THE COURT OF THE GENTILES: OR, A Discourse touching the Original of HUMAN LITERATURE, both Philologie, and Philosophie, from the SCRIPTURES, and JEWISH CHURCH: In order to a Demonstration, OF

  • 1. The Perfection of Gods Word, and Church Light.
  • 2. The Imperfection of Natures Light, and mischief of Vain Philosophie.
  • 3. The right Use of Human Learning, and especially sound Philosophie.

PART II. Of Philosophie.

By THEOPH. GALE, M. A. late Fellow of Magd. Coll. Oxon.

[...] (Philosophis Ethnicis) [...].

Orig. cont. Cels. lib. 6.

Philosophia Mosaica omni Sapientia Vetustior. Aug. Steuch. Eugub. de Peren. Phil. lib. 7. cap. 11. Eam (Christianam intelligit) veram, perfectamque pro­bari Philosophiam, quae supra caeteras omnes ostendit Deum; clariusque Principia, Causasque omnes ad hunc suum revocat Fontem.

Idem l. 10. c. 9.

OXFORD: Printed by WILL: HALL, for THO: GILBERT. 1670

THE PREFACE.

PHilosophie was in its first descent, a generous, Noble thing, a Virgin-beautie, a pure Light, born of the Father of Lights, in whose Light alone we can see light. But, alas! how soon did she lose her original Virginitie, and pri­mitive puritie? how soon was she, of an Angel of Light, transformed into a child of darknesse? Adam no sooner fell, but Philosophie fell with him, and became a common Strumpet, for carnal Reason to commit follie with. And oh! how have the lascivious Wits, of lapsed humane nature, ever since gone a Whoring after vain Philosophie? But such was the infinite Benignitie, and Condescension of Soveraigne Light, and Love, as that he vouchsafed to Irradiate a spot of the lapsed world, even his Holy Land, and Elect Seed, with fresh, and glorious rayes of the Light of Life, conveighed in, and by Sacred Revelations. And oh! how beautiful, how ravishing were those bright beams of Divine Light, which shone on Judea? Were not all the adjacent parts illuminated hereby? Yea, did not Greece it self (esteemed the eye of the World) light her Candle at this Sacred Fire? Were not all the Grecian [Page] Scholes hung with Philosophick Ornaments, or Contemplati­ons, stollen out of the Judaick Ward-robe? Were not Py­thagoras's College, Plato's Academie; Aristotle's Peripatum, Zeno's Stoa, and Epicurus's Gardens, all watered with rivulets, though in themselves corrupt, originally derived from the sa­cred Fountain of Siloam? Whence had Phaenicia, Egypt, Chaldea, Persia, with our Occidental Parts, their Barbarick Philosophie, but from the sacred Emanations of Sion? The Demonstration of this is, [...], the original Idea of this Discourse.

But yet, notwithstanding those rich, and resplendent Deri­vations of Divine Revelation, how much did the Gentile world solace it self in its own native darknesse? what mixtures of vain Imaginations with Judaick Traditions? what muddie, dirtie phantasmes did they mingle with those broken Traditions, they received from the waters of the Sanctuarie? Neither was this the crime of the Pagan world only, but also of the Church of God; which has in all Ages, so far as the spirit of Apostasie prevailod, been greatly fond of vain Philosophie: And (which is a prodigious matter of astonishment) those very Philosophick Traditions, which the thirstie greedie Grecians imbibed, origi­nally from the sacred Fountain in Judea, and afterwards, by many successive Metamorphoses, adulterated with their own fabulous, and ridiculous infusions, I say, these very Philosophick Traditions, thus Sophisticated, both Jews, and Christians, have in their declined state, drank in, with as much greedinesse, as the Minor Poets did Homer's Vomit. And hence indeed, even from this bitter Root of Vain Philosophie, have sprung all pesti­ferous, and noxious Heresies, and Idolatries, which have caused such miserable Declensions, both in the Judaick, and Christian Churches. The Demonstration hereof is the ultimate, and su­preme end (next to the Glorie of God) I have had under In­tention, [Page] in the composure of these Philologick, and Philosophick discourses. And albeit I can promise nothing, whether ever, or when such an undertakement may see light, yet take this ensuing Specimen, or Abstract Idea of what is designed herein.

1. The Vanitie, and manifold defects of Pagan Philosophie may be demonstrated from its Causes: For the Effect cannot be more perfect, or noble than it's Cause: If the Spring­head be poisoned, the Streams must needs have the same tin­cture and taint. What were the main springs of Pagan Phi­losophie, but some broken Judaick Traditions adulterated, and poisoned with their own ignorant Inventions, Curiositie, Pride, Presumption, Confidence, Contentious Disputes, Opinionative­nesse, Dogmatisings, Carnal Policie, Idololatrick Inclinations, and fabulous Imitations? were not these the great Prolisick principles of all Pagan Philosophie? And may we expect a wholesome Issue, or Progenie, from such envenomed Parents?

2. The various defects of Pagan Philosophie, may be measu­red by its Matter, and Parts. How full of contentions is Logick;The Vanitie of Pagan Philosophie, from it's Parts. especially as delivered by Zeno, and Aristotle's Commentators the Arabians? what grosse mistakes are there in (the greatest among Pagan Philosophers) Aristotle in his Physicks? Not to mention any lower, and lesser ones against Reason only, which some quarrel him for; as namely, touching the first Princi­ples of Bodies; his making I know not what Chimerical first Matter a Principle of real, and even Privation it self of positive Bodilie Beings, and the like: I shall instance only in that his great Signal Contradiction to Faith, and Reason together, the Eternitie of the World; to Faith, Heb. 11.3. and very many other Scriptures: and to Reason; since that very same Argument of his (drawn from that grand absurditie of the Part being equal to the Whole) whereby he disproves the pos­sibilitie of its Infinitie in Extension, would give as clear baffle [Page] to the possibilitie of it's Infinitie in Duration also. Besides, how extreamly defectuous are the Pagan Ethicks, both as to Matter, End, Rule, and Principles? Are not also their Oeco­nomicks, Politicks, and Mathematicks, greatly defective, and vain? But that, which gives us a more black Idea of the Va­nitie of the Grecians Philosophie, is their Metaphysicks, or Natural Theologie. It's true, Pythagoras, and Plato, had clear Traditions of the Deitie, and Divine Perfections; but yet what a masse of fabulous narrations, and phantasmes of their own do they contemper therewith? How superstitious, yea ridiculous, are their Daemon-gods, and Worship? Yea, what a Monstrous Satanick spirit of Hell inspired their whole Systeme of Divination, by Dreams, Maladies, Animals, Plants, Men, Elements, Stars, and things Artificial, as Glosses, &c.

The sad effects of Pagan Phi­losophie.3. But nothing affords us a more evident Demonstration, of the defects, and vanitie of Pagan Philosophie, than the monstrous, mischievous effects it has produced among men. Not to mention the pestiferous Influence it had on the Pagan world,1. In the Ju­daick Church. for the Improvement, and propagation of Atheisme, Po­lutheisme, Superstition, and Idolatrie: We shall begin with the malignant Contagion, which the Judaick Church received from vain Philosophie. So long as the Judaick Theologie continued under it's own native, simple habit of Divine Revelation, without commixtures of vain Philosophie, it retained its pri­mitive Puritie, Beautie, and Glorie. It's true, there was a great Declension, and Apostasie, as to Worship, even shortly after their establishment in Canaan: But whence sprang this, but from the Phenician, and Chaldaick Philosophie, touching Planetarie Deities, and Daemons, called by the Phenicians Baalim? Yet still the Judaick Doctrine continued entire, and pure; till some time after the Babylonish Captivitie, the Gre­canick Philosophie began to incorporate therewith. And the [Page] Rise hereof was this; when the sacred Garden of Judea was laid waste, and the Grecians became Lords of the Oriental parts, the carnal Jews, out of a fond compleasance, began to plant this Garden of the Lord, their Scholes, and Church, with Grecian Sciences; which proved the fatal subversion of their Sacred Theologie. Neither were the Godly Reforming Jews, without a prevision of the cursed Effects, which would follow on this commixture of Pagan Philosophie with their sacred Oracles: and therefore in the time of the Hasmoneans, Grotius [...]u Colos. 2.8. or Mac­chabees, there was a constitution made, That whosoever taught his Son the Grecian Philosophie should be anathematized. But yet, as the Judaick Reformation begun by Ezra, and others, dege­nerated into Formalitie, and Superstition, the Jews more and more imbibed the Grecanick Philosophie, which proved the Foundation of their chiefest Heresies, and Superstitions. For we no way doubt, but (in it's time, and place) to demon­strate, that the main Errors of the Pharisees, Sadduces, and other Judaick Hereticks, received their first Formation, Linea­ments, and Improvement from Grecian Philosophie, especially the Pythagorean. Yea, we doubt not, but to [...]vince, that the chief of the Jewish Talmud, or Systeme of their Oral Tradi­tions, which the Pharisees call the Traditions of the El [...]ers, Mark. 7.3.5. were no other than Pythagorean Dogmes, and Institutes; and thence stiled by our blessed Lord, The Doctrines and Traditions of men, Mark 7.7, 8.

The first great Errors that infested the Christian Churches,2. In the pri­mitive Chri­stian Chur­ches. The Gnostick Errors. were those of the Gnosticks; who pretended unto a very sub­lime [...], or Mystick Theologie; which was no other than a corrupt complexum of Orphaick, Pythagorick, and Judaick Infusions. For whence borrowed they their [...], Conjunctions, and Genealogies, namely, touching the conjunction of one thing with another; and thence the generation of a [Page] third; as they say, [out of the conjunction of Night, and Silence, was generated the Chaos] but from the Mythologick, and Symbolick Philosophie of the Pythagoreans, &c. Again, it seems very probable, that all their Will-worship, and voluntarie humilitie, mentioned Col. 2.18. were but corrupt Imitations of Pytha­gorean Dogmes, and Institutes, as Col. 2.8.

Neither want we sufficient evidence to evince, that vain Philosophie was the chief Seminarie, and Nurse of the main Errors broached in the four first Centuries after Christ. This Tertullian was greatly sensible of; and therefore he stiles the Philosophers, A Giry, Apo­logetick. Tertul. Pre­face. the Patriarchs of Hereticks. Yea, a French Au­thor informs us, ‘That Tertullian did puissantly Combat the Vanitie of Philosophie, which he had formerly so much affe­cted; because he knew full well, that it was the principal foundation of Superstition, &c. Ir is not difficult, from an enumeration of particulars, to demonstrate, that the most ma­lignant Heresies, which so greatly infected the primitive Chur­ches were fermented in, and breathed from the Schole of Alex­andria, which was then the Source, and Fountain of Gentile Philosophie. Whence had Paulus Samosatenus his Blasphemous Infusions,Samosatenus his Errors. but from Plotinus (successor to Ammonius in his Schole of Alexandria) who Philosophizing here, of the Eternal [...], Word, (and that according to the Platonick Mode) Samosatenu [...], his Auditor, drew hence his Grand Impostures, that our blessed Saviour was only Man; and that by [...], John 1.1. We may not understand any subsistent person, but only the manifestative word of promise. Arrianisme. And did not Arrius in like manner derive his blas­phemous Persuasions touching Christ, from the very same poisoned Fountain? For he being a Presbyter in the Church of Alexandria, and too much drenched in those Platonick specu­lations, touching the Divine [...], made it his [...] (as Samosatenus before him) to reconcile John's explication of [Page] [...], The Word, with that of Plato. So a great French Di­vine informes us,Morel. Discipl. Libr. 2. cap. 4. fol. 87. Pelagianisme. That the Arrian Heresie had it's rise from the particular Conferences of learned Men in the Citie of Alexandria. And had not the Pelagian Heresie the same pestiferous root? This is incomparably well demonstrated by Janseniu [...], in his Augustinus, Tom. 1. lib. 6. cap. 13. where he shews, how Origen (Scholar to Ammoniu [...], in his schole of Alexandria) by mingling Platonick Contemplations with Scripture-Revelati­ons, gave Matter, and Forme to the chief Pelagian Dogmes. Yea, it is generally confessed, that Pelagius himself visited this schole of Alexandria, and other parts of Egypt, where gaining inti­mate familiaritie, & conversation with the Origenistick Monks, successors of Origen, he had thence huge assistance for the formation of Pelagianisme: Not to mention what advantages, and aides he received from other of the Greek-Fathers, who followed Origen, as the Latin Fathers Augustine.

Having explicated the black Character, or heretical Impresses, Antichristia­nisme from Pagan Philo­sophie. 1. Mystick Theologie. which the Gentile Philosophie left on the primitive Churches, we now proceed to the bodie of Antichristianisme, (which is a Complexum of Heresies, and Apostasies) to discover what pro­digious, and venemous Influences it received from Pagan Phi­losophie. The first Lineaments of this Mysterie of Iniquitie, were formed out of a Mystick Theologie, composed by the Alexandrine, and other Egyptian Monks, successors of Origen, out of that Pythagorean, and Platonick Philosophie, which flouri­shed in this Schole of Alexandria. For that the chiefest parts of that Mystick Theologie, which gave the first lines to the bodie of Antichristianisme, were formed out of Pythagorean, and Pla­tonick Philosophie, seems most evident, both from the Matter, Forme, and first Formers thereof. What are the chief materials of this Mystick Theologie, but Pythagorean, and Platonick specu­lations? An Egge is scarcely more like an Egge, than those [Page] Mystick contemplations coined by Origen, and his successors, are like Pythagorean, and Platonick Infusions. Neither do they agree only in Matter, but in Forme also. For as the Pythagoreans, and Platonists delighted much to wrap up their philosophizings in Symbolick, Parabolick, Aenigmatick, and Allegorick Modes: just so those Monkish Divines their Mystick Theologie. Lastly, that this Mystick Theologie, which gave the first formation to Antichristianisme, was but an Ape of Pythagorean, and Platonick Philosophie, is very evident from the first formers thereof, who were the Origenistick Monks, successors of Origen; not only as to their manner of Life, but mode of Theologie also; which they endeavoured to render Conformable to the Pytha­gorean, and Platonick Philosophie. Yea, not only their Theologie, but also their monastick Life, and Discipline, seems to be no other than a corrupt Idea borrowed from the Pythagorean College, which will appear to any, that shall compare them together, according to the account we have given of the Pythagorean Col­lege, Book 2. Chap. 6. Thus learned Bochart, in his Treatise against Veron (Part. 3. Chap. 25. §. 4. Art. 1.) proves at large, ‘That the Injunction of Celibate, and Monastick Life, was one of the Superstitions brought out of Egypt by Pythagoras; who forbad Marriage to those of his Sect, and erected a Cloistre, &c.

[...]Another vital part of Antichristianisme consists in Scholastick Theologie, as it hath long flourisht in the Papacie, and been for many Ages the Main of their Divinitie; so formed, and cal­culated, as might be most advantageous for the confirmation of the Doctrine of Antichrist, and that in Imitation of, and Derivation from Aristotle's Philosophie, though not simply, and as delivered by him, yet as explicated, and taught by the Arabians, Averroes, and Avicenna his Commentators; who as much corrupted his Sense, as they little understood his Lan­guage. [Page] For look as the first Monks were wholly drencht in Platonick, and Pythagorean Philosophie: so the Scholemen gave up themselves to Aristotle thus corrupted into an Artificial kind of contentious Disputation, as that which best suited with their Designe; which was to support the Papal Empire by force of Argument, and wrangling Dispute; the cunning contrivers of the Antichristian Religion, first forging the Doctrines, and then committing them to the subtile Scholemen to be maintain'd, & defended.

The last Branch of Antichristianisme, I shall here mention, is the Canonists Theologie, The Canonists Theologie. touching the Canonization, & Worship­ping of Saints, The Directorie of the Inquisi­tors calls the Canonization of saints, their Apotheosis, i. e. Deification. Bochart. cont. Veron. pag. 815. which stands in such a Compliance with the Pagan [...], and Daemonolatrie, as seems not to have been accidental, and casual, but studied, and contriv'd: The very Popish Directorie of the Inquisitors sticks not to call the Cano­nization of Saints their Apotheosis, i. e. Deification: And that the whole Papal [...], or Saint-Worship, is but an Imitati­on of the Pagan [...], or Daemon-Worship, is excellently explicated, and demonstrated by Judicious Mede, on 1 Tim. 4.1, 2. touching the Apostasie of the latter times. This we may (perhaps in due time, and place) demonstrate by a paral­lel 'twixt the Papal Saints, and Pagan Daemons. 1. In their Origine; 2. In their Formal [...]; 3. In their Mediatorie Offices; 4. In their Festivals; 5. In their Images, and Reli­ques; 6. In the Offerings made to them; 7. In their Exorcismes, and Miracles; 8. In the Invocation of them; 9. In the sacred Rites, and Ceremonies performed to them; 10. In that Hie­rarchie, and Supremacie assumed by the Pope, that great Demonarch. In all these regards there seems to be an inti­mate Symbolization between the Papal [...], and Pagan [...]; which was the great figment of the Philosophers, as we may hereafter demonstrate. Thus we have given a con­cise Idea of what is intended touching the defects, vanitie, and mischiefs of Pagan Philosophie.

[Page] Sound Philo­sophie.But now to disabuse the minds of any such, as may un­groundedly conceit, that all Philosophie is uselesse, as also to lay a foundation for a Systeme of sound Reformed Philosophie, we are not without some formed Intentions (if Providence favor the same) to make an Essay, for the casting of the whole body of sound Philosophie into one Systeme, whereof Logick must be the Key. At present it must suffice to hint, that he, who will imbue his mind with a true Idea of Philosophie, must—Nullius jurare in Verba Magistri: must not tenaciously adhere to the stiffe Dogmes of any particular Sect of Philosophers whatso­ever; which is usually the way to prepossesse the Mind against more of Truth, than it possesseth it of: but he must keep his Judgment free, and apt to receive any Impressions of Truth, from whatsoever objects, or persons they flow. He that is incli­ned, [...], to serve an Hypothesis, will never be brought [...]. to sacrifice to Truth. And therefore the Designe of the New Platonists in the Schole of Alexandria, who called themselves [...] (of whom see B. 3. C. 4. §. 15.) was thus far honourable, in that they espoused not any one Sect, but en­deavoured to Cull, what was most Eligible, out of every Sect. It is good advice, which Grotius (Epist. 16.) gives a Student in Philosophie, to observe (especially in Ethicks) the differences of the Sects: what were the Sentiments of Pythagoras; what those of the severe Stoicks; what those of the Old, and New Academie; and what those of Epicurus. For these being unknown, there ariseth a great Darknesse, &c. This is one great Inducement, which drew us to fill up this whole Discourse with the Historick Nar­ration of Philosophie; that so young Students might have a more free, and open air of Philosophie to breath in; and not be tied up to the confined Dogmes of any one Sect; which has proved a great detriment not onely to Divine, but also to humane Wisdome.

In Opus hoc Eruditione pari, ac Industria Elaboratum.

SInceros Ignes Coelesti ex Arce Prometheus
Vafra in Terrenum transtulit Arte Focum.
De Sacris furtim accendit Sophia Ethnica Flammis,
Hebraeorum Arae queis caluere, Faces.
Ut (que) solent Fures gnari celare, Figuris
Assumptis, nunc Se, nunc sua Furta, novis:
Cantatus sic hinc Sophos Ethnicus, inde Poeta
(Nam pariter Plagii est hujus uterque Reus)
Surripit è priscis, Artis Monumenta, Sepulchris
Funera post Veterum vivere digna Patrum.
Sacrilegove Ausu Sacram Salomonis in Aedem
Involat, & Ritus abripi [...] inde Sacros.
Quin Coelum imperitur; Cooloque Augustior ipso
Gentili, lacera est Pagina Sacra, Manu.
Omnis at, in Vario Fabellae tincta Colore,
Asservanda aliis clam sua Furta putat.
Haec (que) Sibi Authori tribuit, cui nescio Divûm,
Illa (decet fictum Fabula ficta Deum)
Hujus enim Aegyptis Author Ter Maximus Hermes,
Aegyptus.
Istius Serapis, illius Isis erat.
Nocturnae Interpres Josephus Imaginis, idem
Naturae Mystes maximus, atque Dei,
Tanto erat his Hermes Titulo insignitus Honoris,
Et, Fidei ut Nobis, his Pater Artis Abram.
Sus Agri hos Artem docuit lutulenta Colendi
(Arte hac Discipulis digna Magistra suis)
Sus lutulenta; Agrum Rostro dum Sulcat Aratro;
Puraque mox facta est Sus lutulenta Dea.
Sed pronam in Terras ad Coelos tollere Mentem;
Ducere per, Coeli Machina, quicquid, haber;
Naturam Astrorum, Numerum, Motumque docere;
Haec Ars in Coelos ut vehit, inde venit.
Sanctae Orbi Gentis, Genti Coelestis & Author
Artis Abram, hanc didicit primus, & hanc docuit.
Appulit huc Oculos, Mentem huc, ubi Sidera jusso
Ut numeret, dictum est, Sic tibi Semen erit.
Nec solùm ad Sanctam traducta Scientia Prolem
Stellarum ad Numerum quae numeranda fuit.
Sedes nempe aptas Aegyptum Nube Serenam
Seligit haec, apta in Sede potita Throno.
Et Patriarcharum Primum sibi nacta Magistrum,
Rege & Discipulo Nobilitata suo.
[Page]Evchit h [...]c Abram Pharetatem ad Sidera, Vulgo
Dum Sus Culturam soetida grunnit Agri.
Ars media has artes inter Geometria Regem
Cultores medios Vulgus & inter, habet.
Istamne hos Artem Numen docuisse Suillum;
Et Sulco ut Rostrum, Metro habuisse Caput?
Qui Terram in terrae sundavit Pondere, justos
Mensurae & Fines jussit habere suae.
Hic nullo discit Lancis tentamine Pondus;
Metrica Mensuram Virga nec ulla docet.
Pondere, Mensuraque Opifex, qua fecit, [...]adem
Mensurat Terras, Ponderat atque Manu:
Metitur facilis totas Divina Potestas:
Sudat in exiguis Partibus Artis Opus.
Prima per Aegyptum transivit Metrica Virga:
Verùm in Josephi Metrica Virga Manu.
Nec prius Aegypto succurritur Artis egenti,
Hebraeo Primus quàm foret Artis Honos.
Discretis fines Nili Vis eripit Arvis:
Ars hos Confuso reddit Hebraea Solo.
Phoenicia.
In totum Commune ferunt, Mare qua patet, Orbem
Phoenicum Naves Mercis, & Artis Onus:
Laudum & plena vehit Phoenices Bucca Magistros;
Quaquà Ventorum Carbasa plena Rates.
Hinc Sanchoniathon docto audit Magnus in Orbe;
Hinc Magnus docto Mochus in Orbe sonat.
Multa petunt à Mose ambo sibi Dogmata; si non
Alter & a Mosis Nomine Nomen habet.
Quae prius in tenues prolata evanuit Auras
(Nunc mera nil nisi Vox, nunc & inane nihil)
Vox stetit in Graecis Magica Cadmi Arte figuris
Firma; Sonusque Oculis excipiendus erat.
Aegyptum Virtute Magum qui praestitit Omnem,
Phoenicem hunc picti praevenit Arte Soni:
Ipso ex Ore Dei quàm plurima Verba loquentis
Excipit, è Manibus primaque Scripta Manu.
Quae. Cordi indiderat, jam pene Erasa, Columnis
Instaurat primus Jura notata Deus.
Signata Hebraeas dant Voces Marmora; Moses
Hoc juxta Exemplar Scriba Secundus erat:
Quisve huic Discipulus, quove Ordine, nescio, Cadmo
Hac Praeceptoris praestitit Arte Vices.
Nec Graiis prius iste docet Signare figuris,
Quàm suit Hebraeae nota figura Scholae.
Hac notâ, Nemo quantillae, nesciat, Artis
Sit variare Notos, non variare Sonos.
[Page]Antiquas Babylonis Opes miramur, & Artes;
Chaldae [...].
Supremum domiti dum Caput Orbis erat.
Omnis Opes, Gens una Artes invexit Hebraea:
Captivi Dominos erudiere suos.
Forsan & Artis Abram Chaldaeae Elementa reliquit
Tum post Se, Secum cum tulit inde Fidem.
Nec stetit in triplici furandi Gente Reatus:
Graecia.
Docta iterum furtim Graecia Furta rapit.
Dividit at plures inter sua Furta Latrones;
Fraus ist [...] melius posset ut Arte tegi.
Primum hoc Pythagorae Inventum, primum id (que) Thaletis,
Istud Anaxagorae, Socratis illud erat.
Multa Sagax cudit Xenophon, Diûs Plato plura;
Plurima dat Magno parva Stagira Duce.
Ut sua nempe crepant aliorum Inventa, tenobris
Abdita Figmenti, pristina Vera, novi.
Nil non acceptum, Nil quicquam ferre videri
Acceptum Antiquis Turba novella ferent.
Multi hinc multa Dei Afflatu Dignissima ducunt:
Hujus Apollo, hujus Pallas & Author erat.
Re tamen apse sua (furtiva scilicet) Arte
Istis Mercurius paginam utramque facit.
Quin ipse Afflatus, vero ex Afflamine fictus,
Furti in se Culmen Mercurialis habet.
Falsum istum retegit, ficta è farragine Divûm,
Verus nunc Christi de Grege Mercurius.
Authorem en gnarum, Vestigia nota legendo,
Hanc Furum turmam docta per Antra sequi.
Hic Spolia a victis Raptorum amplissima Castris,
Antiquis Dominis restituenda, rapit.
Ethnica furtivis nuda est Cornicula Plumis:
Formosa est Plumis Sancta Columba suis.
Fabellae longum putidae Conclusa Palude,
Sacrum iterum Fontem, Dogmata Sacra, petunt.
Post iter emensum longum, multumque Maeandrum,
Sic Flumen refluas in Mare volvit Aquas.
Idem de Opere, & Authore iisdem.
Una (Volente Deo) Divinae Ecclesia Mater,
Humanae Sophiae Mater & una fuit.
Nata est Gentiles regat haec, ut Luna, Tenebras;
Gentis Sanctae, instar Solis, at [...]lla Diem.
Inque Domo Domini hac, illi data Summa Potestas;
Haec Servum An cillae dum sibi Munus habet.
[Page]Hanc neque Splendidior mirere quòd ornet Amictus;
In morem Ancillis hoc abiisse palam est.
Illius sed pura, gravis, Venerandaque Vestis;
Quaeque revelante est undique digna Deo.
Nec Sancto Soli insinuat se Lumine Menti,
Intima vel penetrat Corda Calore Sacro.
Gentilis Lumen Sophiae (Lampyridis illi
Haud impar) Lumen, praetereaque Nihil.
Lumen, & Influxum geminum Foetum (aemula Phoebi
Mate [...]) Scripturae parturit Omne Jubar.
Quin Mentem & Renovans primum sensim indit Acumen:
Imbuit & Summi Cognitione Dei.
Res hinc rimandas melius descendit ad Omnes:
Naturam noto, nesciat illa, Deo.
Terna Dies olim Noctem mutatur in unam;
Fitque ex Compactis Noctibus una tribus.
Afflictam Aegyptum Spissae invasere tenebrae,
Palpari facili quae potuere Manu.
Interea Sancti minime interrupta Popelli
Lux fulget laetis alma Domiciliis.
Gens & in Aegypto haec Goshen invenit, in Orbe
Lucis & haec Goshen Gens melioris erat.
Ut Tenebris Numen secrevit Lumina primis:
Atque alternantes jussit habere Vices.
JƲSTITIAE sic SOLI olim Communis Horizon
Judaeaeque, Deo sic statuente, fuit:
Hanc extra, praeter Tenebras, & Opaca Locorum,
Haec Mundi exhibuit tetrica Scena Nihil.
Linea mutata est dudum hic Ecliptica; Signa
Zodiaci nec bis Sex, velut ante, Tribus.
Cursus abhinc idem, quamvis non passibus aequis
U [...]rivis Soli perficiendus erat.
Solem Evangelicum sed quem videt Ethnicus Ortum,
Occiduum mox hunc Israelita videt.
Sic erat irriguo sicca olim Vellere Terra:
Sic Terr [...] Siccum Vellus & irrigu [...].
Judaeae quin una Fidem Nox vidit, & Artem
Occiduas, Ortas vidit ut una Dies.
Lux gemina haec Geminis impar Coelestibus; Alter
Ortum ubi Suspensum, dum Cadat alter, habet.
Tyndareis impar Geminis; dum scilicet alter
Horum absque alterius vivere Morte nequit.
Lux gemina Hippocratis Geminis par haec; ubi Risus
Alter in alterius Solvitur, & Lacrymas.
Ut quo laetifico ridet Sol blandior Ore,
Hoc illi arridet laetior alma Soror.
[Page]Ille aliò offensum si quando vertat Ocellum;
Indutis luget Vestibus ista nigris.
Sic Sacra quò proprior Lux est, ur Culminet Orbe,
Ingenuae magis hoc Eminet Artis Apex.
Ad quem deprimitur Scriptura Lumen, eundem
Ars & confestim verg [...]t ad usque Gradum.
Quando super Gibeone (Diem ut produce [...]et Hostis
Excidio) tutilos Sol [...]etinebat Equos:
Et (Fratri contenta Vices concedere) Valle
Vicina albidulas Luna repressit Equas.
Dum bis quinque Gradus Hez'chiae tempore Phoebus
Regreditur, Phoeben tot retroire putes.
Sese inter Servant sic Progressusque, Regressusque
Atque Moras dubias Arsque, Fidesque pares.
Procreat hinc [...]lures Meretricia Roma Sophistas:
Casta Agni plures dat tibi Sponsa Sophos.
Selecta in Terris Genti (Sic Fata volebant)
Ars primae, sol [...] Gratia danda fuit.
Ars Sancto quaevis accepta ferenda Popello;
Sanctorum ut Virtus est referenda Deo.
Accep [...]á à Virtute Deo est Ecclesia grata,
Mu [...]do etiam cur non esset ab Arte data
Scilicet Ars hujus fuerat gratissima Mundo;
Ni fuerat Mundo Gratia grata minus.
Dum tamen ignaro Lucem Artis foenerat Orbi,
Vel sic est Lucis, Filia grata, Patri:
Gratiae & ingratum Lumen sparsura per Orbem,
Humana Munus si foret illud Opis.
Ad Vivum Pictura resert, cum ducitur ipsa
A Facie Artifici, Linea quaeque, Manu:
Sapius Exemplar ducatur ab Exemplari,
Hinc minùs evadet Prototypo simile.
Sic quo Judaeae Gens ulla propinquior olim,
Longius aut fuerat dissocia [...]a Loco;
Illius hoc veras edocta fidelius Artes,
Figmentisve magis falsa erat ipsa suis.
Unde Salutari magis & Phoenicia Verax,
Audire & Mendax Graecia jure potest.
Haec ita Figmentis scater undique, ut Ʋrinator
Vero expiscando Delius esset Opus.
Doctae autem Genti [...] si quilibet alter, habendus
Hic meritò Vere Delius Author erit.
[Page]Figmenti in fundum se immergens eruit Indis
Majores Gemmis,
Indi urinandi longe peritissimi ad Montium in Mari delitentium Radi­ces us (que) penetrantes pretiosissimas inde extrahunt Gemmas.
Indus ut alter, Opes.
Nec Soli Sapuit Sibi, Sudavitve; fr [...]endas
Has aliis Gazas exhibuisse juvat.
Unde feret Laudes OPIFEX Artisque, Laborisque,
Aut Grates meritas Ʋtilitatis OPUS?
Nempe iterum, ut Sileant, Oracla Profana jubentur;
Ore licet Sacris Liberiore loqui.
THO: GILBERT.

Ad Authorem, de Opere hoc utris (que) jam partibus, numeris (que) Omnibus Absoluto.

GAllia Visa parum tibi; Colloquium (que) BOCHARTI,
Quo Galli majus nil habuere, parum est.
Res Asiae, Aegyptique, & Romae, sedulus Author,
Docta (que) perquiris Graecia quicquid habet:
Supremus labor est Solymarum visere sedes;
Nec prohibent adytis te sacra Templa suis.
Imò tibi SANCTUM SANCTORUM, haud Atria solum,
Gentibus antiquis quae patuere, patet.
Abdita Judaea pandis Mysteria Gentis;
Exuis & Velum Ritibus omne Sacris.
Dura Ʋrim Vexent, Thummimque Vocabula Mystas;
Responsum potius tu mihi, Gale, dabis.
Non ego,
V. Schie­kardum c. 1. Mispat ham­melech.
Literulis Responsa micenine, morabor:
Haec modò Luce tua consuluisse licet.
Aegyptus tenebras, rerum (que) Aenigmata jactet;
Dum Goshen Scriptis fit mihi clara tuis.
OUENUS PRICAEUS. A. M.

On the Second Part of this Learned WORKE.

1.
THough beauteous Nature, with her numerous Race,
Does still replenish this unbounded Space;
Is still in vigor Seen,
Of all harmonious things the Queen:
Has nothing of her strength by Age, or Labours spent,
Throughout the teeming Earth, or Rolling Firmament:
But still in numbers smooth and fleet,
With as [...]ery all and silent feet,
Holds on the mighty Dance,
Her Maker bad her first advance:
Though too as he of old throughout the forming Masse,
Whilst in the boundless womb of Nothing 'twas,
Did strength, and beauty sow:
Shee yet retains them both, and with eternall love
Payes gratefull homage to the King above:
And usefull Tribute to the Prince below.
2.
Yet strange it is Philosophie alone,
For Natures prospect borne, and contemplation;
Should not so constant, and so faithfull prove;
Should the disease of age, not reason have:
Not nakedness of truth, but shadows love:
And seem so neer her grave:
That in the World's great Room when sett,
Her selfe, and setled business should forget:
Her self in learned Mazes loose;
Some pretty Scheams of things, not the supream Idea choose,
Which was intire and bright,
In the Original light;
But rather will descend the vast Abysse,
Where darknesse is,
With rocks of horrid Termnes, and hard Hypotheses;
Where all the Arts, like the fal'n Angels, lye
In chains of darkness bound:
The worse because so knowing Miserie:
And still with dreadful noise doe sound.
Thus with dejected Eye
In standing pooles we seek the skye:
To find the milkie way,
Not only lose the day:
But down to Caverns, and vast tracts of night
Go to improve the sight.
[Page]Mean while neglect the glories, and the gentle influence
Of all the wide and faire Circumference;
Losing both God, and his Intelligence.
3.
Were't not a too unkind Relief
To present griefe,
Our blisse to think upon,
That's past and gon;
I'd blesse the day, when Arts proportion'd right,
Fram'd more for use, then wild delight,
Did not some Private Patron raise,
But solemniz'd their greater Authors praise;
Large as his Works, unbounded as his Rule,
That's founder of the Ʋniverse his Schoole.
When none of numbers made this mighty Frame,
Pythagoras did find
In's Arithmetick mind,
Those we may Cyphers name.
Arts did not then designe to dwell
In some inglorious Cell:
The Rigours of the Stoa, to maintain;
Or from Stagira date their Reign;
Nor from the Gardens shade,
Which Epicurus made:
As if the Tree of Knowledge were
Replanted, and to flourish there.
4.
'Twas never thought of then, Des-Cartes pride
Should over Schooles, and God in triumph ride;
That e're from matters liquid bowles should fall
This Universal greater Ball;
Or from his Whirle-pooles should e're ehbe, and flow
All this vast Tyde of things below.
At first there was no place for Fancies stage;
Or the wild images of learned rage:
Arts close to things, and natures businesse sit,
Shēw'd then the Strength, and Innocence of witt.
But Knowledge like a River in its Course;
Making to its Original sourse;
Its purity does lose, and to the spring
In foaming Torrents filth does bring.
5.
Thanks to this Learned Authors pen,
Truth now appears in Innocence agen;
Through all the Vailes of things, and Men.
Sure he came from the Holy Place,
[Page]So bright is all the Face:
And in his Gentiles Court so Sacred is the view,
We lustre find, and Inspiration too.
He doth with Rods correct the Heathen School:
As the great Saviour did in's Temple rule.
Truth now extends her Conquest far,
The Heathen Oracles struck dumb, and Authors are.
They to so just a Triumph their submissions owe,
And now congratulate their overthrow.
Dethron'd they are, yet Priviledge enjoy:
Highly promoted while they bow
I th'House of God so low;
As he was deem'd, who so himself demean'd
In Rimm [...]n's House, while on his hand his Master lean'd
How great then our Triumphal joy!
When that proud Empire of the Arts we see
A tributary Province to Divinitie.
The Heathen Authors are corrected so,
Their poyson now for Antidote may goe.
Through their profane we see Diviner Theames,
Since thus our skilful Joseph has explain'd their Dreams.

To the Author on both Parts of this Learned Work.

1.
HE's a wise Master of a Feast,
And bravely treats the Guests he did invite,
Who first presents unto their sight
That Food whose gratefull tast
Will edge the Appetite,
And with a pleasing Sharpness still
Prepare the Stomach it does fill:
Reserving that till last
Whose more substantiall Good
Deserves the name of Satisfying Food;
And is besides the Choicest Dish of all the Rest.
So prudently have you
Contriv'd the Learned Banquet here
Set out and offer'd to our view;
In that you first excite
And whet the Mind's delight,
And in the Rear,
Vouchase to Entertain it with the daintiest Cheer.
From your first great Performance we can tell
[...] [...]
[Page]Where Letters, Words, and Languages
Began, and how they did increase:
By whom the Infant World was taught to spell,
And Lisp a Syllable:
By what Gradations then it grew
In Age, and Learning too;
Untill with times, and pains expence
At length it came to Read, and Write in sense.
2.
Historie
First Historie presents us in her scene
The brave Atchievements of Heroick men,
Whose deathless Actions rightly claim
To them a never dying Name:
Their praises with their Better Parts do crave
A just exemption from the Grave,
And out-live all transactions that have been,
Since Chance upon our rowling Orb a sporting sate,
And laugh'd to see,
A Mimick Ape, that shee
Made all things suhject unto Change like that.
Next sprightly Poetrie took birth,
Poetrie
That fair Minerva of the Brain,
Which is the only Child on Earth,
Since heavy Curses taught it how to mourn,
And Mourn in Vain,
That ever yet was Born
Without the Parents groans and Pain.
She on impolish'd Natures homely Face
Stroak'd the rude Features into fair,
And many a Beauteous grace
She lively painted there,
Where before dull, and Swarthy Colours did appear.
The Last in Time, not Dignity or Name,
Smooth Oratorie came
Oratorie
By Nature smooth, by Culture gay,
Since she has got the Artful trick
To Cloath her self in the Array
And Trappings of Trim Rhetorick,
And all her gracefull Colours to display:
These little Arts that we were taught before;
Branches of Knowledge and no more,
Refresh'd our Minds; how ravish'd shall we be
Now you produce Philosophi [...],
Philosophie
Which to these frugall Branches is the well grown Tree?
A Tree whose Heavenly Fruit
The Worlds sunk vigour does recruit;
Forces those Spirits briskly to advance
[Page]That soaking lay in sottish Ignorance;
A Tree that's pleasant to the eyes,
Like that which grew in Paradise,
And much to be desired to make one wise:
Onely in this their Difference does appear:
Not Touch, not Taste, not Eat
Was written on the Fruit of that,
'Twas fruit indeed, but not for meat,
And onely to be fear'd, and Wonder'd at:
Each man from this, that will,
May pluck, and Eat, aed eat his fill;
Nothing but Abstinence alone forbidden here.
3.
While man was yet so just and good,
That nothing he of evil undestood,
The very Deitie
Took pleasure in his Companie,
Came often from his Paradise above
Where Everlasting pleasures flow,
Drawn by the Cords of Love
To visit that below,
And read his Adam Lectures of Philosophie.
But he with knowledge sated wanton grew,
And his Proud Will
Would know not onely Good, but Ill;
And would indeed be God-like too:
Complain's his Stock is scant, and small,
And by a reach at more he forfeits all:
All but enough to make him see
From whence he fell, and so bewayl his Miserie
Then not without Industrious Pain
Some Scraps of what was lost he did regain,
In Equal sweat of the same Brow
Both eat his Bread, and earn'd his Knowledge too:
By piece-meal seruing from his Memorie,
What blur'd, and blotted there did lie.
So little the Philosopher
Did in his Judgment Erre,
That sayd Mans Learning is no more
Then to Remember what he knew before.
From the First Parent of Mankind
Sin, and Philosophie.
Was all the Patrimony left behind
For bank erupt Posteritie
Thus he together to his tainted Blood
Transmits so great an Ill, so great a Good.
[Page]Dealing with us as one who brought
A deadly Poyson, and an Antidote.
From Adam Seth, to thee
(Thou worthy Grand-child of the Deitie)
descends Philosophie:
She with thy Learned Pillars stood,
Ma [...]gre the Envious washings of rhe Flood:
Those Pillars as a stable Ark she found
To keep her too from being Drown'd.
But the greatest Danger that she er'e was in
The mighty Deluge was of sin,
Where sadly she, as justly did complain
That a lewd Pagan train
Debauchd her with slight Sophistrie,
With superstition, and Idolatrie:
Whence she became more frothy, and more vain,
Then very Ignorance could be:
Best things abus'd prove worst of all: So he
That scoffs at Scripture, fall's to Blasphemie:
But was she no where pure? no where
Allow'd her Virgin-Garb to wear?
Of all the Earth Iudea's little spot
Defil'd her not:
There she reign'd Queen, and had the chief Command,
Next Holinesse, the Empresse in that Holy Land.
4.
No sooner was she seated on the Throne,
But winged Fame flew out,
Phenicia
Informing all the Neighbours there about:
Phenicia first; Phenicia first went down
Pretending to congratulate
Iudea's blissful State;
But her design was to improve her own:
Nor were her thoughts without success, and vain,
Fot fraighted well with Knowledge she made back again:
Hence was it first Phenicia knew
What fruit on Palm-Trees grew:
Palm-Trees she had before, which stood
An Idle, and an Useless Wood,
Barren as Females, whe [...] [...]he Male's not by:
'Twas now they did begin t'o increase and multiply.
Egypt
Next up does Aegypt come
And all she finds she carries home:
'Twas here Philosophie a Goddesse prov'd
Enjoy'd her Temple, and her Shrine,
[Page] Egypt, that worship'd what she feard, or lov'd,
L [...]v'd her, and then adord her as Divine,
Then to Chaldea was she Captive lead,
Chaldea.
And tempted there to sin;
She that above 3 thousand years had been
Modest, and Humble, now perks up the Head;
For in Chaldea did she find
Sparks of the old Ambitious mind,
Of reaching Heaven, and scorning odds
To live Inferiour to the Gods.
Go too, say they,
What though our Fathers Babel-plot
Succeeded not,
But in their Tower's Confusion ruin'd lay;
Howe're 'twas nobly don,
And the Design was Generous, and High;
Let us their Children try:
The Father he may creep on earth,
Astrologie.
whilst the bold son
With more of Scorn, than Pitie views, him from the distant sky.
Then up she got amongst the Stars,
And sate her down by Destinie
There learn'd of her the lower world's affairs;
Common concerns she did reveal,
But the great Business of the world conceal,
And bid her there less eagerly to pry:
But as the Destinie did look,
And turn'd the leaves that were
Writ in a dismal Character,
She slily peep'd into the Dooms-day Book,
And whisper'd down the Fates
Of slaggering Kingdoms, and declining States.
5
When Learning thus in th' East grew great, and when
Philosophers as common were as Men,
Then first Adventurous Greece
Greece.
In little ships swom or'e the Main,
In quest of This fam'd Golden Fliece,
More rich then that their Jason did obtain,
With much more Danger, and with much less Gain.
Some to Phenicia sayl, and some
Down into Egypt, and Judea come;
Where straight they found
That Truth out-did Fames Trumpet's sound:
For every common Merchant there
Vented his Learning with his ware,
Both kept enough, and had enough to spare.
Had not the far fam'd Samian Peer
[Page]Been Tutour'd, & Instructed here,
His Transmigrating Soul had been
In Speculation Weak, and Thin
Voyd of it's Learned Superstition
It might to Greece, and us unknown
Have fitly pass'd into the silly Ass agen.
Here was the soaring Plato taught
Each lofty, and refined Thought;
Diviner Notions fram'd to raise
Man above Dreggy Matter, and
Whatever does deservedly command
As much our Admiration, as our Praise,
Was all made his at second hand.
His Honey'd Eloquence,
In which he's yet alive,
Was all transported hence,
With greedy Lips suck'd from the sacred Hive:
So much he does to Moses owe
For what we thought in his own Mouth to grow.
Nor must we him of all forget,
Whom Learning's Jaded Children yet
Grace with the Character,
And swelling Stile of the Philosopher.
He to the learn'd Nilean strand,
If not ev'n to the Holy Land
With his victorious Scholar went,
(More likely Jove's then Philip's son
Who conquer'd Earth, as he the Heavens had done)
The Learned world to subjugate intent
As he the whole to overmaster meant:
Accordingly they carryed it;
That a Monopoly of power, and this of wit:
This in a proud design to raise
Eternal Pillars to hi's immortal Praise,
He plunders all the Learning of the East,
Rifles each famous Librarie,
Each Treasurie of Learned pains,
Dragging old Authors from their Rustie chains
Into a worse Captivitie:
But still reserving to himself the Best,
He cruelly condem'd to fatal flames the Rest,
So did the Aged Asian Phoenix burn,
And to the Stagirite that European Phoenix turn.
6.
Thus have we seen thee Greece assume,
And put on wisdome, as a borrow'd plume:
[Page]W' have seen thee in thy Ruffe, and Pride,
When as thou didst not onely those
Flout, and deride,
From whom thy Greatness rose,
But stamp'dst Barbarian the whole world beside.
We see thee now of all thy Braverie bereft,
Quite strip'd, and naked left,
Thy selfe at Length inheriting that Name
Thou others proudly gav'st, and well deserv'st the same.
And now thou glorious Light,
Since Greece is wrapt in gloomie Night,
(For 'tis thy absence makes it so)
Tell me, next whither didst thou go,
Freely to scatter, and Dispence
Thy Blessed Influence?
This Sun below, like that above,
Was surely born in th'e East,
And does with that the same way move,
Still travayling on tow'ards the West.
And here could I but have my will,
That which has parallel'd the Sun before,
Should do the same in one thing more;
As that has done,
Once or'e the Plains of Gibeon;
This Radiant Illustrious Light should or'e the West stand still:
Should or'e the West
In full Meridian Lustre stand,
And there the lesser Lights not darken, but command;
That so they jointly all
In smooth, and equall Harmonie may fall,
And prove officious Handmayds to the best,
The best, and clearest Light that does adorn
Our Hemisphere; who to give proof that she
Was Heaven-born,
Wears no less Stile then of Divinitie;
And while preserv'd in her bright Puritie
Will in the British Firmament
No less be our defence, then Ornament:
Here fixing her own Tutelarie God,
Who in the floating world hath so long settled her Abode.

