Nature, Decrees, Pro­vidence, and Worship, &c. 2. The knowledge of the Aeones, or An­gels. 3. The knowledge of the Daemons. 4. The knowledge of Human Soul, &c. Concerning the knowledge of God, his Names, Attributes, Acts, and Worship; we find manifest footsteps of scriptural, and Jew­ish Traditions in Pythagoras's Theologie. For First, as to the Names of God; that Pythagoras received some broken tradition, touch­ing that Essentials Name, of God Jehovah, seemes manifest. For this Name [...] being sacred amongst the Jews, they endeavour­ed, what they could, to concele it from the Gentiles: whence in­stead of pronouncing of it, they called it [...],Pythagoras's Tetractie from the Jewish [...]. the Four Lettered Name of God, and in imitation of the Jews, Pythagoras called it [...] Tetractie. This Godefrid Wendelin in his Epistle to Erycius Puteanus Dissertations of Pythagoras's Tetractie: where he shews, ‘That the [...], or Four Lettered Name of God, [...] was signified: Moreover, that Pythagoras traduced this Tetra­ctie from the Jews and particularly from the Prophet Daniel, the [Page 174] Prince of the Magi, who was then, when Pythagoras visited Baby­lon, Haec omnia funt nomin [...] Naturae Divi­nae, [...], Vnitas, ipsum esse, ipsa Immobilitas Steuch. E [...]g. Peren. Philos. l. 3. c. 7. Pythagoras's Metaphysick contemplations about Gods Essence from Mosaick De­scriptions of God. Exod. 3.14. [...] genere tantum d [...]fferunt. Steuch. Eugub. Paren. Philos. Dico [...]andem rem ab cis (scil. Philos.) nuncupatam [...] ipsum Ens, ipsam Infinitatem Steuch. Eugub. Peren. Philos. lib. 3. c. 7. Jambl. c. 29. about 70 years aged, as Vossius Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 5.’ That Pythagoras had clear notices of the Name [...] Jah, which is but the contract of [...] Jehovah, is evident from all his Metaphysick Con­templations about [...], Being, truely Being, Self-Be­ing, &c. as in wh [...]t follows.

§. 4. Neither could Pythagoras content his Curious Inquisitive Humor with some imperfect notices of Gods Name, but makes some farther Inquiries into his Essence, or Nature, concerning which he gained his best notices, and satisfaction from the Mosaick Descripti­ons of God. For the best discoverie, that ever was given of the Di­vine Essence, or Nature, is that, which God himself gives, Exod. 3.14. I am, that I am,— and I am hath sent me. Which the LXX renders [...].] As if he had said I am He that is. For the Greek [...] is a Participle, which the Latins knew not how to express in one word better than by calling it Ens, Being, which Caesar derived from Sum, I am, as potens from Possum. It here signifies, That God alone is the First, Eternal, Infinite, most Simple, most Necessarie, most Absolute, most Independent, yea only, truely, properly, and purely Being. For all Beings else have much of not-Being, or nothing; yea much more of Nothing than of Something mixed with them: yea all things else, if compared with God, they are but meer Metaphors, or Shadows of his Being, or rather pure Nothings, or lesse than Nothings, as Esa. phraseth it, Esa. 40.17. And Job speaketh in the same Dialect frequently. Now that Pythagoras traduced his Contemplations of God hence, is to me, and I think, to any other that shall duely consider it, most apparent. For whence could Pythagoras, and his followers Timaeus, Parmenides, and Plato out of them, traduce their Metaphysick Con­templations of [...], Being, Self-Being, Very-Being, &c. but from this Scriptural Definition of God. For we must remember, that the Pythagoreans, and Platonicks from them, when they discourse [...], &c. of Being, or that which is truely Being, t