On the Parts of this Learned Work THE COURT OF THE GENTILES.

Of LEARNING if you'd have the Total, add
Together Things with Words; th [...]t Total's had.
Of Learning Words challenge but for their Share
The surface; Things the Solid Bodie are.
[Page] Bodies their Surface offers to our Eys;
Our Mind by Words (their Surface) Things descries
Words without Things a Parot's Learning give:
Things without Words make grown Men Infants live.
Learning of Words and Things compos'd is then
It Self made perfect, and makes perfect Men.
PHILOLOGIE of Words the Knowledge brings;
PHILOSOPHIE's the higher Schole of Things:
But Scholars both, to SCRIPTURE, and the JEW,
For what in either Kind is rare, if true.
The Jews now Cruel once were Kind; when they
Both Treasures lent, both without Ʋsurie,
To Stranger Gentiles; who yet prov'd to be
As unjust Debtors, as the Jews were free
And friendlie Creditors; and having gain'd
Their Goods in hand; in hand their Goods detaind:
At length denie the Principal; and plead
Their Stock of Learning all of their own Breed.
A COURT erected; th' AUTHOR to extract
A fair Confession of so foul a Fact,
Puts them upon the Learned Rack; and shows
The Jewish Book for all the Gentile ows.
In all finds for the Jew: and was't not fit,
The Author JUDGE in his own COURT should sit?
Where both he so performs, you'l doubt, which he
Better PHILOLOGER, or PHILOSOPHER he?
Favour in one were in the other Spite:
BOTH BEST conclude him, and you do him Right.

A Synopsis of the Contents.

Book I. Of Orientall and Occidentall Barbarick Philosophie.

CHAP. I. Of Philosophie in General; and Sacred Philosophers.

  • THe Greek [...] from the Hebrew Sophim. 12
  • Philosophie so called from Love of Wisdome. 3.4.
  • Philosophers called [...] &c. from the Jewish Myste­ries. 4.
  • God the first Idea, and Efficient of Philoso­phie. 5.
  • Philosophie sprang from Admiration. Ib.
  • The first Institutors of Philosophie Divine. 6
  • Adam the greatest human Philosopher. 7
  • The Philosophie of Seth, & Enoch. 8
  • Abraham's philosophie. 9 10.11.
  • Joseph's philosophie. 12.13.
  • Moses's philosophie. 14.17.
  • Solomon's philosophie. 17.18.19.
  • The Jewish Scholes, and Philosophie. 19.20.21

CHAP. 2. Of Egyptian Philosophie, and its Traduction from the Scriptures &c.

  • THe Egyptians repute for Philosophie. 22.23 24
  • The Egyptians Mathematicks from the Jews 24
  • 1. Their Astronomie, its rise &c. 24
  • 2. Their Geometrie. 25
  • 3. Their Geographie. 26
  • The Egyptians Natura Philosophie 26
  • Their Medicine. 27
  • Their Moral Philosophie, and Politicks. 28
  • The Egyptian Laws, and Politicks from the Jews. 28.29
  • The Egyptian Theologie from Joseph. 29
  • Egyptian Rites Imitations of the Jewish. 29.30
  • Of the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks, their origi­nation from the Jewish Symbols. 32.36
  • Testimonies to prove the Traduction of E­gyptian Philosophie from the Jews. 36.37
  • How Sacred Dogmes were traduced to the E­gyptians from the Jews. 38
  • Joseph's care to instruct the Egyptians. 39
  • The original of the Schole of Alexandria, and the Advantages it had from the Jews. 40
  • The Derivations the Schole of Alexandria received from the Gospel, and Christian Church. 41.42

CHAP. 3. Of the Phenician Philosophie, its Traduction from the Jews, and Scriptures.

  • HOw the Phenicians traduced their Philo­sophie from the Jews. 43.47
  • The Phenicians skil in Navigation, Geographie, Arithmetick, Astronomie &c. 44 45
  • Their skill in Mathematicks in general. 45
  • The Grecians borrowed much of their phi­losophie from the Phenicians. 45.46
  • Farther evidence, that the Phenicians re­ceived their Philosophie from the Jews. 46.47
  • Of Sanchoniathon his origination. 47.48
  • [Page]His skill in Philosophie, and Mythologie, 48.49
  • Sanchoniathon's Philosophie from Taautus, who possibly was Moses. 49
  • The original of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie from the Jewish Church proved. 50.58
  • 1. From Testimonies of Philo, and Porphyrie. 50 Jerombalus, from whom Porphyrie makes Sanchoniathon to have derived his Phi­losophie, the same with Gideon. 51
  • 2. From Sanchoniathon's Mythologick mode of Philosophising, which is Judaick. 52
  • 3. The matter of Sanchòniathon's Philoso­phie Hebraick. 1. his Metaphysicks. 53
  • His Theogonie of Hebraick origine- Ib.
  • Beelsamen, from [...] Ib.
  • Eliun from [...] Gen. 14.19 54
  • Ilus from [...]: Eloeim from [...] Ib.
  • Betylia from Bethel. Ib.
  • Sanchoniathon's imitation of Abraham's offe­ring up his son Isaac. 55
  • Of Angels, and the human Soul. Ib.
  • 2. Sanchoniathon's Physicks. 56
  • His Chaos from Gen. 1.2. Ereb from Gen. 1.5. Ib.
  • His Mot from [...] Mod, & [...] &c. 56.57
  • 3. His Chronologie, & Geographie. 57.
  • Of Mochus his Origination &c. 58.59.
  • Mochus's Philosophie Physiologick, or a na­tural Historie of the Creation. 59 60.
  • Mochus the first that philosophised of Atomes, which he had by Tradition from Gen. 1.60.
  • A general proof of the Traduction of the Phe­nician Philosophie from the Iews. 60.61
  • The Gospel vouchsafed to the Phenicians. 61.

CHAP. 4. Of the Chaldaick Philosophie, and Philosophers.

  • THe Division of Philosophie into Barbarick and Grecian. 62.
  • The Chaldaick Philosophie its rise &c. 63.64.
  • The Chaldeans famous chiefly for Astronomie 64
  • How Astronomie was communicated to the Chaldeans, by the Patriarchs, and holy seed. 65.
  • The first Patriarchs much versed in the con­templation of Celestial Bodies &c. 66
  • How natural Astronomie, and Astrologie dege­nerated into Judicial Astrologie. 66 67
  • The Pagan [...] answerable to the Jew­ish Teraphims. 67.
  • The Chaldaick Theologie among the Zabij, with their original, and Rites. 68.
  • One Rite of Zabiisme Job. 31.26.27. Ib.
  • Another, piece of Zabiisme consisted in their [...] mentioned Lev. 26.30. 69.
  • Why the Sun was worshipt under Fire. Ib.
  • Other Sects of the Chaldeans. 70
  • The Chaldeans instructed by the Jewish Scholes. 71

CHAP. 5. Of the Magi, Gymnosohpists, Druides, And other Barbarick Philosophers.

  • THe original of the Persian Magi. 72·
  • The Magi instituted by Soroaster, and their correspondence with the Zabij. 73
  • The Indian Philosophers, Gymnosophists, Germanes, Brachmanes. from Manes. 74.75.
  • The African Philosophers, 1. Atlantick 75.76
  • 2. Ethiopick, whose Divinitie came from the Iews. 76.
  • European Philosophers. 1. Scythian, 76.
  • 2. Thrachian, 3. Spanish 77.
  • 4. Druides, their original. 78
  • The Druides first in Britannie, and thence in Gallia Ib.
  • Their Academies, Privileges, Degrees &c. 79.
  • Their Philosophie Natural, Moral, Mathema­tick. 79.
  • Their Rhetorick, Theologie, and Discipline. 80.
  • The Druides Worship, and Sacrifice, &c. 81
  • The Druides called also Saronides Ib.
  • Their Distribution into Bardi, Evates &c. Ib.
  • The Druides Oke-Religion from Abraham's [Page] Oke of Mamre, and worship there 82

BOOK. II. The Original of the Ionick, but Chiefly of the Italick, or Pythago­rick Philosophie.

CHAP. I. The Traduction of the Grecian Philo­sophie from the Patriarchs, and Iew­ish Church proved by Universal Consent

  • THe Grecian Philosophers recourse to E­gypt, & Phenicia. 83
  • That the Grecian Philosophie was derived from the Iews is proved by Testimonies of 1. Heathen Philosophers viz. Plato, Numeni­us, Hermippus, Aristotle, & Diogenes La­ertius. 84.85.
  • 2. Iews, Aristobulus, & Josephus. 85.86
  • 3. Christian Fathers, Tertullian, Clemens A­lexand Iustin Martyr, Eusebius, Minucius Fae­lix, Theodoret, Ioannes Grammaticus, 86.87
  • 4. Moderne Papists, Steuchus Eugubinus, Ju­stinian. 87.88.
  • 5. Protestants, 1. Forrain, Melancthon, Serranus, Julius, & Ioseph Scaliger, Vo [...]sius, Heinsius, Bochart, Grotius, Hornius, Amirault. 89
  • 2. English, Jackson, Usher, Richardson, Preston Ralegh, Owen, Stillingsleet, Selden. 90

CHAP. 2. Of Mythologick Philosophie, & its Traduction from the Jews.

  • OF Mythologick Philosophie in general 91.
  • Mythologick Philosophie first seated a­mong Poets, Orpheus, Homer, Hesiod, &c. 92 93
  • How these Poets disguised Oriental Traditi­ons. 94.
  • The use, & abuse of Mythologick Philosophie. Ib.
  • Symbolick, and Enigmatick Philosophie from the Jewish Types, & Enigmes. 95
  • Metaphorick, & Allegorick Philosophie from the Iews. 96
  • The matter of Mythologick Philosophie from sacred Works, & Truths. 97.98.
  • The Causes of Mythologick, Philosophie. 98.
  • 1. Ignorance, (1.) of the Hebrew Idiome. 98.
  • (2) of the matter of Judaick Traditions. 99
  • (3) of the Judaick forme of Doctrine. 99.
  • (4) from the Imperfection of Judaick Tradi­tions. 100.
  • 2. Admiration another Cause of all Mytholo­gick Philosophie, with Aristotle's account. 100.101
  • 3. Imitation a cause of Mythologick Philoso­phie. 102.103.
  • Plato's Imitation both Theoretick, & Practick. 103.104.
  • 4. Curiositie, & Affectation of Noveltie another Cause of Symbolick Philosophie. 104.105.
  • 5. Pride- 6. Idolatrie. 7. Carnal Policie. 105

CHAP. 3. Of Ionick Philosophie begun by Thales & its Iudaick Origine.

  • THe first Distribution of Grecian Philoso­phie into Ionick, & Italick. 107.
  • Ionick, and Italick Philosophie received its first impressions and lines from God's Church. 107.108.
  • Thales's extract from Phenicia. 109.
  • The Seven Wise men, and their Philosophie. 109.110.
  • An Abstract of Thales's Philosophie. 110
  • Thales's Philosophie from the Egyptians, & Phenicians immediately, but Originally from the Scriptures, and Iudaick Church. 110.
  • [Page]Thales's great Principle, That Water was the first Matter of all things; immediately from the Phenicians, but originally from Gen. 1.2. &c. 111.112.113.
  • Thales's Metaphysicks of God, &c. 115.116.
  • Thales's Scholars, & Successors. 116.117
  • Empedocles, Heraelitus, Democritus, Hippo­crates. 117

CHAP. 4. Of Pherecydes's Philosophie, and its Traduction from the Iews.

  • PHerecydes's original from Syrus. 118
  • Pherecydes's Parents, and Birth. 119
  • Pherecydes's philosophie from the Phenici­ans, and Jews. Ib.
  • Pherecydes the first, that writ Philosophie in Prose. 120
  • Pherecydes's philosophie Mythologick. 120
  • Pherecydes's Heliotrope from the Jews. 120
  • Pherecydes's [...], or Theologie. 121
  • Pherecydes held the Souls Immortalitie. 126

CHAP. 5. Of Pythagoras, and the Traduction of his Philosophie from the Iews.

  • THe severall Sects of Philosophers. 123
  • That Pythagoras traduced the main of his Philosophie from the Scriptures, and Iews, is proved by Testimonies: 1. of Pagans, and Jews. 124
  • 2. Of Christian Fathers. 124.125
  • 3. Of Modern Papists, and Protestants. 125
  • Pythagoras's extract from the Phenicians. 126
  • Pythagoras's Praeceptors in Greece. [...]27
  • Pythagoras's Travels into Phenicia; and con­verse with the Successors of Mochus, and Priests there. 128
  • Pythagoras his Travels into Egypt, and cor­respondence with Jews there. 128.129.130
  • Pythagoras his Travels to Babylon, and con­verse with the captive Jews, who inhabi­ted there. 130.131.132
  • Pythagoras his coming to, and abode in Ita­lie. 133.134
  • Pythagoras his character by Jamblicus, Diog. Laertius, Apuleius, and Justin. 134.135.136

CHAP. 6. Pythagoras his College, and Disci­pline from the Jews.

  • PYthagoras his twofold Schole, and Disci­ples. 137.138
  • 1. His Homoco [...]ion, or common Schole. 137
  • 2. His [...], or [...]ollege. 137.138
  • Pythagoras his Scholes from the Jews. 138.139
  • The Pythagorean 5 years Probation, and Silence from the Judaick Church. 139 140.141·
  • The Discipline of Pythagoras his schole. 142
  • Pythagoras his College, and Confederation from the Jewish Church. 142 143.144
  • Pythagoras his Symbol of Salt, an imitation of God's, Covenant of Sal [...], Levit. 2.13. 144.145.146
  • The Idea of Pythagoras his College from the Essenes. 14 [...] 148
  • The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, great Se­paratists. 148.149·
  • 2. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, shun­ned Pleasures. 149.
  • 3. The Pythagoreans, & Essenes injoyed all things in common 149
  • 4. The Pythagoreans Celibat from the Jews, & Essenes. 150
  • 5 Pythagorean Abstinences from the Jews, & Essenes. 151
  • 6 The Pythagorean Purifications. 7. their Festi­vals from the Jews. 152.
  • 8. The Pythagorean white distinctive Veste­ments from the Jews. 152.
  • 9. The Pythagorean Silence from the Jews. 153, 154
  • [Page]10. The Pythagoreans Reverence to their Do­ctors. 154
  • 11. Their owning Providence; and their Devotion. 154
  • 13. Their daily Studies. 14. Their daily Exercises, Inspections, and Examens of their Actions. 155
  • 15. Their zele against Apostates. 156
  • 16. Their Excommunication. 156
  • 17. A general Parallel betwixt the Essents, and Pythagoreans. 156

CHAP. 7. Of Pythagoras's Philosophie Natu­ral, and Moral; with its Tra­duction from the Jews.

  • THe Distribution of Pythagoras's Philoso­phie. 157
  • The several parts of Pythagoras's Philoso­phie; both what he received from Or­pheus, Egypt, Chaldea, and Phenicia, from the Jews originally. 158, 159.
  • Pythagoras's Mathematicks. 159
  • Pythagoras's Arithmetick from Phenicia. 160
  • Pythagoras's Musick. 160
  • Pythagoras's Astronomie. 161
  • The Earth's Motion. 161
  • Pythagoras's Geometrie, and Measures. 161
  • Pythagoras's Physicks: 1. Contemplative. 162
  • The Origine of the Universe. 162
  • The First Matter, and Form. 162
  • Pythagoras's notions of Fire. 163.164
  • 2 Pythagoras's Medicine from the Jews. 165
  • Pythagoras's Moral Philosophie. 165
  • 1. His Ethicks, Dogmatick, Exhortative, and Characteristick. 166, 167, 168.
  • 2. Pythagoras's Politicks. 169, 170.

CHAP. 8. Pythagoras's Theologie traduced from the Iewish Church.

  • PYthagoras's Theologie was the Center of his Philosophie. 172, 173
  • Pythagoras's Tetracty from the Judaick [...]. 173
  • Pythagoras's Metaphysick contemplations of God's Being [...], from Exod. 3.14. 174, 1 [...]5
  • Pythagoras's Scriptural Tradition of God's Ʋnitie. 176
  • Pythagoras of Gods Simplicitie. 177
  • Pythagoras his Divine. Idea's the same with the Scriptural tradition of Gods Decrees. 178-183
  • Parmenides his opinion of Idea's. 179, 180
  • Timaeus Locrus his Doctrine of Idea's. 181
  • Divine Idea's either primarie, or secondarie 181
  • All things made according to God's Exem­plar. 182
  • Pythagoras, of God's Providence over all. 183
  • Pythagoras's Model of Divine worship. 184· 187
  • 1. Against all Images in Divine worship. 184
  • 2. That God is to be worshipped by Rites of his own Institution. 185
  • 3. Pythagoras his exactness in Divine worship. 186
  • Pythagoras his Daemons, their office, and na­ture, in Imitation of the Messias. 187, 188
  • Of the Pythagorean Aeones. 188
  • Pythagoras his Metempsychosis a corrupt tra­dition of the Resurrection. 188, 189
  • A general Idea of Pythagoras's Philosophick, Mystick Theologie. 189, 190
  • Pythagoras his Divination. 190

CHAP. 9. Of Pythagoras's Symbols, and their Judaick Original, &c.

  • PYthagoras his Mode of Philosophizing Ju­daick, and Scriptural. 191, 192
  • An enumeration of Pythagoras his Symbols, which proves their Judaick original. 193
  • 1. Give the right hand of fellowship to none but Pythagoreans. 194
  • [Page]2. Abstain from things dead. 194, 195
  • 3. Set down Salt, a Symbol of Amitie. 195
  • Pythagoras his Ethick Symbols. 196
  • Pythagoras his Metempsychosis Symbolick. 197
  • Nebuchadnezar his Metempsychosis. 198
  • Pythagoras his Abstinence from flesh Symbo­lick. 198, 199
  • Pythagoras his Abstinence from beans Sym­bolick. 199, 200
  • Numbers Symbols of things Divine. 200
  • Pythagoras his Symbols of Divine Worship, of Judaick extract. 200.201
  • Of Pythagoras's Works. 201
  • Pythagoras his Sectators, and their destru­ction. 202
  • The Pride of the Pythagoreans, and all other Philosophers congenial. 204

CHAP. 10. Of the Eleatick Philosophie, &c.

  • XEnophanes the Founder of the Eleatick Sect. 205
  • Parmenides his Philosophie. 206
  • Zeno the Eleatick, Inventor of Logick. 206
  • Leucippus his Doctrine of Atomes. 207
  • Democritus, with his opinion of Atomes. 207
  • His skill in Experimental Philosophie. 208
  • His Ethicks, and [...]. 208
  • Of the Heraclitians, Epicureans, and Scep­ticks. 209

BOOK III. Wherein briefly of the Socratick, but more largely of the Pla­tonick Philosophie.

CHAP. I. Of Socratick Philosophie, its Ori­ginal, &c.

  • SOcrates the Author of Moral Philosophie. 212
  • Why Socrates applied himself chiefly to Moralitie. 212, 213
  • Socrates an Universal Scholar. 213
  • Socrates his Metaphysick contemplations, and their Judaick Origine. 214, 215
  • That all Virtue comes from God. 215
  • That all true knowledge is by Divine Infusion. &c. 215
  • Socrates his Daemon, his office, &c. 216
  • Socrates his Active Philosophie, how far con­templative, and wherein not. 217, 218
  • All Philosophie ought to end in Virtue. 218, 219
  • To know our selves, the first principle of Socra­tes his Philosophie. 220
  • His advice for the Government of the Tongue. 221
  • Socrates his Mode of Philosophizing natural, and familiar, answerable to the Jewish. 221
  • His Rhetorick mode Ironick. 221
  • His Dialectick by Induction, and Interrogations from the Judaick Scholes originally. 221, 222
  • The occasion, and Instruments of his Death, &c. 223
  • Socrates his Character. 224
  • His Scholars, and their different perswa­sions. 224, 225

CHAP. 2. Of Platonick Philosophie, and its Traduction from the Iews.

  • THat Plato borrowed his choicest notions from the Jews, is proved 1. By Testimo­nies. (1) of Pagans. 226
  • Plato his own confession hereof. 227, 228
  • Plato his [...]henician fables Judaick. 228
  • Plato his [...] some Judaick Tradi­tion. 228, 229
  • Plato his Divine Word Judaick. 229
  • Plato h [...] probable Fables Jewish. 229, 230
  • Why Plato conceled the name of the Jews. 230
  • [Page]The Testimonie (1) of Numenius. 231
  • (2) Of Jews, Aristobulus, and Jose [...] 231
  • (3) Of Christians, more Ancient [...] Martyr, Clem. Alexandrinus, Ambrose, A. 232, 233
  • (4) Of Modern Christians, Lud [...]es, Luther, Selden, Cudworth, Stillingfleet, Hornius, &c. 233, 234, 235

CHAP. 3. Of Plato's Life, and Travels for the procurement of Oriental Traditions.

  • THe Historie of Plato's Life. 236
  • Plato his Ancestors, and first Instru­ctors. 236, 237
  • Plato his Travels into Italie, and his Instru­ctions from the Pythagoreans. 237, 238
  • Plato his Travels into Aegypt, where he in­formed himself in the Jewish wisdom. 239
  • Plato, whilst in Aegypt, learned from the Jewish Doctrine (1) the Origine of the Universe. (2) the Fall. (3) of God, &c. 240
  • How Plato might receive Information from the Jewish Records, whilest in Egypt. 241
  • Plato's skill in the Egyptian, and Phenician Languages, gave him advantage to read the Scriptures. 241, 242
  • Plato his collections from the Phenician Theo­logie, and Philosophie. 243, 244
  • Of Plato his Academie. 244, 245
  • Plato his Character, and Works. 245, 246

CHAP. 4. Of the Academicks, and New Pla­tonicks of Alexandria.

  • THe Old Academie, and its difference from the New in point of suspension. 247, 248
  • Whether Plato dogmatized? 248, 249
  • Plato his Successors in the old Academie. 249
  • The New Academicks, and their [...], and [...], with its origine. 249, 250
  • The difference between the New Acade­micks, and Scepticks. 251
  • The original of the New Platonists, and their Schole at Alexandria. 251, 252
  • Of Potamon, Ammonius, Plutarch, Philo. 252
  • Of Ammonius the head of the sacred succession, his borrowing his choicest notions from the Scriptures. 253-255
  • Of Plotinus, and his Character. 255
  • Of Porphyrie, his origination, &c. 256
  • Jamblicus, Syrianus, Proclus. 257, 258
  • Of Johannes Grammaticus. 258, 259
  • Maximus Tyrius, Alcinous, Apuleius. 259
  • These New Platonists, called Electicks; be­cause they chose out the best of all Sects. 260, 261
  • The general designe of these New Platonists to reform Philosophie. 261, 262
  • The defects of this Platonick Reformation, be­gun by Ammonius. 262, 263
  • Too great extolling of Platonick Philosophie even above the Scriptures. 263
  • Particular evils, that followed upon this Platonick Reformation. 264
  • 1. As to the confirmation of Paganisme. 264
  • 2. As to the corruption of Christianisme. 265

CHAP. 5. Plato's Pythagorick, and Socratick mode of Philosophizing; with the original of both from the Jewish Church.

  • PLato his Symbolick mode of Philosophizing, and its various uses. 266, 267
  • How Plato his Symbols ought to be regula­ted. 268
  • Plato his Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Jews. 268, 269
  • Plato affects the Socratick mode of Philoso­phizing, y [...] with some differences. 270, 271
  • Plato his mode of reasoning by Dialogues, of Jewish origine. 272

CHAP. 6. The several distributions of Plato­nick Philosophie.

  • THe Distribution of Plato his Philosophie, as to its matter, into Pythagorick, Hera­chtick, Socratick. 274
  • Plato as to Theologicks, Pythagorizeth 274, 275
  • As to Sensibles, Plato follows Heraclitus. 275
  • As to Morals, Plato follows Socrates. 275, 276
  • A second Division of Platonick Philosophie, into Contemplative, and Active. 276
  • A third distribution of Plato his Philosophie into Moral, Natural, and Rational. 277, 278
  • A fourth distribution of Platonick Philoso­phie into Organick, and Essential. 278
  • The last distribution of Platonick Philoso­phie into Organick, or Rational, Natural, Moral, and Supernatural. 279, 280, 281
  • Plato his Natural Philosophie. 280
  • Plato his Mathematicks. 281
  • Plato his Moral Philosophie. Ibid.
  • Plato his Metaphysicks. 281, 282

CHAP. 7. General Idea's of Platonick Philo­sophie, and Philosophers.

  • PLato his Idea of Natural Philosophie. 283, 284
  • The Generick notion of Philosophie is Appetition. 283
  • The object of this Appetition, Sciences. 283
  • 1. Intelligence, the knowledge of first Prin­ciples. 284
  • 2. Science, or Demonstrative Discourse. 284
  • 3. Faith. 4. Imitation. 285
  • The Simple object of Philosophie. 285
  • The Specifick Act, contemplation. 285
  • The Qualities of this contemplation. 286
  • The Effect, and end of this contemplation, Truth, as Truth. 286
  • Plato his Idea of Moral Philosophie. 287
  • The Genus [...], or Prudence. 287
  • The ultimate end of Moral Philosophie, humane Beatitude. 287
  • The Intermediate object, Agibles. 287, 288
  • The offices of Moral Prudence. 288
  • The parts of Moral Prudence, 1. [...], Providence. 288
  • 2. [...], Dexteritie, or Sagacitie. 288, 289
  • 3. [...], Experience, or Sensation. 289, 290
  • The subject of Moral Prudence Conscience. 290
  • The [...], or Seat of Principles. 291
  • The [...], or Reflective light of Con­science. 291, 292
  • The Rule of Moral Prudence [...], &c. 292
  • Subjective Fight Reason, What? 292, 293
  • Plato his Divine Philosophie in the contem­plation, affection, and Imitation of God. 294, 295
  • Plato his [...], and [...]. 294
  • Plato his [...], and [...]. 295, 296
  • Plato his character of a Philosopher. 296
  • 1. A Philosopher must be [...]. 296
  • 2. Well instituted. 296
  • 3. [...], a Lover of Truth. 297
  • 4. Wholly devoted to Philosophie. 297
  • 5. Not covetous. 6. Nobly disposed. 297
  • 7. Couragious. 8. Not Morose. 298
  • 9. Of an harmonious, Musical nature. 298
  • 10. Virtuous. 299, 299

CHAP. 8. Of Plato's Logick, and its deriva­tion from the Iews.

  • PLato his forme of Logick, Dialogick. 299, 300
  • The original of this Dialogizing mode from the Pleatick Schole. 300, 301
  • Plato his Dialogizing Logick originally from the Jews. 301
  • The Scriptural mode of disputing by Dia­logues. 302
  • Logick a Key, or Organ for the Disquisition of Truth. 303
  • [Page] Plato his Logick Precepts for the Disquisition of Truth. 304
  • 1. A Logician must be of mature Age, grave, moderate, not vain-glorious. 304
  • How far the old Academie was guiltie of con­tentious Disputes. 304, 305
  • 2. The matter of Logick Disputes momen­tous. 305
  • 3. Lay good foundation-Principles. 305
  • 4. A methodick procedure from particulars to generals; from the part to the whole. 306
  • 5. The use of Exemplifications. 306, 307
  • 6. Distinguish well 'twixt Truth, and False­hood. 307
  • 7. State the Affirmative well. 307
  • 8. In the Definition of things, expect not more of certaintie than the matter will bear. 307, 308
  • 9. Libertie in our examens of Things. 308
  • 10. Value Reason, more than Autoritie. 308
  • 11. Modestie, and Moderation in Disputes. 309
  • Alcinous of Plato's Dialectick. 309-311

CHAP. 9. Of Plato's Physicks, and their Tra­duction from Sacred Storie.

  • PLato's Physicks, the storie of the Origine of the Ʋniverse. 313
  • That Plato had his Storie, concerning the Origine of the Ʋniverse, from Moses, is de­monstrated; 1. From his own confession. 2. From the Testimonie of others. 313, 314
  • Plato follows Moses, Gen. 1.1. in asserting the beginning of the Ʋniverse. 314, 315
  • How Plato affirmes the World to be Eternal. 315
  • God the first cause of all things. 316
  • God's Ideal Efficience. 316
  • Plato his Intelligible World. 316, 317
  • The difference betwixt Plato his Ideas, and Exemplar. 317
  • God's Energetick Efformative Efficiencie. 318, 319
  • Plato his [...], Soul of the Ʋniverse, what it imports. 319
  • Plato his Ʋniversal Spirit exactly answers, 1. To the Spirit's Efformative Virtue. 319, 320, 321
  • 2. To the Spirit's Conservation, and Provi­dence. 321
  • 3. To the Harmonie of the Universe. 322
  • 4. Plato h [...]s Ignisick Virtue: how far it may be stiled the Ʋniversal Spirit. 322
  • The Bodie of the Ʋniverse, and its original Matter. 323
  • The Parallel betwixt Moses, and Plato in the Description of the first Matter. 324-326
  • Moses's [...] the same with Plato's [...]. 324
  • Moses's [...] the origine of Plato's [...]. 324
  • Plato's [...] from Moses, Gen. 1.5. 325
  • Gen. 1.2. Moved on the face of the Waters. 326
  • The Bodie of the Ʋniverse is composed of the four Elements. 326, 327, 328
  • Plato received this distribution of the Ʋni­verse from Moses. 328-330
  • The form of the Universe, its Order. 330, 331
  • The Affections of the Universe. 331-336
  • 1. Its Perfection. 332-334
  • 2. Its Ʋnitie. 3. Its Finiteness. 334
  • 4. Its Figure. 5. Its Colors. 335
  • 6. Time. 7. Mobilitie. 8. Generation. 9. Du­ration. 336
  • The particular part of Physiologie. 337
  • The Creation of Angels. 337
  • The Creation of the Heavens, their nature Ignite, or Waterie. 337
  • That the Sun, and Stars are composed of Fire, demonstrated largely. 338, 339, 340, 341, 342
  • Of the Wind, Air, Water, &c. 342, 343
  • Of Active Physiologie, touching Plants, and Animals. 343
  • Of Man's Original, and Formation, accor­ding to the Image of God. 344
  • The Soul's Divine origine, Immortalitie, &c. 344, 345
  • The Humane Intellect, and its Sciences. 345
  • The Will its Definition. 346
  • Plato his Notions about the Soul from Scri­pture. 346
  • [Page] Physical Aphorismes for the conservation of human health. 346
  • Of Prophylactick Physick. 347
  • 1. The Causes of Diseases to be avoided. 347, 348
  • 2. Nature must be maintained in her due offices, and exercises. 349, 350
  • 1. Excretion. 2. Perspiration. 3. Activitie of Spirits. 4 Respiration, &c. 349
  • 3. Rules for Aliment. 350
  • Of Therapeutick Physick. 350, 351
  • The Character of a good Physitian. 351, 352

CHAP. 10. A brief Abstract of Plato's Moral, and Metaphysical Philosophie.

  • PLato's Ethicks, 1. Of the chiefest good. 354
  • 2. Of Virtue. 3. Of Sin. Ibid.
  • 4. Of the Affections, their Moderation. 354, 355
  • 5. And particularly of Love. 355
  • 6. Of Justice. 355
  • Plato his Oeconomicks, and Politicks. 355
  • Plato his Metaphysicks. 355
  • 1. Of God, his Essence, and Attributes. 355, 356
  • 2. Of the Humane Soul. 356

BOOK IV. Of Peripatetick, Cynick, Stoick, Sceptick, & Epicurean Philosophie.

CHAP. 1. Of Aristotelick, or Peripatetick Philoso­phie, its Traduction from the Jews.

  • THe Traduction of Aristotle's Philosophie from the Jews, proved 1. By Testimonies of Aristobulus, Clearchus, Steuch. Eugubinus, and Selden. 358, 359
  • Rational Arguments to prove, that Aristotle traduced the choicest parts of his Philo­sophie from the Jews. 360, 361
  • Aristotle his first Mover, God. 361
  • The Soul's Spiritualitie, &c. 361
  • Aristotle his Metaphysicks. 361, 362
  • Why Aristotle rejected the more sublime Judaick Traditions. 362
  • Aristotle his Ethicks, and Politicks. 363
  • Aristotle his Life. 363, 364
  • Aristotle his Character. 364, 365
  • A comparison betwixt Plato, and Aristotle, as to Rhetorick, Logick, & Metaphysicks. 366
  • Aristotle his Doctrines Acroatick, or Exoterick. 367.368
  • Aristotle his Works, what genuine. 368, 369
  • Aristotle his Books how conveighed to Po­steritie. 369, 370
  • Aristotle his Successors, Theophr [...]stus, &c. 370
  • Aristotle his [...]ommentat. Aphrodiseus, &c. 371
  • Arabian Comment Averroes, & Avice [...]na. 373
  • A general Idea of Aristotle's Philosophie by Ammonius. 374, 375
  • The end of Aristotle's Philosophie to know God. 375
  • Aristotle his mode of Philosophizing. 375
  • The Characters of a genu [...]ne Auditor, and good Expositor of Aristotle. 376
  • The distributi [...]n of Aristotle his Philosophie. 3 [...]6, 377
  • Aristotle his Logick. 377 383
  • A Scheme of Logick. 378, 379
  • Aristotle of Method. 380, 381
  • A Scheme of Ramus his Logick. 382, 383
  • Aristotle his Ethicks. 383
  • 1. Characters of the chiefest Good. 383-386
  • 2. Of Mans formal Beatitude. 386
  • (1) Its formal Reason in Operation. 386
  • (2) Its proper subject, the human Soul. 387
  • (3) Virtue the Soul's Qualification. 387
  • (4) The state of human Beatitude is a perfect Life, Intensively, and protensively. 387, 388
  • The principles of human Acts. 389
  • 1. Practick knowledge. 389, 390
  • 2. Volition, its end, and object. 390, 391, 392
  • Consultation: 1. its Object; 1. Things Pra­ctick. 2. In our Power. 3. The Means. [Page] 4. These Finite. 5. Things Parmanent. 6. Things Contingent, yet in our Power. Its main Work to find out means most con­ducible. 393, 394
  • 2. The Subject; He who hath his Wits about him. 395
  • 3. The Act, Practick Disquisition. Ibid.
  • Election. 1. Its Difference from Consult. & Volition. 2. Object, the Means. 3. Subject, Rational Will. 4. Act; 1 Rational. 2. De­termined, and fixed. 396
  • 5. Difficultie. 6. Effect as to Virtue. 7. De­finition. 397
  • Essential Adjunct of Human Acts, Voluntari­nesse, or Libertie: Voluntarie defined. 398
  • Coactive Necessitie alone exclusive of Libertie. 399
  • Indifferencie, and Contrarietie, unessential to Libertie. 400
  • Libertie Essential to the Will. Ibid.
  • God's Necessitating Concurse destroys not Li­bertie. 401
  • God's Predetermination of the Will, makes him not the Author of Sin. 402
  • Touching the Moralitie of Human Acts. Ibid.
  • 1. Of Moral Good, or Virtue. 403
  • 1. Virtues not Passions; 2. Not Powers. 404
  • 3. Virtues Habits; what an Habit is? 405
  • Formal Nature of Virtue in Mediocritie. 406
  • How Virtue consists in Mediocritie. Ib. 407
  • Mediocritie of Virtue, Harmonie. Ibid.
  • The Rule, or Measure of Mediocritie, Right Reason, or the Law of Nature. 408, 409, 410
  • Idea, or Definition of Moral Virtue. 411
  • 1. Virtue consists in the best End, and Work. 412
  • 2. All Virtues have the same general Idea. Ib.
  • Wh [...]t Vice is? Ibid. 413
  • Aristotle his Physicks. 413
  • 1. God's General Causalitie as the first M [...]ver. 414
  • 2. That Man's Soul is Incorporeous, and Immortal. Ibid.
  • Aristotl [...] his Metaphysicks, called by him the first Philosophie, or Theologie. 415
  • A Character of his Sapience; the Object whereof 1. Things most Ʋniversal, 2 M [...]st Difficult, 3. The first Causes. Ibid.
  • It Self, 1. Most desirable for it self. 2. Archi­tectomical, and Principal, &c. Ibid.
  • Aristotle his Sapience applicable only to God, and things Divine. 416

CHAP. 2. Of the Cynicks Sect, and their Philosophie.

  • CYnicks Original from Antisthenes, his Schole the Cynosarges. 417
  • Cynicks why so called. 418
  • Professors, Antisthenes, Diogenes, Crates, Demetrius. Ibid.
  • Affinitie 'twixt Cynicks, and Stoicks. 419
  • Principles of Cynicisme. 1. Virtue our Chief­est Good, 2. External Goods not desire­able. Ibid.
  • A Wise man enjoys all in God. 420
  • Cynicks abhorring Flatterie, bearing Re­proaches. Ibid.
  • Cynicks affected a kind of Impudence, great Reprovers of Vice, especially Pride. 421
  • Rejected all Philosophie besides M [...]ral. 422
  • Their Religion without Superstition. Ibid.
  • Their Justice, and Faithfulnesse. 423
  • Their esteem of Libertie. Ibid.
  • Virtue with them teachable. Ibid.
  • Cynick Philosophie from the Jews. Ibid.

CHAP. 3. Of the Stoick Sect, and Philosophie its Original.

  • ZEno his Original, and Instructors. 424
  • His Instituting the Stoick Sect, and his Character. 425
  • His Successor Cleanthes, his Character. 426
  • Di [...]g. Babyl. Antipater Sidon. Possidonius. 427
  • Roman Stoicks, Cato, Varro, Antoninus, Tullie, Seneca. Ibid.
  • Christian Stoicks, Pantaenus, Clem. Alexand. Ib.
  • Stoick Philosophie, from Jewish Theol [...]gie. 428
  • Stoicisme in general, its combination with other Sects. 429
  • Agreement with Cynicks, Difference with [Page] Peripateticks, and Contests with New Aca­demicks. Ibid.
  • Particular Dogmes of Stoicisme. Ibid.
  • 1. Comprehension, 2. Of God, and his Nature, 3. His Creation, and Providence, 4. Of Fate, 5. God's Providence over Mankind. 430, 431
  • Stoicks Physicks; 1. Of the Soul, 2. The [...]. Ibid.
  • Their Ethicks, 1. Appetition, and that firstly of Self-preservation, 2. That Passions are Irrational. 432, 433
  • Stoick Philosophie, its contradiction to Christian Religion; a cause of Pelagianisme, Ib. & 434

CHAP. 4. Of Scepticisme.

  • THe Scepticks several Names. 435
  • Pyrrho their Founder, his Character. Ibid.
  • His chief Dogme, that nothing could be known. 436
  • Formal Idea of Scepticisme, the Scepticks bu­sinesse to overthrow all Dogmes of other Sects. Ibid.
  • Sceptick suspension how far it extended. 437
  • Its Original from Heraclitus, and Plato his Schole. Ibid.
  • Plato, and the Old Acad. Dogmatick, not Scep­tick. 437
  • New Acad. wherein differing from Scepticks. 438
  • Scepticks avoided all Dogmatizing. Ibid.
  • Scepticisme a great Enemie to Christian Reli­gion. 439

CHAP. 5. Of Epicurisme.

  • EPicurus his Original. 440
  • His Institution of his Sect, and Character.
  • His Pride, and Contention. 441
  • Temperance, as reported by his friends. 442
  • His Industrie, Works, and Disciples. Ibid.
  • Epicurus's Physicks; 1. of Atomes. 443
  • His Canon, Contempt of Logick, Rhetorick, Mathematicks. Ibid.
  • His Ethicks; 1. Pleasure the chiefest Good, 2. this Pleasure Mental, in Virtue. 444
  • Maximes touching Pleasure, and Pain. Ib.
  • Atheistical Conceptions of God, his Provi­dence, &c. 446
  • How he undermin'd God's Providence. 447
  • He denied the Soul's Immortalitie. Ibid.
  • Pagan Philosophie determin'd in the Epicu­reans. Ib. & 448

Index of Scriptures explicated.

Genesis.
Ch. 1. Ver. 1
page 314, 316
Ch. 1. Ver. 2
page 56, 111, 164, 119, 324, 326
Ch. 1. Ver. 3
page 338, 342
Ch. 1. Ver. 5
page 56, 114, 325
Ch. 1. Ver. 9
page 332, 343
Ch. 1. Ver. 16
page 53
Ch. 1. Ver. 26, 27
page 344
Ch. 1. Ver. 31
page 113, 182
Ch. 2. Ver. 19, 20
page 6
Ch. 2. Ver. 21, 2 [...], 23
page 344
Ch. 13. Ver. 18
page 82
Ch. 14. Ver. 19, 22
page 54
Ch. 18. Ver. 17, 19
page 65
Ch. 44. Ver. 5
page 1 [...]
Ch. 47. Ver. 22
page 39
Ch. 50. Ver. 2
page 27
Exodus.
Ch. 3. Ver. 5
page 201
Ch. 3. Ver. 14
page 174, 175
Ch. 19. Ver. 5, 6
page 143
Leviticus.
Ch. [...]. Ver. 13
page 144
Ch. 26. Ver. 30
page 69
Numbers.
Ch. 6. Ver. 6
page 194
Ch. 18. Ver. 19
page 144, 146
Ch. 23. Ver. 14
page 2
1 Samuel.
Ch. 1. Ver. 1
page 2
Ch. 19. Ver. 18, 19
page 2
1 Kings.
Ch. 4. Ver. 30
page 23
Ezra.
Ch. 4. Ver. 14
page 144
Job
Ch. 4. Ver. 3
page 19
Ch. 31. Ver. 26, 27
page 68
Psalmes.
Ch. 105. Ver. 22
page 13
Ch. 135. Ver. 4
page 143
Ecclesiastes.
Ch. 5. Ver. 1
page 186
Ch. 9. Ver. 8
page 152
Daniel.
Ch. 4. Ver. 32, 33
page 198
Matthew.
Ch. 2. Ver. 1, 2
page 68
Ch. 7. Ver. 6
page 149, 194
Ch. 8. Ver. 22
page 194, 195
Ch. 13. Ver. 3
page 97
Marke.
Ch. 8. Ver. 11
page 1 [...]
Ch. 9. Ver. 49
page 145
Luke.
Ch. 11. Ver. 53
page 222, 273
Ch. 13. Ver. 26
page 144
Ch. 14. Ver. 34
page 145
Ch. 15. Ver. 24
page 167
Acts.
Ch. 7. Ver. 22
page 23
Ch. 14. Ver. 5
page 12
Ch. 17. Ver. 21
page 104
Romans.
Ch. 1. Ver. 21
page 98
Galatians.
Ch. 2. Ver. 9
page 148, 194
Philippians.
Ch. 3. Ver. 12
page 141
Ch. 3. Ver. 15
page 141
Colossians,
Ch. 2. Ver. 16
page 151
Ch. 2. Ver. 21, 22
page 151
1 Tim.
Ch. 3. Ver. 6
page 141
Ch. 4. Ver. 3
page 152
1 Peter.
Ch. 2. Ver. 9
page 143

The Court of the Gentiles. Part II. Of Philosophie.

Book I. Of Oriental, and Occidental Barbarick Philosophie.

Chap: I. Of Philosophie in General, and Scripture Philosophers.

The Greek [...] from the Hebrew Sophim i. e. Watchmen. Pagans de­fined Philosophie a Love of the highest and best Wisdom, answerable to the Scriptures Phrasiologie. Philosophers called also [...] and [...], from the Jewish Mysteries. God the first Exemplar, Matter, and Efficient of all Philosophie. Of the first Divine Philosophers, Adam, Seth, Enoch, Abraham. Of Joseph his instructing the E­gyptians. Moses's Writings, the Source of Phenician, Egyptian, and Grecian Philosophie, viz. Physicks, Metaphysicks, Mathematicks, and Politicks. Solomons Philosophie; also Jobs; and of the Jewish Scholes.

§. 1. WE now proceed to discourse of Philosophie, its Original and Traduction from the Jewish Church. And before we engage in the formal Explication; and Demonstration hereof, we shall first give a more general Idea, or Notion of Philosophie, (both name and thing) and then proceed to its original causes, &c. Philosophie,The Greek [...] from the Hebrew Sophim. in its first Introduction amongst the Grecians, was called [...], and Philosophers [...], as Heinsius (exercit. [Page 2] Sacr. lib. 1. cap. 2.) presumeth, from the Hebrew [...] Sophim Watch­men: thence 'tis said Numb. 23.14.Num. 23.14. that Balak brought Bâlam into a place, on the top of Mount Pisgah, called [...], which the English Version, printed at Geneva 1560, renders Sede-Sophim, the Seat of the Watch men. And that the Greeks derived their Sophi from this Sophim, Heinsius affirmes it without a peradventure; because the Greek [...] Sophi were wont, on such high hils, to observe the course and motions of the Heavens. That the Hebrews, as well as Phenicians, called their Wise men or Prophets [...] Sophim, Watchmen, is most evident to any that observe the Scripture Phrasiologie. So 1 Sam. 1.1.1 Sam. 1.1. we read of Ramathaim Sophim of Mount Ephraim: on which the Geneva Annota­tors observe, ‘That in this Citie, in Mount Ephraim, were Sophim, that is, the Learned and Prophets. Thence the Syriack Version ren­ders it, the hill of the Watches, or Watchmen. Yea, more particularly, that this Ramathaim Sophim was the chief Academie of their Wise men, or Scholes of their Prophets, is apparent from 1 Sam. 19.18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. v. 18.1 Sam. 19.18, 19. It is said, that David dwelt with Samuel, at Na­joth in Ramah. Najoth, say the Geneva Annotators, was a Schole where the Word of God was studied. Thence v. 20, &c. it is said, there were a Companie of the Prophets there. And what more common in the Scripture Dialect, than the stiling the Hebrew Prophets or Wise men [...] Sophim, i. e. Watchmen? Hence it is most likely (if not without doubt as Heinsius will have it) that the Greeks derived their [...]; who were also stiled [...], Speculatores, Watchmen; and thence [...] Wisdom, or Philosophie, is also called, by some of them, [...] Speculation: Whence that common division of Philosophie, into [...], speculative and practick Philosophie.

Others derive the Greek [...] from the Punick Sufes, which in that Language signifies a Magistrate. So Hornius. Historiae Philosoph. lib▪ 1. cap. 1. ‘We will that the original of the word [...], be fetcht from no other than the Punick Sufes, who, as 'tis well known, drew their tongue from the Syrophenicians or Cananites. And he gives this account of the Origination: In times past, saies he, none but Wise men were admit [...]ed to the dignitie of Magistrates. Such Sufes, in the daies of old, were Charondas, Solon, Lycurgus, and other Legi­slators, who were both wise men and Magistrates. So that there is no doubt to be made of it, but that [...] descended ence.’ This be­ing granted, yet it contradicts not the former Origination of Hein­sius: [Page 3] for Hornius seems to grant, according to that of Scaliger in Fe­stum, that Sufes was deduced from [...], which signifies an accurate speculation or contemplation, and so is the same with the Greek [...], or [...], or [...]: 'tis used in Scripture for the Contem­plation of sublime matters.

Camero Myroth cap. 2. Math. derives [...] from the Hebrew [...], others from [...], which signifies to cover, or hide, and so answers to the Greek [...], and differs but little from [...], which is of the same import. And that which makes for this origination is Joseph's Egyptian name, who was called by Pharaoh [...] i. e. an Interpre­ter of Secrets. Hence also the Persian Kings are, even to this day, cal­ed Sophi, which signifies Interpreters of the Gods and Wise men. So amongst the Arabians Sophus imports a Religious and Wise man, as Horn. Hist. Philos. lib. 1. cap. 4. So much for that proud title [...].

§, 2.Philosophie so called from the love of wisdom answerable to the Scripture Phrasiologie. But Pythagoras (as it is conceived) judging the terme [...] too proud and swelling for degenerate nature, stiles his wise man [...] a friend of wisdom, as Solomon, almost every where, in his Proverbs, describes his wise man, a Lover of wisdom, &c. whence Christ cals his wise men friends and children of wisdom. Thus Plato also defines a Philosopher, [...]: A Phi­losopher is a friend to nature and a Kinsman of truth. And elsewhere he cals Philosophers, [...],Cum majus ho­mine Sapientis nomen esse de­prehendisset, (Pythagoras) coram Leonte, Phi [...]asiorum si­ve Sicyoniorum Tyranno, non [...] se, sed [...] h. c. ut veteres expli­cant, [...], professus est. [...]c [...]. lib. 8. Horn [...]us Hist. Philos. l. 3 c. 11. sincere and friendly Contemplators of truth. Answerably whereunto Philosophie is by him sti­led, [...] love of truth: on which, in his Cratylus, he gives this glosse, [...], q, [...] i. e. a Divine evagation, or wandring of the mind after the first Wisdom and divine Truth. Whence he asserts, that a true Philosopher has the true Knowledge [...] of things: thence he de­fines him thus: [...] a Philosopher is one that covets all wisdom: and so true Philosophie is by him stiled, the Know­ledge of the fairest and choicest good, and not only of its picture: Which in his sixth Book of his Common Wealth, he tells us plainly is no other than the Knowledge of God, which he cals [...], The Idea of the chiefest good, and [...] the highest Discipline, and [...], the genuine Philosophie; namely because it is (saies he) [...], the Introducti­on of the Soul from a certain night-day, to the true discoverie of the first being. Whence he addes, that his [...] or [...] consists, not only in the contemplation of some lower objects, and Arts; but it is conversant [...] [Page 4] [...], about the true being of beings, and the first beautie: thence (saies he) he that contemplates [...], many beauties, but not the one first, and chiefest beautie, is not a Philosopher, but a dreamer, one that has only an opinionative knowledge of things. So Aristotle in his Rhetorick, speaking of true knowledge, saies, [...], Knowledge or Philosophie is the erection and elevation of us into our natural state. And Cicero defines a Philosopher one that studies to know the causes and natures of all things Divine and human, &c. and Philosophie he termes the contemplation of death. Philosophum o­portet nihil sic agere, quam ut semper studeat a­nimam corporis consortio separa­re, & ideo exi­stimandum Phi­losophiam esse mortis affectum, co [...]suetudinem (que) moriendi, Apu­leius lib. 2 de Philosophia. So Plato in Theage, defines Philosophie, [...], a contemplation of death, And Pythagoras made Philosophie to be the contemplation of Truth; which Architus understood of the Principle of Principles, and Plutarch of the Divine Majestie: Whence a Philo­sopher, in the Pythagorean estimation, is the same with [...]. Last­ly Plato in Phaedone, cals Philosophie, [...], an assimilation to God so far as 'tis possible for man. Whence the same Plato defines Philosophie, [...], the knowledge of Divine and human affairs, with their causes: which agrees with that of Cicero lib. 2. Offic. Philosophie is the know­ledge of Divine and human things. Lastly Plato assures us, that to phi­losophize, is to know, love, and imitate God: which he makes to be the summe not only of speculative and moral Philosophie, but also of Poli­ticks: for (saies he) that Common-w [...]alth is most happy in which Philoso­phers are Kings, or Kings Philosophers.

Philosophers called [...] from the Jewish [...].§. 3. Hence also the Greek Philosophers, especially the Pytha [...]oreans, when they came to the perfect comprehension of their mysteries and principles, were called [...] perfect, in opposition to their Novices or learners; which phrases and custom they seem to have borrowed from the Jewish Scholes, and Colleges, wherein there were divers orders; & the highest therein were called [...] perfect: whereunto the Apostle Paul seems (unto some) to allude Phil. 3.12. [...], and v. 15. [...] perfect, Dailie on Phii. 3.12. & 15. of which see Book. 2. chap. 6. par. 5. of which more hereafter when we come to treat of the Pytha­goreans; who were also called by the latter Philosophers [...] and [...], Mythologists and Philomythists; because of their great imitation of, and symbolizing with the Jews, in mysteries and wisdom, from whom they borrowed the most of their Discipline and Philoso­phie. From these general hints and intimations we may easily collect, what cognation the Pagan Philosophie had with the Jewish Wisdom: nei­ther [Page 5] can we imagine how those dark capacities of Heathen Philosophers, should come to be informed with such clear contemplations of God, and Jewish mysteries, but by some derived traditions, and fr [...]gments bor­rowed from the Scriptures and Jewish Church, as hereafter·

§ 4, But to run up Philosophie to its first source and spring head;God the first ef­ficient and ex­amplar of all Philosophie as well as its first object, or mat­ter. we must remember that God (who is the original Idea of all truth, the eternal wisdom and fountain of all light) is the first Exemplar, and Ef­ficient of all Philosophie. For as God made all things according to the eternal universal idea of his own Wisdom and Decrees, so likewise has he stamped, and deeply impressed, on the very beings and natures of all things made, certain characters or intelligible ideas and resemblances of his own divine wisdom, which the Scholes usually terme the light and law of nature; which is nothing else but those created emanations, or rayes of light and order stamped on the beings of things, and scattered up and down in the Universe, which offering themselves to the human understanding, become the objective matter of Philosophie. So that it is apparent, Philosophie, as all other Sciences, owes its original to the Di­vine Intellect and Wisdom; which beaming it self forth on the works of its hands, and diffusing some derivation of wisdom, light, and order into every creature, for the government and direction thereof unto its respe­ctive ends, becomes the objective idea, or matter of all Philosophie; and then the same Divine Wisdom irradiating the mind of man, to con­template those bright Ideas of created wisdom, which lie hid in the creature, and enabling it to gather up the same into several branches or Sciences, it becomes the prime efficient of all Philosophie. So that whether we consider Philosophie objectively, as lodged in the natures of things, or formally, as brancht forth into several sciences, it all owes its original to the bosom of Divine Wisdom.

§. 5. Hence it follows, that the original impulsive cause of all Philo­sophie, was Admiration of the admirable Wisdom, Power,Philosophie from Admiration. See Vossias de Philosophia l. 1. c. 2. §. 6. & Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 1. c. 10. and Good­nes of God shining in his works of Creation and Providence, as Rom. 1.19, 20. So Plato in his Theaetetus tels us, that [...] The great Pa­thos or affection of a Philosopher is to admire: neither had Philosophie any other original than this. The like Aristotle asserts, in the Proeme to his Metaphysicks, (which Stobaeus Serm. 3. cites) [...], &c. Men now, as formerly, begin to Philosophize from admiration: for men first began to admire things lesse [Page 6] wonderful, Eus [...]b. l. 1. Praep. c. 6. scribit, Aegyptios ferunt primos omnium cum oculos in caelum sustulis­sent, modum, ordinem, & quantitatem corporum cae­lestium admi­ratos, Solem & Lunam Deos p [...]tasse. Haec nimirum illa ad­miratio fuit, quam inter Phi­losophiae caussas antiqui retulere Horn. Hist. phil. l 2. c. 5. That all heath [...]n Philosophie sp [...]ung from ad­miration of Gods wonders in na­ture o [...] in his Ch [...]rch see Dr. Jackson on the Sc [...]ptures fo [...]o 47 la [...] Edition then proceeding thus by degrees, they doubted of greater mat­ters, as of the origine of the Ʋniverse, &c. whence he concludes [...] wherefore a Philosopher seems to be, in some sense, a Philomythist: (or Mythologist, i: e: a relator of Fables and wonders) for a Fable consists of things won­derful. The same see Arist. Metaph. lib. 2. cap. 2. In which words Aristotle gives us an exact and full account, of the original ground and impulsive cause of all Philosophie, both Mythologick and Simple. For, whence was it that the Phenicians, Egyptians, and their Apes the Grecians, so much delighted themselves in their Philosophick contem­plations of the origine of the Ʋniverse, &c. but from some fabulous narrations, or broken traditions which they had traduced to them, from the Jewish Church, touching the wonders of God which appeared in his works of Creation and Providence, especially towards his Church which these purblind Heathens greatly admired, though they understood them not, and so mixed their own Mythologick or fabulous conjectures with them. And that this was the true Origine of all the Pagan [...] night Philosophie (which is Plato's own phrase) will be more evident hereafter, when we come to treat of the Grecian Philo­sophie.

§. 6. As for the created causes of Philosophie; they may be redu­ced to these two common heads, 1. Its first Institutors or Authors. 2. Its constitutive principles both material and formal, or the essential parts thereof. We design some discourse on both, thence to make good our Demonstration touching the Traduction of all Philosophie from the Scriptures and Jewish Church. And to proceed methodically here­in,The first Institu­tors of Philoso­phie Divine We shall begin with the first human Institutors, or Authors of Phi­losophie; who were indeed Divine, and divinely illuminated; so that the wisdom we find scattered up and down amongst the Pagan Philo­sophers, was but borrowed, and derived from these Divine [...]ights, who were inlightned by the Divine Word, that life and light of men, which shined in the darknes of the Pagan World, but the darknes compre­hended it not. as John 1.4, 5. the light, &c.

Adam the grea­t [...] human Phi­losopher Gen. 2.19, 20The first created Divine Institutor of all Philosophie was Adam, who, without all peraduenture, was the greatest, amongst meer mor­tals, that ever the world possessed; concerning whom the Scripture tels us, G [...]n. 2.19, 20. That he gave names to every living thing, &c. which argues his great Sagacitie and philosophick penetration into their natures. [Page 7] For look a [...] our conceptions, if true, so also names, if proper, should be, and, as we may presume, at first were no other than [...], images of things: So both Aristotle and Plato cal names [...] imitations of things. Adam could, by his profound Philosophie, anato­mize, and exactly prie into the very natures of things, and there con­template those glorious Ideas, and Characters of created Light and Or­der, which the increased Light and Divine Wisdom had impressed thereon; and thence he could by the quicknes of his apprehension immediately collect, and forme the same into a complete system [...] or bo­die of Philosophie; as also most methodically branch forth the same into particular sciences, &c. whereas all Philosophers since Adam, having lost, by his fall, this Philosophick Sagacitie, of prying into the natures of things, they can only make some poor conjectures (in comparison) from some common accidents, and the external superficies, or effects of things; and therefore cannot receive conceptions, or give names exactly suited to the natures of things, as Adam before them did.

And that Plato had received some broken tradition touching this Philosophie of Adam, is evident from what he laies down in his Politi­cus, (and elsewhere) touching the golden Age, or the state of Innocence, wherein, saies he, our first parent was [...], the greatest Philo­sopher that ever was. And Bal [...]us (de Script. Brit. cent. 10. praesat.) tels us, ‘That from Adam all good Arts and human Wisdom flowed, as from their Fountain. He was the first that discovered the mo­tions of the celestial bodies; the natures of Plants, of Living, and all other creatures; he first published the formes of Ecclesiastick, Po­litick, and Oeconomick Government. From whose Schole pro­ceeded whatever good Arts and Wisdom were afterward propa­gated by our Fathers unto mankind. So that whatever Astronomie, Geometrie, and other Arts contain in them, he knew the whole thereof· Thus Baleus. The like Hornius Hist. Philosoph. lib 1. cap 2. Adam therefore being constituted in this Theatre of the Universe, he was ignorant of nothing, that pertained to the Mysterie of Nature. He knew exactly, and that without error, the Natures of all Animals, the virtues of Herbes, and the causes of things. The Light of Rea­son, which we now call Logick, altogether unspotted, and without cloud, overcame the obscuritie of things, and dispelled darknes, if there were any. Now there was the highest [...], exactnes of Oeconomicks, and Politicks; for man was never so much as then [...] [Page 8] [...] a sociable creature. Which the ancient Mythologists are wont to adumbrate under the Golden Age, wherein ‘Sponte sua sine lege fidem, rectumque colebant.’ The seat of this most noble Philosophie is, in the sacred Scriptures, stiled [...] the Garden of Eden. For there is nothing more excellent gi­ven, by the great God, to mankind than that pleasure, which ariseth from the contemplation of things.’ The Chaldees cal this Garden of Pleasures [...], and the Greeks following them, [...], Paradise. Thus Hornius, who, cap. 11. repetes the same in these words, ‘All Arts, as mankind, had their beginning from Adam, who among the pleasures of Paradise, learned Philosophie even from God himself.’ And K [...]ckerman, Tract. 2. Praecogn. Logic. cap. 2. saies, ‘that he doubts not, but that our first Parents delivered over to their Posteri­tie, together with other Sciences, even Logick also, especially seeing they, who were nearest the Origine of all things, had an intellect so much the more excellent than ours, by how much the more they excelled us in length of life, firmitude of health, and lastly in air, food, &c.

Seths Philoso­phic.§. 7. From Adam sprung Seth, who, according to Josephus lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 3. followed his father in the pursuit of wisdom, especially that part thereof which concernes the Celestial bodies, their [...], in which kind of Philosophie he proved a very eminent Do­ctor, as Josephus. So Hornius Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 2. ‘The first menti­tion of Letters fals upon Seth's times; who being mindful of his Fa­thers Prophesie, foretelling the Universal Dissolution of things, the one by the Deluge, the other by fire, being not willing to extinguish his famous Inventions of Astrologie; he thought upon some monu­ment, to which he might concredit these Mysteries: At length it seemed good unto him to engrave Arts and Disciplines on two great pillars of Brick, thereby to preserve them from destruction.’ And that this Tradition is not vain, is proved by the Autoritie, and [...] of Jo­sephus; who witnesseth, that one of these pillars remained in Syria even to his time, and was seen by him.

Enochs Philoso­phie. Ab Enoch se Astrologiam ac­cepisse professus est Abraham teste Alexandro, ac Euseb. lib. 9. praepar. c. 5. De Mathusalah Artabanus apud Eusch. l. 9 praepar, c. 5. cum ab Angelis multa cognovisse, quae cae [...]eros docuerit, Hornius Histor. Philosoph. lib. 1. cap. 11.§. 8. The learned also reckon Enoch amongst the first Divine Philo­sophers, especially for his supposed skil in Astrologie and Astronomie: so Eusebius de praepar. Evang. lib. 9. and out of him Bochart Phaleg. [Page 9] lib. 2. cap. 13. fol. 101. ‘I cannot but adde (saies he) what is found concerning the same Enoch in Eusebius, out of Eupolemus, of the Jews. He saies that Abraham, when he taught Astrologie and other Sciences at Heliopolis, af [...]irmed, that the Babylonians attributed the invention of the same to Enoch, and that he was the first inventor of Astrologie. It follows, not far after, that the Grecians attribute the invention of Astrologie to Atlas; and that Atlas was the same with Enoch, &c. In which words we may note that Enoch and Atlas are reputed for the same. Perhaps from hence, that as Atlas by the Carthaginians is called Duris, and Dyris, so Enoch by the Arabians, [...] Idris: thus Bochart. How far these Traditions deserve assent, as also those other of Enoch's engraving his Prophecies and Astrologie on pillars, which, they say, continued after the sloud, it concernes us not to debate: only thus much we are assured by Jude 14, &c. That E­noch had certain Prophecies touching the worlds dissolution by fire, and the last judgement, &c. And that the Stoicks derived their [...], or purification of the world by fire, from some broken tradition of this Prophecie of Enoch, is not without ground conjectured by Grotius & other Criticks. Baleus (de Script. Brit. cent. 20 fol. 3.) tels us, that Enoch, a man famous for Prophecie, is supposed to have written before the floud of Divine matters, &c.

§. 9. Another Scripture Philosopher is Abraham, who is supposed,Abrahams skill i [...] Astronomie. See mo [...] of this chap. 4. Sect. 3. of Abrahams communicating Astronomie to the Chaldeans. even by Pagan Historians, to have taught both the Chaldeans, where he was first seated, and also the Egyptians, Knowledge in Astronomie. So Lud. Vives, in August de Civit, Dei lib. 18. c. 2. ‘Not only sacred, but also many of the prophane Writers have mentioned Abraham: as Hecataeus, who writ a Book particularly of Abraham; so Eusebius de praep. Evang. Also Alexander the Polyhistorian; who saies, that Abraham, born in the tenth generation after the Floud, was the In­ventor of Astrologie amongst the Chaldeans, &c. Damascenus Hist. lib. 4. writes, that Abraham coming from Chaldea with an Armie, reigned at Damascus. Hence he passed into Canaan, leaving a great memorie behind him at Damascus. But when Canaan was prest with famine, he travelled thence into Egypt, and entring into debates with those Priests, he much profited them both in the Knowledge of things, & also for pietie, & the ordering of their manners, and life. Alexander reports that he lived some time in Heliopolis, neither did he professe himself to be the Inventor of Astrologie, but to have received it from [Page 10] his Ancestors, by whose hands it was conveighed unto him, even from Enoch. Artapanus reports, that the Hebrews were so named from Abraham, who lived twenty years in Egypt, where he taught Phare­tates the Egyptian King the Knowledge of the Stars, and thence retur­ned into Syria, So Lud. Vives. Baleus (de script. Brit. cent. 10. fol. 3) tels us, out of Phil. Welphius of the lives of learned men, ‘that A­braham found out the Syriack and Chaldee Letters, also many prin­ciples of Astrologie; for he was a prudent and holy man, and excellent­ly learned as to human matters. And after his abode amongst the Egyptian wise men, he was the first that instructed them in Astro­nomie and Arithmetick: for before his coming into Egypt, the Egyp­tians were altogether ignorant of these Sciences.’ So B [...]l [...]us, G [...]r. Vossius de philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 8. §. 7, 8. gives us this ac­count of Abraham's Philosophie: ‘But whether (saies he) Abraham the Patriarch drew his Astrologie from the Chaldeans, or rather the Chal­deans received it from Abraham; this Science came by Abraham first to those of Palestine, or the Canaanites, and afterwards to the Egypti­ans. That Abraham passed from Ʋr of the Chaldeans into Palestine, is sufficiently known by Scripture: and that he was also skilled in Astrologie, Berosus shews in these words: [...]. In the tenth Age after the Floud, there was among the Chaldeans a just and great man, and well skilled in the Knowledge of the Heavens. J [...]se [...]hus Antiquit. l. 1. c 7. cites this passage of Berosus, and addes, that Abraham, who was the tenth from Noah, was signified by it. And this is confir­med by what is said of Abraham by Eupolemus, in Eusebius, [...], that he was the Inventor of Astrologie, and the Chaldaick Art of Divination. Which is an evident confession of an Heathen. It is also enough credible that the Canaanites, and a­mongst them the Phenicians learned much touching the Natures of things from Abraham, who sojourned amongst them. More­over it is well known, that when Canaan was prest with famine A­braham went into Egypt; where he said his wife Sarah was his sister, whom the King had abused, had he not been admonished by God. But being taught who Abraham was, (as Josephus lib. 1. cap. 8. relates) he gave him power of conversing with the most excellent and the most learned of the Egyptians. Then Abraham (saies he) [...] [Page 11] [...], bountifully commu­nicated unto them Arithmetick and Astronomie, for before the coming of Abraham, the Egyptians were ignorant of these Sciences: for they came from the Chaldeans to the Egyptians and from them to the Grecians. This Philosophie of the Jews derived from Abraham was two fold, partly natural, whereof Astrologie was a part; and partly Divine, of God and his works, &c. How far these reports touching Abraham may deserve credit, I shall not contend. I find a great confirmation of what has been mentioned touching Abraham's Philosophie in Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 2. c. 10. ‘Amidst these darknesses (speaking of Nimrod's Apostasie) of depraved Philosophie, shone forth, as an hopeful star, Abraham, a person of a famous ingenie, who was contemporarie with Ninus, Semiramis, and Zoroaster, as Euseb. He was a man renown­ed not only among sacred, but also prophane writers; namely of whom Hecataeus writ a whole book: and Berosus, Nic. Damascenus, Alexander, Eupol [...]mus, M [...]la, with many others cited by Eusebius l. 9. praepar, c 4. make mention of him. He being in his first years educated in the Institutes of the Magi, or Chaldeans, Jos. 24.2. drank in a corrupt Philosophie from his Parents, in which not­withstanding he made a better proficience than all others. For he being a very wise and eloquent person, as also invested with a great sagacitie, observed from natural things, that there was a God, and that he was to be worshipped by us; as Josephus lib. 1. Ant. c. 8. and Philo teach us; But his mind being not as yet irradiated with any Divine Light, it was envelopped in the darknesses of many errors; which, so soon as he was commanded by God to depart out of Chal­dea, he exchanged for a more bright Light, and so of a Magus he became an Hebrew, or Christian Philosopher, studious of sacred wisdom. In whose familie there was a famous Academie and seat of Philosophie. For Abraham had a great name for wisdom, not only among his own, but thorowout all the East. Josephus, out of Bero­sus, attests, that he communicated to the Egyptians the science of Numbers, or Arithmetick; and that of the Stars, called Astronomie, of which sci­ences the Egyptians were then very ignorant. And Alexander tels us, that the Heliopolitan Priests, and others made use of his Institution in Astrologie, Arithmetick, Geometrie, and other parts of wisdom. And who can doubt of his skill in Astrologie, seeing he drew his ori­ginal from Chaldea. VVhence what Orpheus sung, that God of [Page 12] old reveled himself to one Chaldean only, they suppose to be meant of Abraham: when therefore he came into Canaan, it may not be doubt­ed, but that the Phenicians drew from him the rudiments of purer wisdom; for he was much in favor with the Princes of that Countrey, and venerable among their Kings. Thence, whilest his children dis­persed Golonies into diverse Regions, his more pure Philosophie was communicated together therewith; which was soon contaminated by the errors of Cham's Posteritie. This wisdom his son Isaac recei­ving from him, as an inheritance constantly to be reteined, according to the example of his Father, propagated in Canaan, and in Egypt. The same may be said of Jacob, whose great sagacitie and experience in Natural Philosophie, is sufficiently discovered in the wonderful artifice he used for the conception of the Cattel Gen. 33.37, &c. There is also in his Historie, some mention made of the Astrologie of the Syrians, &c. Thus Hornius more largely.

Of Joseph his instructing the Egyptians and by them stiled Hermes or Mer­curius.§, 10. Amongst the Divine Philosophers we must not omit the mention of Joseph, who is said, and that upon solid Scripture grounds, to have instructed the Egyptians in their wisdom, and Philosophie; and in after Ages passed amongst them under the name of Hermes, or Mercurius Trismegistus. Thus much is asserted by Cluverus in his Historie of the world pag. 12. Joseph, saith he, having attained to a mesure of wisdom, as it seemed above human, he obtained the whole administration of Egypt, and a dignitie the next to the Regal. Hence the common sable, that Hermes, that is, Interpreter, was the first inventor of Arts and Sciences amongst the Egyptians. For the wisdom of the Egyptians owes its self unto Joseph, who by the Kings authoritie taught them both divine and human Arts.’ So Cl [...]v [...]rus. The name Hermes [...], which signifies an Interpreter, seems to be gi­ven, and that most properly unto Joseph, because of his Divine Art in the interpreting of Dreams. And that he was esteemed by the E­gyptians, as a person endowed with an extraordinary facultie of divi­ning, and interpreting Dreams, or things secret▪ is most evident from Gen. 44.5.Gen. 44.5. where they mention his divining, &c. Though they knew not the Divining power by which he was inspired, but imputed it to his cup, yet the thing it self was manifested by his interpreting the Dreams of Pharaoh, his Butler, &c. That this Art of Divining, or in­terpreting things was also attributed by the fabulous Pagans to Mer­curie, Act. 14 5. is apparent from Act. 14.12. where Mercurie is called [...] [Page 13] an Interpreter. The Egyptians called their Hermes Theuth, and sup­posed him to be the inventor of all their Arts and Sciences. That Jo­seph was indeed the Instructor of the Egyptians, and that by the Kings appointment, is most clear from Psal. 105.22.Psal. 105.22. where he is said to be appointed by the King to teach his Senators wisdom: but the old Ge­neva Edition (an 1560.) renders it more properly: and teach his An­cients Wisdom, [...] to instruct their Elders, that is, their Priests, That Joseph taught the Egyp­tians Geometrie, &c. see Vossius de Philos. Sect. l. 2. c. 2. §. 2. as hereafter in the Egyptian Philo­sophie. &c. That Joseph took a particular care of the Egyptian Priests, not only by instituting a College for them, and making provision accor­dingly, as Gen. 47.22, but also by instructing them in the Knowledge and service of the true God, the motions of the Heavens, and other parts of sound Philosophie, will afterward appear, when we come to treat of the Egyptian Philosophie. At present it shall suffice us to give his character, as drawn by Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 2. c. 10. Joseph, saies he, was of a great name; who after various Vicissitudes of Provi­dence, was at length, after having happily interpreted the Kings Dream, by the publick suffrage of the King and people reputed, as indeed he was, the most wise of all the Egyptians, and so honored with that splendid Title, [...] i e. an Interpr [...]ter of secrets (Gen. 41.39, 45.) Neither may we in any measure doubt, but that, whatsoever there was of Truth agreable to Scripture, to be found among others, especially the Egyptian Philosophers, that they received it from the Hebrews, among whom they frequently and long conversed, even from Abrahams times. But especially from Joseph they received much of their Wisdom, whom, seeing he was next the King, no one of them durst contradict. Whence there are not wanting some who write, that there were Scholes of Wisdom and Virtue erected by Jo­seph in Egypt. And indeed that there were such, appears, from the Hi­storie of Moses, whom the Scripture makes to be learned in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians, Which seems to be made good by what David notes Psal. 105 22. that Joseph was commanded by Pharaoh, to teach his Princes according to his pleasure, and to instruct his Elders in Wisdom. For so the Vulgar renders the word [...], from which version, seeing it is most plain, we may not recede. For it may be dedu­ced as well from [...], as from [...] &c. [...] signifying as well to instruct as to chastise. Whence I wonder, what came into their minds, who ‘contend, that Josephs Doctrine was not publickly approved. For see­ing it was publickly delivered in their Scholes and Academies, who [Page 14] can denie, that it was publickly authorized by the King, and Nobles of the Kingdom? His Placits were so far from being contradicted, as indeed no one durst murmur against him Gen. 41.39, &c. They do ill allege the event. For the Egyptians after the death of Joseph, and their King, who favored him, returned again to their Vomit, and abrogated the true Philosophie. This is well observed by Philip in Chronico l. 2. Not long after the death of Joseph, the Egyptian Kings, rejecting his Doctrine again worshipped Idols, and embraced Magick Arts. Yet there remained some rudiments, and [...] of truth. For, that the ancient Egyptians held the world to have a begin­ning, and that they thought the year to begin from Libra, which they supposed also to be the beginning of the World; these Traditions they drew from no other fountain than Joseph, as Jos. Scaliger ad lib. 1. Manil [...]i admonisheth. From the same Joseph also they learned the Souls immortalitie, which presently was changed into that mon­stre of their [...]. As therefore the Egyptians owe not the least part of their wisdom to the Hebrews, so also they participate with them in many names, which is even yet discovered, in many of the names of their Gods, as we have before often demonstrated.’ See Part 1. Book 2. c. 7. of Egyptian Gods.

Of Moses's Phi­losophie.§. 11. But amongst all the Divine Philosophers, there was none that opened a more effectual door, for the propagating of philoso­phick principles and light, than Moses; who by his writings,Note: Cum (que) Mo [...]es tot cum Deo ipso col­loquia habuerit, tot leges conduderit, rerum ipsam natur [...]m primigeniam de­scrips [...]t, d [...]bium non est, quia pro­fundissima sa [...]entia praeditus fuerit. Qua etiam apud G [...]atile [...] [...]heme [...]ter incla [...]it. Qui, ut de aliis antiquis patribus pauca, ita de M [...]se plurima cogno [...]runt. Ho [...]ius Hist. Philos. l, 2. c. 13. contained in his five books (besides his per­sonal Conferences) laid the main foundations of all that Philosophie, which first the Phenicians and E­gyptians, and from them the Grecians were masters of. Whence was it that Sanchoniathon, and the Gre­cian Philosophers after him, had such clear notions of the original of the world, the first Cha [...]s or Matter, out of which God framed all things? Was it not from Moses's descriprion of the Creation Gen. 1.2? Lud. Vives de Veritate fidei, speaks thus; ‘The Creation of the World was so described by Moses, that the greatest Philosophers admired the depth, and embraced the truth of the narration; especially the Py­thagoreans (whom Plato in his Timaeus follows) who expressed the said production of the world, sometimes in the very same words.’ Plato (in his Timaeus fol. [...]9. being to treat of the origine of the Universe, ac­knowledgeth, [Page 15] this could not be known but by some probable fable or Tra­dition, [...], &c. which came originally from Moses's Historie of the Creation. This will be evident by the enumeration of particulars.

1. How came Sanchoniathon, that great Phenician Philosopher, to the Knowledge of his [...] i. e. [...] Cauth Ereb, Sand oniathon & Mochus their Philosophie from Gen. 2. but from Gen. 1.2. & darknes, &c. only the word [...] from v. 5 Hence all the Poe­tick fictions of the first Chaos, & the philosophick contemplations of the first matter, privation, &c. Hence also Mochus, another Phenician Phi­siologist, received his traditions about Atomes, Anaxago [...]as pro­n [...]ncia [...]t omnii [...] verum principi­um [...], i. e. men­tem— Eidem menti omnia da­bat Anaxago [...]as a [...]. M [...]ses apud Hebraeos St [...]uch [...]gub [...]a de pe­ [...]. [...]hil [...]. l. 1. c. 4. which he makes to be the first principles of the world, &c. Whence also drew the Egyptians their philosophick persuasions of the worlds beginning, &c. if not from this Mosaick Fountain? How came Plato to discourse so accurately of the order, beautie, harmonie and perfection of the Ʋniverse, the contem­plation whereof (saies he) was exceeding pleasing to its maker? Could he possibly have discoursed of these things in such Scriptural Phrasiologie, had he not received some Traditions from Moses Gen. 1.31, &c? Whence came his conceptions of Anima mundi, the Soul of the world, but from Jewish Traditions touching Gods framing and gover­ning the world by his Spirit and Providence (which Plato cals [...]) in the most perfect harmonious manner, as the soul governes the bodie Gen. 1.2? Hence Plato (according to his Allegerick manner of dis­course) supposeth the world to be an Animal,Joh. Grammat. de mundi Creat. lib. 6. cap. 21. yea a visible image of the in [...]isible God; that is, saies Johannes Grammaticus (that excellent Christian Philosopher) what Moses affirmed properly of man, Gen. 1.27. that he was made according to the image of God, Plato transfers to the wh [...]le Ʋniverse. Yea indeed the whole of the Grecian Physiologie, touch­ing the Origine of the world, its first matter, privation, and forme, &c. in all likelyhood, owes its original to some Mosaick tradition from the first chap. of Genesis, &c.

2. As their Physicks, so also the Metaphysicks, Plato's M [...]ta­physick contem­plations of God and the Soul from Moses's Philosophie. laid down by the Gre­cian Philosophers, seem evidently to be derived, and borrowed from Mo­ses's sacred Philosophie. We read Ex [...]d. 3.14. of Gods name I am, whence Austin puts it beyond all doubt, that Plato traduced his no­tions of [...], which he ascribeth to the first and most perfect Being. From the same Scripture Fountain also came his con­templations about his [...], &c. as Gen. 1.2. whence the Plato­nicks generally assert a [...] Trinitie answerable to the Scriptures: and, in sum, never Heathen Philosopher treated more distinctly, yea di­vinely [...] [Page 14] [...] [Page 15] [Page 16] of God, his Nature, and Attributes, as also of the Soul, its spiritualitie, infinite capacitie, immortalitie, &c. than Plato: which, ac­cording to the common vogue of the Learned, he received, by con­ference with some Jews, or by tradition from Moses's writings: of which more else where.

Pagan Geogra­phie and Poli­tiks from Mo­ses.3. Farther, that the Pagan Geographie had its original from Moses's Narration Gen. 10. how the world was peopled by Noahs posteritie, is asserted and made evident by the Learned Bo [...]haert, in his Phal [...]g; where he demonstrates, that the Pagan Geographie exactly answers to Moses's description. The like may be affirmed of the Pagan Chronolo­gie, and Historie, of which before part 1. bookchap. 2. §. 6 7. So in like manner, that the Heathen Politicians, or Lawgivers, viz. Lycurgus, Solon, Part 1. B. 3. C. 9. Minos, Draco, Plato, &c. received the chief, if not the whole of their Politicks from Moses's Laws, is generally affirmed by the Learned, and will be made farther evident by what follows.

We find a good Character of Moses, and his Philosophie in H [...]rnius Hist. philos. l. 2 c. 13. Moses, saies he, had a mind most capacious for all things: who being educated from his childhood among the Egyptian Priests, drew from them all their wisdom, even their most abst [...]use mysteries: which seems to be the cause why he is reckoned by the Grecians among the Magicians. Plinie l. 10. c. 10. There is another faction of Magick, which sprang from Moses. And Moses indeed has obtained a great name even among profane Writers. Eupolemus saies, that Moses was the most wise man; and that he delivered Letters first to the Jews, and that the Phenicians received them from the Jews, as the Greeks from the Phenicians. Artapanus relates, that Moses was called by the Grecians Musaeus; and that Orpheus learned many things from him. Some conceive that Moses is mentioned in that of Or­pheus; [...].’ For that Moses was thence so called, because drawn out of the water, is the persuasion of Learned men. Others make Moses the same with the Egyptian Mercurie, to whom they ascribe the Invention of Let­ters: of which see Part 1. B. 1. C. 10. §, 4. That Moses arrived unto the top of Philosophie, and by the Inspiration of God, was taught the secrets of Nature, is affirmed by Philo in Euseb. praepar. l. 8. c. 5. And the same Eusebius in Chronico writeth, that Moses philosophized in the Desert 40 years; namely being a wise man he spent his time in Con­templation [Page 17] of things Natural and Divine. Origen and Austin (lib.Quaest. in Gen.) prove that Moses being skilled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians, could not be ignorant of Geometrie. Some also sup­pose him to have been a Chymist, which they collect from his exqui­site skill in reducing the Golden Calf into Ashes. That Orpheus, Pytha­goras, Plato, Homer, and others borrowed many of their choicest no­tions from Moses, is shewn by Justin Martyr, in his Exhortation to the Gr [...]eks, of which hereafter. To conclude this discourse touching Moses's Philosophie, It is apparent from Scripture that he was not only skilled in sacred Philosophie, but also excelled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians: as Act. 7.22. Now the Egyptians (as Macrobius and others tell us were the Parents of all Philosophie; to whom the Grecian Philoso­phers had recourse, age after age, for their Philosophie) who without doubt received great improvement in their Wisdom by Moses, and his writings: for hence they received their Hieroglyphicks, &c. (as hereafter). Though the Egyptians, being unwilling to seem beholding to the Jews for their wisdom, pretend they received it from Hermes, &c. We find Moses mentioned amongst the Egyptians under the fable of Typhon, &c.

§. 12.Of Solomon his Philosophie. Another great (yea the greatest next to Adam in innocence) Divine Philosopher was Solomon, of whom God himself gives this Cha­racter 1 Kings 3.12. that he had a wise, Superavit [...]m [...]i­um mortalium ingenia Solomon. In quo D [...]us, quid in maxima Rege summa sa­pientia posset, o­stendit: De cujus capacissima sapi­entia ita scriptu­ra s. loquitur 1. Reg. 4.29, 30, 32, 33, 34. & cap. 10. Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 2. c. 13. and understanding heart (or as the Hebrew, an amplitude of heart, so that there was none before, or after, like unto him. And more particularly 'tis said 1 Kings 4. from v. 29. to 34. That Solomon's wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the East Countrey, and all the wisdom of Egypt: For he spake 3000 Proverbs, &c. & v. 33. he spake of Trees from the Cedar, to the Hysop: also of Beasts, Fowls, Creeping things, and Fishes, &c. Moreover that Solomon committed this his Philosophie to writing, is affirmed by the Learned out of Eccles. 12.10, 12. and the Wisdom of Solomon (Apocrypha) ch. 7.13. Thus Hornius Hist. Phi­los. l. 1. c. 13. ‘In the Book of Wisdom cap. 17.17, 18, 19, 20, 21. the Amplitude of Solomon's wisdom is egregiously expounded. For he was the greatest Contemplator, especially of things Physick, and admira­ble, a Disputer of the most acute Questions with the Tyrians, and the Queen of Sheba. For having contracted a great friendship with the King of Tyre, (whom Eupolemus cals Syros) it came to passe that they often conferred of the most subtile points. (For the Tyrians, a­mong whom the Phenician Theologie resided, were famous in this Age.) [Page 18] Josephus makes mention of the Tyrian King, and Solomon their provo­king men to the Studie of Wisdom, by great rewards; and that Solomon on that occasion joined some Cities, belonging unto the Kingdom of Tyre, unto his own. And Josephus in his Antiquit. lib. 8. writeth, That Solomon composed Books of Songs 1005; of Parables and Simi­litudes 3000 Books; and that he disputed of every kind of Plant, as in like manner of Beasts, Fishes and all other living creatures, &c. for he was not ignorant of, neither did he leave unexamined any Being or Nature, but philosophized of all things, eminently ex­pounding their natures and proprieties, Solomo primus subtilissimam Philosophiam posteritati literis consecravit. In­de Graeci caepe­runt id, velut proprium sibi, vendicare scri­bendi munus Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 2. &c. so Lud. Vives in Aug. de Civit. De [...], l. 17. c. 20.’ And Eusebius writes, ‘that these Books of So­lomon's Proverbs, and Songs) wherein he discoursed of the nature of Plants, and of all kinds of Animals; as also of Medicine or the cu­ring of diseases) were removed out of the way by Hezekiah, because the people did thence seek the curing of their diseases, without re­course to God for the same.’ See Wendelin in his Preface to his Phy­sicks. Solomons Wisdom is farther evidenced by the Queen of Sh [...]ba her Addresses to him, and his Responses to her, mentioned 1 Kings 10. And some relate, that the Sabeans reteined the Books of Moses, brought to them by the Queen of Sheba, even from Solomon's time: Josephus also indeed reporteth, that this Queen, upon Solomon's permission, carried with her, into her own Countrey, a Colonie of ten thousand Jews. Which if granted, will give us some account how the Zabii, and Chaldean Philosophers came so well acquainted with Jewish Dogmes, even before the Babylonian Captivitie. This Concession of Solomon some gather from 1 Kings 10.13. And that the same of Solomon's Philosophie (as also its main principles) was diffused not only Eastward, as 1 Kings 4.34. but also Westward, amongst the Grecian Philosophers, is very probable. For certain it is, that Solomon had great correspon­dence both with the Phenicians, and Egyptians; by whom, we may presume, his wisdom was communicated to the Grecians Have we not sufficient ground to conjecture, that Pythagoras, and Plato tradu­ced much of their Symbolick and Parabolick Philosophie hence? Also the Stoicks their Moral Philosophie; and Hippocrates his Medicinal Science; and even Aristotle his Historie of Animals; as his Scholar and Successor Theophrastus that of Plants: which have all great Affinitie with Solomon's Philosophie. As for the Writings of Solomon, especially such as were Philosophick, the Jews say, that they were lost in the Cap­tivitie. [Page 19] There are some, who say, that what was more useful therein was, by the Spirits Dictate, collected; and is now extant under the Title of Solomon's Proverbs, which contein the Ethicks of Solomon, Eu­seb. praepar. l. 2. c. 2.

§. 13. We might also mention here amongst the Divine Philoso­phers Job, Of Job. who has many accurate philosophick discourses touching several parts of Natural Philosophie; the Meteors, &c. But I shall con­tent my self with the character given him by Hornius and others. Horn. Hist. philos. l. 5. c. 9. saies, ‘That Job was a famous Doctor of Phi­losophie, than whom there was not a more ancient, more learned, and more sublime to be found throughout all Antiquitie.’ Lipsius cent. 1. ep. 99. saies; Behold amongst the most ancient Job, whom they conceive not to be of the elect Nation, and yet he writ all select or choice matters. His Book, addes Hornius, is Dialectick: For, as Jerom to Paulinus saies, ‘He determines all according to Dialectick Laws; by Proposition, Assumtion, and Conclusion. Moreover he shewes the manner how to solve fallacious Arguments. His friends also, who were very learned in Philosophie, and without peradventure pro­ceeded from Job's Schole, when they sport themselves with perpe­tual Paralogi [...]mes, are egregiously convinced by Job. Who not on­ly propagated this wisdom among his own, but also opened publick Scholes, as Job 4.3. Eliphaz the Temanite testifies: where among other Elogies he saies [...] thou hast taught many. Neither have we more ancient Disputations than those which occur in his admira­ble Book. His friends are the Opponents, and he Respondent: which mode of Disputing was invented by Job, as Ambrose. l. 1. de officiis c. 12.’ It is commended in Plato, that, in his Politie, he brings in him, who dis­puted against Justice, craving leave to oppose what he approved not, &c. By how much more ancient was Job, who first found out these things.

§. 14. We shall conclude this chapter,Of the Jewish Colleges and A­cademies. with a brief account of the Jewish Academies, or Scholes, of which we find frequent mention in the Scriptures; as 1 Sam. 1.1. we read of the Citie of the Sophim or Learned, so 1 Sam. 10 10, 11. and 1 Sam. 19.18, 24. where we find Societies of the Prophets or Students, of whom the more ancient were called Doctors or Rabbies, perfect, and Prophets, [...], as Samuel: but the younger students were called Novices, or Sons of the Prophets, &c. We find a good account of these Scholes of the Prophets in Hor­nius Hist. philos. lib. 2. c. 13. Samuel revived the pristine fame of wisdom [Page 20] among his Countrey men: for there were then erected Scholes of the Prophets, unto which the Jews sent their Children for Instituti­on: Which Custom continued long after. Some one of the Pro­phets, more conspicuous for wisdom, and pietie, presided over them. Among these Scholes, Ramatha in Gilead was mostly celebrated: where there was [...], or an Academie, as the Chaldee inti­mates. Thence those most eminent Wits David, and Solomon, were given to the world; both egregious Candidates of Divine, and Hu­man Wisdom: both excellent Doctors of the Mosaick Sapience.’ And that the Jews had Scholes in Babylon, Of the Pythago­reans symboli­zing with the Essenes see God­wins Jewish An­tiquities of the Essenes. Diodati proves, and observes on Psal. 137.1. After the Captivitie those who instructed the Youth were called Scribes, as it appears out of Esdras, and Nehemiah; and in Christ's time, Doctors, Luke 2.46. Amongst whom there were none more famous, than the Essenes, who had their Colleges and Phi­losophie, which was principally Medicine; with whom the Pythago­reans did greatly symbolize, as hereafter. Viret, in his Interim, pag. 122, treating of the Essenes saies, ‘That they retired from the croud of Politick and Ecclesiastick affairs (wherein the Pharisees, and Saddu­cees were plunged) into certain Colleges, where they addicted them­selves to Gardening; but principally to the Studie of Medicine: And for the better ordering of their Studies, they divided the day into times for Prayer, Reading of Lectures, Private Studies, Labors with the hand, and for Refreshments of Nature: in such sort, that all things were transacted amongst them with very good order. And as they lived in common, so had they all one common purse. In sum; their state, at that time, was an excellent Schole of Medicine, of Doctrine, and of examples of Virtue: and, I suppose, the first Christian Monks took their patterns from them.Eusebius, prae­par. Evang. lib. 11. de morali, naturali, rationali, & in­tellectuali Phi­losophia Hebraeo­rumlate agit. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 13. Thus Viret. That the Pythagoreans had a great affinitie whith them, see Book. 2. Chap. 6. §. 7. &c. Ger Voss. de Philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 1. §. 8. tels us, ‘That the Philoso­phie of the Jews, which they derived originally from Abraham, was two fold. For it was partly natural, whereof Astrologie was a part: and partly Divine, or of God, his works, and will. The latter Jews named their Philosophie from [...], to receive, Cabala: because it was received from God. This they divided into [...] Beresith: and [...] Mercacia. The former treated of celestial, and elemen­tary bodies, in which Solomon excelled; the latter treated of God, and his worship. Johannes Picus Mirandulanus was an admirer [Page 21] of this Cabala, who gloried that he had LXX. books of it,Judaei dispersi duas celeberri­mas Academias, Pumpeduntha­num, & Tiberi­cusem erexerunt. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 3. which he bought at a vast price; and that he found in them the Religion de­livered by Moses, and Christ, &c. Thus Vossius. But Bishop Ʋsher judged all these Rabbinick and Cabalistick writings as cheats, and not ancienter than 600 years, &c.

Touching the Jewish Scholes after the Babylonian Captivitie, Hornius Histor. philos. l. 7. c. 3. writes thus: ‘The Jews, after their returne from the Babylonian Captivitie, erected many Scholes, both at Jerusa­lem, and elsewhere. Before the Destruction there were reckoned in the Hierosolymitan Academie, Synagogues, or Colleges more than 40. in each whereof were two Scholes: one was [...] the house of the Book, wherein the written Law was read: the other, wherein the Misnajoth, or Traditions, and exegeses of the Ancients, the received Sentences, the forensick decisions, and other things of that sort were taught. This was called [...] the house of Doctrine. All these were destroyed by Vespasian, as Rab. Phinees in Gem [...]ra Hie­rosol.

I shall conclude this Chapter of Divine Philosophie, with that of Hornius Hist philos. l. 2. c. 10. ‘Wisdom, as we know, began first in Paradise, and was afterwards cultivated by the sacred Fathers, and propagated to Posteritie. For God alwaies raised up some, who, relinquishing the errors of profane men, endeavored, even by the studie of Wisdom, the restauration of the Image of God. Such were, after Noah, the Hebrews, as Abraham of the Posteritie of Sem, a man of a Divine Ingenie, and famous for his admirable Knowledge, &c. of which see what precedes § 9.’ Of the Jewish Scholes in Babylon, &c. see what follows C. 4. §. 8.

CHAP. II. Of the Egyptian Philosophie, and its Traduction from the Scriptures, &c.

The Egyptians great repute for wisdom: Their Skill in the Mathema­ticks, Astronomie, Geometrie, Arithmetick, Geogrophie, &c. Their Natural Philosophie, Medicine, &c. Their Moral Philosophie, [Page 22] especially their Politicks, both Legislative, and Administrative, from the Jewish Church. The Egyptian Theologie, and Gods from Joseph, &c. Of their Hieroglyphicks, and other waies of expressing things. The Traduction of the Egyptian Philosophie from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures, proved both by Testimonies, and Artificial Demon­stration. Joseph's Provision for the College of Egyptian Pri [...]sts: His informing them in the Knowledge of God and true Philosophie. The Advantages which the Schole of Alexandria received from the Jews, and Scriptures, translated into Greek by Ptolomie's request. Of Am­monius, the great master of the Alexandrian Schole, his mixing Scrip­ture Notions with his Philosophie. The Christian Church at Ale­xandria, its influence on, and advantages from the Schole.

The great repute the Egyptians had for Wisdom and Philosophie.§ 1. BEing now to enter on the Easterne Pagan Philosophers, we shall begin with those of Egypt, who were exceeding famous, e­ven to a superlative degree, for being the first Parents of Philosophie, and conveighers of it unto the Grecians. We find mention in the Scrip­tures of the Egyptian Wisdom, and wise men, so Gen 41.8. [...] Exod. 7.11. And Apulcius 6. Florid. gives this as the peculiar Character of the Egyptians, that they were wise. So Gellius lib. 11. cap. 8, saies of the Egyptians, that they were very exquisite in the finding out of Arts, and endowed with a peculiar sagacitie for the Disquisition of things. So Macrobius tels us, that the Egyptians were the Parents of all philosophick Sciences, Jamblicl [...]s as­serit Pythago­ [...]am & Platonem dogmata sua ex Columnis Tris­megisti exscrip­sisse Hornius Hist. phil. l. 2.6. and Arts. And that a great part of the Grecian Learning was originally borrowed from the Egyptians, is very evident by the Con­fession of the Greek Philosophers; as also from matter of Fact. Thus much is confessed by Plato (in his Timaeus fol. 22.) who making mention of Solon, his Kinsman's travels into Egypt, to informe himself about the ancient pieces of Learning, he saies, that one of the Egyptian Priests told Solon, that the Grecians were but children, as to the true Archaeologie; but the Egyptians were Masters of the most Ancient Wisdom, &c. Of Solon's being in Egypt, and getting VVisdom thence, see Vossius de phi­los. sect. l. 2. c. 2. §. 3. Diodorus Siculus Biblioth. l. 1. tels us, that all those, who were renowned amongst the Greeks for Wisdom and Learning, did, in ancient time, resort to Egypt; and that not only the first Poets, Homer, Orpheus, &c. but also the first Lawgivers, Lycurgus, and Solon, as also Philosophers, Pythagoras, Plato, &c. gained most of their Knowledge out of Egypt. And indeed we need go no farther than the Scriptures, to [Page 23] evince the great repute the Egyptians had for human Wisdom: for in 1 Kings 4.30. it is said, that Solomon's Wisdom excelled all the Wisdom in Egypt. By which it is evidently implied, that the Egyptian Wisdom was ve­ry considerable, in that it is made the measure of Solomon's Wisdom. We have the like honorable mention of the Egyptian wisdom Act. 7.22. where 'tis said, that Moses excelled in all the Wisdom of the Egyptians. Without doubt, had not the Egyptian Philosophie been very conside­rable, the spirit of God would not have made such use of it, to adorn Moses's Character, who was otherwise sufficiently accomplished with many eminent qualities. Vossius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 2. §. 4. tels us,Sane Sacerdotes Aegyptiorum in sacris libris scri­ptum inveniunt, Orphea, Musaeū, Melampoda, Dae­dalum, Homerū, Lycurgum, Solo­nem, Platonem. Pythagoram, Eu­doxum, Demo­critum, Enopi­dem Chium, Ae­gyptium petiisse. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 3. c. 1. ‘that in ancient times the fame of the Egyptian Priests was very great: Yet in Strabo's time they were of no repute. See Strabo l. 17. where he saies, That when he was in Egypt he saw vast houses, which the Priests in times past inhabited, who were both Astrologers, and Phi­losophers: but these Sciences were in his time so defective, that there was scarce one to be found skilled therein. All that their Priests could do, was, to enumerate to strangers the Rites of their Sacreds, &c. Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. tels us, ‘That the Egyptians had 42 books, which belonged to their Priests, written by their Mercurie, whereof 36 conteined the whole of the Egyptian Philosophie, their Laws, their Gods, and the discipline of their Priests; wherein their Cantor, sacred Scribe, Astrologer, Curator, and Prophet ought, each according to their respective Offices, to be vers'd. The other 6 Books belonged to such as were called [...] i. e. who wore the Cloke, which conteined their Medicine,Agyptii Philoso­phi Sacerdotes ac Prophetae appel­labantur. Laer­tius l. 1. de vitis. &c. see Vossius de phil. sect. l. 2. c. 2.’ The Egyptian Philosophie lay amongst their Priests: so Strabo Geogr. l. 17. [...], their Priests embraced Philosophie and Astronomie &c.

§. 2. But to treat a little more particularly,The Egyptians skill in Philoso­phie. The Egyptian Philosophie com­hrehended the li­beral Sci [...]nces, Hieroglyphicks, Mathematicks, Physicks, Ethicks, Poli­ticks, Theologie▪ and distinctly of the Egyptian Philosophie, and Wisdom. Vossius de philosophorum sectis l. 2. c. 2. §. 8. gives us this general account of the Egyptian Philosophie, and its extent: ‘How large the Egyptian Philosophie was, is known by this, that it comprehended the Liberal Sciences, the Hieroglyphick mode of writing, the Knowledge of the Stars, and of Universal Na­ture, the Situation of the earth, and particularly of Egypt; and of the increases of Nile, the Discipline of Virtues, and of Laws, the Nature of the Gods, and the mode of worship by Sacrifices, and various ceremonies, also the whole of Medicine both Prophylactick, [Page 24] for the preservation of health; and Pharmaceutick, for the restauration of health; as also Chirurgick. Yet notwithstanding, all these were not required in all Philosophers; but the Cantor, or Musician, took one part to him; and the sacred Scribe another; the Horoscope, or Astrologer assumed other parts; the [...], or Curate of the sacred Rites, others; the Pastophori, and Prophets others. Clemens Ale­xandrinus lib. 6. delivers, concerning the Egyptians, that they had [...] a certain peculiar or mystick Philosophie, which, saies he, appears by their sacred ceremonies, &c. Diogenes Laertius, and others, divide the Egyptian Philosophie into four parts, Mathema­tick, Natural, Divine, and Moral. We shall speak something of each, and endeavor to shew, what advantages, and assistances they had from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures, for their improvement thereof.

Mathematicks.As for the Mathematicks, the Egyptians were reputed to be well skilled in Astronomie, Geometrie, Geographie, Arithmetick and Musick; for the improvement whereof they had considerable helps from the Jewish Church, and Patriarchs.

Astronomie.As to their great insight into Astronomie, it is asserted by Strabo, Herodotus, and Diodorus; and it is sufficiently manifest, in that they, as it is generally affirmed, were the first, who found out the course of the year by the Sun's motion, which, as it is supposed, was the invention of the Priests of Heliopolis. Thence saies Herodotus lib. 2. The Egypti­ans were, of all, the first, who found out the Course of the Year; distin­guishing it into twelve Months, which they gathered from the Stars. This Calculation of the year, Thales (who was the first amongst the Greci­ans that distinguished the seasons of the year) seemed to have learned in Egypt. Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. tels us, ‘That the Egyptian Horoscope, or Astrologer, carried in his hand an Horologe, and Palme, the Symbols of Astrologie, who had alwaies in his mouth the four A­strologick Books of Hermes, whereof one treated of the five Planets, the second of the Sun and Moon, the third and fourth of the rising and setting of the Stars:The rise of Pla­netary Deities & judicial Astro­logie from Astro­nomie. See more of this in Dr Owen De Ortu Idolol. lib. 3. cap. 4. see Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 2.’ By reason of these their Astronomick observations and experiments, the Egyptians fell into a superstitious admiration of these glorious celestial Bodies, and thence into an opinion that they were Gods. Thus Diodorus Siculus lib. 1. tells us, that the ancient Inhabitants of Egypt, contemplating the Celestial World, and the Nature of the Superior World; they, with great [Page 25] stupor, admired the Sun and Moon, esteeming them as the first eternal Gods; whereof the Sun they called Osiris, and the Moon Isis.’ The same Lactantius lib. 2. cap. 2. observeth. And this Idolatrous persuasion, that the Stars were Gods (which sprang from natural Astronomie) was the original of all Idolatrous worship, especially that we call Zabaisme, or the worship of those planetary Deities, so much in use amongst the Chaldeans; whence also sprang judicial Astrologie, as it will evidently appear in our Discourse of the Chaldaick Philosophie, chap. 4. §. 4. As for the occasion, which the Egyptians had for the improving of Astro­nomie, even unto Idolatrie; we have it well described by Eus [...]bius praepar. l. 1. c. 6. They report that the Egyptians were the first, who lifting up their eyes to Heaven, and admiring the mode, order, and quantitie of those celestial bodies, thought the Sun and Moon to be Gods. So Lactant. lib. 2. Inst. cap. 14. The first of all, those, who possessed Egypt, began to contem­plate and adore those cel [...]stial bodies. And because they lived, by reason of the Qualitie of the air, without covered houses, they thence had opportunitie to note the Courses and Defects of the Stars; and thence fell into the admi­ration, and adoration of them.

As for the Egyptians skill in Geometrie, Geometrie. Porphyrie assures us, that they have been for a long time very studious therein. Cumenim Nilus, subinde exua­dans, agrorum li­mites confunde­r [...], quidam sa­gaci ingenio Ge­ometriae rationes invenerunt, qua­rum indicio, sua cui (que) portio, bona side restitueretur, Inde res in im­mensum excre­vit. Horn. Hist. philos. l. 2 c. 7. And Proclus in Euclid. 2.4. faith, that Geometrie was invented by the Egyptians, taking its be­ginning from measuring of fields; it being necessary for them, from the inun­dation of Nilus, which washed away their bounds. Austin de Civit. Dei l. 18. c. 39. gives us a clear account of the whole: The Wisdom of the Egyptians, what was it (saies he) but principally Astronomie, &c? Ludovi­cus Vives on this place▪ gives this account: ‘The Ancient Egyptians much exercised themselves in Astronomie, Geometrie, and Arithmetick. As for Geometrie, necessitie taught them that, which they greatly nee­ded, when the bounds of their fields were broken down by the over­flowing of Nilus; neither could they, any other way, divide their grounds &c. Whence Geometrie is so termed from measuring of the earth.’

‘As for Astronomie, Touching this serenitie of the heavens, Bochart informed me, That it is only in the upper part of Egypt, where the heavens were alwaies clear: but in the lower parts they had not these advantages. the commodiousnes of their situation gave them great advantage for improvement therein, they, having their nights alwaies clear, and serene, and the Heavens lying open to them without clouds, could easily contemplate the risings, and set­tings, [Page 26] of the Stars, with their progresses, and regresses, &c. Then to these two, Arithmetick was added, as subservient, without which the former could not be attained.’ Thus Lud. Vives.

And that our Astronomie came much of it, if not the whole, from the Egyptians, and those Eastern parts, seems very probable from those Hypotheses, or Hieroglyphick Signes, which are used by Astrono­mers in the Zodiack, and other parts of the Celestial Globe, to expresse the Celestial Bodies, and their motions by: which way of expressing things was in much use amongst the Egyptians, and by them called [...]; which they derived (as 'tis supposed) from the Jewish Church, their Rites, and Ceremonies.

Geographie.Neither were the Egyptians unacquainted with Geographie; as it appears from Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. l. 6.) his description of the sacred Scribe, in the solemn procession; of whom it was required, that he should be skilled in Hieroglyphicks, Cosmographie, Geographie, the motions of the Planets, the Chorographie of Egypt, and the description of Nile. Eustathius, in his Notes on Dionysius, attributes the invention of Geographick Tables to Sesostris, who caused the Lands he had conque­red, to be described in Tables, and so communicated it to the Egyptians, and from them to others, as Stilling. Orig. Sacr. Book 2. c. 2. Vossius de phil. sect. lib. 2. c. 2. §. 8. We find a good general account of the Egyptians skill in Mathematicks, given by Hornius Hist. philos. lib. 2. c. 7. ‘They so handled the Mathematick Sciences, that if they be compared with other Nations, they may be said, not so much to perfect, as invent them; which they affected out of a humor of vain glorie. Especial­ly there were famous among them Petosiris, and Necepson: by whose Prudence (they are the words of Julius Firmicus) there was an ac­cesse made to the very secrets of Divinitie. They vindicated to them­selves the invention of Geometrie, Astrologie, and Astronomie.

Their Natural Philosophie.§. 3. That the Egyptians had in like manner the Knowledge of Natural Philosophie, especially of Medicine, and Anatomie (which are but branches thereof) is generally affirmed by the Ancients. Its true their superstition kept them from dissecting,1. Experimental. and prying into the na­tures of those creatures, to which they attributed a Deitie, yet were they not without many choice experiments, and curious observations, even in the experimental part of Natural Philosophie: for Blinie (Hist. l. 19. c. 5.) tels us, that it was the manner of their Kings to cause dead bodies to be anatomized, to find out the Structure, or Composition of Man's [Page 27] bodie, with the causes, and nature of Diseases.’ 2. Their Natu­ral Historie. Besides they were ex­act in making philosophick observations touching any curious natu­ral events, or their irregularities. For when there happened any pro­digie, or irregular thing in nature, they did, saies Strabo, with much cu­riosity, lay i [...] up amongst their sacred records; and Herodotus addes ‘That more things of this nature were observed by them, than by any other Nation; which, saith he, they not only diligently preserved, but frequently compared together, and, from a similitude of Prodigies, ga­thered a similitude of Ev [...]nts. Thus much also Plato in his Timaeus fol. 22.33. observes concerning them, in his relation of S [...]lon's Conference with the Egyptian Priest: where Solon, having a curiosity to find out the truth, and original of those ancient great events, touching Phoro­neus, Deucalion, and Pyrrhus, &c. the Egyptian Priest unfolds these mythologick fabulous narrations, by an historick relation; wherein he seems to reduce the Storie of Deucalion to that of Noahs Floud; and that of Pyrrhus his wife, to the Burning of Sodom, [...] signi­fying fire: as also that of Phoroneus to the drowning of Pharaoh in the Red Sea: Phoroneus, and Pharaoh being according to the Hebrew, and so the Egyptian tongue (which differed little from it) conjugates,

And that the Egyptians had some natural historie of the first Crea­tion, (which could not be traduced to them by any hand,See Stillings. O­rig. Sacrae Book 3. ch. 2. save that of Moses, originally, Genesis 1.) is apparent out of Diogenes Laert. (proem pag. 7.) where he saies; ‘that the Egyptians did constantly believe that the World had a beginning, and was corruptible; that the Stars were of the nature of Fire; and that the Soul was immortal, &c.

But that, for which the Egyptians were most famous abroad,Their skill in Medicine both conservative, purg [...]tive, and Chirurgick see Vossius de sec [...]is Ph [...]los. l. 2. c. 2. §. 8. & Still [...]. Orig. sacr. book 2. c. 2. was their skill in Medicine; which is so much spoken of by Homer, Plato, He­rodotus, Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius, &c. Plinie tels us, lib. 29. c. 1. that ‘the original of Physick, or Medicine amongst the Egyptians, was from the relations of those, who by any remedy were cured of any Disease; which for a memorial to posterity were recorded in their Temples. The Egyptians had also excellent skill in the embalming of dead bodies, for their conservation (which appertaines to Medicinal Philosophie) as it appears from Scripture: Gen. 50.2.Their embalming Gen. 50.2. where Joseph commands the Physicians to embalme his Father. Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. trea­ting of the Egyptian Philosophie, conteined in 24 books written by their Mercurie, tels us, ‘that 6 of these Books concerned Medicine, which were studied by their [...] (i. e. those who wore the Cloke) [Page 28] wherein was distinctly handled the Fabrick of Mans Bodie, the Na­ture of Diseases, and Medicaments; and particularly the Medicine of the Eyes, and of Womens Diseases, &c. Diodorus makes the Egypti­ans the first Inventors of Medicine. And what their dexteritie in Ana­tomie was, is evident by that of Gellius lib. 10. Noct. Att. cap. 10. Ap­pion, in his Egyptian Books, saies that Human Bodies being dissected, and opened, according to the Egyptian mode, it was found out, that there was a certain most tenuous Nerve, which passed from one sin­ger to the heart of man. Farther, how much the Egyptians were verst in Medicine is discovered by that pleasant Character of Homer (who conversed much with them) Odyss. [...].’

[...]
[...]

Thus Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 7. ‘The Egyptians greatly studied Natural Philosophie, wherein how much they excelled appears from Medicine it self, which they strenuously exercised.’ See Vossius de Phi­los. sect is l. 2. c. 2. §. 8.

Their Moral Philosophie and Politicks. The Egyptians Laws the Source of the Grecian. Stilling. Origin. sacr. Book. 3 [...] ch. 2.§. 4. Neither were the Egyptians defective in Moral Philosophie, especially as to Politicks, for which they had a great repute amongst the ancients, both for their excellent Laws, and also for their good Ad­ministration, and execution thereof. As for their Laws, they are high­ly commended by Strabo, and Diodorus; and so greatly esteemed by Lycurgus, Solon, and Plato, as that they were not ashamed to borrow many of their Laws, and politick Constitutions from them. ‘It is most certain, saies Stillingfleet, that those who formed Greece first into civil Societies, and well ordered Common Wealths, were such as had been Traders for Knowledge in other parts. To which purpose Diodorus Siculus (Biblioth. lib. 1.) informeth us, that Ly­curgus and Solon, as well as the Poets, Orpheus, Musaeus, Melampus, and Homer; and the Philosophers after them, Pythagoras, Plato, &c. had gained most of their Knowledge, and Wisdom out of Egypt: nay he saith in general, [...]:’ All those who were renowned amongst the Greeks, for Wisdom and Learning, did in ancient time resort to Egypt, there to participate of Learn­ing, and Laws, &c,

The Egyptian Laws from the Jews.And as the Grecians received their Learning, and Laws from Egypt; so we need no way doubt, but that the Egyptians received the best [Page 29] part of their Laws from the Mosaick Constitutions, besides what they had immediately from Joseph their great Legislator, as hereafter.The Egyptian Politic, or Go­vernment of State from the Jews. As for the Egyptians Wisdom, in their politick Administration, or Go­vernment of State, it is evident from Esa. 19.11, 12. where the King of Egypt is stiled the Son of the Wise. Besides the continuance of their State so long in peace, is a sufficient demonstration of their State Poli­cie, or prudent management of State Affairs; for the improvement whereof, we have reason enough to judge, they received much light from the Mosaick judicial constitutions; as also from Solomons Politicks, with whom they had great affinitie (by reason of Solomon's Wife) and commerce, or correspondence: Though indeed they owed much of their Politie and Government to Joseph; who passeth amongst them under the names of Hermes, Apis, Serapis, &c. as in what follows.

§. 5. We now come to the Egyptian Theologie, The Egyptian Theologie from Joseph. for which they were greatly reputed; the original wherof they owe to Joseph, and Jewish Traditions, as it will appear by the parts thereof. Clemens Alexan­drinus (so called by reason of his same in the Church, and Schole of Alexandria in Egypt was greatly versed in Egyptian Rites, and Worship, whereof he gives us this account, lib. 6. ‘The Egyptians, saies he, have a proper, or mystick kind of Philosophie, which appears from their sacred Ceremonies. For first [...] the Cantor precedes with a Musick Symbol,1. Their Cantor. and those 2 books of Mercurie, the one containing the Hymnes of the Gods, the other an account of the Kings life. After the Cantor follows the Horoscope, with an horologe, and palme, 2. Their Horo­scope, or Astrolo­ger. the Symbols of Astrologie in his hand. This has alwaies in his mouth the four Astrologick Books of Hermes. The Horoscope is received by the [...] or sacred Scribe, 3. Their sacred scribe. carrying in his head Feathers, and in his hands a Book with a ruler, wherein is an inkhorn, and pen to write. This person ought to be skilled in Hieroglyphicks, Cosmo­graphie, Geographie, the order of the Sun, Moon, and 5 Planets, the Chorographie of Egypt, and the Description of Nile, and all sacred Rites, and Places, with their Dimensions; and whatever belongs to Sacreds. After the sacred Scribe follows the [...], or Ornator, 4. Their Ornator. who hath the Cubit of Justice, and the sacrisicing cup. This person is instructed both in the [...] i. e. such things as conduce to Learning, and the Liberal Sciences; and also in the [...], i. e. the Doctrine of the Sacrifices of Calves, and the Ceremonies appertaining thereto. All these things the Egyptian Religion conteined, Prayers, Pomps, [Page 30] Festival daies, Sacrifices, first Fruits, Hymnes, and other things like hereunto. In the last place goes their Prophet, 5. Their Prophet. who carries in his bo­som a Water pot, and is followed by those who carried the panes emissos, i. e. bread set forth. This person is the Governor of the Sacreds; and he learned [...] the 42 Sacerdotal Books, written by their Egyptian Mercurie, which treated of Laws, Gods, and the whole Priestly Discipline. These Egyptian rites but corrupt imitations of the Jews In all of which this Prophet is to be versed, be­cause he is also to oversee the distribution of Tributes, &c. So Vossius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 2. That the chief of these Egyptian Ceremonies were borrowed from the Jewish Rites will be evident to any, that con­sider, how parallel they are. The Egyptian Cantor to the Jewish Singer; their sacred Scribe to the Jewish; their sacrificing Cup to that, wherein the Jews offered their Libamina, or Drink-Offerings; their panes emissi, or bread set forth to the Jewish panes propositionis, shew bread; their Calve-Sacrifices to the Jewish; as their Prayers, Festivals, Sacrifices, first Fruits, Hymnes to those amongst the Jews.

Philip Melancthon, in his Chronichon lib. 2. concerning Abraham, tels us, that Joseph setling the College of Priests in Egypt, informed them with the Knowledge of God, and planted a Church amongst them, which pious Institution of his, in after times, degenerated into Supersti­tion and Idolatrie, &c. As for the Egyptian Gods, it is evident, they are all younger than the Patriarchs; and, as it is supposed, had their original from them, especially from Joseph. Melancthon makes Osiris, Their Gods Osi­ris, Apis and Serapis Symbols of Joseph. which signifies auxiliator, or a blessed man, to be contem­porarie with Abraham; but I should rather judge him an Hierogly­phick of Joseph, who helped them in their famine. That the memorie of Joseph was preserved amongst them under the Egyptian Apis, Vossius (de Idol. lib. 1. c. 29.) makes very probable, from the testimonies of Julius Maternus, Stilling. Orig. sacr. B. Ch. 5. Ruffinus, and Suidas, as also from the great advanta­ges, which the Egyptians received from Joseph, which no Hieroglyphick could expresse more emphatically, than the Egyptian Apis, which re­sembled the fat and lean Kine. 2. It was the manner of the Egyptians, to preserve the memories of their great Benefactors, by such Symbols, which were at first designed only for civil use. 3. He proves it also from the names of Apis and Serapis. Apis he conceives to be the sacred name of Joseph, from [...] father; so Gen. 45.8. Joseph himself saies he was a father to Pharaoh. And Serapis, as Suidas, and Ruffinus tels us, had a bushel on his head, from [...] Sor, a Bull, and Apis. Yea that [Page 31] the Egyptian Demons had their rise from Joseph, Their Demons from Joseph. whom they esteemed as one of their chiefest Demons, and Heroes, is very probable: so Mr Bochart, in a Sermon at Caen, affirmed, ‘that the Egyptians had a Citie, which they stiled the Citie of their Heroes, as some think, from Joseph, whom they accounted amongst their Heroes, or Demons. That the E­gyptians had their Demons is asserted by Iamblicus, &c. Orus Joseph. As for Orus (which signifies Light, from [...] Or) who is said to have taught the Egyptians their Wisdom, Melancthon (chron. l. 2.) thinks that he was instructed by Abraham, and thence instructed the Egyptians in the Knowledge of the true God, as also in the Motions of the Heavens, &c. But may not this name be more properly applied to Joseph; who is expressely said Ps. 105.22.Psal. 105.22. to teach them Wisdom? Whence he was by the Greeks called [...]: to which the Egyptian, or Hebrew Orus, [...] Or, exactly answers.

Isis was later,Isis. and (as Learned Bochart told me) the same with Pharaoh's Daughter, who adopted Moses: so the name Is [...]ha signifies Virago. as Melancthon. As also Busyris, Busiris. which, according to Melan­cthon, signifies Munitor, Of these Egypti­an Gods see Kir­cher. O [...]dip. Ae [...] ­gypt Tom. 1. Syn­tag. 3. cap 3, 4, 5, 6, &c. and is supposed to have built the Egyptian Py­ramids, by the hands of the Children of Israel. See more of the Egypti­an Gods. Part 1. B. 2. C. 7. §. 10. of Egyptian Gods.

Yea not only the matter of Egyptian Theologie, but also the Instru­ments, and Promotors of it, seem evidently of Judaick, sacred Extract. For look, as the Jewish Theologie was seated among the Priests, and Pro­phets: so also the Egyptians had, in imitation of these, their Priests, Distincti autem fuerunt Sacerdo­t [...]s, & Prophetae. Illi enim praeci­pue sacra cura­bant, h [...] vero ora­culis praeerant; e­disser [...]bant quo (que) res divinas, quod nunc Doctores A­cademiarum sa­cere solent. Quae omnia lucem ca­ [...]ient ex Exod. 7.1. Horn. Hist. Philos. l. 2. c. 7. and Prophets. Thus Diogenes Laertius lib. 1. tels us, that the Egyptian Philo­sophers were stiled Priests, and Prophets. So Apulcius de Dogm. Plat. saies, that Plato went to Egypt, that he might learn there the Rites of the Prophets. This also gives us the reason, why their chief Philosophers were called Priests; namely because the chief Matter of their philosophizings was Theologick. Thus Hornius Histor. philos. l. 2. c. 7. ‘They were called Priests by reason of their ancient Philosophie, which was joined with Theologie. For they discoursed of the Gods, their Natures, and Worship; and of things natural, which they esteemed also a [...] Divine, because Nature was with them as a God. The like he addes [...] what follows: The Philosophie of the ancient Egyptians took in al [...] as has been said, Theologie it self, which they who mostly studied, for distincti­on sake, were called [...] Priests:’ Which is the very [...]otion by which the Jewish Priest is expressed. Some distinguish their Egyptian [Page 32] Priests, and Prophets thus: the former they make to be imployed about Sacreds, the latter about Oracles, and the prediction of futures. Which also answers to the Jewish Distribution. Touching the Egyptian My­steries, or Mystick Divinitie, it was couched under Hieroglyphicks; of which we are now to treat.

Of the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks and their origi­nal from the. Jews.§. 6. We have done with the matter of the Egyptian Philosophie, both Mathematick, Natural, Moral, and Theologick. We now proceed to their manner of philosophizing, which was by Hieroglyphicks, or Sym­bols answerable unto, and, as it is very probable, derived from those in use amongst the ancient Hebrews and Jews. So Lud. Vives, on Austin de civitat. Dei. l. 18. c. 39.Primi Aegyptii per siguras ani­malium sensus effingebant, & antiquissima monumenta in­geaii humani im­pressa saxis cer­nuntur. Tacitus lib. 11. Artapanus (saies he) reports that Moses gave Letters to the Egyptians — and if any shall inquire in what let­ters that Wisdom of the Egyptians, in which we read Moses was in­stituted, was conteined, he will find, peradventure, it was wont to be traduced and received by vocal Tradition, and so conserved in the memorie of the Teachers, and of the Hearers: if they had any formes of letters, they were no other than Images of Animals, or other Crea­tures, which they called [...], that is, Letters engraven in Sacreds, &c. The same Ludovicus Vives tels us, ‘that we find some mention of these [...] Hieroglyphick Letters (which were the formes, or images of beasts engraven on their Sacred Sym­bols) in the fragments of Orus, that ancient Egyptian Writer, &c. Vissius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 2. §. 7. saies, ‘that the Egyptian Philoso­phie, for the most part, was couched under Allegories: which way of philosophizing ought not to be rejected: For every where in the Old Testament we find Allegories. And Christ himself in the Evange­list saies, I will open my mouth in parables, and in dark sayings will I speak of the ancient matters. Also the Evangelist saies, that Christ spake to the people in parables.

Athanas-Kircherus Oedip. Aegypt. Tom. 3. cap. 1. gives us this Ori­gination of an Hieroglyphick. ‘An Hieroglyphick derived [...], i. e. from sacred Sculpture, is nothing else but a Symbol of a sacred thing engraven on stones. It's called a Symbol, to indicate the reason of its mysterious sense. It is said to be of a thing sacred, thereby to constitute the difference 'twixt sacred, and profane Symbols.’ For there was a two [...]ld kind of Egyptian Parables, the one [...], which comprehended vulgar similitudes; the other [...], drawn from their Sacred Doctrine. Clemens Alexandrinus Strom 5, saith ‘that they [Page 33] who are taught by the Egyptians, The sundrykinds of expressing things amongst the Egyptians. learn first of all the method of the Egyptian Letters, called Epistolographick; secondly the Hieratick, used by those, who write of sacred things; the last, and most per­fect, called Hieroglyphick, whereof there is one Curiologick ( [...]) another ( [...]) Symbolick: of the Symbolick also there are three sorts, the one is spoken properly, by imitation;Of the three fo [...]d manner of writing among the Egyptians vulgar, sacred and Hierogly­phick. the o­ther is written as it were tropically; another, on the contrary, doth allegorize by Enigmes. As for instance; in the Curiologick way to ex­presse the Sun, they make a Circle, to expresse the Moon, a Crescent. Tropically they, by resemblance, traduce, transfer, and expresse, by changing some things, and variously transfiguring others. Thus, when they deliver the praises of Kings in Theologick Fables,A [...]gyptii ad hoc denotandum, Sphi [...]gem ante sua templa con­stituere soliti sunt, innuentes sua placita [...]. esse Horn. Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 6. they write by A [...]aglyphicks ▪ In the third kind, by Enigmes, they liken the Sun to a B [...]tle, because they say, this Creature liveth six Months under ground. see Stanly of Pythag. We have an instance of their Hierogly­phick Mysteries in that famous Hieroglyphick of Diospolis, of which we find so much mention amongst the Ancients; where, to expresse our coming into the World, they used a child; and to notifie our going out of the world, an old man; they expressed God by an Hawk; hatred by an Hippotamus; Impudence by a Crocodile. And all this to expresse this pretty Apothegme. O ye that come into the world, and go out of it, God hates Impudence. so Stilling. orig. sacr. book 2. c. 2. Vossius de philos. sect. lib. 2. c 2. §. 5. tels us, ‘that the first Discipline of the Egyptians con­sisted in their threefold Scripture: one vulgar or common, De opertis adyti pro [...]ert quosdam l b [...]os literis ig­norabilibus prae­notatos, partim figuris cu [...]usce­modi animalium, concepti sermo­nis compendiosa verba suggerea­tes, partim nodo­sis, & in modum rota [...] [...]ortuosis capreolatimque condensis apici­bus, à curiosa profanorum lecti­one munitos. A­puleius lib. 11. which was used in writing Epistles, another sacred which they used in writing sacreds; and a third Hieroglyphick, or the Sculpture of sacred Images, &c. These sacred Hieroglyphicks are called by Apuleius lib. 11. Pi­ctures and Images, which saies he, they used to preserve their Philoso­phie from contempt, and oblivion by. Benjamin Tudelensis in [...], ac­quaints us, that at Alexandria, on the shore, there was to be seen a Marble Sepulchre, whereon all kind of Birds, and other Animals were en­graven. Whence it is conceived, that these Egyptian Hieroglyphicks were not so much letters or words, as some conjecture, as intire senten­ces, ye complete Discourses, for the more easie preservation of the me­morie of things. So under the forme of a Bee making hony, they ex­pounded the office of a King. Lucan wittily stiles these Hieroglyphicks, Magicas Linguas, Magick Languages, because they denoted not sin­gle letters, or words, but intire orations; as Hornius Hist philos. l 7. c 6

[Page 34] Hieroglyphick Philosophie tran­slated by Pythago [...]as from Egypt into Greece.§. 7. This Hieroglyphick and Mystick way of philosophizing, though it has little of substance in it, yet did it make a great noise, and was exceeding taking in the infant state of the world; as it is the proper­ty of children, to be taken more with sensible formes, shadows, or pi­ctures, which please the fancie, than with solid reason. So the Gym­nosophists, and Druides were wont to wrap up their Philosophie in ob­scure and enigmatick sentences, as Laert. lib. 1. The like is said of Ta [...]u­tus the Phenician, as Sanchoniathon in Euseb. praepar. l. 1. c. 7. For the first Philosophers delighted to concele their more hidden Mysteries, from the Vulgar; whence they bound their Auditors by an oath o [...] se­crecie [...], which words are taken out of a famous formule of the oath, whereby Vettius Valcus the Antiochene Astrologer bound his reader, as Seld [...] Prol. 3. de Diis Syris & Synt. 1. c. 1. H [...]rnius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 6. This kind of philosophizing, Pythagoras translated immediately from the Egyptians, but originally from the Jews, into Greece. Porphyrie in the life of Pythagoras tels us, ‘that it was permitted unto Pythagoras, when he was in Egypt, to acquaint himself with all the Studies of the Egyptian Priests at Thebes;Eum modum (Symbolicum) ex oriente in Graeci­am Pythagoras tulit, cujus Phi­losophia nil nisi arcana mysteria erant. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 7. c. 6. which was never granted to any For­reigner besides.’ Diogenes saith, ‘that whilst he lived with these Priests, he was instructed in the Learning, and Language of the Egyptians, and in the three modes of writing, Epistolographick, Hieroglyphick, and Sym­bolick, whereof the one imitates the common way of speaking, the rest are Allegorick, by Enigms, &c. as Clemens Strom. 5.’ Plato also took up the same mode of allegorick, or symbolick philosophizing, though not so expresly, as Pythagoras. And indeed this kind of philosophizing was extremely pleasing to these first Ages, and Philosophers; as A­myraldus well observes in his Salmurian Thes [...]s de Imaginibus. ‘In the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks (saies he) the [...], manners and passions were figured by the shapes of Animals, and other creatures. which were very delightful to sense; &c. Athan. Kircher. Oedi [...]s Aegyptiaci tom. 2. part. 1, cap. 1. saies, ‘that the Egyptians were the first amongst men, who insisted on this mode of philosophizing by Symbols. For they, being of an acute, and subtile ingenie; as also continually vers'd in a certain profound contemplation, and disquisiti­on of Truth, delighted themselves in these mystick expressions, &c. And the same Kircherus, in what follows cap. 2. gives us the Origine of this Symbolick Doctrine. ‘It stands thus (saith he) with human con­dition, [Page 35] that if men have any thing that is pretious, rare, and beauti­ful, they not only hide it under secret formes, but also concele it un­der enigmatick and mysterious words, that none but the more wise, and quicksighted, may come to the manifest notice thereof. VVhich, as it has been the custom of all times, so especially amongst the anci­ent wise men. For seeing they had, as it was most meer, so high an esteem, for those great secrets of Divinitie, communicated, by suc­cessive Tradition, from the Patriarchs, as conteining the in exhausted treasures of eternal felicitie; they thought it dangeorus to expose these rich treasures, to the ignorant people, and dull ingenies. VVhere­fore they endeavored, by all means possible, to couch them under such symbolick coverts, that vulgar capacities might penetrate only the bark, or outside of the words; the marrow, or sense, being still hid from them.’ And then in what follows cap. [...]3. the same Kircher. gives us the Interpretation of many Hieroglyphick Symbols, out of Zo­rcaster. Moreover cap. 4. he interprets many Hieroglyphick Symbols used by Orpheus. And cap. 5. The Symbols of Pythagoras are inter­preted by him, VVhence he proceeds cap. 6, 7, 8, 9, &c, to explicate many Hieroglyphick Symbols used by Plato, Proclus, Picus Mirandula­nus, and others. Thence in the second part of his second Tome, he in­terprets many Mathematick, Mechanick Medicinal, Chymick, Ma­gick, and Metaphysick Hieroglyphicks: from Classis 7. to 12.

This ancient mode of expressing things worthy of memorie,The extent and benefit of this Hieroglyphick way of philoso­phizing: and of its traduction from the Jews. by cer­tain hieroglyphick formes, or symbols, was very common amongst the ancients, both Poets, and Philosophers: For in this infancie of the world, knowledge being impolite and imperfect, they took delight to shad­dow forth their highest mysteries, and contemplations, by terrene Ima­ges, and sensible formes; which way of conveighing, and preserving knowledge is not only helpful to the memorie, and delightful to the fancie, but also very efficacious, as to the moving of Affections; and therefore the wise God made use of this familiar way and method, for the instructing of his own people, in the non-age of his Church, sha­dowing forth, and signifying to them, the most sublime heavenly my­steries of his Gospel, by earthly Symbols, or Types. VVhence that great maxime [...], sensible formes are imitations of Intelligible things. Thus were the greatest pieces of Jewish wisdom couched under the covert of Symbols, or Types. VVhence the Egypti­ans, as the other Easterne Philosophers borrowed their Hieroglyphick [Page 36] manner of philosophizing by fables, &c. which will more fully appear hereafter, in the life of Pythagoras, and Plato. See more of these Egyp­tian Hieroglyphicks in Athan. Kircher. O [...]dipi Aegyptiaci Tom. 3. cap. 1.

That the Egypti­an Philosophie was traduced originally from the Hebrews & Scriptures.§. 8. Having given some account of the Egyptians Philosophie, both as to the matter, and manner of their philosophizing, I shall now proceed to give a more particular demonstration, that the chiefest parts, if not the whole thereof, descended originally from the Jewish Church, or Scriptural Tradition. I shall begin with Inartificial Arguments, or Authentick Testimonies of such whose skill in Antiquitie, and faithful­nes in their relations thereof, is generally acknowledged, and recei­ved.Lud. Vi [...]es's Testimonie. VVe gave some Testimonies hereof afore in our account of A­braham, Joseph, and Moses, their Philosophie; to which we shall adde, 1. that of Ludovicus Vives on August. de Civit Dei lib. 8. cap. 9. The Philosophie of the Egyptians (saies he) is very ancient, but for the most part derived from the Chaldeans, especially from Abraham; though they, as Diodorus writes, refer it to Isis, Osiris, Vulcan, Mercurie, and Hercules. Thus Lud. Vives. First this old Tradition, that the Egyptian Philoso­phie, and thence the Grecian sprang from the Chaldeans is, and that not without great probabilitie, by the Learned interpreted of the He­brews: for Abraham their Ancestor was a Chaldean: and the Hebrews themselves lived under the Chaldean Empire, at that time when this old saying began amongst the Grecians, mentioned by Plato, &c of which more hereafter. 2. Lud. Vives expresly saies that the Egyptian Philo­sophie came principally from Abraham; for which he has much of Pagan Antiquitie on his side, as we mentioned on Abraham▪ Josephus A [...]ti­quit. sud lib. 1. cap. 16. judgeth that the Egyptians learned their Arith­metick, and Astrologie from the Patriarch Abraham, who brought these Sciences from Chaldea. But the Egyptians are wont to refer their Philo­sophie to Isis, Osiris, Vulcan, Mercurie, and Hercules; as Diodorus Sicu­lus. The Doctors of this wisdom are, by Clemens Alexandrinus, called Prophets, by Suidas [...] (as amongst the Ethiopians) by Eusebius, in an Egyptian name, Arsepedonaptae. These drew their wisdom from Abraham, as before; and perhaps from Joseph also, who first taught the Egyptians the use of Geometrie, as Artapanus in Josephus testifies. And this opinion, as some think, may be founded on Psal. 105.22. It is credi­ble also, that they got some things from the Israelites, who also descended from Abraham; and hence Aristophanes, in Avibus, cals them [...]; [Page 37] which Suidas also observes. Thus Ger. Vossius de philosoph. sectis. l. 2. c. 2. §. 2. 3. The Confession of the Egyptians themselves related by Diodorus, The Confession of the Egyptians. seems clearly to intimate, and prove our Assertion. For in that they refer their Philosophie originally to Isis, Osiris, Mercurie, A nonnullis Ae­gyptiorum Sacer­dotibus, quidisci­plinam nostram altius conside­rarunt, Dei ho­mines Gens no­stra est appella­ta. Eleazar. Pon­tifex ad Ptol. 2. apud Euseb. praepar. l. 8. c. 3. &c. it is very probable that these feigned names were originally given to the Patriarchs, especially to Joseph, by the Egyptians, who being un­willing to own the Hebrews, as Authors of their Wisdom, gave these borrowed names unto Joseph, &c. according to the custome of that infant Age. Athan. Kircher. Oedipi Aegypt. Tom. 3. c. 1. makes Her­m [...]s Trismegistus the Author of the Egyptians Hieroglyphick Philosophie. Yet so, as that we received the first Lineaments thereof from the Patri­archs. His words are Hermes Trismegistus contemplating this world composed of so great varietie of things, as a Scene distinguisht with most polite Images, he rightly supposed, that these creature-images were [...], Symbols of God, &c. And hence the first rudiments of Hieroglyphick [...] proceeded; which being adumbrated by the first Patriarchs, Adam, Enoch, Noah, C [...]am, and perfected by Her­mes, sprang up unto the forme, by the stupendious architecture of Hi­eroglyphicks. That Mercurie called by the Grecians Hermes, could be no other than Joseph, has been already proved in the Storie of Joseph's Philosophie: as also Part 1. Book 2. Chap. 7. §. 10. of the Egyptian Theogonie. Serranus's Te­stimonie. But Serranus (that great Philologist) in his Preface to Pla­to, speaks more fully and expresly touching the traduction of the E­gyptian Philosophie from the Patriarchs and Scripture Revelation. His words are these, ‘That the Egyptians retained many things from the Traditions of the Patriarchs, the ancient Historie of Moses demon­strates: & that they derived many things from the clear fountains of the Scriptures, which yet they contaminated by their own mud (or fables) is no way to be doubted.’ Thus Serranus: but of this more hereaf­ter in the life of Pythagoras, and Plato. Ne (que) ullo modo dubitari potest quin, quaecunque vera & Scriptu­rae consentientia cum apud al [...]os, tum imprimis, Ae­gypti [...]s Philoso­phos inveniuntur, ea omnia ab Ebraeis, quibuscum jam à temporibus Abrahae frequenter, & diu [...]onversati sunt, acceperint. [...]primis à Josepho, pl [...]rima, cui, cum proximus à Rege esset, con [...]adicere [...]mo ausus est. Ho [...]nius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 10. The like Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 10. which see in what precedes of Joseph chap. 1. §. 9.

§. 9. To make good yet farther our assertion, touching the Tradu­ction of the Egyptian Philosophie from the Jewish Church, we now shall endeavor to give some Artifiicial Argument, or Demonstration, from the [...], or cause; by shewing what influence the Patriarchs, and [Page 38] Jewish Church had on the Egyptian Wisdom, as well in its first rise, as af­ter improvement. First, that the Egyptians were no way famous for Wisdom, or Philosophie, before the abode of the Patriarchs with them, is evident by their own concessions: for they confesse they owe all their wisdom to their Gods; Isis, Osiris; but principally to Mercurie, or Theuth, whom they call Hermes, &c. So Plato in Phae­dro brings in Socrates relating,Note: Alii s [...] ri [...]sisse de sapientia Mercu­rium non negant, sed haer, quae ho­die circumferuntur, [...], Mercurii esse, id vero pernegant. Olim enim Librarii, ut quaestum uberiorem ex suis nugis co [...]raderent, [...] libros lectoribus ob­trudebant. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 6. that the Egyptians wor­shipped a certain God whom they called Theuth, who found out, and taught them all Arts and Letters, in that time, when Thamus held the Empire of Egypt. This Theuth is the same with the Egyptian Mercurie, of whom Iamblichus (most skilful in the Egyptian Theo­logie) lib. de Myster. Aegipt. cap. 1. thus writeth: ‘The Egyptians report Mercurie to be the M [...]dera­tor, and God of Wisdom, and Eloquence; and they declared that by him not only Letters were found out, and reduced into order; but also that the principles of all Learning were collected, and published, in many thousand books by him,Mr Bochart in a conference told me that none of the Egyptian Gods were more ancient than the Patri­archs. Now that all the Egyptian Gods were younger than the Patriarchs, or at least but borrowed names given to them, is generally asserted by the Learned; especially that Mercurie, or Hermes was Joseph, or Moses. Carion in his Ch [...]oni [...]on lib. 2. of A­braham, tels us, that after the great Famine in Egypt, Joseph altered the constitution, or forme of the Egyptian Kingdom (he having bought in all the Land, that belonged to the people) and erected a College for the Priests which was endowed,Josephs provisi­b [...] for the College of Egyptian Priests, and his instructing of them as also of th [...]ir King in the knowledge of God, &c. of which see more in what precedes ch. 1. §. 9▪ of Joseph. &c. His words are these, ‘After the Fa­mine the forme of the Egyptian Kingdom was constituted, and Tri­butes appointed, and Revenues for the College of the Priests; that so they might be conservators of Learning ▪ And although the Know­ledg of God was, after Joseph's death, changed, yet the Knowledge of the Celestial motions, and of the nature of things, was conserved in Egypt, throughout all the four Monarchies of the Assyrians, the Persians, the Greeks, and Romans, even unto the Barbarians of the Mahometans, almost 3000 years. Jacob saw the flourishing state of this Kingdom, which then had a pious King, with whom he had frequent confe­rence, and who took care, that the true Doctrine should be propaga­ted far and near, and in the famine afforded relief to many neighbo­ring Nations.’ Thus far Carion, or Melancthon. By which we see what care Joseph took, for informing the Egyptian Priests, in the Know­leedge [Page 39] of the true God, and sound Philosophie. The Scripture also makes an honorable mention of Joseph's care of, and provision for the Priests; as Gen. 47.22.Gen. 47, 22▪ by assigning them Portions, and setling their Lands. And as he took this care for their Bodies, and Succession in following Ages; so we cannot conceive, but that he took much more care for their Souls, and the Souls of the whole Kingdom, with which they were entrusted. Can we imagine that Joseph made such large provision for these Egyptian Priests, that so they might be the better qualified to serve the Devil, and Idol Gods? no; without doubt, his great designe was to lay a foundation, for the Knowledge and Worship of the true God, as well as, and much more than, for human Philosophie, and other inge­genious Sciences) for the accomplishment whereof, he had an huge ad­vantage, in that, having been an instrument to save the Nation, he had thereby gained the King's Ear, and Heart, who, if we may credit Carion, was piously inclined: and we may also, not without good ground, conjecture as much from Joseph's Instructions of, and Jacob's Conference with him. And indeed the unparalleld kindnesses he ma­nifested to Joseph, his Father, and Brethren, argues some pious inclina­tion in him. But this holy and great design of Joseph, in erecting a College for the Egyptian Priests, and making such ample provision for their Instruction in the Knowledge of God, and human Philosophie, after his decease determined in miserable superstition, and Idolatrie: so also Carion lib. 2. of the going out of the children of Israel out of Egypt, saies, That Egypt excelled in Arts, and Laws, and other Learning: Jo­seph had planted a Church there; but after his death the Kings turned a­side to Idols, and in the following times Egypt was full of Idols, and Magick Arts. Thus Carion: so Hornius as before Chap. 1. §. 9. Thus we have seen what foundation was laid by Joseph, and the rest of the Pa­triarchs for Divine and human Philosophie, and its improvement in E­gypt: unto which we have ground enough to conjecture, that Moses, by his writings, and Solomon by his, gave no small additional advance, as it has been already observed in its place.

§. 10. We now proceed to demonstrate, what improvement the Egyptian Philosophie, and Wisdom received from the Jewish Church, after the Babylonian Captivitie. When the Jews were carried captive to Babylon, we find that many remainders of them fled to Egypt, where we may presume they had their Scholes, as in Babylon; or at least some way of communicating their Knowledge to the Egyptians, who, with­out [Page 40] doubt, would be very inquisitive into their mysteries. And when Alexander upon personal conversation with the Jews, and observation of their Institutes, and Solemnities, began to have a kindnes for them, mul­titudes of them were, by Alexander's favor, setled at Alexandria; where they had huge advantage to season that Fountain of Learning with Scripture Light, which immediately after their settlement, began to flourish; and being afterwards abundantly supplied with the Waters of the Sanctuarie, I mean with the sacred Fountain of the holy Scrip­tures translated into Greek, this Schole of Alexandria proved the most flourishing in the world.The advantage the Egyptians received from the Jews as to Philosophie after the Captivitie by the Greek versi­on, or LXX. For the greatest advantage that the Egyptians, and Grecians had, for improvement in Divine, and human Philosophie, was the Translation of the Hebrew Testament into Greek by the ap­pointment; as it is supposed, of Ptolomeus Philadelphus King of Egypt; whereof Carion Chron lib 2. of the Kings of Egypt after Alexander, gives us this account. Ptolomeus Philadelphus (saies he) reigning with peace in Egypt, and finding the profession of Sciences confined to the Priests, and the Egyptian Tongue,The beginning of the Schole at Alexandria. and Letters; he caused Learning to be translated into the Greek Tongue, and instituted Studies (or Colleges) at Alexandria; where it was, thence forward, common for all that would, to studie and learn: and the King called thither from all parts Learned men; he erected a copious Librarie, and searched after ancient monuments, amongst divers Nations. Wherefore Callimachus writ a book of the origine, and migrations of the Nations, and of the Buil­ders of the ancient Cities, and their Laws; which book being lost, is of great detriment to Antiquitie. But when Ptolomie understood that the Jews had the ancient series of the Fathers, and saw that the Law of the Jews did mostly accord with reason, touching the unitie of God, and right manners he took care to have the books of the Jews translated into the Greek Tongue. By the labor and bountie of this King Ptolomeus Philadelphus, the Studies of Sciences were restored to mankind, and largely propagated. And it is written, that he was moved by the Counsels of the most learned Aristas, Strabo, and Demetrius Phalerensis, Callimachus, Apollonius, Aratus, Bion, Theocritus, Conon, and Hipparchus the Mathematician, who resided with him, &c. The Studies of the Sciences, instituted in the reign of Philadelphus, flourish­ed greatly at Alexandria, in the reign of Eu [...]rgetes his son; who also was very bountiful towards the Jews. In his time Jesus the son of Syrach, be­ing in Egypt, gathered his sentences; which are yet extant; which [Page 41] (saies he) were written by his Grandfather, but augmented by him­self, and translated into Greek. The reading of which is most profi­table and sweet, &c. Thus Carion (or Melancthon, who added to him) by which it's apparent, what great advance the Egyptian Wisdom, and the Schole of Alexandria (which henceforward became the seat thereof) in its first constitution, received from the Scriptures, and Jewish Church.’

§. 11. This Schole of Alexandria grew exceeding famous for its Li­brarie (wherein was treasured up this rich Jewel of the Old Testament, The fame of the Alexandrian Schole for its Li­brarie wherein were treasured up the sacred O­racles. in its Greek Version) whereunto Mark Antonie, out of Love to Cleopa­tra, afterwards added the famous Librarie of Pergamus; so that this Schole was the great Nurserie of all Philosophie, and ingenious Sciences, in the first dawnings of the Christian Religion. For the sacred Scrip­tures, as well as the Egyptian Philosophie, being translated into Greek, it proved an efficacious attractive to draw all the Candidates of Lear­ing, and Philosophie hither. The head of this Schole in Origens time, was that great, and so much renowned Philosopher Ammonius, Ammonius the great Master of the Alexandrian Schole his mix­ing Scripture with Platonick Philosophie. from whom all those Platonick Philosophers, who were stiled [...], of the sacred Succession, derived their notions. Such were Herennius, Origen, and Plotinus, who were his Scholars; and Porphyrie, who was Scholar to Plotinus, as [...]amblichus the disciple of Porphyrie. This Am­monius, if we may believe Eusebius (Eccles. Hist. l. 6. c. 9.) and Je­rom, lived and died a Christian, though Porphyrie endeavors to con­fute this opinion. Certain it is, that his Philosophie which he communi­cated to his Scholars, had much of the Scripture revelations mixed with it: so that the Platonick Philosophie, which we find in Plotinus, Porphyrie; Proclus, Hierocles, and the latter Platonists, owed not its ori­ginal, as they would persuade us, so much to Plato, or Pythagoras, as to the Divine Revelation, which Ammonius was well versed in, and made the foundation of his Philosophie. Take this in the words of Dr. Owen, in his learned Treatise of Theologie lib. 3. cap. 6. pag. 204. ‘After Am­monius Alexandrinus the Coryphaeus or head of the Philosophers of his Age (whose Scholars were Origen, Herennius, and Plotinus the praecep­tor of Porphyrie, as he of Iamblichus) had sowen in the minds of his Auditors, some seeds of the heavenly Doctrine, they, who, by rea­son of their own inveterate prejudices, and the Worlds enmitie a­gainst the Christian Religion, would not receive the same, desisted not however to manure and improve those seeds they had received, [Page 42] but mixing of them with Plato's muddy Philosophie. Adde hereto, that some of them by reading our books, drew forth many no [...]io [...]s from those hidden mysteries of the Gospel. Of this number were Numenius, Proclus, Amelius, Plotinus, Herennius, Porphyrius, Iambli­chus, Hierocles, Marinus, Damascius, and others; who, though they quitted not the curious speculations of the Platonicks, nor the Magick Inchantments of the Pythagoreans, yet they mixed many sparks of the heavenly Truth with them.’ More of this hereafter. Book 3. [...]. 4. §. 5.What advance the Schole of A­lexandria recei­ved from the Church there.

§. 12. There was also, in the first planting of the Gospel, a famous Church of Christ in this Citie of Alexandria, whence this Schole, as we may justly presume received much Light, &c. To which purpose, Morelius in his Treatise of Church Discipline Lib. 3. c. 14. pag. 260. St Mark, saies he, having performed the office of a Teacher in the Church of Alexandria, the charge of the Schole was af­terwards given first to Panthenus, then to Clemens Alexandrinus, and after him successively to Orig [...]n, Heraclus, Dionysius, Athen [...]dore, Malcion, and Didymus, who reached to the year 350. The which Do­ctors gave an admirable advance to the Church. The Towne was for this reputed as the universal Schole of the Church. The truth is, Phi­losophie and Curiositie corrupted this Schole, and by consequent the Church, which is greatly to be heeded, because these two evils are na­tural to Scholars, who contenting not themselves with the simpli­citie of the Gospel, would fain adorne it with the ornaments of human Eloquence, and Philosophie; and from a rage to learne, would faine mount higher than their Teachers, &c. Hence the same Mor [...]lius lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 87. shews how the Arian, and Pelagian Heresies were hatched out of the vain philosophizings in this Schole of Alexan­dria, which at last proved the dissipation and ruine of the said Schole, and Church. Thus have we gone thorough the whole series of the Egyptian Philosophie, with endeavors to demonstrate, that it received not only its Primitive Foundation, but also its continued advance and improvement in all Ages from the Divine Oracles seated in the Jewish, and Christian Churches.

CHAP. II. Of the Phenician Philosophie, its Traduction from the Jews.

The Phenicians traduced Philosophie themselves, and deriv'd it into Greece, and other parts, from the Jews. Of the Phenician Philosophie, and its propagation to the Grecians. Of Sanchoniathon, and the ori­ginal of his Philosophie from the Jews. Porphyrie's Testimonie of San­choniathon's traducing his Philosophie from Jerombalus, Priest of the God Jao, i. e. Gideon; or some Jewish Priest. Sanchoniathon's Mythologick mode of philosophizing from the Jewish Church. The Matter of his Philosophie from the Jews: His [...], Theogonie, or Genealogie of the Gods. Beelsamen from heb. [...] Gen. 1.16. Eliun from [...], Ilos from [...]: Eloeim from [...]: Baetulia from [...]; Israel from [...]. Of Angels, and the Soul from Gen. 2.7. Sanchoniathon's Physiologie: His Chaos from Gen. 1.2. Ereb. from Gen. 1.5, &c. Mot, and [...] from Gen. 1.2. The Greek Philosophers con­currence herein. Sanchoniathon's Geographie. Sanchoniathon's Natural Historie continued by Mochus the Physiologist, who was the first Founder of the Doctrine of Atomes, which he makes to be the first principle of all things; which he received by some Jewish tradition from the Historie of the Creation Gen. 1. of Addomenus. Vossius's account of the Tra­duction of Phenician Philosophie from the Jews, as the Ionick and Ita­lick from the Phenicians.

§. 1. WE now proceed to the Phenicians, their Philosophers, Of the Phenici­ans their tradu­cing Philosophie into Greece, and other parts f [...]om the Jews origi­nally. and Philosophie; with its Traduction from the Jewish Church, &c. And to make the [...],, or way to our demonstration more clear, we must reflect on some considerations, laid down in our for­mer Discourse of Philologie, touching the Origination of these Pheni­cians from the old Cananites, who, being expelled Canaan, by Joshua, came and seated themselves on these Maritime Coasts of Palestine (cal­led by them afterwards Phaenicia) West of Judaea: whence, being too populous for this narrow Countrey, they transplanted Colonies, and with them Human Philosophie, and other Sciences, into Greece, Afri­ca, Spain, and the chief parts of Europe; especially such as bordered [Page 44] on the Midland Sea, of which see more Part 1. of Philologie B. 1. chap. 3, 4, 5, 6, &c. I shall only adde a Quotation, or two, out of the Learned Ludovicus Vives, and Bochart, which will greatly conduce to the con­firmation, and illustration hereof. Lud. Vives speaks though in a few words, fully to our purpose) thus. ‘The Phenicians, saies he, for lucre's sake, passed in their Ships thorough the whole world, whither they traduced Knowledge, and Philosophie from the Jews.’

The Phenicians skill in Geogra­phie and Navi­gation, &c.This great Bochart does more copiously explain, and demonstrate in the Preface to the second part of his Geographie, stiled Canaan fol. 9. ‘From what we have said, it clearly appears, that the Grecians were greatly exceeded by the Phenicians, as well in the skill of Navigation, as of Geographie. For the Phenicians began long before the Grecians, to view the world. And indeed, this was almost the only Studie, which was innate to this Nation, even from their Origine, to sail throughout all parts of the world, and plant Colonies; whereunto they were incited, either from the thirst of Glorie, or the irksomnes of their own Countrey, or the desire of Empire, or Curiositie (the [...]nquisitor of natures secrets) or the unsatiable desire of Lucre. Thence they, amongst them who first ventured their persons at Sea, were so much admired by posteritie, that they were, for this noble exploit, numbred amongst their Gods. Such were Saturne, and Astarte; whom Sanchoniathon describes, circuiting the Earth, &c. The like the same Bochart mentions fol. 6, 7. ‘Therefore, saies he, if these monuments of the Phenicians were now extant, there would thence accede great light to sacred and profane Historie (we might adde al­so Philosophie) and that great hiatus, or gap, which is betwixt Mo­ses and the Grecians, would be made up: We should also learn ma­ny things touching the ancient Inhabitants of the Earth, and the migration of the Nations. But time having long since consumed, to the great dammage of Learning, these Monuments we have no­thing remaining of the Historie of the Phenicians, but a few frag­ments scattered here and there in the writings of the Grecians, and Romans, &c.

The Phenicians skill in Astrono­mie and Arith­metick.§. 2. And more particularly touching the Phenicians skill in Philo­sophie, especially the Mathematicks, we have a good account in Bochart, part 2. of Canaan cap. 8. fol. 410. thus. ‘This was pecu­liar to the Phenicians, to direct their course by the inspection of the Stars. So Strabo lib. 16, The Sidonians are reported to be Masters of [Page 45] many, and of the best Arts: moreover they were skilful in Astronomie, and Arithmetick, which they acquired at first from the Art of Calculation, and Navigation. Plinie lib. 5. cap. 12. saies, ‘That the Nation of the Phenicians gained a great glorie for their invention of Letters, Astronomie, Navigation, and Militarie Arts. Thence the Cynosura was so called by the Phenicians. And that Arithmetick was greatly in use amongst the Phenicians, by reason of their Mer­chandise, and traffique, is generally affirmed by the Learned. That they were also well skilled in Natural Philosophie will hereafter appear, in what is mentioned of Sanchoniathon, and Mochus the Physiologist.The Phenicians skill in Mecha­nicks. But the greatest excellencie of the Phenicians consisted in their Mechanick Arts (which belong to Experimental Philosophie) of ma­king Glasse, mixing Purple, weaving fine Linne, &c. Whereof we have a full account in Bochart his Phaleg. lib. 4. cap. 35. His words are these: ‘God indulged the Inhabitants of Tyre, and Sidon (the chief Cities of Phaenicia a sharpe vivid ingenie, flexible to all things: A­rithmetick, and Astronomie flowed from them to the Grecians. And (not to mention the modern Phenicians) Mochus began to philoso­phize of Atomes at Sidon before the Trojan Wars, And Abdemonus the Tyrian was bold to provoke, or engage King Solomon by his que­stions proposed to him. But their chief repute was for Mechanick Arts. At Tyre the mixture of Purple, at Sidon Glasse making, and the Texture of fine Linnen (thence called Sindon) of the smallest thread, are reported to be first invented. And Solomon, in his Epi­stle to Hiram King of Tyre, greatly commends the skill of their Car­penters 1 Kings 5.6.1 Kings 5.6. For thou knowest that there are none among us, that can hew Timber like unto the Sidonians. Hence it is, that Homer cals them [...], manifold, or universal Artists. And if there were any thing more excellenly wrought in garments, or vessels, that was usually attributed to the industrie of the Sidonians.’ Thus Bo­chart of the Phenician Learning.

§. 3. The Phenicians being thus renowned for ingenious Arts, The Grecians borrowed much of their Philoso­phie from the Phenicians. and Philosophie, the Grecians were very ambitious of commerce, and cor­respondence with them: For besides the Phenician Colonies, and with them the Alphabet translated into Greece by Cadmns, and other Phe­nicians (of which before Part 1.) the first and chiefest of the Greci­an Philosophers had recourse to Phenicia, to furnish themselves with Philosophick Principles, and Contemplations: Vossius (de Hist. Graec. l. 3. [Page 46] pag. 375. edit. 2.) proves that Thales was (though a Milesian by birth) originally a Phenician; who is said to have learned Astrologie from the Phenicians, especially the Cynosura (or constellation of the lesser Bear) which was first observed by the Phenicians, who sailed thereby; and thence Vossius derives Cynosura from [...] a collection of light. Also that Thales received his opinion, of water to be the first matter, from the Phenician [...], which signifies Slime, will be evident hereafter. That Pherecydes was in like manner of a Phenician extract (though born at Syra, one of the Cyclades) and much versed in the Phenician Mysteries; from whom he borrowed his [...], or Generation of the Gods (conteined in 10 books) also his invention of the Heliotrope, and My­thologick Philosophie, will appear in the Storie of his Philosophie.

So likewise Pythagoras, the Disciple of Pherecydes (as it is generally supposed by the Learned) borrowed his Symbolick Philosophie from the Phenicians, and Egyptians. Iamblichus in the Life of Pythagoras cap. 13. tels us, that Pythagoras made a voyage to Sidon, where he conferred with the Prophets, the Successors of Mochus the Physiologist, and with the Phenician Priests; and was initiated into all the Mysteries of Byblus, and Tyre, &c. And Grotius on Mat. 7.6 assures us, that Pythagoras brought his Symbolick Philosophie, either out of Egypt, or Syria, where his Master Ph [...]recydes was, and as some think, Pythagoras himself. The like will hereafter be evinced of Plato, who makes frequent mention of his Phenician [...], or fables &c. I shall adde for the Confirmation hereof the Testimonie of Learned Bochart in his Preface to Canaan fol. 12. That I may (saies he) adde to these somewhat of the Sciences, and Arts which flourished amongst the Phenicians, in that age, in which the Grecians were Barbarians, or very little instructed: whence it came to passe, that the most ancient Grecian Philosophers had Phenician Masters; neither have a few of Phenician words both Philosophick and Mechanick crept in­to the Greek Tongue. That Democritus, and after him Epicurus recei­ved their Philosophick Contemplations of Atomes from Mochus the Phe­nician Philosopher, will appear in his Storie.

The Phenicians received their Philosophie from the Jews.§. 4. As the Grecians derived the choicest parts of their Know­ledge, and Philosophie from the Phenicians; so these, as it is more than probable, received theirs from the Jewish Church: For indeed, Phenicia was but the great Mart, which receiving Philosophick Tradi­tions from Judea, transported them into Greece, and other parts. Thus much has been already hinted out of Ludovicus Vives, whose words are [Page 47] these, Phaenices quaestus gratia totum orbem navigiis peragrabant, unde scientiam, & philosophiam traduxerunt a Judaeis. And Grotius, in his Annotations on Mat. 24.38. speaks fully to this purpose thus, Quod ex Phaenicum Theologia veteres Philosophi hauserunt, & ex illis Poet [...], Phae­nices ab Hebraeis hauserant. What the ancient Philosophers drew from the Theologie of the Phenicians, and the Poets from them, the Phenicians drew from the Hebrews. Yea we are not without probable grounds for this conjecture, that whereas the ancient Grecians, Plato, and others, men­tion the Phenicians, and Syrians as the Authors of their Mythologick Traditions, they, under these titles, comprehended also the Jews. For it is apparent (as was before mentioned) that the Jews were, by rea­son of their vicinitie, often stiled Phenicians, and Syrians. So in He­rodotus, those Ph [...]nicians, who were circumcised after the Egyptian manner, are the same with the Hebrews, and Lucian does use the Phenician, and Hebrew names promiscuously. Yea in the Scripture Dialect, the Hebrew is called the Language of Canaan, or Phaenicia: so Esa. 19.18. which proves that there was a great affinitie, and corres­pondence betwixt the Phenicians, and Hebrews, both in Names, Lan­guage, and Sciences, as before Part 1. B. 1. C 3, 4, 5, &c.

§. 5 But to proceed to the [...], the manner how,The manner how Philosophie was traduced out of Judea in­to Phaenicia. and chief Instru­ments, by whom the Jewish Mysteries, and Philosophie were traduced into Phaenicia. How near neighbors the Phenicians were to the He­brews, what a great cognation, or rather Identitie, there was betwixt their Languages, and what constant commerce there was betwixt these two nations, even from their first constitution, not only in external, but also mental commodities, is sufficiently known to all, who are verst in the first rudiments of Antiquitie. Yea the Scriptures fully in­forme us, touching this great affinitie, and correspondence 'twixt the Phenicians, and Jews, not only in Solomon's Reign, but before, and af­ter. Our main work will be to treat particularly of the two great Phenician Philosophers, Sanchoniathon, and Mochus; with some in­quirie, and discoverie, how they traduced their Philosophie, which was chiefly Mythologick, and historick, from the Historie of Moses, or some Jewish Traditions. Of Sanchonia­thon his origina­tion.

§. 6. The first great Phenician Philosopher (from whom the Greci­ans traduced their chiefest philosophick Traditions) we shall mention, is Sanchoniathon, a person indeed of great Antiquitie; who,Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. as Bo­chart conceives, writ before the Trojan War. P [...]rphyrie, and Suidas [Page 48] make him contemporarie with, if not more ancient than, the Tr [...]jan War.G. Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 1. cap. 1. Ger. Vossius tels us, that Greece had no Writer, but who was much younger than Sanchoniathon. Theodor [...]t, out of Porphyrie, explains his name thus, [...]. Sanchoni­athon, who according to the Phenician dialect, is Philalethes, i. e. a l [...]ver of truth, or a Philosopher; for so Plato defines his Philosopher to be [...]. Philo cals him [...], the learned, and curious Inquisitor, &c. The Learned Bochart (in his Canaan lib. 2 c. 17.) gives his name this Phenician, or Hebrew origination; viz. [...] Sanchonea­tho, which, word for word, signifies, the Law his Zele; or a Zelot of true Learning. For [...] San, from [...] curtaild, signifies, amongst the Phe­nicians Doctrine, Law, or Canon Law. Hence the same Phenician Ci­tie is sometimes called [...] Judg. 1.11, 12. Josh. 15.15, 16. Ki­riath Sepher i. e. the Citie of Learning, and sometimes [...] the Ci­tie of Learning, or of the Law, as Jos. 15.49. Kiriath Sannath. The Chaldee renders it [...] the Citie of the Archives, where their Learning was lodged: answerably whereto, the Greeks translate it [...], the Citie of Letters. The radix [...] firstly signifying to whet, or sharpen; thence in its borrowed notion, to teach exquisitely. So that Sanchoniathon seems to have received his Name, or Sirname ra­ther, from the time, wherein he began to applie his mind to Learning, thereby to signifie that he was [...] a Candidate of Truth. So in like manner Roman. 16.15. we read of one called [...] Phil [...]logus, which, as Grotius on the place supposeth, was a Sirname given him, from that he addicted himself to the Studie of Philologie, or human litera­ture.

Sanchoniathon's skill in Philoso­phie, Mythologie, and Natural Historie.§. 7. That Sanchoniathon was a person greatly versed in the Philo­sophie, or rather Mythologie, of those Ages, is generally concluded by the Learned, both Ancient, and Moderne. Philo tels us, that San­choniathon was [...],See more Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. learned, and curious, and above all things, most greedy to know, what were the first Originals, and Principles of all things. This inquisitive humor has put him upon prying into Moses's Historie, whence he traduced the best part of his Historick Narrations, of the Originals of things; which he clothed with many fabulous formes, and shapes, (according to the custom of those childish Ages) thereby to disguise the truth, and concele its parentage. That Sanchoniathon was Master, and Professor of Philosophie, as well as Theologie, we [Page 49] have assurance from Suidas: He writ, saies Suidas, [...], of the Physiologie of H [...]rmes: and [...], the Egyp­tian Theologie; which, saies Bochart, without doubt, he took out of the books of Taautus. So Philo assures us, that, with great diligence, he sear­ched into the books of Taautus, who is said to be the first, that found out the use of Letters. Philo oft cites him, and in the beginning of his book, whatsoever he has of the Creation of the world, he saies, he found it, [...], in the Cosmogonie of Taautus. This Taautus, whom the Greeks call Hermes, is said to have written 42 books as A­strologie, of Geographie, of Medicine, of Politicks, of Th [...]ologie, of Religi­on, &c. The Catalogue of which Books is given us by Clemens Alexan­drinus Strom, lib. 6. The great difficultie will be, to discover who this Taautus, or Hermes was, whence Sanchoniathon received his Physiologie, Of Taautus his origine, &c. and Theologie. That the Egyptian Hermes is originally applicable to none more properly than to Joseph, has been already made probable. So in like manner, we are not without probable conjectures, that this Phenician Taautus, or Hermes, whence Sanchoniathon traduced his Physiologie, or Philosophie, might be Moses. For it is well known,Taautus the same with Mo­ses. that it was very common in those Ages, for differing nations to give the same Titles of Honor to differing persons, suitable to their own hu­mors, and interests. Hence it is, that we find mention of so many Jupiter's, and Hercules's, &c. So that those blind prejudiced Hea­thens, being unwilllng to be thought so much obliged to Moses, that servant of the true God, for their Learning, ascribe it to, I know not what, Hermes. That, de facto, the chief matter, and parts of San­choniathon's Philosophie, and Theologie were but corrupt fragments of, and derivations from the Historie of Moses, will be hereafter manifest by particulars. At present that Sanchoniathon had a general Vogue amongst the Ancients, for a great Philosopher, as well as Historiographer, is confirmed by the Learned Isaac Casaubon, in his notes on Athenaeus lib. 3. cap. 36. ‘Thus of Sanchoniathon, that ancient Historian, is men­tion made in many places by Philo, Josephus, Porphyrius, and others: some call him a Berytian, as Porphyrius; others a Tyrian, as Athenae­us; Suidas saies [...], Sanchoniathon the Tyrian Philosopher writ memoir [...]s of the Tyrians in the Phenician dialect. Thus much also has been asserted by Porphyrius (who was a Tyrian) in his second book of Abstinence, Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion: and amongst the Modern Philologists [Page 50] by Ger. Vossius de Hist. Graecis lib. 1. cap. 1. pag. 3. and Learned Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 17. fol. 856. as anon.

§. 8. We now proceed to the main of our demonstration: to prove, that Sanchoniathon traduced the bodie of his Philosophie (which laid the foundations of the Grecian Wisdom) from some Scriptural, or Jewish Traditions;The original of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie from the Jewish Church. which we shall endeavor to make good. 1. From the confessions of his friends, and followers. 2. From his manner of phi­losophizing; and 3. From the matter of his Philosophie. First touching the original of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie, Philo tels us, that he gathered it out of the hidden Learning, or Mysteries of the Ammoneans. These Ammoneans Heb: [...] ammanim, Aben Ezra on Lev. 26 30. expounds Temples made for the worship of the Sun. And so indeed a­mongst the Hebrews [...] amma signifies the Sun. 'Tis possible un­der this disguise of the Ammoneans, were originally intended no others, than the Ministers of the true God, expressed under these borrowed appellations. That Sanchoniathon did indeed derive the best part of his historick Philosophie, or Mythologie from some Jewish Priest, or Mi­nister of the true God, is openly acknowledged by Porphyrie, who was his own Countrey-man, a Tyrian (being called in the Tyrian Tongue Malchus [...]) and therefore best able to know;Porphyrie's tessi­monie to prove that Sanchonia­thon derived his Philosophie from some Jewish Priest. as also a great admirer of Sanchoniathon, but bitter enemie of the Christians, and so, as we may presume, would not mention willingly any thing, that might tend to the honor of the Christians God. Yet this Por­phyrie plainly confesseth (in his lib. 4. against the Christians) ‘That Sanchoniathon, besides the help he had from the Commentaries of the Cities, and from the monuments or memoires of the Temples, had for his assistance in the composing of his historie, [...].’ So Euseb. Praeparat. Evang. lib. 10. cap. 3. and Bochart Can. l. 2. cap. 17. Ger. Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 1. cap. 1. gives it us in these words, Greece has none, who is not much younger than Sanchoniathon. Porphyrie saies, that Moses, and Sanchoniathon give the names of persons, and places alike; and that Sanchoniathon drew his Historick Observations, partly from the An­nals of the Cities; partly from the books kept in the Temple, which he received from Jerombalus, Priest of the God [...], &c. That this can refer to no other, but some Jewish Priest seems most evident.

1. If we consider who this Jerombalus was, by whose memoires, or Traditions Sanchoniathon is said to have so much profited himself. I [Page 51] am not ignorant, that the Learned differ in their conjectures here­abouts: but none seems to me more probable (whatever Dr Stilling­fleet objects to the contrary out of Jos. Scaliger) than that of Learned Bochart, who by Jerombalus understands Gideon. His words are these,Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 17. Jerombalus is the same with Jerubbaal, as the Learned have for­merly observed.’ Now it is most known, that Jerubbaal is the Sirname of Gideon. as Judg. 7.1. compared with Judg. 8.35. Suidas saith [...]: which is expresly mentioned Judg. 6.32. [...] let Baal plead against him. Sanchoniathon's receiving the chief materials of his Philoso­phie from Gide­on. Gideon might be called the Priest of Jao, because he was Prince, or Judge of those, by whom Jao, the true God, was worshipped.’ That which augments the suspicion is, that presently after Gideons death, the Is­raelites ‘worshipped Baal Berith, or Beryti, from the Citie called Be­rytum, whence Sanchoniathon sprang. So Judg. 8.33. and made Ba­al Berith their God. The like Judg. 9.2, 4. i. e. the Idol of Berith, or the Berytian Citie. Whence it is most likely, that Gideon making a League, or having frequent Commerce with some Berytian per­son of great fame, it gave the occasion of this piece of Jewish Idola­trie, otherwise unknown: for we find not the name Baal Berith mentioned elsewhere. Nonnus teacheth us, that this Town of Beryth or Berytum, received its name from Beroe, the Daughter of Venus, and Adonis, who was worshipped in those parts for a Goddesse.’ Thus Bochart. Certain it is, from the Scriptures above mentioned, that those of Berith or Berytum, where Sanchoniathon lived, had a great commerce, or correspondence with the Jews, in, or immediately up­on, Gideon's time: and as the Jews received from those of Berith their Idol Baal Berith, so we may also suppose, that they communicated to these Phenicians, some of their own Scriptural Traditions, out of which Sanchoniathon composed his Historie. Lastly the Transmutation of Jerubbaal, Gideons name into Jerombaal, or Jerombalus (from whom Sanchoniathon is said to receive the cheif materials of his Historie) is most easie, by the exchange of one of the B [...] into M, viz: Jerobbaal into Jerombaal.

2. Whoever this Jerombalus was, from whom Sanchoniathon is said to have borrowed the chief materials of his Historie, yet certain it is,Jerombalus Priest of Jao, i. e. the God of Is­rael. if we may credit Porphyrie, he was a Priest of the God Jao. i. e. of Jeho­vah the true God. For the Greeks seldom expresse the ineffable name of God, by any other word. So in the Oracle of Clarius Apollo [...] [Page 52] [...], let him be thy greatest God, whose name is Jao. So Diodorus lib. 1. saies that Moses amongst the Jews owned the God called Jao, as the Author of his Laws. And the Gnosticks in Irenae­us lib. 1. cap. 34. reckon up seven names of God, whereof Jao is the second And Jerom in his commentaries on. Psal. 8. reads it Jaho; which seems little differing from the name [...] Jehovah, or [...] Jah; as Bochart Can. lib. 2. c. 17. see more Part 1. B. 2. C. 1. §. 8.

Sanchoniathon's mythologick mode of philosophizing from the Jewish Church.§. 9. Farther, that Sanchoniathon traduced the main of his Philoso­phie from the Jews will be evident, if we consider the manner of his philosophizing; which was Historick, or rather Mythologick, answe­rable to Moses's manner of philosophizing. For the whole of his Histo­rie seems to be but some mythologick fragments, or fabulous traditions of what Moses more nakedly, and purely laid down, as it will be more fully evident, when we come to treat of the Matter of his Philosophie. Touching Sanchoniathon's Historick manner of philosophizing, we find a good account in Bochart Can. lib: 2. cap. 2. fol. 783. Sanchoniathon writ, before the Trojan Wars, his Historie of the Phenicians, even from their first Origine, in the Phenician Tongue. Philo Byblius, who lived under the Emperor Adrian, rendred the same Historie in­to Greek. Euseb. praep. E­vang. lib. 1. Eusebius has preserved for us a famous fragment of this Version; wherein many Phenician things occur, not unworthy of our commentation.’ Thus Bochart. Suidas, who makes Sanchonia­thon to have lived about the time of the Trojan War, speaks to the same purpose. So Porphyrie lib. 2. [...]; speaks thus [...]. The Phenician Historie is full of those who sacrificed; which Sanchoniathon writ in the Phenician Tongue. And Philo Byblius interpreted him in 8 books. As Sanchoniathon's mode of philosophizing was historick, cor­respondent unto Moses; so likewise mixed he many mythologick, or fabulous Stories, and Symbols with his writings; wherein he seems to af­fect an Imitation of the Jewish manner of expressing their mysteries, by Types, and figurative Symbols. And indeed this ancient symbolick, mythick, or fabulous mode of philosophizing, so common not only a­mongst the Egyptians, and Phenicians, but also amongst the first Grecian Philosophers, Thales, Pherecydes, Pythagoras, and Plato, seems to be wholly taken up by Tradition from, and in imitation of the Jewish Church, their manner of expressing their Rites, Mysteries, [Page 53] and other pieces of Wisdom. So Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. 1. [...] The ancient manner of philosophizing was, as the Hebraick, and Enigmatick; for they chose a short manner of speech (by Symbols) which is most apt for admonition, and most profitable. In this mythick, symbolick mode of philosophizing, the Phenicians (as the Egyptians) those Jewish Apes, couched not only their Secrets of Nature, and Theologick Mysteries, but also their Moral Precepts, and Examples of Prudence, Justice, Fortitude, and other He­roick Virtues. Hence the Greek Poets first, as Homer, Orpheus, &c. and then their chief Philosophers, both of the Ionick, and Italick Sects, derived their mythologick, and symbolick mode of philosophizing, as here­after.

§. 10.The matter of Sanchoniathon's Philosophie. His [...] or [...], i. e. his Theologie & Generation of the Gods. We proceed now to the matter of Sanchoniathon's Philoso­phie, which will give us a farther demonstration, that it was traduced from some Scriptural, or Jewish Traditions. Touching his Metaphy­sicks, and Theologie; Sanchoniathon treats of God, his worship, &c; of Angels, and of the Soul. That Sanchoniathon writ of the Phenician The­ologie, Theodoret Therapeut. Serm. 2. assures us, out of Porphyrie, in these words; [...]. Sanchoniathon the Berytian writ the Theologie of the Phenicians. And Porphyrie greatly admires Sancho­niathon, &c. Suidas also tels, that besides the Institutes of the Phenici­ans, Sanchoniathon writ also of the Theologie of the Egyptians. Now this Theologie, of which he treated, consisted chiefly in his [...], or origination of the Gods, and the Sacrifices, or worship they gave un­to them. As for his account of the original of their Gods, it is evi­dent, that they received their Names, and Attributes, the chiefest of them, from some Scriptural Relation, or Tradition of the Jews, which will easily appear by a brief enumeration. The chiefest of the Phenici­an Gods, was the Sun, called by Sanchoniathon Beelsamen: Of Beelsamen frō [...] Gen. 1.16. in the Phe­nician, and Hebrew dialect, [...]; that is, the Lord of Heaven. So Philo Byblius, out of Sanchoniathon's Theologie of the Sun (Euseb. praepar. lib. 1.) [...], This they say is God, whom they repute the only Lord of Heaven, calling him Beelsamen, which is amongst the Phenicians Lord of Heaven. This seems to be but a corrupt Tradi­tion of Gen. 1.16.Gen. 1.16. where 'tis said, that God made the greater Light to [Page 54] rule the day, and the lesser light to rule the night: whence the Phenici­ans stile the Moon Belsisama, the Queen of Heaven: because, as the Sun rules by day, so the Moon by night. But Sanchoniathon (in the fore quoted Euseb. praep. lib. 1.) proceeds to give the extract of his Gods, in these words, [...], by these was produced Eliun called the most high. Eliun in the Phenician, and He­brew, Eliun from [...]. Gen. 14.19. [...] Elion, is one of the names the Scripture gives unto God, and signifies the most high: So that we cannot rationally doubt, but that Sanchoniathon borrowed this Iaol-God from some Scriptural re­lation. Then he addes that this God Eliun begat the Heaven and Earth; which seems evidently to be taken from Moses's words Gen. 14.19, 22.Gen. 14.19, 22. [...], To the most high God, that pro­duced the Heaven. For [...] signifies also to produce, as the LXX ren­ders it Zach. 13.5. [...], and so it is rendred Gen. 4.1. Then Sanchoniathon proceeds thus, The first born of the Sons of Heaven, [...],Ilos from [...]. was Ilos, who also was called Kronos, or Saturne. Ilos is ap­parently from [...] El, a name of God, which the Phenicians gave to their Idol Saturne. So Damascius, [...]. The Phenicians, and Syrians name their Saturne El. Whence the Grecians call the Sun (which was the Phenician Saturne) [...].Elocim from [...]. Then it follows [...], The companions of Ilos (Phaen. [...] or [...] Eloah) i. e. Saturne are called [...] Elohim, as if one should say the Saturnes. Thus Sanchoniathon. By which it seems evident, that he had not only some Tradition of the God of Israel, his several names [...] and [...], but also some broken fragments of the Trinitie, which he here seems to expresse under his [...] and [...]: Hence the Platonists seem to have traduced their [...],B [...]tulia from [...] Bethel. [...], as hereafter. It follows; [...] The God Ʋranus (i. e. Heaven) excogitated or imagined the Baetulia, when he framed the living stones. That these Baetulia, or stones, which the Phenicians worshipped, were taken up by them in imitation of Jacob's anointing the stone, and consecrating the place, where he had received a vision, is very probable, if we consider Gen. 28.18. where 'tis said, he called the place Bethel, and Gen. 31.13. I am the God of Bethel, where thou anointedst the stone. And if Bochart's conjecture hold true (as it seems probable) Sanchoniathon's original of [...] was [...] i, e. anointed stones. So that the Trans­laror transporting [...] and [...] for [...] anointed, read [...] living. [Page 55] That these Baetulia, which the Phenicians worshipped, had their rise from Jacob's consecrated stone at Bethel, is generally asserted by the Lear­ned Jos. Scalig [...]r on Eusebius, &c. as elsewhere. Part 1. B. 2. C.

§. 11. To these pieces of Sanchoniathon's Theologie,Of the Phenici­an Sacrifices, &c. translated by Philo Byblius, Eusebius addes a place, or two, out of Porphyrie, his book [...]; in which the same Saturne is, by the Phenicians, cal­led Israel. His words are, [...],Israel from [...] &c. Saturne, whom the Phenicians call Israel, &c. This Saturne is said also to have an only son by the Nymph Anobret, whom he called [...] Jeud, and sacrificed. So Sanchoniathon [...], He sacrificed his only son, speaking of Saturne. And that all this is but an imperfect Tradition of Abraham his resolution to sacrifice his own son Isaac, is evident. For the name Jeud, Hebrew [...] Jehid, is the E­pithet given to Isaac Gen. 22.2.Anobret from [...] So Anobret is properly given to Sa­rah: for the Phenician, and Hebrew word [...] Anobret or An­nobret signifies one conceiving by grace, which is rightly said of Sarah Heb. 11.11. only what Abraham did in intention only, Porphyrie and Sanchoniathon make Saturne to do actually: which 'twas the policie of Sathan to make them believe, thereby to induce following Ages to offer their sons to Molech, or Saturne; which was the great Idol of the Phenicians. Porphyrie in his lib. 2. [...] tels us, that the Phe­nician Historie, composed by Sanchoniathon, was full of such kind of sacri­fices, &c. which, it is very evident, the Phenicians at first traduced from the Jews, as the J [...]ws not long after received the same Idola­trous, and inhuman mode of sacrificing their sons to Molech, from the Phenicians. So much for Sanchoniathon's Theogonie, and Theolo­gie, which gave foundation to the Grecian Mythologie about their Gods.

§. 12.Of Angels and the human Soul. Sanchoniathon (according to Philo Byblius's Version cited by Euseb. praep. lib. 1.) has other pieces of Metaphysicks, which seem to be borrowed from Scripture relations. He makes mention of [...]: which Bochart interprets of the Creation of the Angels. Also the first men are by him said to be made [...]. This Colpia, which he attributes to the wind, is the same with [...] Col-pi­jah, the word or breath of Gods mouth, according to Gen. 2.7. and breathed into his nostrils; and Psal. 33.6. by the breath of his mouth. As Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 2.

§. 13. But one main piece of Philosophie, which Sanchoniathon is [Page 56] most famous for,Sanchoniathon's Physiologie or Natural Philo­sophie. is his Physiologie, or Natural Historie of the worlds o­rigine, and its first matter; whence the Poet, Hesiod, and his followers, received their first Chaos, and the Philosophers their Materia prima; which all originally descended, by some corrupt derivations, from the first Chapter of Genesis; as it will appear, if we consider the parti­culars of Sanchoniathon's reports. In the beginning of his Historie (according to the Version of Philo Byblius, quoted by Eusebius) we find,His Chaos from Gen. 1.2. in the beginning of things there was [...] a spirit of dark air, which he cals [...] i. e. according to the Phenicians [...] Chauth Ereb, night, or evening darknes: which seems to be taken from Moses's words Gen. 1.2.Ereb from Gen. 1.5. and there was darknes, &c. The word Ereb is taken from v. 5. [...], and it was Ereb; i. e. evening. Whence H [...]siod [...], which Varr [...] thus imitates, Erebo creata fuscis crinibus nox, te invoco. That the Greek [...] signifies sometimes the same with the Hebrew [...] even­ing; see Bochart Canaan lib. 2. cap. 2. Or it is possible, that San­choniathon's [...] might be borrowed from the Hebrew [...] bohu Gen. 1.2. ב being easily turned into ב; whence also we may suppose the Greek Philosophers traduced their Physick privation; which they make one of their first principles.

Mot from [...].It follows in Sanchoniathon thus: From the Commixtion of the spirit with the Chaos, there arose [...]: the words are [...], or (as B [...]chart conjectures) [...]. From the Commixtion of the spirit with the Chaos, was produced Mot, which some call [...] (or [...]) that is, matter, or slime: what Phi­lo Byblius translates [...],Est enim humida natura, quod apud Antiquos Cha­os, a fusione, hu­miditate, terra, aqua, commista, hyle, id est literis inversis [...], li­mus, humus. Steuchus Eugu. de peren. Philos. l. 1. c. 10. the Phenicians write [...] M [...]d: it being very common with the Greeks to change the Hebrew ד into τ so in [...], by them derived from [...]. Now [...] amongst the Hebrews, and Phe­nicians signifies that matter, out of which all things were at first made: which the Arabians call [...] (whence 'tis possible the Latin materia came) from the root [...]. Therefore Sanchoniathon, having called that [...] slime (or [...], the first matter) addes [...] out of this [matter] was produced the whole seed of the Creation, and the generation of the whole: which is as as much as if he had said, This Mot was the first Matter of all things. For al­though the Hebrew word [...] Mod be not found in Scripture, yet we have the thing fully expressed Gen. 1.2. and 'tis possible also the Jew­ish Philosophers might use the same word, and so the Phenicians by [Page 57] Tradition from them, though Moses, writing for the peoples sake, in the plainest termes, did purposely abstain from all philosophick termes. That Sanchoniathon traduced these his coutemplations of [...], or [...], and [...], with the spirits mixing with them, from Gen. 1.2.5.Gen. 1.2, 5. I conceive, is sufficiently evident: whence H [...]siod's [...], as Plutarch, and Or [...]heus's [...] (slime) [...]; also Thales his opinion of water being the first matter. And Plato's first matter, which he makes to be [...] &c, as Aristotle's first matter being ingene­rable, incorruptible, indefinite, without forme, but capable of all formes, &c. which are but broken fragments of Gen. 1.2.

§. 14. That Thales, Pythagoras, Thales, Pytha­goras, Plato con­cur with San­choniath [...]:, and they all with Moses. and Plato concur with Sanchonia­thon, and they all with Moses, about the first matter of the World, will be farther evident, if we consider their several expressions, with their agreement amongst themselves, as also with Moses's words. Thales held water to be the first matter of all things (whence Pindar's [...]) which is the same with Sanchoniathon's [...] i. e. mixture of mud, and water together: which Orpheus also makes to be the Principle of the Universe, and it is the same with Sanchoniathon's [...]. So Philo Bybli­us, [...] This Mot, or Ilus of Sanchoniathon i. e. mud, slime, or fluid matter, which Thales cals [...], water, Pythagoras, and Plato call [...] (by [...] inversion [...]) that is, matter: all of which a­grees with Moses's words Gen. 1.2.Gen. 1.2. And the spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters: i. e. all at first was but mud, slime, and water, or fluid matter. So Paulus Fagius, from Kimchi, renders [...] matter, which fluid matter was agitated, or moved by the Spirit of God; so [...], from this mixing of the spirit with the Chaos, was begotten Mot, which some call slime, or watry mistion, which was made the seed of all creatures, &c. This the Stoicks call [...], or [...]; and Chrysostom [...], a vivifick ener­gie; according to Psal. 33.6. [...], whence Plato, Thales, Pytha­goras, Heraclitus ascribe the Original of Individuals, to the various a­gitations, or motions of this fluid matter, viz: as moved by the spirit of God, so the Phenicians called this motion [...], a dark, and blustering wind, or spirit: see Stillingf. Orig, Sacr. book 3. cap. 7.

§. 15. Sanchoniathon also was not a little versed in the Chronologie, Sanchoniathon's Chronologie and Geographie. and Geographie of those times and places, wherein likewise he accords with [Page 58] Moses, from whom, we may presume, he received both the one and the other. So Eusebius praepar. Evang. l. 10. c. 3. out of Porphyrie lib. 4. against the Christians, makes Moses, and Sanchoniathon to give the same names to Persons, and Places: as Ger. Vossius de Histor. Graec. lib. 1. c. 1. pag. 3.

Of other Pheni­cian writers e­specially Mo­chus.§. 16. Sanchoniathon's Natural or Mythologick Historie was con­tinued by others, some in the Phenician, some in the Greek Tongue, Of the Phenicians, there were Theodotus, Hypsicrates, and Mochus ▪ whose books Chaetus translated into Greek. Tatianus, the Assyrian, in his Orat. against the Grecians, speaks thus. ‘The Phenician affairs proceeded thus; there were amongst them three persons, Theodotus, Hypsicrates, and Mochus, whose books were translated into Greek by Chaetus In Euseb. praep. Evang. l. 10. (where Tatian's place is cited) for [...] we have [...]. Theodotus's Phenician name, as Bochart con­jectureth, was Elnathan or Nathaniel. But the most renowned of these three was Mochus, whom Bochart conceives to be, in the Phenician stile, called [...] Maacha, taken from Compression. Josephus Ant. l. 1. cap. 4. shuts up his Historie touching the long-lived Antidiluvians, with this Epiphonema. ‘And Mochus, and Hestiaeus, and Hieronymus the Egyptian (who prosecuted the Egyptian storie) consent to these things I affirme.’ Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 17.

§. 17. Concerning Mochus we find this mention in Is. Casaubon his notes on Athenaeus lib. 3. cap. 36. Mochus, saies he, is named a­mongst the Authors of the Phenician affairs by Tatianus, in his last book,Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 3. pag. 390. edit. Ludg. 1651. These words which Vossius cites out of Ca­saubon, I could not find in Ca­saubons animad­versions, but found the contra­ry: namely his citing of Tatia­nus touching Mo [...]h [...] as also Euseb. [...]. which place it is worth our while to transcribe, [...].’ Ger. Jo Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 3. pag. 390. Addes to Casaubon thus: Mochus the Phenician committed to writing the af­fairs of his Countrey in the Phenician Tongue. Athenaeus in lib. 3. makes mention of him; where Cynulcus thus bespeaks Ʋlpianus the Tyrian, [...] according to their Citizens Syniaethon (i. e. Sanchoniathon) and Mo­chus, who writ of the Phenician Affairs. Casaubon lib. 3. Anima [...]v. in Athen. cap. 36. saies, I remember not that Mochus is to be found elsewhere: and peradventure [...] or [...] is the name of some Tyri­an, who in his own Countrey was called [...] Mosche, or according to the custome of writing Moses. Thus Casaubon. And truly that Mo­schus [Page 59] is a Phenician name I learnt also one of Strabo lib. 16. where he makes men [...]ion of Moschus a Sidonian, and that he was the Author of the opinions of Atomes; also that he was more ancient than the Trojan War. Neither is any thing in Athenaeus to be changed, for (which occurred not to that excellent man Casaubon) there is menti­on made of this Author, not only once, amongst Ecclesiastick writers: as in Josephus lib. 1. Antiqu▪ cap. 8 (or according to others 50) where you read [...]. Al­so Manetho the Egyptian writer, and Berosus the Chaldean Historiogra­pher, and Mochus, Hestiaeus, and Hieronimus the Egyptian, who prosecuted the Phenician Affaires, consent with us. Also we have a famous place touching Mochus, in Tatianus his oration against the Pagans pag. 217. in Orthodoxogr. which is also cited by Eusebius lib. 10. de praepar. Evang. (pag. 289 Edit. Rob. Steph.) And Georg: Cedrenus transcri­bing Josephus (almost in the beginning of his Compendium pag. 10.) does in like manner make mention of Mochus amongst the Phenician Historiographers. Thus Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 3. pag. 30.

§. 18. And that Mochus was a famous Philosopher,Mochus his Philosophie. as well as Historiographer, is evident, from the mention we find concerning him in lamblichus, of the life of Pythagoras cap. 13. where he saies, that Pythagoras, being at Sidon, conferred with the Prophets, Successors of Mo­chus the Physiologist, &c. By which also we see what piece of Philoso­phie Mochus was chiefly verst in, namely in Physiologie, or Natural Phi­losophie, which was the main Philosophie, these first Ages, and Philo­sophers thirsted after. This Thales brought out of Phenicia, &c. And in brief, this kind of Physiologie, which the Phenicians, and the Grecians so much delighted in, was indeed no other, than a Natural Historie, or some broken fragments of the Historie of the Creation, delivered by Moses Gen. 1, &c. Thus much I was assured of by learned Bochart, upon oral conference with him, to whom proposing some Queries, touching this Mochus, he answered me, that Mochus lived before the Trojan War, and was contemporarie with Sanchoniathon, as Strabo af­firmes; calling him upon a mistake, Moschus; and that his Philosophie was nothing else, but the Historie of the Creation, the same with that of Sanchoniathon. As for other particulars touching Mochus, the original of his name from [...] Maacha, &c, he referred me to his Canaan [Page 60] lib. 2. c. 17. Strabo lib. 16. and Athenaeus l. 3. c. 36. with Casaubon. That Mochus did really traduce his Physiologie, or natural Historie from the Historie of the Creation, written by Moses, will be farther evident, if we consider the main Principle for which he was renowned amongst the Ancients, viz. the doctrine of Atomes. So Strabo lib. 16. makes mention of Moschus the Sidonian, who was the Author of the opini­on of Atomes, &c. The same B [...]chart Phaleg. lib. 4. cap. 35. having made mention of Arithmetick, and Astronomie, being derived from the Phe­nicians to the Grecians, addes thus: ‘that I may be silent as to latter Philosophers,Prima mundi materia fuit dis­perforum Ato­morum chaos, nulla sua parte coharens. Comen. physic. c. 2. Mochus began to philosophize of Atomes at Sidon, be­fore the Trojan War, &c. Hence Democritus borrowed his Notions of Atomes, as Epicurus from him; and that the whole Doctrine of A­tomes to be the first principles of the Ʋniverse came from Moses's Hi­storie of the Creation, see Comenius's Physicks, of Materia prima. cap. 2.

§. 19. Bochart Phaleg. lib. 4. c. 35. makes mention of another Phenician Philosopher, Abdomenus the Tyrian, Of Abdomenus. who, by his questions, was so bold as to provoke King Solomon to disputation, &c. But I shall confirme this discourse of the Phenician Philosophie, and its Traducti­on from the Jewish Church with the observation of Learned Vossius de philosophorum sectis lib. 2. cap. 10. §. 24,Vossius's account of the Phenician Philosophie its traduction from the Jews, as the Grecians from them. &c. ‘The Philosophie of the Phenicians (saies he) is very famous: and in as much as that Na­tion was most like to Judea, they had a mighty advantage of Learn­ing many things from the Jews: some things also they gained by Tradition. For the Phenicians springing from Sidon, the son of Ca­naan, the Nephew of Cham, descended also from Noah. They u­sed the help of their Priests in writing Historie, as Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion. Who also quotes some things out of the Annals of the Tyrians. Concerning their Theologie, Sanchoniathon the Beryti­an writ in the Phenician Tongue, who was more ancient than the Trojan War, as Porphyrie lib. 4. contra Christ. &c. Thence §. 25, &c. he addes, ‘To this Nation the Grecians owe their Letters: whence they are called [...]. Also they attribute Arithmetick to these Phenicians, because they excelled in Merchandise; to which the Knowledge of Numbers is greatly necessary. Ochus the Persian Philosopher was also a Phenician. Thales likewise, who was the first founder of the Ionick Philosophie, had his original from the Phenici­ans. Also Pherecydes the Praeceptor of Pythagoras, who was Con­temporary [Page 61] with Thales, and Author of the Italick Sect, drew his contemplations from the hidden books of the Phenicians. Also Zeno, the Prince of the Stoick Sect, was of a Phenician extract: for Cittium a Town in Cyprus, where he was borne, was peopled by a Phenician Colonie. Then he concludes §. 31. But if we acknowledge the Phenici­an Philosophie, how much more justly must we Christians acknowledge the Jewish? especially seeing the Phenicians, without all peradven­ture, traduced many things from the Jews their neighbors, as also the Egyptians. And hence it is apparent why the most Ancient Phi­losophers delighted so much in brevitie, and symbolick Learning. The Ancient mode of philosophizing was Hebraick, and Enigmatick. Thus Vossius. We may adde hereto that of Hornius Hist. philos. l. 3. c. 14. Joh. Serranus makes Plato to speak many things, which he un­derstood not, drawn out of the Phenician Theologie. So Scaliger Exer. 61. §. 3, which opinion seems very probable to me. For as to the Phenicians, they were given to Mercature, familiar to the Gre­cians: and they sent frequent Colonies into various parts of the world. Also their Theologie was well known: from which Musaeus, Linus, Orph [...]us, and other old Theologists drew most of their notions. Nothing hinders therefore, but that Plato might attain to a more in­timate Knowledge of their Theologie, whereunto Pherecydes had be­fore opened the door, who also, as they say, brought some of their commentaries into Greece. But now the Phenicians had many things common with the Hebrews, drawn either from daily conversation with their Ancient Fathers and their Posteritie, or else from the in­spection into, and reading of Moses; whereof they, being not igno­rant of that tongue, might partake. Thence therefore Plato drew those things which rendred him so admirable to all Posteritie.’

§. 20. And as there were some broken beams, As the Law, so the Gospel shone in its first pro­mulgation, or dawning on the Phenicians. or Traditions of the Law, and Old Testament Light conveighed from the Jews to the Pheni­cians, and thence to the Grecians; so in like manner the Gospel in the first publication thereof, shone, with bright raies on Phaenicia: For the Woman of Canaan, whose Faith Christ so much applauded, was a Phenician, And, upon the dispersion 'tis said Acts 11.19. They which were scattered abroad upon the persecution, that arose about Steven, travailed as far as Phenice, and Cyprus, and Antioch, preaching the word to none, but the Jews only. By which it is apparent that there were Jews inhabiting amongst the Phenicians (and it is not improbable, but that [Page 62] there were some scattered thither even at the first Babylonish Captivi­tie) as also in Cyprus (where were Colonies o [...] the Phenicians and Jews) to whom God in his Providence ordains the Gospel first to be preached (as the Jewish Traditions of old) that so it might thence receive the more speedy conveighance into the Westerne parts, Greece, Italy, Spain, France, Britannie, &c. with which parts the Phenicians had frequent Commerce, and Trading; as it has been largely proved Part 1. of Phi­lologie book 1. chap. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9.

CHAP. IIII. Of the Chaldaick Philosophie, and Philosophers.

The Advantages the Chaldaick Philosophie might have from the Church of God, Noah and his family, Shem, Abraham, &c. The Chaldeans famous for Astronomie, which was communicated to them, by Church Tradition delivered by Abraham, &c. Gen. 1.16. The People of God much taken up in contemplation and admiration of the glorie of God, shining in the Heavens, Ps. 136.4, 5, 6, 7. This gave foundati­on to Astronomie. How Natural Astronomie degenerated into Judi­cial Astrologie, from an Idolatrous admiration of the Celestial bodies, as Gods, Rom. 1.19, 20, 21. The Jewish Teraphim, and Popish Agnus dei answered to the Pagan [...], or Images dedicated to the Sun Judg. 17.5. The Chaldaick Theologie lay chiefly amongst the Zabii, or Sabeans. Balaam one of the Zabii. The wise men, or Ma­gi Mat. 2.1. of these Zabii. Many Zabian Rites mentioned in Scrip­ture, as Job 31.26. beholding the Sun, thence Sternutation a Pagan Rite. So Job 31.27. kissing the hand, is bowing unto, and adoring the rising Sun, The Pagan [...] eternal fire, which was a Symbol, whereby they worshipped the Sun, as Lev. 36.30. from the opinion that the Sun was fire. The Judaick Scholes in Babylon, and other parts of Chaldea.

The Division of Philosophie into Barbarick and Grecian.§. 1. THe Ancients were wont to distinguish Philosophie into Barba­bick and Grecian: by Barbarick, is usually understood that, [Page 63] which was taught out of Grece, and Italie, in Egypt, Phaenicia, Judea, Chaldea, &c. This by general vogue is held to be the more Ancient. Thus Diogenes Laertius prooem; [...]. It is affirmed by some that Philosophie had its beginning from the Barbarians. Which Isaac Gasaubon in his Notes on this place thus explaines, ‘And of the Grecians, those who were best natured, and most ingenuous have alwaies thus thought. And those Ancient de­fenders of our Religion against the Gentiles, have so defended the truth on this part, and so broken the pride, and arrogance of those who were otherwise minded, that none may doubt of it. There are at hand those who have written on this Argument, Tatianus, Clemens, Theo­philus, Eusebius, and others.’ So Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 1.Teslantur autem non modo s. lite­rae Graecos a Barbaris natos, ut supra, sed ip­simet Graeci, se juniores Barba­ris esse, & do­ctrinam, sermo­nem (que) ab illis acceptum▪ Omni­um (que) est testimo­nium, Pythago [...]ā in Aegyptum, So­lonem, Eudoxū, Platonem acces­sisse, ut andi rent corum Sacerdo­tes. Steuch. Eu­gub. De peren. philos. l. 2. c. 2. [...]. Philosophie a thing variously useful, in times past flourished amongst the Barbarians, shining from Na­tion to Nation, till at last it came to the Grecians. Austin lib. 8. de civit. Dei cap. 9. gives us an account of these Barbarian Nations, who were reputed skilful in Philosophie; where having made mention of the two great Sects of the Grecian Philosophers, the Ionick and Italick, he addes, ‘And if there be found any others of the other Nations, who are reputed wise men, or Philosophers, the Atlanticks, Lybicks, Egyp­tians, Indians, Persians, Chaldeans, Scythians, Gauls, Spaniards. Here Augustin makes no mention of the Phenicians, and Jews, who, I think, were mainly understood by the Ancients, under the name of Barbarick Philosophers. But of this we have already discoursed; as also of the Egyptians: we shall proceed therefore to those, who remain of the Barbarick Philosophers; and begin with the Chaldeans, who were great­ly famous for their skill in Astronomie, and Astrologie (which as the Learned suppose, they were masters of, before the Egyptians) for their improvement wherein, they had great advantages,The Chaldaic [...] Philosophie, and its advantages from the Church of God in No­ahs familie. not only from the situation of their Countrey, which lay plain, but also from the Church of God; which after the Floud was first planted, and seated amongst them; and furnished not only with Divine, but also Human Know­ledge. For Noah and his familie, which was then the seat of the Church, living before the Floud, had the advantage of gathering up all the Wisdom of the old World, and conveighing of it, by Tradition to their Posteritie, especially to such as were of the Holy Seed, who, as we may presume, would be most curious in searching into, and inqui­ries [Page 64] after the great works of God, both as to Creation, and Providence: amongst whom we may reckon Abraham, who is said to teach the Chaldeans Astonomie.

The Chaldeans famous for Phi­losophie.§. 2. But to proceed gradually in our Discourse: First that the Chaldeans had a great reputation for the Antiquitie of their Philoso­phie, we have the Testimonie of Cicero lib. 1. de Divinat. Where he saies,Vossius de phi­los. sect. l. 2. c. 1. that the Chaldeans were the most ancient kind of Doctors. And particularly, that they taught the Babylonians, and Assyrians Philoso­phie, we have for it the Autoritie of Aristotle [...], and of So­tion, in his books [...], if we may credit Laertius. So Diodorus tels us,Their main Phi­losophie consisted in Astronomie. that the Egyptians received their Philosophie from the Chaldeans. Now the great piece of Philosophie the Chaldeans were at first famous for, was Astronomie, and Astrologie. So Strabo lib. 12, and 15. Hence Pythagoras is said to derive his Knowledge of the Stars from the Chaldeans, as Porphyrie, Note: Chaldaei in Astrologiae studio sibi pa [...]es non habuere. Nam ut ex Simplicio Comment. 46. in Aristo [...]clem l. 2. de Coelo con­stat, Callisthenes Aristotelis ro­gatu, in Graeciam misit observa­iones Chaldaeo [...]um, ab annis 19 [...]3. ante Alexandri tempora, i. e. ducentis circiter ante natum Abrabamum annis. Has observa­tiones se vidisse Porphy [...]ius testa­tur. Hornius Histor. philos. lib. [...]. cap. 3. in the life of Pythagoras. Whence also the name Chaldeans passed in the Roman Empire for A­strologers. And Quintus Curtius lib. 5. tels us, ‘that Alexander entring Babylon, whereas others approving themselves otherwise, the Chaldeans shewed the mo­tions of the Stars, and the stated vicissitudes of times. Wherefore as Simplicius in Arist. lib. 2. de Coelo affirmes) Aristotle, that great Inquisitor of Nature, gave it in command to Callisthenes his Kins­man and Disciple, who travailed with Alexander into Asia, that he should send him Commentaries of such things, as the Chaldeans had observed touching the Celestial Bodies. And Callisthenes sent him observations of two thou­sand years. Tullie tels us, they had much convenience for such Astro­nomick observations by reason of the plain situation of their Countrey. So Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 1. §. 9. ‘Neither is it to be wondred, saies he, if persons, so ingenious, were so well skilled in the Knowledge of the Stars, who inhabiting a large, and even Countrey, could alwaies behold the face of the Heavens: neither is it more to be wondred if those first Chaldeans observed so many things, who in Aristotle's time gloried in the experience of 2000 years.How Astrono­mie and Astro­logie were com­municated to the Chaldeans by Abraham, &c.

§. 3. But though it may be granted that these Chaldeans had some advantage for the improvement of their Astronomick Skill from the convenience of their Countrey, which lay on a level; yet have we [Page 65] both Authoritie and Reason to judge, that the original of this their Art was more Divine. That the Chaldeans received their skill in Astrologie from Abraham was afore (chap 1. §. 8. of Abraham) asserted, and proved out of Berosus, Eupolemus, Josephus, and Vossius: so Lud. Vives on Aug. de civ. Dei l. 8. c. 9. asserts the Traduction of Philosophie from the Chal­deans to the Egyptians, by Abraham. The truth of which assertion will be more evident, if we consider the original causes of this Astrono­mick Science. We need no way doubt,The Historie of the Creation and Providence con­veighed down by Church-Traditi­on. but that Noah had been fully instructed by Church-Tradition, from his Godly predecessors Methu­selah, Enoch and Seth, touching the Creation of the World by God; and particularly touching the excellent fabrick of the Heavens, the Nature of those Celestial Bodies, their Harmonious Order, and Motion; that the Sun was made to governe by Day, and the Moon by Night, as Gen. 1.16. and Psal. 136.7, 8.Gen. 1.16. Ps. 136.7, 8. that these Celestial had a mighty in­fluence on all Sublunarie Bodies, &c. These and such like considerati­ons, which greatly conduced to the enhanceing the Wisdom, Power,Sapientes ex No­achi schola viri, in campis Babylo­niae Senaar, Phi­losophiae dediti, imprimis Astro­logiam excole­bant. Quod prae­ter Mosem, etiā Gentilium eru­ditiores, ex Chal­daeorum traditi­one, non ignora­runt. Hornius Histor. philos. lib. 2. c. 2. and Goodnes of God, in his works of Creation, and Providence, we may not doubt, were very frequent, by Church-Tradition, in the Hearts and Mouths of those Sons of God, before and after the Floud. And it is the opinion of some, (which is not without probable grounds) that the whole storie of the Creation, written by Moses, was conveighed down even from Adam to his time, by a con­stant uninterrupted Tradition to the Holy Seed, and Church in all A­ges. And indeed if God vouchsafed to any the manifestation of his glorious works of Creation, and Providence, to whom can we suppose it should be, if not to his darlings and friends, the faithful and holy Seed? who both could and would best improve such contemplations, for their Makers glorie, and most faithfully hand them over to posteri­tie. Thus God himself gives Abraham this Character Gen. 18.17.Gen. 18.17, 19. Shall I hide from Abraham the thing which I do? 19. For I know him, that he will command his children, &c· God gave Abraham the Know­ledge of things not only past and done, but to come; because he knew Abraham would make the best improvement, and conveighance there­of to his posteritie. And thus we may conceive how Abraham having the Knowledge of Gods glorious works of Creation and Providence, especially as to the Celestial Bodies, their Natures, Order, Harmonie, Government, Motions, Influences (which takes in the whole of true Astronomie, and Astrologie) communicated to him partly by Church-Tradition, [Page 66] partly by the blessing of God upon his own meditations and contemplations (if not also from some Divine Inspiration even of this Natural Knowledge) could not but conceive himself in dutie obli­ged to communicate the same, not only to his own Posteritie, but also to his Kindred, and Countrey men the Chaldeans.

The people of God much taken up in the contem­plation, and ad­miration of the glorie of God shi­ning in those ce­lestial bodies which gave foundation to Astronomie.That the people of God were, in the infant state of the Church, much ravished with holy contemplations of the Glorie of God, that shone so brightly in those Celestial Bodies, their Order, Government, Motion, and Influence, is evident, by many Philosophick, yet gratious Me­ditations we have to this purpose in the Psalms: as Ps. 19.1. The Heavens declare the glorie of God, &c. to the end. So Psal. 136.4. To him who alone doth great wonders: and v. 5. To him that by Wisdom made the Heavens, &c. 7. To him that made great lights. 8, 9. The Sun to rule by day, the Moon and Stars to rule by night, &c. So it is said of Isaac, he went out into the field to meditate; where he could no sooner open his eyes,Ps. 136.4, 5, 7. but contemplate the wonders of God, in those Celestial Bo­dies. Thus were these holy men Abraham, &c. ravished with the ad­miration (which as Plato, and Aristotle assure us, was the first cause of all Philosophie) of the Glorie of God, that shone so brightly in those Celestial Bodies, the Sun, Moon, and Stars, their admirable natures, positions, conjunctions, regular motions, and powerful influences, which is the summe of Natural Astronomie, and Astrologie; which was, as we have endeavored to prove, communicated to the Chalde­ans, by Abraham or Shem, &c.

How natural Astronomie and Astrologie, dege­nerated into Ju­dicial. Rom. 1.19, 20.21. See more of this in our account of the Egyptian A­stronomie. chap. 2. §. 2.§. 4. This Astronomie, and Astrologie, which the Chaldeans (accor­ding to the common presumption) received from Abraham, did soon by their holding the truth in unrighteousnes (as Rom. 1.18, 19, 20 21, 22.) degenerate into that Black Art (deservedly so called, because from Hell) of Judicial Astrologie, or Divination; which was thence called [...] the Chaldaick Art: the original of which was this; (as we find it Rom. 1.20, 21.) These Chaldeans, besides the Traditions they received from Abraham, and the rest of the Patriarchs, touching these Celestial Bodies, their glorious natures, order, situations, regular motions, and governments, as Gen. 1.16. they themselves, by their own Astronomick observations and experiments, contemplating a mighty Beautie, and Ornament in the Heavens, a regular course in the Motions of the Stars, an excellent Harmonie and Order in the distan­ces and conjunctions, and a powerful influence descending from them [Page 67] on sublunarie Bodies, the more they contemplated these glorious creatures the more they admired them; 'till at last their admiration determined in adoration of them, as Gods. Thus was that Scripture fulfilled Rom. 1.21.Rom. 1.21. they became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish hearts were darkned. That this was the original of their Zaba­isme, or worshipping the Celestial Bodies, is gathered from Deut. 4.19.Deut. 4.19. See more of the original of this Zabaisme in Dr. Owen de Idole­lat. lib. 3. c. 4. p. 117, &c. And lest thou lift up thine eyes to Heaven, and when thou seest the Sun, &c, shouldst be driven to worship them. When they grew vain in their imagi­nations, no wonder if such a glorious sight of their eyes, was followed with the Idolatrie of their foolish hearts. Now this Phaenomenon be­ing granted, that the Stars were Gods, the Hypotheses of Judiciarie Astrologie easily followed. So Maimonides More Nevoch. p. 3. c. 29.See Stilling. O­rig. sacr. book 1. chap. 3. speaking of these Chaldeans, saith, ‘that they had no other Gods but the Stars, to whom they made Statues or Images, which derived an influence from the Stars, to which they were erected, and thence re­ceived a facultie of foretelling things future.’ These images the Greeks called [...], and were much the same with the Teraphim, they being both exactly made according to the positions of the Heavens.The Heathen [...] answerable to the Jewish Te­raphims Judg. 17.5. and the Popish Agnus Dei. So Gro­tius saies, that the [...] Teraphim Judg. 17.5. were Images made with figures; according to the position of the Stars; which also the Idola­trous Jews made use of for divination, as Zech. 10.2. whence the Ephod accompanies the Teraphim Judg. 8.27. And this Idolatrous mode of Divination continues yet to this very day amongst some, who are pre­tenders to this Judicial, or rather Satanick Astrologie. For they make Figures, and Images, which they pretend to answer to the forme of the celestial bodies: thence they persuade the foolish people, that these Images receive influence, and virtue from the Celestial Figure. (near of kin whereunto is the Agnus Dei amongst the Papists) All of which Magick trumperies are but imitations of those [...], or Ta­lismans, so much in request amongst the Chaldeans, and other Idolaters: of which see Plotinus Enead. 4. lib. 3. cap. 11. where he unfolds the whole Mysterie of the [...], or Images, and their manner of Divination by them; which, upon the supposition of the Chaldeans, that the Stars are Deities, might admit of some probable pretext, but without this Hypothesis of allowing a Divinitie to the Stars, I cannot see what shadow of Reason those pretenders to Judiciarie Astrologie can have to salve their Phaenomena. See more of this Owen de Idololat. l. 3. c. 7.

§. 5. This leads us to the Theologie of the Chaldeans, which com­prehended [Page 68] a chief part of their Philosophie. The Chaldaick Theologie among the Zabii. So Diodorus Siculus lib. 3. tels us, That the Chaldeans were most skilful in Astronomie, Divination, and sacred Offices. This their sacred Philosophie, or Divinitie was chiefly studied by, and preserved amongst their [...] Zabii, who, according to Scaliger's account, were the most Easterne Chaldeans: which he ga­thers from the origination of the word Zabii from Saba the Son of Chus. See Stilling, O­rig. sacrae book 1. chap. 3. Salmasius thinks these Zabii were the Chaldeans, inhabiting Mesopotamia. If so, it is very probable that Balaam that famous Ma­gician, or Diviner, was one of these Zabii. For Mesopotamia seems to be Balaam's Countrey, thence Numb. 22.5.Numb. 22.5. Pethor, where Balaam lived, is said to be by the river, i. e. saies the Chaldee Paraphrase, Eu­phrates. That Balaam was a Magician, or Conjurer is evident from the whole of the Storie.Balaam one of these Zabii. Thus Stillingfleet Orig. sacrar. lib. 1. chap. 3. To which he addes these words, ‘Hence we may conclude, that these Zabii were the same with the Persian Magi instituted by Zoreaster: which farther appears from the Magi, Mat. 1.2. These wise men Zabii. that were guided by the Star unto Christ, who are said to come from the East (i. e. Sabea, or Ara­bia Foelix) with presents, which are peculiar to that Countrey.’ That Balaam was a Zabean, and of these Zabii, or wise men mentioned Mat. 2.1, 2. may be gathered from what Deodate observes on that place v. 2. viz. ‘that this Star was the signe that the King of the World should be born in Judea, which perhaps might come to their notice, by the Pro­phecie of Balaam Numb. 24.17. continued amongst them, &c.

The Rites of the Zabii mentioned in Scripture.§. 6. Concerning these Zabii, Maimonides tels us, that the under­standing their Rites would give light to many obscure passages of Scri­pture: I suppose he means such as relate to the Original of Idolatrie or the Worship they gave to those Planetarie Deities: for, saith he, they had no Gods, but the Stars, to whom they made Statues (or pillars which the Greeks stiled [...]) and Images [...]. We find one Rite or Ceremonie of this Zabaisme, or Planetarie Worship Job. 31.26, 27. If I beheld the Sun when it shined, Job 31.26, 27. Beholding the Sun a piece of Pagan Worship. &c. This holy man (who, as 'tis supposed, lived amongst these Zabii about Joseph's time (as Jerome) when this their Idolatrie was come to some maturitie) speaks openly of this Pla­netarie Worship, then so common. And the first part of this Zabaism, he so industriously a moves from himself, is Beholding the Sun when it shined: Not the simple beholding of it, that's only a Natural Act of our Natural Sense, and hath no more of Moral Evil in it, than the Natural Shine of the Sun beheld by it: But beholding it with such an Eye, as secretly steals away the heart from the Worship of the Creator, affecting the Soul with, [Page 69] and carrying it out in an Idolatrous Adoration of that so glorious a Creature (as in some it did, to such an height,Job. 31.27. Kissing the hand bowing to or a­doring the Sun. that Plato saies Socrates underwent [...] an Exstasie in worshipping the Sun) for so it follows Job. 31.27. And my heart hath been secretly en­ticed. Job shews here that the original Seat of this Zabaisme was the Heart: for by long contemplation, and admiration of the eyes the heart was drawn away to worship those Celestial bodies as before. So it followes, or my mouth hath kissed my hand, i. e. adored the Sun: for kissing the hand and bowing to the Sun was a main ceremonie they used in their worship. So the worship of Christ the Sun of Righteousnes is, under that ceremonie of kissing, commanded Ps. 2.12. And Hos. 13.2. the worship of the Calves expressed by that ceremonie reproved. There were other parts of Zabaisme, or Star-worship, namely Images and Fire; of which we find some mention in Scripture: so Lev. 26 30. ‘God threatens to destroy their [...] Images of the Sun, as some, but rather their [...],’ their hearths where they kept their perpetual fire, for these are called [...] from the Heb. [...] which signifies both the Sun, and Fire. Hence from [...] comes the Greek [...] (q. [...]) and the Latin Caminus a Chimney, or Furnace ▪ So in like manner the Hebrew [...], which signifies the Light of the Sun, is used also for fire (as the Greek [...] is by Plato used for both fire and light) whence some derive Ʋr in Chaldea, Lev. 26.30. Why they wor­shipped the Sun under the Sym­bol of Fire. which was the Seat of this Idola­trous worshipping the Sun by Fire, from [...], or Light. Now the reason of this piece of Zabaisme, or worshipping the Sun by Fire, seems this. These Zabii, or Chaldean Philosophers were possessed with this o­pinion (which afterward was taken up by many of the Greek Philoso­phers (that the matter of the Sun was Fire,The Pagan [...] from that opini­on that the Sun was Fire. which 'tis possible they might take up from some broken Tradition, touching the Creation of those greater Lights, as Gen. 1.16. And the words [...] and [...] that signifie the Sun, and its Light are used also to expresse Fire. Plato in his Timaeus cals the Sun [...], an heavenly Fire: and Job. 31.26. cals the Sun [...], which also signifies Fire, thence Ʋr in Chaldea was so called because it was the Seat of their eternal fire, and the Stoicks of old held that the Sun was Fire. So Grot. on 2 Pet. 3.7. and Comenius in his Physicks. Thus the French Conferences, par les beaux exsprits tom. 1. conf 6. so Willis de febribus saies the Light is but a greater flame more dilated. And Ames. Medul. Theol. l. 1. c. 8. thes. 50. Subtilissi­ma illius massae parte sursum evocata, facta suit lux i. e. ignis lucens. [Page 70] That the Sun is of an ignite fiery nature was generally believed a­mongst the ancient Philosophers; particuarly by Thales, Plato, Hera­clitus, Anaximenes, Xenophanes, Theophrastus, Anaximander, Anaxago­ras, Philolaus, Empedocles, Democritus, Cleanthes, Zeno, Chrysippus, and others, as we intend to prove in what follows of Plato's Physicks, of which see more Part 1. B. 3. C. 3. §. 9. And that the Sun, and Fire agree, not only in name, but also in nature, I am apt to think, is the more probable conjecture, if we compare their properties, influences, and effects, which are very near akin, if not the same. However we have sufficient ground to conclude this to be the reason why these Zabii worshipped the Sun under this Symbol of Fire. Moreover Maimonides tels us that Abraham had his conversation amongst these Zabii. That he lived in the Countrey of Ʋr in Chaldea, the Scripture assures us; whence he wanted not opportunitie of communicating Knowledge in these and other things, to these Chaldeans as before. Batricides attri­butes the original of the Religion of these Zabii to the time of Nahor, which disagrees not with what has been laid down. I shall conclude this with the words of Learned Owen de Ortu Idol. l. 3. c. 4, pag. 187. Sabaisme consisted in the worship of the Sun, Moon, and Stars: Helle­nisme added the Daemon-worship; the adoration of Images [ [...]] and pillars [ [...]] was common to both: the beginning of Idolatrie was in Sabaisme or the worship of celestial bodies.The Sects of the Chaldeans.

§. 7. Besides the Zabii, there were other Sects of these Chaldeans: for some were called Orcheni, others Borsippeni. They were also di­stinguished by other names, as it often happens among Sects who have different apprehensions of the same things: of which see Strabo lib. 16. Amongst the Chaldeans, who writ in Greek touching Astrologie, Bero­sus gained the greatest repute, especially amongst the Greeks. Of whom Plinie lib. 7. cap. 37. gives this character. Berosus was famous for Astro­logie; to whom, for his Divine predictions, the Athenians gave a golden tongue, which was placed publickly in their Schole, as Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 1.

The Chaldeans received much light from the Jewish Scholes.§. 8. Besides the advantages, which the Chaldeans had from the first Patriarchs, Abraham, &c. without doubt, they received many Scripture Traditions, and much light touching the origine of the Uni­verse, &c. from the Jewish Doctors, and Scholes, which were setled at Babylon, in the time of their Captivitie. That the Jews had Scholes in Babylon, Deodati has well observed on Psal. 137.1. according to the French thus, ‘Being near the Rivers of Babylon] He has regard to cer­tain [Page 71] Townes in Chaldea, mentioned in Histories, which were assigned to the captive Jews for their abode, in the which they had their Syna­gogues, Scholes, and places for the service of God; which were nigh the River Euphrates, &c. thus Deod. To which Stillingfleet orig. sa­cr. l. 1. c. 3. addes, ‘that In order to the spreading of sacred Scripture Traditions, the Jewish Church, which before the Captivitie was as an enclosed Garden was now thrown open, and many of the plants re­moved and set in forrain Countries, not only in Babylon, where even after their returne were left three famous Scholes of Learning Sora, Pompeditha, and Neharda, &c. By which it is evident what mighty advantages the Chaldeans had from the Jewish Church and Scholes for improvement in their Philosophie, at first received from the Patriarchs, Abraham, &c. And indeed whereas it's said that Pythagoras, and De­mocritus, with others travelled into Chaldee, to acquaint themselves with the first principles of Philosophie, and that they received much of their Philosophie from the Chaldeans, why may we not by the Chalde­ans understand the Jewish Church, and Scholes which were then setled in Chaldea, and under that Empire.

CHAP. V. Of the Magi, Gymnosophistae, Druides and other Barbarick Philosophers.

Of the Persick Philosophie preserved by the Magi, who were instituted by Zoroaster, with the origination of his name, &c. Of the Indian Gym­nosophists, both Brachmanes, and Germanes. The Phrygian Philo­sophers. The African Philosophers, both 1 Atlantick or Lybick. 2 E­thiopick. The European Barbarick Philosophers, 1 In Scythia. 2 In Thracia. 3 In Spain. 4 Britannie, and Gallia, who were called Dru­ides from [...] an Oke; in the Celtick Tongue deru, and in the Brittish drew. The Druides first in Britannie; thence they translated their Sect and Discipline into Gallia. Their Academies, Degrees, Privi­ledges and Studies. Their Philosophie Natural, Moral, Medicine, Ge­ographie, Astronomie, Magick, Their mode of philosophizing sym­bolick; which they learned from the Phenicians, with their distinctive [Page 72] habits. Their Theologie, touching God, and the Souls immortalitie. Their Ecclesiastick Discipline, and Worship, by human sacrifices. Their names Taronides, Bard, Euates. Their Oke Religion from Abra­ham, &c.

§. 1. HAving dispatched the Jewish, Egyptian, Phenician, and Chal­dean Philosophie, we now proceed to the remaining Sects of the Barbarick Philosophers, both Easterne and, Westerne; and shall be­gin with the Persians, Of the Persick Philosophie. who had a considerable repute for their Philoso­phie, from whom the Grecians received many things, especially such as referred to their Gods. Thus Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras, tels us, ‘that as Pythagoras received his Arithmetick from the Phenicians, his Geometrie from the Egyptians, The chief Phi­losophers among the Persians cal­led Magi. his Astrologie from the Chaldeans, so also what appertained to the worship of the Gods, and to other Studies, which regard conversation, he learned from the Magi, or Persick Phi­losophers. So Plinie lib. 34. c. 37. testifies, that Democritus had re­course to them. Laertius tels us that Pyrrhus, the head of the Scepticks, and companion of Anaxarchus, had conversation with them. And Philo­stratus 5. de vita Apollonii informes us, ‘that Apollonius Tyanaeus (that great Magician, who is by the Heathens extolled above Christ for his miracles) in his travels into India, made some stay in Persia, partly to visit the King, and partly to consider their Wisdom, [...], studied by their Magi: with whom he conversed twice every day; and be­ing asked his judgement concerning them, he answered [...] they are wise men, but comprehend not all things. So Vossius de phi­los. sect. l. 2. c. 1. §. 7. These Magi were the Interpreters of Human, and Divine Laws; and of so great reputation among the Persians, that as Cicero lib. 3. de Nat. Deor. writes, no one could attain to the Persian Empire, but he, who had been instructed in the Science, and Discipline of the Magi; who taught [...], and instructed their Kings in the mode of Government. So Apuleius, Apolog. informes us, that Magick is taught among the chief Regal Affairs; neither was it per­mitted to any among the Persians rashly to undertake the office of a Magus, no more than that of a King. Neither were these Magi lesse prevalent in the Affairs of their Gods. Plato joins both their politick, and sacred capacitie together, Alcibiad. 1, [...] [sc. [...]] [...] Magick is a Ministerie of the Gods: it teacheth also things that appertain to the Regal Office. Lucian de Longaevis, saies [...] [Page 73] [...], &c. Apollo­nius Tyanaeus Epist ad Euphrat. saies, [...], The Magus is a Minister of the Gods; which Porphyrie interprets, [...], wise about sacreds, and ministring in the same. To which agrees that of Laertius lib. 1. [...], &c. Among the Persians the Magi, were Authors of Philosophie, who im­ployed themselves about the worship of the Gods. The like Suidas, who cals these Magi [...].The Magi insti­tuted by Soroaster had many rites from the Zabii and Chaldeans.

§. 2. That the Magi were the Authors, and Preservers of the Per­sick Philosophie, is affirmed by Aristotle [...], and Sotion in his books [...]. As Laertius. These Magi are said to be instituted by Zoroaster. So Lud. Vives in Aug. civit. l. 8. c. 9. Thus Hornius Histor. philos. lib. 2. c. 6. Zoroaster therefore was the first most illustrious Do­ctor of Magie in Persia: neither did he deliver this Art by oral Tra­dition only, but also in large Writings, according to Plinie, and Ari­stotle. For he writ concerning it an hundred thousand Verses; which Hermippus is said to illustrate by his Commentaries. There are yet extant certain, Geek Poems, which passe under the Inscription of Zoro­aster's Chaldaick [...], and are not unlike to Theognes's Sentences, yea in many things they resemble much the Sacred Scriptures. But Beza, Magia sine du­bio orta in Per­side a Soroastre Plin. hist. lib. 3. cap. 8. and others justly suspect that these are but the spurious Comments of some Semi-Christian. Concerning the origination of Zoroaster's name, there are various opinions, but none more probable than that of Learned Bochart, who derives the name from [...] contemplari and [...] Astrum, q. d. [...], for which Dinon in Persicis cals him [...]. This Soroaster, who is reputed the Founder of the Persick Phi­losophie, and Worship, was indeed but the Promoter of it: for the main of the Persian Rites and Wisdom, wherein their Magi were instructed,Salmasius Ma­gos dictos vult a Zoroastre, cui cognomen Mog fuerit, unde Ma­gus factum Hor­nius philos. lib. 2. c. 3. were traduced from the Zabii, or Chaldean Philosophers, with whom they agreed in the chief points of their Idolatrie, viz. in the worship of the Sun by Images, and kissing their hand, as Job 31.26, 27. also in their [...] or hearths, where they preserved their eternal fire, the Symbol of the Sun, Lev. 26, 30. as before chap 4. §. 6. So Stillingfleet orig. sacr. book 1. c. 3.Note: Plutarchu de Isid. tradit Zoroa­strem apud Chaldaeos Magos insti­tuisse, quorum imitatione etiam Per­sae suos habuerint. Horn. l. 2. c. 5. Hence probably the Rites of the Zabii are the same with those of the Chaldeans and Persians, who all agreed in this worship of the Sun, and of Fire, &c. Neither had the Persians only their Magi, [Page 74] but also the Medes, Vossius de philo. sect. l. 2. c. 1. Parthians, and other neighbor Nations; as Lucian de Longaevis, and Plinie cals the Arabian wise men Magi. One chief Philosopher amongst the Persians was Ochus the Phenician, who, as we may presume, instructed them in the Phenician, and so in the Jewish Wisdom. See Suidas in [...].

Of the Indian Philosophers viz. the Gymnosophi­sts, Germanes, and Brachmanes so called from Manes.§. 3. Austin, de civ. l. 8. c. 9. makes mention of the Indian Philoso­phers, and Lud. Vives on that place addes thus, ‘The Indians had their Philosophers, whom they called the Brachmanes, of whose Life, and institutes Philostratus, in the Life of Apollonius, has given us many things, as Strabo, and such, who have written of the things done by Alexander. So Apuleius Florid. 15. The Brachmanes are the Wise men among the Indians. And Bardisanes Syrus in Euseb. lib. 6. praepar. Evang. cap. 8. gives us a more full account of them thus: ‘Among the Indians, and Bactrians there are many thousand of men called Brachmanes· These, as well from the Tradition of their Fathers, as from Laws, neither worship Images, nor eat what is animate: they never drink Wine, or Beer: they are far from all Malignitie, atten­ding wholly on God.’ These Brachmanes some derive from [...] Barac, Horn. Hist. phil. l. 2. c. 9. he praised, or worshipped: Others make the name to be com­pounded of [...] ab rec the Father of the young King, as Onk [...]los and Rabbi Judas. Some of the Ancients make several Sects, or Societies of these Indian Philosophers, namely the Brachmanes, Gymnosophistae, Sa­manaei and Calani. The chief of the Brachmanes, and Samanaei is by Philostratus lib. 3. de vita Apollon. Tyan. called Iarcha. The Head of the Gymnosophists is, by Hieronymus, contra Jovin. named Buddas. But Vossius de philos. sectis l. 2. c. 1. tels us that the common Appellative of these Indian Philosophers was Gymnosophists, as Aristotle [...], and Sotion in libris [...] according to Laertius; as also Strabo, Clemens, Apul [...]ius, Indi nihil anti­quius habuerunt, quam sapientiae, neglectis caeleris rebus, operam dare Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 9. Solinus, &c. These Indian Gymnosophists were of two sorts some were called Brachmanes, as before, others Germanes. And a­mongst the Germanes some were called Hylobii, because they lived in Woods, for that's the import of the Greek word [...]. To these the name Gymnosophists properly belonged. See Strabo l. 15. and Cle­mens [...] 1. Amongst the Brachmanes there was one named Buddas Preceptor to Manes the Persian, who was the Founder of this Sect, as Suidas, &c. These Brachmanes held a [...] and [...] or Transmigration of Souls into Beasts, The Brachmanes especially into Oxen. They held also the worlds Creation by God, and his Providence in governing of it. So [Page 75] Strabo lib. 15. of these Brachmanes saith [...], &c. They agree with the Grecians in many things viz. touching the worlds production, and destruction, and that God is the Creator and Governer of it: which opinions of theirs, Owen questions not, but they had, by ancient Tradition, from the Church of God. Owen Theol. l. 1. c. 8. Hence, as we justly conjecture, from this cog­nation 'twixt these Indian Philosophers, and the Jews in some Divine Dogmes, sprang that mistake of Clearchus the Peripatetick, and Me­gasthenes, who thought the Brachmanes and Calani to be the same with the Jews. Of which see Euseb. l. 9. praep. c. 3. Amongst the Greeks, who resorted to these Indian Philosophers, we may reckon Democritus, so Aelian lib. 4. Var. Histor. and Laert. Also Pyrrho the Head of the Scepticks is said to have conversation with the Gymnosophists in Indiae as Laertius. Apollonius Tyanaeus, that great Pagan Antichrist, is said to have spent much conversation among these Indian Philosophers. Eu­sebius contra Hieroclem l. 5. brings him in thus characterizing of them: ‘The Indians, contracting Philosophie for the greatest advantage, com­prehend it in the Divine and sublime Nature. These truly I have greatly admired, and esteem them blessed, and wise.’ By which it ap­pears that their Philosophie was mostly Theologick. Apulcius Florid. l. 5. saies, ‘that the Philosophie of the Brachmanes was composed of ma­ny severals: viz. what were the documents of Souls, what the ex­ercitaments of Bodies, what the parts of the Mind, what the turnes of Life, and what were the Torments, and Rewards, which the Gods appointed to all, according to their Merits.

§. 4. Amongst the Asiatick Philosophers we might reckon the Phry­gians, The Phrygians. who had also their Philosophie, which had been better known to us, if Democritus's [...] which Laertius makes mention of lib. 9. were extant. Concerning their Theologie see Diodorus Siculus, and Eusebius: so Vossius.

§. 5. We now proceed to the African Philosophie;The African Philosophers. 1. Atlantick Philosophers. and passing by the Egyptian, of which we have already treated, we shall begin 1. with the Atlantick or Lybick Philosophers, of which Lud. Vives, in Au­gust. civ. l. 8. c. 9. thus speaks; ‘The Atlanticks inhabit the places in Africa bordering on the Ocean, whose ancient King was Atlas, the brother of Saturne, and son of the Heaven, who being a great Astro­nomer (whence he was said to bear up the Heavens) taught his son Hesperus, and others of his kindred, and people, the same Art: from [Page 76] whom this Science of Astronomie crept into the inner Lybia; where also Hercules philosophized. By which it seems most probable that the Atlanticks, and Lybicks received their Philosophie from the Phenici­ans; for Hercules, as its well known, was a Phenician; and so, I doubt not, was Atlas. Also Laertius, in his Preface makes mention of Atlas the Lybian, amongst the ancient Philosophers. And Diodor. Siculus l. 4. reckons up some fables concerning the Gods, which these Atlantick Philosophers held. Atlas is said to bring Astronomie out of Lybia into Greece, whereof Orion is said to be the first Author in Baeotia, whence the Star Orion received its name: so Carion. Chron. lib. 2. But Bochart makes Atlas the same with Enoch as before chap. 1. §.7. V [...]ssius tels us (de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 2.) ‘That the Lybick Philosophie came from Atlas, especially Astrologie, whence Atlas is said to hold up Heaven with his shoulders, and the mountain called Atlas received its name from him, &c. Plin. l. 7. c. 56,’

2▪ Ethiopick Philosophers.2. The Ethiopians also had their Philosophers called Gymnosophists, so Jerom l. 4. in Ezech. cap. 13. makes mention of these Ethiopian Gym­nosophists, who received both their Name, and Philosophie from India, as Philostratus in the Life of Apollonius lib. 6. Touching the Ethiopick Philosophie, and its Traduction from the Mosaick, we have this particular account in Hornius, Histor. Philosoph. lib. 2. c. 8. ‘Touch­ing the Philosophie of the Ethiopians, little is mentioned by Antiquitie; and what has been mentioned, is well nigh all lost, by the iniquitie of the times. But this is certain, that they received all their Divine, & Hu­man Dogmes from the Egyptians. Whence their very names were con­fused. For the Romans called the Ethiopians Egyptians; because indeed they descended from Egypt. Moreover there is no doubt to be made of it, but that they drew somewhat of more sound Wisdom from Moses.

European Philo­sophers.§. 6. Amongst the European Barbarick Philosophers we shall first mention the Scythians (who according to their ancient bounds lay part­ly in Asia, partly in Europe) of whom August. Civit. l. 8. c. 9. makes mention, and Lud Vives on that place speaks thus. ‘The Scythians in times past philosophized and contended with the Egyptians touching their Antiquitie. The Scythians. They are a people stout, simple, and just, ignorant of vice, and malice, and got that by their natural ingenie, which the Grecians could not attain unto by all their magnifick and illustrious Sciences: see Justin l. 2.’

Thracian Philo­sophie.§. 7. But we passe on to the Thracians, who had anciently a great [Page 77] repute for Philosophie, which some think, they owed to Zamolxis a Thracian (whom some make the servant of Pythagoras) but others de­rive their Philosophie from the Grecians, as Laertius lib. 8. What the Philosophie of the Thracians was, may be known by the Doctrine of Orpheus, who was a Thracian. Many Anciently writ [...], or Poems according to the Doctrine of Orpheus, of which see Suidas in Orpheus's Philosophie (delivered in Poesie) which was chiefly Moral, and Theo­logick; for by his Musick, and Rhetorick, he had so great a power on the Thracians, to civilize them, as that he was said to have drawn Trees and Beasts. Justin Martyr cals him, [...], the first master of Polytheisme, or multiplicitie of Gods; which he brought from Egypt, with many superstitious Ceremonies and Ʋsages, and set them up amongst the Thracians, and Macedonians, &c. see more in our relation of Orpheus Part 1. B 3. C. 1. §. 5.

§. 8. But to come to our Westerne Philosophers;Spanish Philo­sophie. and firstly the Spa­niards; of whom Aust de Civ. Dei l. 8. c 9. makes mention; and Lud. Vives on him speaks thus. ‘In Spain, before the veins of Gold and Silver were found out, and Wars begun, there were many Philosophers; and the people lived holy and quiet lives, being every where govern­ed by such Magistrates, as were men most excellent for Learning and Probitie: Their affairs were transacted according to Justice, and Equitie, not by the number of Laws: and if any were written, 'twas principally amongst the Turdetans, in the most ancient times. There were scarce any quarrels or controversies amongst the people: and all the disputes were touching Emulation of Virtue, the nature of the Gods, the reason of Nature (or Natural Philosophie) of good manners (or Morals) which their Learned men, on stated daies, publickly dis­puted of, the women also being present. But when the mountains, bigge with metals, brought forth Gold, and Silver, men began to ad­mire this new matter. Hence the Phenicians, who sailed far and near, for lucre sake, traded here, and drew multitudes of men, from Asia and Greece hither, who taught us the Grecian, and Asiatick Vices: there remain yet some few fragments of our Antiquities in Greek and Latin, whence I hope in time to illustrate the Origine of my Nation. Thus Lud. Vives. That the Phenicians brought into Spain, with their Colonies, not only the Phenician Letters, but also Sciences, and Philosophie, we have reason to believe by what has been before as­serted out of Bochart, &c. Part 1. B. 1. C. 5.

[Page 78] Of the Druides.§. 9 We shall conclude this Discourse of Barbarick Philosophie with that in use among the old Britains, and Gauls, whose Philosophers are by Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 12.Primus Romano­rum J. Caesar Druidun Ritus, Leges, Philoso­phiam mandavit Scriptis. Selden. Jani Anglor. p. 16. reduced to two Sects, the Bardi, and Druides. The Bardi were an inferior sort of Philosophers, and for the most part Poets, according to that of Lucan. l. 1. ‘Plurima securi fudisti carmina Bardi!’ Who notwithstanding, as the ancient Greek Poets, arrogated to them­selves no smal reputation for Wisdom. But the Druides were accoun­ted the more worthy, yea almost Divine Philosophers, and obtained no small Autoritie among the people. These Druides, who in ancient times philosophized amongst the old Britans and Gauls, and were in­deed a peculiar and distinct Sect of Philosophers, differing from all the world besides, both in their mode of philosophizing, as also in their Re­ligious Rites, Of the Phenici­ans trading with the Britains and Gauls, see part 1. book. 1. chap. 7. and Mysteries: yet we may not doubt, but that they re­ceived much of their Philosophie, as well as Theologie from the Ph [...]ni­cians, who traded amongst them, as before. As for the name Drui­des, Plinie l. 16. c. 44. deduceth it [...], from an Oke: ‘For, saith he,The Druides so called from [...] an Oke, thence deru and drew. the Druides have nothing more sacred than an Oke. Even now, they of themselves chose groves of Okes; neither do they per­forme any Sacreds, without that leaf; so that hence they seem to be called, according to the Greek interpretation, Druides. Bochart (Canaan lib. 4. c. 42.) assents to this Origination of Plinie; to which he addes ‘Neither is it to be wondred that the Druides were so called from this Greek name, when as an Oke amongst the Celtae, was called Deru. The Britains in England write drew (so Drewstenton in De­von) and our Countrey men deru. That Drewstenton, and names of like sound, came from these Druides, 'tis not without probabilitie Vossi­us de Orig. & Progr. Idolotr. l. 1. c. 35. thinks that the name Druides ought rather to be fetcht from the Celtick name deru. So Dickins [...]n. Druidum origo p. 35. ‘I assent most to them who fetch the Druides from the Celtick name Deru, i. e. an Oke; which the Cambro-Bri­tains or Welch to this day call Drew. And I am so far from believing that the Druides were so called at first from [...], that I rather think [...] was formed out of the Celtick deru.

The Druides first in Britan­nie.§. 10. This Sect of the Druides began first in our Countrey of Bri­tannie; and hence it was translated into Gallia. Thus Caesar de Bello Gall. lib. 6. Their Discipline, saies he, was first found out in Britannie, and thence translated into Gallia, according to the common opinion. The [Page 79] like Bochart acknowledgeth. Can. l. 1. c. 42. These Druides instituted their Academies, for the promoting of Learning, in Groves;Their Academies and privileges. in which tbey had their Scholes filled with studious youth; so Caesar, also Mela l. 3. c. 11. They spent twenty years, before they were admitted to the degree of Doctor. That which allured them to studie,Their Degrees. Druides à bello abesse consueve­runt, ne (que) tributa unà cum reliquis pendunt, mi [...]itiae vacationem, om­nium (que) rer [...]m ha­bent, immunita­tem. Caesar l. 6. Selden Jan. Ang. l. 1. was the ma­ny privileges of their Students, and the great Authoritie their anci­ent Doctors obtained. So Caesar lib. 6. tels us, that the Druides were exempted from War, and paying Tribute. The which privileges are still continued in our Ʋniversities. As for the method of their Studies, the same Caesar tels us, they were wont to get by heart a great number of ver­ses. They affected various, and almost all kinds of Philosophie. Stra­bo l, 4. relates, that, besides the Science of natural causes, they were also exercised in Moral Philosophie. And Plinie lib. 3. c. 1. makes them to be skilled in Medicine, and Magick. Touching their Skill in Moral Phi­losophie or Ethicks, Diogenes Laertius, in the Proeme to his Book, gives us this account; [...]·Their skill in the chiefest parts of Philosophie natural, Moral, Medicine, Ma­gick. Their symbolick mode of philoso­phizing from the Phenicians and Jews. And they say the Druides were wont to philosophize enigmatically, that the Gods were to be worshipped, that no evil was to be done, that fortitude was to be embraced. By which also we learn, that the mode, or manner of their philosophizing was sym­bolick, or enigmatick; which, we need no way doubt, they learned from the Phenicians (as these had it from the Jews). Hence their famous symbolick Image of Hercules Ogmius, who was a Phenician, as Bochart proves at large Can. l. 1. c. 42. ‘The Gauls, saies he, called Hercules Ogmius, as Lucian in Hercul. [...] Ogmion, that is, [...] agemion, a stranger, so in the A­rabick: Namely because Hercules came from Phaenicia, or Africa, or the Gades, and after his many and great Labours arrived amongst the Gauls; thence his picture in Lucian Hercul. [...] &c. a decrepit bald old man, Gray, and wrinkled, as old Mariners, &c. Farther,Their skill in Geographie, A­stronomie, &c. that these Druides were skilled in Geographie, Astronomie, and Natural Phi­losophie, we have the testimonies both of Caesar, and Mela. Caesar Com­ment l. 6. speaks thus of them: They dispute, and teach their Scholars ma­ny things touching the Stars, and their motion; also concerning the Magni­tude of the Ʋniverse, the nature of things, the force, and power of the Im­mortal Gods. Mela lib. 3, cap. 2. saies, that the Gauls have their Ma­sters of Eloquence, and Wisdom from the Druides. These professe they know the magnitude, and forme of the earth, and world▪ they teach many Noble [Page 80] persons of their Nation privately. One thing which they commonly teach is, that Souls are eternal.

Their distin­ctive babits.As for their habit, it was (as in our Universities) distinctive and pe­culiar, thereby to gain the veneration of the people. In their sacred Offices they used a white Vestment (answerable to the Jewish Ephod) as we are informed by Plinie lib. 6 cap. ultimo. Their Rhetorick. They also gave them­selves to the studie of Eloquence▪ so M [...]la l. 3. as before. Caesar addes farther concerning these Druides, That they learnt by heart a great num­ber of Verses: Therefore some of them continued twenty years in studie. Neither did they conceive it meet, to commit their studies to writing, where­as in other affairs, both publick, and private, they used the Greek Let­ters.

Their Theologie, the Souls immor­tality.§. 11. But these Druides had a special vogue for their Theologie, wherein they taught many things peculiar, and some things excellent, as Owen Theol l. 3. c. 11. particularly they asserted the immortaltie of the SoulCaesar l. 6. dog­ma boc iis tribu­it: non interire animas, sed ab aliis post mortem transire ad alios, hinc animosi in praeliis Luc. lib. 1. Vossius de philos. sect. lib. 2. cap. 3. §. 7. Their Ecclesia­stick dignities, power and disci­pline. so Strabo [...]: the like Caesar. The Dru­ides held also a Metempsychosis, or Transmigration of Souls, which some conceive they received from the Pythogoreans, as these derived it from the Jews, as Selden Jan. Anglor. l. 1. p. 22. Strabo also tels us, that they held the World should be at last destroyed by Fire: which, without doubt, they had from some Jewish or Phenician Tradition. They taught also that one God was to be worshipped, as Origen on Ezech. 4. This one God was the Sun; to whom the Moon was added, which was worshipped by the Women.

§. 12. As for their Ecclesiastick Discipline; they being many, re­duced themselves unto a Hierarchie, under one President, who ruled them all. So Caesar, and out of him Selden Jani Anglorum l. 1. p. 18. The Druides have one presiding over them, who holds the supreme Autoritie a­mongst them. This being dead, he that excels most, succeeds in his Digni­tie; but if there be many equal, they choose by suffrage. And to strengthen this their Imperial Autoritie, they made use of a politick religious ex­communication, as Caesar, and Grotius, de Imper. summ. p [...]test. of excom­munication. Thus Selden, Jani Angl. p. 17. (out of Caesar) ‘If any private person or people amongst them▪ submit not to their Decree, they excommunicate him from their Sacrifices. This is amongst them the higehst punishment. They, who are thus interdicted, are esteemed in the number of the most impious, and wicked; all separate from them, they avoid any conversation, or discourse with them, lest they [Page 81] should receive dammage from their Contagion. Neither is the Law open for such, neither is any Honor given to them.’ The same Caesar tels us, that they had so much Autoritie amongst the people, that they de­termined almost all controversies, both publick and private. So Selden Jan. Angl. lib. 1. ‘They determine all controversies, both publick and pri­vate. If there be any crime committed, if any murder done, if there be any controversie about inheritance, or bounds, the same decree, and constitute rewards and punishments.’ Hence we may gather whence the mysterie of iniquitie gathered much of its power.

§. 13. As to Rites and Worship, Their worship and sacrifices. the main Sacrifices of the Drui­des was [...] Human Sacrifice: whereof there were 2 sorts, the one private; when any sacrificed himself, or another,Vtut se [...]eshabet, constat hinc li­quido vetustissi­mos inter Gen­tium Philosophos, antiquissimos in­ter corum LL. Custodes suisse Druidas. Seld. Jani! Anglor. p. 22. A brief account of the Druides their Philosophie. for some others safety: the other publick, not unlike that which the Phenicians offe­red to their Molec; from whom, we have reason enough to persuade us, these Druides received this, as other Rites. By reason of these cru­el inhuman human Sacrifices the Romans endeavored, though in vain, to take away all their superstitious worship; as Strabo de Gallis lib 4. Owen Theol. l. 3. c. 11. We have a good, though brief account of these Druides in Lud. Vives on August. Civ. l. 8. c. 9. ‘There were, saies he, amongst the Gauls, the Druides, as Caesar l. 8, who were Priests, Po­ets, Philosophers, and Divines; whom they called Saronides, as Dio­dorus l. 6. They had also their Diviners, to whom the people referred their affairs. Neither was there any Sacrifice performed without a Philosopher, i. e. one skilled in the Divine Nature: by whose advice all things, at home and abroad, were administred. That the Druides were Philosophers, Strabo l. 4. relates.’ That the Saronides were the same with the Druides Bochart (Can. l. 1. c. 42.They were called Saronides from [...] an Oke.) proves out of Diodo­rus l. 5. These Philosophers, and Divines, saith he, were in great venerati­on amongst them, [...] whom they call Saronides: which name has the same origination with that of the Druides, namely from an Oke; which anciently was by the Greeks called [...] or [...]. Thus Plinie lib. 4: c. 5. And Hesychius cals [...] Okes having an hi­atus, by reason of their antiquitie. So Callimachus in his hymne on Ju­piter, [...], [...]numeras quer­cus liquidus pro­ducit Jaon De­super. The Bardi, Eu­ates, and Drui­des. where the Scholiast renders [...] i. e. Okes. Caesar l. 6. comprehends all the wise men of the Gauls under the name of Druides: so Cicero 1. de Divina­tione. But Strabo divides them into 3 sorts, [...], the Bardi, the Euates, and the Druides: the Bardi, addes he, were [Page 82] Singers, and Poets: the Euates, Priests, and Physiologists: the Drui­des (especially so called) to Physiologie added Moral Philosophie. The like Marcellinus lib. 15. as Vossius de Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 3. §. 6.

The Okes of Mamre the ori­ginal Idea of the Druides Oke re­ligion.§. 14. Now that the Druides derived much of their Philosophie from the Mosaick Historie is farther evidenced from that of Learned Dickinson, Druidum Origo (at the end of his Delphi Pheniciz.) pag. 36. ‘Farther, thou mayest demand whence this Oke Religion (of the Drui­des) sprang? namely from the Okes of Mamre: under which, in times past, those holy men (in whose hands the administration of Divine Service and Worship was) lived most devoutly: the shadow of which Okes afforded an house to Abraham, and a Temple to God. This I sucked from the Dugs of Truth, namely from the sacred Scriptures▪ Abraham dwelt (saith the Hagiographer Gen 13.18.Gen. 13.18.) [...] in, or (as the Arabick has it) among the Okes of Mamre. Which the Lxx renders [...],Gen. 14.13. and ch. 18. [...]. Under which Oke he fixed his Tabernacle, erected an Altar, and of­fered to the Lord Calves, Goats, Rams, and other Sacrifices of like kind;Gen. 15.9. and performed all Sacerdotal Offices. Yea under this tree he entertained God himself, Note: Ad sacros Druidum Ritus, & do­ctrinam quae ulterius attinent, praeter Caesarem, Strabo, Plinius. Diodorus Siculus, Lucanus, Pomponius Mela, Ammianus Marcellinus; Heurnius in Barbariae Philosophioe Antiquitatibus, alii satis explicate tradiderunt. Sel­den Jani Anglor. l. 1. together with Angels. He here had conference with God, and entred into covenant with him, and was blessed of him. These are indeed admirable praeconia of Okes. Lo the Oke Priests! Lo the Patriarchs of the Druides! For from these sprang the Sect of the Druides, which reached up at least, as high as Abraham's time (for they report that the Druides Colleges flourish­ed in the time of Hermio, who was King of the Germans, immedi­ately after the death of Abraham). For because this holy man and Priest, Abraham lived under Okes, and enjoyed God for his com­panion, performing worship to him, our Divines (the Druides) from this so famous example, chose Groves of Okes for their Religi­ous Services, &c. See more of the Druides, their Doctrine, and Rites, Caesar Com. l. 6. Strabo l. 4. Diodor. l. 5. Owen Theol. l. 3. c. 11.

BOOK II. The Original of the Ionick, but chiefly of the Italick, or Pythagorick Philosophie.

CHAP. I. The Traduction of the Grecian Philosophie from the Patriarchs and Jewish Church proved by Universal Consent.

The Grecian Philosophers recourse to Egypt, and Phaenicia. That the Grecian Philosophie was originally traduced from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures, is proved by Testimonies. 1. Of Heathens, and Greci­ans themselves, Plato, Numenius, Hermippus. 2. Of Jews, Aristo­bulus, Josephus. 3. Of the Fathers, Tertullian, Justin Martyr, Mi­nucius Foelix, Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius, Theodoret; as also Joh: Grammaticus. 4. Moderne Papists, Steuchus, Eugubinus, Ju­stinianus on Joh. 1.1. 5. Forreign Protestant Divines, and learned men, Serranus, Julius and Joseph Scaliger, Vossius, Heinsius, Hor­nius, Bochart, Grotius, Diodate. 6. The Testimonies of English Writers, Jackson, Usher, Richardson, Preston, Sir Walter Raghley, Owen, Hammond, Stillingfleet, Mede, Cudworth, Selden, Dickin­son, &c.

§. 1. HAving finished our Discourse of Barbarick Philosophie, The Grecian Philosophers re­course to Egypt and Phoenicia. and Philosophers, we now proceed to the Grecian; which owes its original to the former. So much Plato in his Cratylus (and else where) acknowledgeth, that they received their Learning from the Barbarians, and Ancients▪ who lived near the Gods, &c: so Clemens Alexandr: lib. 1. saies, that Philosophie, a thing variously useful, in times past shined from Nation to Nation amongst the Barbarians; whence afterward it came into Greece. What these [Page 84] Barbarick Nations were, from whom the Grecians received their Phi­losophie, has been already B. 1. Ch. 4. §. 1. demonstrated: and it will be farther evident by what follows in the enumeration of particulars; how Thales had recourse to Egypt, and Phaenicia for his Philosophie, Ph [...]recydes to Phaenicia for his; Pythagoras to Phaenicia, Egypt, and Chaldea for his; Socrates and his Scholar Plato, traduced theirs from Egypt, and Phaenicia: Solon his Laws from Egypt, and Zeno his Morals from Phaenicia: As Democritus, and Epicurus their Atomes from Mo­chus: And Aristotle his Natural Philosophie of the first principles, mat­ter, forme, and privation, &c. from Sanchoniathon's Historie of the Cre­ation: of each whereof in its respective place. At present, we shall only endeavor some general demonstration, that the Grecians traduced the chiefest part, if not the whole of their Philosophie originally from the Scriptures, either by personal conversation with the Jews, or Traditions from them; which they gleaned up in Egypt, Phaenicia, and Chal­dea, &c.

That the Greci­an Philosophie was derived from the Jews.§. 2. That the Egyptians, Phenicians, and Chaldeans received their Philosophie from the Jewish Church and Scriptures; we have, in the for­mer Book, endeavoured to prove, both as to the [...], and [...]: which might suffice to make good our position, on this supposition (which is u­niversally granted,The Testimonie of Heathen Gre­cian Philosophers Plato, &c. and shall be hereafter proved) that the Grecians received their Philosophie from these aforementioned Egyptians, Pheni­cians, and Chaldeans. But to make our demonstration more valid, we shall give some more immediate (though at present only general and inartificial) proofs, that the Grecian Philosophie was traduced from the Jewish Church and Scriptures. And we shall begin with the Testimonies of the Grecian Philosophers themselves, Plato, with others. Plato in his Gratylus tels us plainly, that they (the Grecians) received their Learn­ing from the Barbarians, who were more ancient than themselves. These Barbarians, Clemens Alexandrinus, Justin Martyr, Epiphanius, Nice­phorus, and Serranus understand to be the Jews (as before) whose name Plato conceled, thereby to avoid the envy of the people (who were pro­fessed enemies of the Jews, and their Religion) as also to gain the more credit to himself. But Plato, in his Philebus, speaks more plainly to this purpose, acknowledging, ‘that the report or tradition he had received of the Ʋnitie of God, as to his Essence, and pluralitie of per­sons, and Decrees, was from the Ancients, who dwelt nearer the Gods, and were better than they (the Grecians).’ Who certainly could be [Page 85] no other than the Patriarchs, and Jewish Church, from whom all those Traditions, touching the Ʋnitie of God, and Pluralitie of per­sons, and Decrees, were traduced. Whence also Plato acknowledg­eth, that the best, and surest course to prove the immortalitie of the Soul was by some Divine Word [...], as in his Phaedo. The like he acknowledgeth elsewhere, that he received his knowledge of, [...] or providence governing the World, from the wise, i. e. as 'tis conceived, the Jews. And Serranus, in his Preface to Plato does confidently affirme, ‘that Plato received his symbolick Philosophie from the Jews, i. e. from the Doctrine of Moses, and the Prophets; as all the learned, and an­cient Christian Doctors have judged; though he industriously avoided the naming of the Jews, which was odious.’ We have also the Testi­monies of other Pagan Philosophers concurring herein; as that famous saying of Numenius the Pythagorean, Numenius. what is Plato, but Moses Attici­zing? Also that of Hermippus, Hermippus, a most diligent, and ancient Writer of Pythagoras's Life, who plainly affirmes (as Josephus contra Ap. lib. 1.) that Pythagoras translated many things out of the Jewish Institutes, into his own Philosophie. So Aristotle, in his Books of Politicks, makes mention of many things taken out of the ancient Lawgivers, which exactly suit with Moses's Laws, as Cunaeus observes. Thus Diogenes La­ertius in his Proeme to the Lives of the Philosophers begins with these words [...]. Some affirme that Philosophie had its origine from the Barbarians. That by the Barba­rians must be understood (inclusively, if not exclusively) the Jews, is affirmed by Justin Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Epiphanius, and o­thers, as in what immediately precedes §. 2. Thus Steuchus Eugubinus de peren. Philosoph. l. 1. c. 12. ‘whence it is manifest that the Philosophers thought, and spake those things, which they had learned from the Barbarians. The first Barbarians were the Chaldeans, Egyptians, and, whom we ought to place in the first rank, the Hebrews.

§. 3. We may adde hereto the Testimonies of Jews;Testimonies of Jews. Aristobulus. as that of Aristobulus, the Egyptian Jew, affirming, that Pythagoras translated many of his opinions out of the Jewish Discipline. The like he affirmes of Plato, as Euseb praep. Evang. l. 9. c. 6. and Clemens Alexand. Strom. 1. who also Strom. 5. saies, that Aristobulus affirmed the same of the Peri­patetick Philosophie, viz. that it depended on Moses's Law, and other of the Prophets. Josephus l. 1 contra Apion. saies of Pythagoras, Josephus. that he did not only understand the Jewish Discipline, but also embraced many things [Page 86] therein; Whence he gives this character of him, out of Hermippus, who writ his life, [...] he was an Imitator of the Jewish Opinions. So the same Josephus Antiq. l. 11. c. 2. ‘brings in Demetrius Phalereus, commending the Law of Moses, and giving this reason, why their Heathen Poets, and Historians made no mention of this Law; because (saith he) it being holy, ought not to be delive­red by a profane mouth.’ Its true the Jews mixed with these their re­lations many sigments, yet this notwithstanding is sufficiently mani­fest hence, that they had a strong and fixed persuasion, that the Gre­canick Philosophie was traduced from them and their Sacred Oracles; as Learned Selden has observed de Jure Nat. Hebrae. lib. 1. c. 2.

Testimonies of the Fathers.§. 4. If we consult the Memoires of Christians, both Ancient, and Moderne, we shall find abundant Testimonies conspiring to make good this Assertion, that the Grecians traduced their Philosophie from the Scriptures and Jewish Church. Amongst the Ancients we have Ter­tullian Apol. c. 17.Tertullian. ‘who of the Poets, saies he, who of the Sophists was there, who did not drink of the Prophets fountain? Hence there­fore the Philosophers quenched the thirst of their ingenie.’ Thus Justin Martyr in his Paraenesis to the Greeks, sheweth, how Orpheus, Pytha­goras, Clement Ale­xand. De quo argumen­to praeter Euse­bium, prolixe a­gunt prisci pa­tres, Cl. Alex­and. passim, im­primis lib. 1 & 5. Strom. Theo­philus lib. ad Autolycum. Ta­tia [...]. [...] &c. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 2. c. 2. Plato, Homer, &c. borrowed many things from Moses: and he does industriously prove the Noveltie of the Grecian Philosophie, out of Polemo, Apion, Ptolemaeus Mendisius, Philocrates, and others. So Minucius in Octavius: The Philosophers, saies he, have imitated some shadow of interpolated Truth from the Divine predictions of the Prophets. So Clemens Alexandrinus, in his exhortation to the Gentiles, speaks thus: ‘O Plato what ever good Laws are afforded thee of God, &c. thou hadst from the Hebrews; and else where Strom. 1. he cals Plato the Philosopher, who derived what he had from the Hebrews, and he speaks this universally of the Philosophers, that before the coming of Christ, the Philosophers took part of the truth from the Hebrew Prophets, though they acknowledged not the same, but attributed it to themselves as their sentiments or opinions; and thence some things they adulte­rated; and other things they did by a needles diligence unlearnedly, yet as seeming wise, declare; but other things they invented. Thus Clemens. Eusebius tels us,Eusebius. ‘that Pythagoras, and Plato translated the Learning of the Jews, and Egyptians into Greek. The like Euseb. prae­par. l. 9. c. 1. ‘The most Illustrious of the Greeks, were not altogether ignorant of the Judaick Philosophie: some by their Writings, seem [Page 87] to approve their manner of life, others followed their Theologie, Theodoret. so far, as they were able.’ Thus again Euseb. praepar. l. 10. c. 2. & prae­fat. in lib. 5. ‘The Grecians like Merchants fetcht their Disciplines from else where. So Theodoret l. 2. de Curand. Graec. affect. saies that A­naxagoras, Pythagoras, and Plato gathered many riddles, or dark sayings of God, from the Egyptians, and Hebrews. The like is affir­med of Justin Martyr, Ambrose, Augustin, and Jerom, as Justinianus in 1. Joh. 1.1. and Selden de Jur. Nat. Hebr. l. 1. c. 1. have observed. And Johannes Grammaticus (called otherwise Philoponus) speaks affir­matively to this point:Jo. Grammati­cus. so de mundi Creatione lib. 1. cap 2. pag. 4. he tels us, that Plato, in expounding the production of the world by God, imi­tates Moses in many things. The like he affirmes de mundi creatione lib. 6. cap. 21. pag. 24 [...]. ‘what Moses, saies he, said of Man, that God made him after his own image, Plato translates to all things in the world, whence he stiled the world a sensible Image of the intellectual God.’ But of this more in its place.

§. 5. As for Moderne Writers we have a cloud of witnesses,Testimonies from moderne Papists. and those of the most Learned, and that both of Papists, and Protestants, who have given assent and consent to this our conclusion, touching the traduction of Grecian Philosophie from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures. Amongst the Papists we might mention Brietius, in his Geographie. Mariana on Genes. 1. also Ludovicus Vives upon August. de civ. Dei, & de veritate, &c. of whom else where: we shall at present content our selves with the Testimonie of one or two of the most learned amongst them. August. Steuchus Eugubinus, De Peren. Philosophia lib. 1. cap. 1.Aug. Steueq. Euguhinus. treating of the Succession of Doctrine from the beginning of the world, be­gins thus: ‘As there is one Principle of all things, so also there has been one and the same Science of him at all times, amongst all, as both Reason, and Monuments of many Nations, and Letters testifie. This Science springing partly from the first origine of men, has been devolved through all Ages unto Posteritie, &c. Thence he proceeds to shew the Modus, how this Philosophie was derived from hand to hand, in all Ages. ‘The most true Supputation of Times proves, that Methusalem lived, and might converse with Adam, as Noah, with Methusalem. Therefore Noah saw, and heard all things before the Floud. Moreover before Noah died, Abraham was fifty years aged. Neither may we conceive, that this most pious man, and his holy Seed would concele from Abraham (who they foresaw would prove most [Page 88] holy, and the Head of the pious Nation) things of so great Moment, & so worthy to be commemorated. Therefore from this most true cause it is most equal, that the great Science of Divine and human Affairs should be deduced unto following Ages greatly overcome with Bar­barisme, &c. Thence having explicated how Philosophie was han­ded down even to Moses's time, the same Eugubinus addes: ‘There­fore that there has been one, and the same Wisdom alwaies in all men, we endeavor to persuade, not only by these reasons. but also by those many, and great examples, whereby we behold some Vestigia of the truth scattered throughout all Nations, which Moses in his books long since held forth to be beheld as in a glasse a far off.’ So in what fol­lows he saies, ‘That Sapience also, besides what the ancient Colonies brought with them, passed from the Chaldeans to the Hebrews, except what Moses writ, which passed from the Hebrews to the Egyptians, from these to the Grecians, from the Grecians to the Romans. For Abra­ham was a Chaldean, in whose family the ancient Theologie, and the Traditions of the Fathers, whereof he was Heir (as it was most e­qual) remained. All these things being reteined by Noah, and his Sons, were seen and heard by Abraham: he declared them to his Son, & Grandchild: from Jacob they passed unto posteritie. Whence also flowed the Pietie, and Sapience of Job, who in no regard came short of the Pietie, and Sapience of the Hebrews. Canst thou conceit, that he, who was most ancient, even in Abraham's daies, saw not Noah, and heard him not discoursing?’ Hence the same Eugubinus cap. 2 having di­vided Philosophie into 3 parts, the first conveyed by Succession from Adam to Moses; the second corrupted by the Philosophers, the third restored by the Sacred Scriptures: of this last he concludes thus: ‘At last the third kind of Philosophie shone forth, scattering by its Bright­nes all the darknesses of the former, not conteining it self in one place, but by its beams filling the Universe, &c.

Justinianus. Justinianus on the first Epistle of John c. 1. v. 1. having given us a large account of the Jewish Traditions, scattered up and down amongst the Pagan Philosophers, touching the Divine [...] or Word, concludes thus: ‘Truely many things have been taken up by the Philosophers, and Poets from Moses's Law, which they depraved, changed, and wrested: as touching the Chaos, the Giants War, the Floud; and many other things, as we learn out of Augustin de civ. dei l. 8. c. 11. and lib. 18. c. 37.’ And it is likely that in the same manner they corrupted those [Page 89] ‘traditions, they had received touching the Divine [...], his generation, & so taught, that those Persons differed in nature, which (according to the word of God) differ only in Hypostasis, or manner of subsisting, &c.

§. 6. But none have given a more full Explication, and Demon­stration of this our Assertion, than the learned Protestants,The Testimonie of Protestant Writers. Melancthon. Serranus. as well Divines as Philologists, of this last Age. Amongst whom we may men­tion P. Melancthon in his Preface, and additions to Carion. Serranus (that learned Philologist, as well as Divine) in his Preface to, and Anno­tations on Plato almost every where asserts our conclusion; as we shall have frequent occasion to shew. The like doth Julius Scaliger, that great Philosopher, as well as Critick; and Joseph Scaliger his Son more fully in his Notes on Esebius's Chronicon, gives testimonie to,Julius and Jo­seph Scaliger. and proof of this Assertion. The same does learned Vossius in his excellent Treatise of Idolatrie;Vossius. as also in that de Philosophorum sectis l. 2. c. 1, &c. as hereafter. Heinsius has a Discourse professedly on this Subject.Heinsius. But Learned Bochart (that rich Antiquarie, Bochart. and Philologist) has given an in­comparable advance, and light to this Notion, from whom, I thankful­ly acknowledge, I have received great assistance in this undertaking, both by personal conference with him, and also from his elaborate Works; especially his Geographia Sacra. Grotius also (from whom I received the first hints of this Assertion) doth positively affirme the same;Grotius. as on Mat. 24.38. but especially in his book de Veritate Religionis, as else where. Hornius Hist. Philos. lib. 3. cap. 1.Hornius. speaks categorically thus: ‘The most famous of the Grecians deliver, that Philosophie flow'd from the Barbarians to the Grecians. Plato in Epinom. Cratylo, Philibo. Manetho in Josephus against Apion. Whence they so fre­quently, and so honorably mention, the Phenicians, Chaldeans, Egyp­tians, who were all instructed by the Hebrews. Whence also it was so solemne a thing for the most ancient Grecian Philosophers to travel into the Oriental parts. Whence sprang the mutual commerces, and common studies betwixt the Grecians, and Egyptians. Whence he concludes, that Philosophie was not borne but educated in Greece: for the most ancient wise men of Greece brought Philosophie thither from the East, &c. We have also the Testimonie of Dioda [...]e, Ami­rault, and Daillè, &c. of whom in their place.

§. 7.Testimonies of the English. Jackson. To come to the Testimonies of our English Divines and learned men. Jackson of the Authoritie of the Scriptures (last Edit. in Polio) pag. 27, 34, 47, 49, 54, 55, 56, 57, &c. largely proves this our Asserti­on, [Page 90] touching the Traduction of Philosophie from the Scriptures, and Jewish Church. And withall gives account of the manner, how it was tradu­ced; of which else where. Learned and pious Ʋsher asserts the same of Pythagoras his Philosophie,Usher. as it will appear in his Life, &c. Thus great Richardson, in the Exposition on his Divinitie Tables, Table 5. MSS. treating of the first Matter saies, that Aristotle received it from Plato, and he from the Egyptians, as these from the Jews. Preston makes use of this Principle as a main Argument to prove the Divine Original,Preston. and Authoritie of the Scriptures, as before. Sir Walter Ralegh, Sir Walter Ra­legh. in his Historie of the World (Part 1. Book 1. Chap. 6. §. 7.) affirmes Catego­rically ‘that the wiser of the ancient Heathens, viz. Pythagoras, Plato, &c. had their opinions of God from the Jews, and Scripture; though they durst not discover so much: as in what follows, of Plato­nick Philosophie. Owen in his learned Discourse of Gentile Theologie (which I must confesse,Owen. has given me much light, and confirmation herein) does frequently assert the same Conclusion. The same is often, and strongly maintain'd by the Learned Stillingfleet in his Origines Sa­crae, Stillingfleet. it being indeed one chief medium, he much insists on, to prove the Autoritie of the Scriptures. We have also the Testimonies of Mede, Hammond, and Cudworth for confirmation hereof; as good Essayes, and Discourses on this subject, by Duport on Homer, Bogan's Home­rus Hebraïzans, and Dickinson's Delphi Phoenicizantes; &c. But amongst our English learned Men, none have given us more ample Testimonies to confirme our assertion, than famous Selden, Selden. in his elaborate book de Jure Nat. Hebrae. lib. 1. cap. 2. where, saies he, ‘Touching the fa­mous custome of the ancient Philosophers before Christ, to consult, and hear the Hebrews, we have many Testimonies, both of Jews themselves, of Christian Fathers, and of Pagan Writers; which he cites at large in what follows.’

CHAP. II. Of Mythologick Philosophie its Traduction from the Jews.

Of Mythologick Philosophie in general, and 1. particularly of the Poetick, [Page 91] and fabulous. How the Greeks disguised Oriental Traditions by Fables. Of the use and abuse of Fables and Parables. 2. Of Symbolick or E­nigmatick Philosophie, and its traduction from the Jewish Types, Sym­bols, and Enigmes. 3. Of the Metaphorick, and Allegorick mode of philosophi [...]ing by Plato, and its descent originally from the Jews. Mat. 13.3. The Matter also of Mythologick Philosophie from Gods sacred Word, and Works. The Causes of Mythologick Philosophie. 1. Ig­norance of the Hebrew. 2. Of the Matter of their Traditions, or Jew­ish Mysteries. 3. Of the Forme of Jewish Doctrines. 4. Of the Tra­ditions. 2d Cause was Admiration of the wonders of God brokenly re­ported to them. 3. Imitation another cause, concerning which Plato has excellent Discourses touching the Subject, Object, Effect, Uses, and Abuses of Imitation in Symbolick Philosophie. 4. Curiosity, and affectation of Novelty Act. 17.21. 5. Pride, and self advancement. 6. Inclination to Idolatrie. 7. Carnal Policie to avoid the peoples ha­tred. A general Conclusion that all Philosophie, even Aristotle's it self, as to its Matter, was traduced from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures.

§. 1.Of the Grecian Philosophie its traduction from the Jews. THat the Grecian Philosophers received the choisest of their Phi­losophick Contemplations from the Jewish Church, and Divine Revelation, we have already endeavored some inartificial demonstra­tion, as to the [...], thereof: we now proceed to the [...], to demon­strate the same from the several causes from whence; and wales by which the Grecians traduced their Philosophie from the Jewish Church and Scriptures. And to make this good, we shall first run thorough the sundry kinds and modes of Grecian Philosophie, and thence proceed to their several Sects of Philosophers. The first great mode or way of the Greeks philosophizing was Mythologick and Symbolick, of which we are now to treat, with endeavors to demonstrate how, that both as to mat­ter and forme, they traduced it from the Jewish Church.

§. 2. That the first Grecian Philosophie was Mythologick and Sym­bolick, will be easily granted by any versed in those Antiquities. Of Mythologick Philosophie in general. So Diodorus Siculus lib. 4. makes mention of [...], an anci­ent Mythologie, which he also calls, [...], old fables; and [...] Mythick Historie. This Aristotle, in the Proeme to his Me­taphysicks, cals Philomythie: for, saith he, a Philosopher is in some sort [...] a Philomyther, or Lover of fabulous Traditions. Strabo lib. 11. [Page 92] makes mention of this ancient [...], as that which gained little credit in the world. Which Proclus on Plato's Theologie l. 1. c. 4. cals Symbolick Philosophie. But to speak distinctly and properly, we may distinguish Mythologick Philosophie (or Philosophick Mythologie) in­to these severals, 1. Mythologick strictly taken, or Parabolick. 2. Hi­eroglyphick, Symbolick, or Enigmatick. 3. Metaphorick, and Alle­gorick: The difference betwixt these several modes of philosophizing is this: The Mythologick (which the Scripture cals the Parabolick) is the couching of Philosophick Principles, and Mysteries under some fabu­lous narration, or feigned storie: the Symbolick is the wrapping up of Natural Principles, or Moral Precepts under certain Symbols, Hiero­glyphicks, sensible Images, or obscure Enigmes and Riddles: Metapho­rick, and Allegorick is the expressing things, either under a naked sin­gle Similitude, which belongs to Metaphors; or by a Series of Meta­phors, which belongs to Allegories, &c. see Diodate on Mat. 13.3.

Mythologick Philosophie strictly taken first seated a­mongst the Poets.§, 3. To begin with Mythologick Philosophie, strictly so taken, called, in Scripture Phrasiologie, Parabolick, which was, as to order of time, the first, taken up by the Grecian Poets, and after embraced by some of their Philosophers. The chief Grecian Poets who traded in this kind of Mythick, or Fabulous Philosophie, were 1. Orpheus; who is supposed to have been the most Ancient of the Poets, and equal with their Gods; insomuch as he is said to have sailed among the Argo­nats, with Hercules, and the Tyndarides; as Lactant. l. 1. c. 5. They say he was a Thracian by birth; but his Philosophie he gained in Egypt as Euseb. l. 2. praep. c. 1. They report also, that he was very famous for Musick, wherein he so greatly excelled, as he mollified not only Men, but the brute beasts also by his singing. But others give a more ratio­nal account of this fable, namely, that congregating men, who were dispersed here and there, and lived as beasts in the fields, he drew them to a more civil forme of life. so Horat. in Arte Poetica.

Sylvestres homines, sacer, interpresque Deorum,
Caedibus, & Victu faedo deterruit Orpheus,
Dictus ob hoc lenire Tigres, rapidosque leones.

There were Contemporaries with Orpheus, Musaeus, Arion, and Am­phion. Of Amphion 'tis said, that having received an Harp from the Muses, he fitted his verses, composed with great suavitie so exactly thereto, as that the stones ran [...] of their own accord, &c. Which Thucydides lib. 1. thus unriddles: Orpheus and Amphion a [Page 93] little before the Trojan War, drew men out of the Wood, unto Hu­manitie, or a more civil conversation.’ By which it appears, that Or­pheus's Phhilosophie was, as to the Matter of it, chiefly Ethick, and Theologick. Thus of Orpheus himself. Orpheus's followers writ [...] Poems according to Orpheus's Doctrine, which were partly Moral, partly Theologick; but wholly Symbolick, or Fabulous, so Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. [...], The Orphicks delivered their Philosophie by Symbols or Fables.

2. Homer also was a great Inventor, and Propagator of this Mytholo­gick Philosophie. So Democritus [...], &c. Homer having obtained a nature inspired by a Divine Afflatus, or Spirit, framed a beautiful Structure of divers verses. Plutarch l. 2. de Homero, sheweth, how the seeds of all Arts, Physicks, Medicine, Politicks, Ethicks, Eloquence, Militarie Discipline, &c. are to be found in Homer, Alcidamus, a noble and ancient Orator, cals Homer's Odyssea, [...] a good glasse of human life. These Poemes of Homer were in great estimation with many of the latter Philosophers, who received much of their Philosophie thence. So Zeno, the Head of the Stoick Sect, writ five books of Homerick Questi­ons: Yet some of them were not so well pleased with Homers mode of philosophizing, in as much as it had so many Fables, and so much obscu­rity mixed with it. Thence Plato in his Alcibiades, concludes [...]. Novices in Philosophie ought not to fall upon Homers Poems, least they should fancie this Hero writ fables. The Egyptians say, that Homer was in Egypt: others suppose him to have been born in Egypt: and that he imbibed there his choicest Notions, from the Jewish Doctrine originally, if not immediately, we have proved Part 1. B. 3. C. 1. §. 6. of Homer. 3. Hesiod philosophized much in Oeconomicks, as also in Natural Philosophie; as of the first Chaos, &c. We find this character of him in Velleius lib. 1. Hesiod lived about 120. years after Homer. He was very famous for his elegant Wit, and the most soft sweetnes of his Verses. He was most desirous of ease and quiet, &c. see more of him, and the Traduction of his Philosophick Poems from the Jewish Church, Part 1. B. 3. C. 1. §. 7. of Hesiod. 4. Phocylides, Theognes, Museus, and Py­thagoras writ much in Moral Philosophie. 5. Empedocles, Nicander, A­ratus philosophized in Naturals. As 6. Solon and Tirtaeus in Politicks. But all the ancient Poesie was fabulous, & obscure, so Maximus Tyrius orat. 7. [Page 94] [...], because all Poesie does obscurely hint a thing.

How these Greek Poets disguise the Traditions which originally came from Scri­ptures.§. 4. These ancient fabulous Greek Poets having received from Egypt, and else where, many broken Traditions, touching the seve­ral Names, and Works of God, the Origine of the World, with other Mysteries, wrapt up in the bosome of the Scriptures, and Jewish Church, they made it their busines to disguise these oriental Traditi­ons, by clothing them with a new Grecian dresse, of many fabulous narrations; with which they were so disfigured, as that they could never recover their old face. Thus Jackson on the Scriptures folio 29. ‘continually, saith he, whilst we compare ancient Poets, or Stories, with the book of Genesis, & other Volumnes of sacred Antiquitie; these sacred books give us the pattern of the waking thoughts of ancient times. And the Heathen Poems, with other fragments of Ethnick Writings (not so ancient as the former) contain the Dreams, and Fancies, which suc­ceeding Ages, by hear-say, and broken reports, had conceived con­cerning the same or like matters. For any judicious man from the con­tinual, and serious observation of this Register of truth, may find out the Original at least, of all the Principal Heads, or Common Places of Poetick Fictions, or Ancient Traditions, which cannot be imagined, they should ever have come into any mans fancie, unles from the imi­tation of some Historick Truth, or the impulsion of real events stirring up admiration.’ Thus Jackson.

The use and a­buse of Mytho­logick Philoso­phie.§. 5. This Mythologick Philosophie begun by the Poets, and after taken up by the most Ancient Philosophers, had it not been mixed with so many ridiculous, and Idolatrous Fables, might have been of much use in those first Ages, even amongst the Heathens, as well as in the Jewish Church, whence it received its origination. For under these sensible Formes, and Images (suited to that infant state of the world) were conteined many lively examples of, and strong incentives unto, Virtue: Hence Basil saies of Homer [...], &c. all Homers Poesie is but the commendation of Virtue, &c. Of the same use were Esep's Fables, and the Fables of Philostratus. On­ly the Elder Poets of Greece had such unworthy Fables of their Gods, as also so much obscurity in their Traditions of Natural Experiments, and Moral Precepts, as that the Wiser Philosophers, who followed, thought it most expedient to reject this mode of philosophizing, and to begin upon a new foundation, namely, some more immediate Traditi­ons from the Easterne parts, with which also they mixed some Fabu­lous, or Symbolick conceits of their own.

[Page 95]§.6. After the Mythologick, followed the Symbolick, or Enigmatick mode of philophizing amongst the Grecian Philosophers,Symbolick Philosophie from the Jewish Types, Enigmes, &c. especially those of the Italick Sect, Pythagoras, &c. who, though they rejected the multi­tude of obscure and absurd fables, taken up by the Elder Poets; yet, were they not without their Symbols, Enigmes, and Emblemes, or Cor­poreal Images, which are but branches of Mythologie considered in its general Idea. Such were the Enigmes, and Fables so common among the Ancients, whereof we have a collection extant ascribed to Esop, which yet were not (at least) originally his, as Quintil. lib. 5. cap. 11. ‘These Fables (which albeit they received not their origine from Esop; (for Hesiod seems to have been their first Author) yet are they celebra­ted chiefly under his name) are wont to lead the minds of rustick, and unskilful persons, who are more easily taken with things feigned, and finding a pleasure in them, do more easily assent, and consent to them.’ Dius in the Phenician Historie relates ‘that Salomon proposed Enigmes to the King of Tyre, which could not be solved, but produced many concertations; till at length he found Abdemon a Tyrian young man, who solved many of them Josephus Ant. 5. c. 2.’ We read also of Amasis an Egyptian King, who disputed by Enigmes with the Ethiopian King. Al­so in the Oriental parts it was a received custom among the Nobles, having staked down their wager, to contend by Enigmes or Riddles; and he that could not solve what was proposed, lost his wager. Which custom Plutarch, in Convivio Sapient. mentions; and we have some Vestigia of it, in the Historie of Sampson, and Salomon: Whence even in the Sacred Scripture we find the name [...] Enigmes, attributed to such Philosophick Placits, of which of old the most Learned among the wise men oft disputed, as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c 6. This mode of philosophizing Pythagoras principally addicted himself unto. So Porphyrie, Note: Erat adhuc alia species Mythi­cae Philosophiae, & ea uti etiam ex sacris apparet, praesertim libro ju­dicum, omnium antiquissima. Nam fabulae artificiosè compositae rudibus popu is proponebantur, quae sub ima­gine brutorum, aut aliarum rerum instituendae Vitae rationem ostende­rent. Quae fabulae postea collectae uni A [...]sopo, quia is maximè excel­luit, adscribi coeperunt. Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 7. and Iamblichus attributed unto him [...], a Symbolick mode of teaching, or as Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. observes in general of the Pythagoreans, [...]. The Py­thagoreans study to deliver Divine things by Images, i. e. by corporeal Images; Emblemes, and short Enigmatick Symbols, or Sayings, whereby they shadowed forth [...] and [...] the Affections and Morals of the Soul. Neither did these Pythagoreans only expresse their moral precepts thus, but also couched their most sacred mysteries [Page 96] both of God and Nature under these, and such like figures, numbers, and enigmatical propositions, which they all founded on these Principles: [...], sensible Formes are but Imitates, or Ima­ges of Intellectuals: and [...], man is the most imitating creature. That Pythagoras traduced these his Sym­bols (if not immediately, yet) originally from the Jewish Church, we need no way doubt. So Clemens Alexandrinus l. 1. [...], the old mode of philosophi­zing was Hebraick and Enigmatick. This way of philosophizing by E­nigmes and Problemes was common among the Jews in the time of the Judges, as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 2. c. 13. observes, ‘They were ex­ercised, saith he, now and then in the solution of hard Problemes, such were those which Sampson in his Nuptials proposed.’ It is called [...], which you may translate either an Enigme, or Probleme: of which see more what precedes B. 1. C. 2. §. 7. Such also were Salomon's Proverbs, for the most part, and all the Jewish Types, which indeed were but Symbols, or corporeal Images of things spiritual. Or if we will not grant, that Pythagoras received his Symbols immediately from the Jews, yet we may without danger conclude he had them from the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks: as hereafter.

Metaphorick & Allegorick Phi­losophie from the Jews.§. 7. Another mode of philosophizing amongst the Grecians was Metaphorick, and Allegorick; which also is a Species or kind of My­thologick Symbolick Philosophie. For, as Aristotle in his Rhetorick ob­serves [...], a Metaphor is but an Image, or shadow of a thing; And an Allegory is but a continued metaphor, or taking the fi­gure of a true Historie, but in a metaphorick sense, to represent things moral or spiritual;Taautus Theolo­giae suae mysterta non nisi per alle­gorias tradebat: teste Sanchonia­thone, Euseb. l. 1. Praep. c. 7. whereby it is differenced from a Parable or Fable, which is but a feigned storie, to represent something moral; as also from a Symbol and Enigme which is more short, and obscure; yet do they all accord in the general Idea or Notion of Mythologie. Now this Metaphorick Allegorick mode of philosophizing, was chiefly em­braced by Plato, who conceled the most of his more sublime Traditions, and contemplations under Metaphorick, and Allegorick Shadows, and Figures, with wch he likewise mixed many Fables, and Parables. So in his [...] or Dialogue of Love (which seems to be an imitation of Salo­mon's Song) we find many Allegorick Figures; as that of his [...] (which is conceived to be but a Symbolick Tradition of Adam and Eve, & their Creation) &c. And that Plato received this Allegorick mede of [Page 97] philosophizing from the Jewish Church, Serranus (in his Preface to Plato) makes to be the common persuasion of all Learned Christians, of which more in the storie of Plato's Philosophie. That the Spirit of God makes great use of Parables, Symbols, Enigmes, Metaphors, and Allegories for the unfolding of Heavenly Mysteries, any, that acquaints himself with the Scriptures, cannot be ignorant, as Mat. 13.3.Mat. 13.3. 'tis said, Christ spake many things to them in Parables, &c. where Diodate asserts, ‘that this was a fashion of teaching used amongst the Jews, fol­lowed by our Lord, and very profitable to make the truth to be un­derstood, and to insinuate the apprehension thereof into the mind of the Auditors, by a well appropriated similitude, taken from a feign­ed story, &c. And as this parabolick, symbolick mode of expressing heavenly Mysteries was so frequent amongst the Jews, so we may, on good grounds, conclude, that the Grecian Philosophers traduced their like mode of philosophizing, from this sacred fountain originally, if not immediately.

§. 8. Having demonstrated,The matter of Mythologick Philosophie from sacred works, and truthes. how the Mythologick and Symbolick mode or form of philosophizing amongst the Grecians was derived from the Jewish Church, their Parables, Types, Allegories, &c. we now proceed to the matter of the Grecian Mythologick Philosophie, to demon­strate its traduction from the Jewish Church and Scriptural Traditions. And to make this evident, we must recollect (what has been oft hint­ed) that the Elder Poets (as well as Philosophers) had generally re­course to Egypt, and Phaenicia, for the matter also, as well as for the forme, or mode of their Philosophick Mythologie. So Diodorus Siculus bibl. l. 1. tels us, ‘that the Poets, Orpheus, Musaeus, Melampus, and Homer, and the Philosophers afterwards, Pythagoras, Plato, &c. had gained most of their Wisdom out of Egypt. And Carion, in his Chro­nicon lib. 2. touching the ancient Learning of the Jews; saies, ‘that men write, that Linus brought Learning from Phaenicia into Greece: for the ancient Learning of Greece was some part of the Law touch­ing Morals, known partly by Nature, partly by Tradition from the Fathers, as also the inquisition of herbs, and remedies, the considera­tion of the Stars, and the description of the year; and in these Scien­ces he (Linus) received the chiefest part, from the Phenicians, and Egy­ptians, &c. The same he affirmeth afterward of Orpheus, Homer, Hesiod; as also of Thales, and Pythagoras. Now this being granted, it is not diffi­cult to conceive how these first Mythologists gained the chief materials [Page 98] of their Philomythie, or Symbolick Philosophie. For here it was, in E­gypt, and Phenicia, that these Grecian Philomythists got the skill of coining Wonders, and Fables in imitation of, and by Tradition from the wonders of Creation, and Providence mentioned in the sacred Scri­ptures, and vouchsafed to the Jewish Church. For the report of Gods miraculous works in creating the World, and governing of it, especi­ally his miraculous preservation of the Jewish Church, being by tra­dition, soon communicated to the Phenicians, and Egyptians, who were next neighbors to the Jews; hence the Grecians derived the principal heads, or first lines of their Philosophick Philomythie; wherein, although by successive artificial imitation, the varietie grew greater, and the re­semblance of Divine truth lesse, yet there still remained some chara­cters, and footsteps of those Divine truths, and sacred Oracles, from whence they originally were traduced; as Jackson on the Script. fol. 57.

The causes of Mythologick Philosophie. 1. Ignorance.§. 9. This Demonstration touching the Traduction of Mythologick Philosophie, both as to Forme, and Matter, from the Jewish Church, will be more evident, if we shall take a more particular view of the causes of it, which were very many, and great; as 1. Ignorance was a pregnant, and great cause of all that Mythick Philosophie, which gain­ed so much upon the Grecians, as well as on the Egyptians, and Pheni­cians. For when these dark, and purblind Heathens had received any broken Traditions touching the glorious Works, Wonders, Mysteries, and Truths of God reveled unto, and in his Church (the seat of his glorious presence) they being not able to apprehend, much lesse to comprehend the same, grew vain in their imaginations, and turned the glorie of God into a Lye, by mixing their own Fables with those fragments of Divine Revelation, which, by imperfect Tradition, were delivered over to them. Thus were their foolish hearts darkened, as Rom. 1.21.1. Ignorance of the Hebrew Idi­ome. Now this their Ignorance of these Divine Mysteries was much greatned, 1. from want of skill in the Hebrew Tongue, and Idiome; whence they gave words of ambiguous Interpretation a sense far diffe­ring from what was intended: also some words they understood in a literal, and proper sense, which, according to their genuine mind, and sense,Gen. 46.26. 2. Ignorance of the matter of their traditions. ought to be taken improperly; of which many instances might be given, as that of Gen. 46.26. whence Bacchus was feigned to be born out of Jupiters thigh, &c. 2. Another thing, which greatly fed, and nourished the Ignorance of these Mythologick Philosophers, was [Page 99] the sublimitie and greatnes of the Matters, concerning which they philosophized. So great was the confidence, or rather ignorance, of these first Grecian Sophists, as that they durst adventure to philoso­phize on the deepest Mysteries of the Jewish Religion; which being not able, in any measure, to apprehend, they turned them into meer Fa­bles. This might be largly exemplified in all parts of their Philoso­phie: as, 1. In their Theologie; whence came their mythologick con­templations of their Gods. Jao, Adonis, Saturne, Jupiter, 1. In Theologie. &c. but from Hebrew Traditions of the true God, &c? Whence the Platonick [...], Trinitie, but from some imperfect Scripture Traditions? whence Pla­to's [...], but from that essential name of God Exod 3.14? as Austin long since observed: whence his [...], and [...], but from the Scripture Relation of Christ, if not Gen. 1.1. yet Prov. 8. where he is called Wisdom? hence also that Poetick Fiction of Minerva the Goddesse of Wisdom being produced out of Jupiters head: whence also Plato's Fable of the [...], or [...], but from Gen. 1.2. The Spirit of God moving on the Waters? whence also the original of their De­mons, and Demon worship, but from some broken Traditions touching the Jewish Messias, his Nature, and Offices? as elsewhere. 2.2. In Natural Philosophie. And as those fabulous Grecians were ignorant of the sublimer matters of the Jewish Religion, so also did they discover much Ignorance in Natural things; concerning which they had received some traditions. As Plato, having had some broken relation of Eve her being taken out of Adam's side, coined from hence, his [...]. Lastly whence all those Poetick and Fabulous Narrations of the first Chaos, the Golden Age, &c. but from corrupt traditions from Gen. 1, &c? 3.3. Ignorance of the Jewish form, or mode of Do­ctrine. Ano­ther spermatick principle, which bred, or Root, that nourished this Gre­cian Ignorance, and consequently their Mythologick Philosophie, was the peculiar mode, and hidden forme, under wdich the Jewish Mysteries were couched. For God condescending to the Childish capacity of that Infant Church, clothed the sublime Mysteries of Salvation with terrene habits, sensible formes, and Typick shadows, or shapes, which the carnal Jews themselves could not understand; much lesse could those blind Heathens, who received only some broken traditions of them, penetrate into their Spiritual sense, and marrow; whence they turn­ed all into Fables. All Types, Symbols, and Parables, though never so lively Images of things Spiritual, to those, who have Senses spiritually exercised in Converse with them, are yet but Riddles, and dark say­ings [Page 100] to such, as have not a capacitie to dive into their Spiritual import: whence Christ is said Mat. 13.13.Mat. 13.13. 4. Ignorance from the imper­fection of Jewish traditions. to speak in Parables to the obsti­nate Jews, that so they might not understand. 4. The last thing I shall name, as that, which added to their Ignorance, and thence en­creased their Philosophick Philomythie, was the imperfection of those traditions which originally descended from the Jewish Church. For as Rivers the farther they are from the Fountain, the lesse they have of its original puritie, and favor; or as it is fabled of Argos's ship, that through long absence it passed under so many emendations, and alterations, as that at last there was no piece left of the old bulk: The like usage did these Jewish traditions find amongst those fabulous Grecians. For they passing from one Age to another, through the various Imaginations, Inclinations, Humors, and Interests of men, re­ceived such strange alterations, and disfigurations, as that it was at last difficult to find any certain piece, or footsteps of the original Tradi­tion. This is well observed by Learned Selden de Jure Nat. Hebrae. lib. 1. c. 2. fol 26. ‘Neither, saies he, is it a wonder, that we find not in the writings of the Greek Philosophers more expresse footsteps of the Jewish Doctrine, yea that there is scarce any thing occurring in them, which retaines the pure nature of the Hebrew originall: for the Sects of Barbarick Philosophers were so mixed in the Greek Sciences, as also the Greek Philosophie it self torn into so many pieces, and fractions, as that it was wholly disguised, &c.

2. Admiration the cause of all Mythologick Philosophie.§. 10. A second cause (or prolifick root) of Mythologick Philosophie was Admiration, and this indeed follows naturally upon the former: for what is admiration, but the Souls contemplation of some novel, and rare matter, proposed to it, with desire to know the cause? or as o­thers describe it, the state and disposition of the Soul towards things, that are new, and rare, and strange, of which we can give no reason: for wise men wonder not, because they see a reason, and have a comprehension of things. I hence Plutarch in his book [...], saies of Pythagoras, ‘that he affirmed of himself, that he gained this by Philosophie, not to admire any thing: for Philosophie takes away wonderment, and ad­miration, which flows from Ignorance.’ So Aristotle Eth. l. 1. c. 3. [...]· He, that is conscious of his own ignorance, admires what seemes above him. Now this being the genuine notion, and Idea of Admiration, to con­template overmuch things above our capacities, especially if they are [Page 101] strange and rare; hence we may easily gather, how soon those Grecian Mythologick Philosophers fell in love with the contemplation of those wonderful Experiments, and Issues of Divine Creation, and Providence, which were handed over to them by some broken Traditions. We have already shewed, how Egypt, and Phaenicia with other parts bor­dering on the Jewish Territories, had received many imperfect frag­ments, or broken Traditions touching God his Names, Attributes, and Works both of Creation, and Providence; especially of the wonders he wrought for his Church in Egypt, at the Red Sea, in the Wildernes, and after they came to Ganaan: also that they had some, though ve­ry obscure, notices of the Messias, and his work of Redemption, &c. Now the Grecians travelling into those Oriental parts, to acquaint themselves with these hidden Mysteries, and Wonders, at first fell into a great Admiration of them, and anon set themselves to philosophize upon them in a mythologick mode, according to the fashion of th [...]se first Ages, Oriental parts. And this kind of Admiration was a genuine, yea the main, cause of all Philosophie, both Mythologick, and Simple, as is confessed by the chiefest Philosophers, Plato, and Aristotle; so Plato in his Thaeetetus informes us; ‘that this is the great Affection of a Philo­sopher to wonder, neither had Philosophie any other origine but this:’ the like Aristotle in his lib. 11. Metaphys. cap. 2. [...], &c. by reason of admiration men both now, and in times past began to philosophize. Aristotles ac­count how ad­miration was tbe cause of all Philosophie, espe­cially Mytholo­gick. But Aristotle, in the Pro [...]me to his Metaphysicks, gives us a full and excellent account of the mode, or manner how all Philosophie, especial­ly Mythologick, sprang from Admiration; which because it is so much to our purpose, I shall first give it at large: [...]. Both now, and in old times men began to philosophize from admiration; at first indeed admi­ring the more easie wonders, thence proceeding by little and little, they began to doubt of greater matters, as concerning the Origine of the Uni­verse, &c. wherefore also a Philomyther (or Mythologist) is in some sense a Philosopher, for [ [...]] a fable is composed of things wonderful, wherein we have an admirable account: 1. How all Philosophie sprang from admiration, first of the lesser works, and wonders of Providence [perhaps he means the wonders which God wrought in Egypt, the Wildernes, Canaan, and Babylon, which were of latter date, [Page 102] and so yet fresh in their memories]. 2. Then saies he, they proceeded by little & little to doubt of greater Matters, a [...] of the original of the Ʋ ­niverse, &c. Namely of the Creation of the World out of no preexi­stent Matter; of the first Chaos; of mans first Production, and state in Innocence; of the Fall; of Noahs Floud, which they call Deucalions, &c. All which particulars are largely philosophized upon by Plato, in his Timaeus, of the Origine of the Ʋniverse. 3. Aristotle concludes, that every Philomythist, or Lover of Fables, is in some sense a Philosopher; for a fable is made of wonders. That is, as Jackson on the Scriptures (fol. 34.47. and elsewhere) well observes, All the principal heads of My­thologick Philosophie, entertained by the elder Poets, and Philosophers, came not into their fancies by meer accident, but from the impulsion of real events, and wonders of God, which being delivered to them by tradition (originally from the Jews) stirred up Admiration in them. For the traditions of God's miracles being far spread, when Greece be­gan to philosophize, they could not but admire the Wisdom, Power, and Majesty of God, that shone so greatly therein, which yet being no way able, for want of Divine Revelation, to apprehend, they turn­ed all into Fables, and vain Philosophie.

3. Imitation a cause of Mytho­logick Philoso­phie.§. 11. A third Mother root, or cause of Mythologick Philosophie was Imitation; which indeed was the great sovereign principle that ruled and governed those Infant Ages, but its influence appeared in nothing more powerful, and particular, than in the Philomythie, and Symbolick Philosophie of the first Poets and Philosophers; who having had some broken Relations of the great Works of God in Creating ▪ and Governing the World, were not only taken up in the contemplation, and admiration of them; but also grew ambitious of coining the like; which by an artificial kind of Imitation they were dexterous in, as Strabo observes, and Jackson on the Scriptures fol. 49. From this vici­nitie of true wonders in Jury, or thereabouts, were the Medes, Persians, and Syrians so much addicted to fabulous narrations, and coining of Wonders. And Greece, as it received artificial Learning first from A­sia, so did it drink in this humor with it. For the traditions of Gods Mi­racles in Jury, and the Regions about it, having been far spread when Greece began first to tattle in artificial Learning, the Grecians, as Chil­dren in true Antiquitie (as the Egyptian Priest told Solon) were apt to counterfeit the forme of ancient truthes, and misapply it to unseemly mat­ters, or purposes, as Children will be doing in homlier stuff, which they [Page 103] see their Elders do better in. Finally the same humor, which yet reigns amongst men, might possesse most of them: There is no famous event which falls out though it be but a notable jest) but in a short time is ascribed to a great many more, than have affinitie with it. In like manner did the re­ports of sundry events, which either fell out only in Jury, or upon occasion of Gods people, fly about the world, some with cut, and mangled, but most usually with enlarged artificial wings; as if the same had been acted every where, or the like invented on every occasion. And fol. 57. he con­cludes, that the principal, or first heads of the Grecian invention were de­rived, for most part, from the Hebrews; although, by successive artificial imitation, their variety grew greater, and their resemblance of Divine truth lesse. Thus Dr Jackson. And that the main, if not the whole, of Mythologick, and Symbolick Philosophie was but a [...], or re­flexe Image of Jewish Mysteries, and Discipline, traduced by Artifi­cial Imitation, has been sufficiently proved by what was mentioned touching the matter, and forme of Mythologick Philosophie: Namely, as to its forme: Whence sprang the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks; the Phenician, and Grecian [...], or Fables; Pythagoras's Symbols; and Plato's Allegories; but from the Jewish Types, Allegories, Enigmes, and Parables? and both the one, and the other founded upon that great Oriental Maxime, [...]. Then if we con­sider the matter of Symbolick Philosophie, it seems plainly to be taken up by traducti [...]n from, and in imitation of, some Divine work, or truth. Whence can we imagine that Pythagoras should receive his Insti­tutes, and Ceremonies of Purifications, Washings, White Vestments, Sacri­fices, with his [...] or School ▪ wherein were [...] perfect, as well as novices; but from the Jewish Ceremonies and Scholes, which he affected, to the utmost of his skill, to imitate? whence he was stiled [...] the Jewish Imitator, or Ape. And as for Plato, Johan. Grammaticus de Creat. Mundi l. 1. c 2. tels us plainly,Plato's great skill in imitation both as to the practice, and Theory thereof. that he imitated Moses in his exposition of the World's Origine, as in many other things. And indeed none of the ancient Philosophers was better skil­led in this kind of artificial Imitation than Plato; who had a luxuri­ant, pregnant Fancy (which is the proper seat of Imitation) and a great dexterity, backed with much affection, yea ambition, to imitate the Easterne, particularly the Jewish, Wisdom. Neither was he only versed in the Practick part of this Art, but also in the Theory. For we find in his Works (and no where else, that I know of) excellent discourses [Page 104] professedly treating of Imitation, 1. its subject, which he makes to be the Phantasie, that [...], or [...]. Touching the power of the imagination in order to imitation, see Les Conferences par les Beaux esprits Tom. 1. Confer. 5. de la ressemblance: 2. its object, which he cals [...], and [...] i. e. se [...]sible Formes, or Images, re­presenting some thing Moral, or Spiritual: 3. its effect, which he makes to be a shadowy dark truth. For, saies Plato Reipub. lib. 6. [...], &c. an Imitator is but a Coiner of Idols, or Images: and these Images, he cals [...], Shadows of Truth; whence he addes, that imitation [ [...]] is but [...], an imperfect represen­tation of Truth; wherefore he adviseth those, who would studie with advantage the Symbolick Philosophie (which he, and others before him had taught) not to fasten on the Fables, Allegories, or Symbolick Ima­ges, wherewith Truth was clothed, but rather to attend unto the Truth it self couched under these Images, Shadows, or imperfect noti­ces: 4. whence he laies down the great Benefits of Imitation in Na­tural, and Moral Philosophie, for the colouring, and shadowing forth of Truth; as also in Oeconomicks, and Politicks: Examples and Patternes being the most powerful, because visible precepts: lastly he shews the sad abuse of it, by the fabulous Poets, in their feigned St [...]rie [...], or Romances, and blasphemous Figments of their Gods; which gives us a clear Demonstration, what a mighty influence Imitation had upon the Grecanick Philosophie; Symbolick, and what followed: of which see more Plato Reipub. lib. 6. also lib. 10. and Serranus thereon.

4. Curiosity and affectation of Novelty.§. 12. 4. Another Seminal Principle, which had an influential Causality on this Mythologick, Symbolick Philosophie, was the Itch of Curiosity, or an eager inquisitive humor innate in those first Grecian Philosophers, which made them restles in their Inquisitions after some Knowledge, touching the first Principles of things, and the Supream Ʋniversal First Cause. This indeed was one first moving impulsive Cause of all Philosophie, whence it received its name [...], and so it's defined by Plato, [...], &c. an Appetition of Wisdom. For the Oriental parts, Phenicia, and Egypt (which bordered on Judea) ha­ving first had some tasts of the Knowledge of God, the first Cause, his Names, Perfections, and Works, both of Creation, and Providence, by some imperfect Traditions from the Jews; this awakened the inquisi­tive Grecians (who alwaies labored under an itch of curiosity, even unto Pauls time,Act. 17.21. Some new thing. as it appears Acts 17.21.) to make farther Search in­to [Page 105] these dark Mysteries concerning which they had received some ve­ry broken, and imperfect notices. This inquisitive curious humor put Thales, Pythagoras, Solon, and Plato, with the Poets before them, upon their travels into the Oriental parts, to get more exact informa­tion touching the first principles of Wisdom.

§. 13. 5. Another Master vein,5. Pride and self advance­ment. which fed the Grecian Mytholo­gick Philosophie, was Pride, in appropriating that to themselves which was done by, or belonged unto, others; thus did they appropriate the chief of God's names to their own Gods, Jupiter, Jao, Adonis, &c. so in like manner Noahs Floud was attributed to Deucalion, with multi­tudes of the like Instances; and to make these their assumings authen­tick, they disguised the traditions, they received in the Oriental parts, with many Fables, and Symbols, thereby to make them passe for their own.

6.6. Inclination to Idolatrie. Another fountain of their Philomythick Philosophie was the natu­ral propension, and inclination of their hearts to Idolatrie. Hence sprang the Grecian Polytheism, Hellenism, and much of their vain Philosophie, for their imaginations being vain, and their foolish hearts darkned by Idolatrous opinions, and persuasions; hence they convert all those im­perfect Traditions, they had received, touching the true God,Rom. 1. and his Works, into fabulous narrations, which they appropiate unto their false Gods, &c.

7.7. Carnal policie to avoid the peoples envy and hatred. We might also mention the Carnal Policy of the first Greek Phi­losophers, as another spring of their Mythologie. For seeing the peo­ple too much resolved to maintain these fabulous Gods, the Poets had commended to them, they conceived it their wisest course, to darken those traditions, they had received touching the true God, his Ʋnity, Nature, and Works, by Fables, Symbols, and Allegories; thereby to avoid the envy, and hatred of the people. And thus much indeed Plato seems ingenuously to confesse: for, saith he, ‘to assert many Gods is without shew of reason. Only we embrace them being impelled thereto, though without shadow of reason, by the Autori­tie of our Fathers, and the severity, of Laws, &c. Plato Timaeo. A general con­clusion that all Philosophie, even Aristotles, as to us matter, was traduced from the Jewish Church. It seems he had not so much courage as his Master Socrates, who notwith­standing these Obstacles declared himself plainly enough in the case.

§. 14. By all that has been mentioned touching the Matter, Forme, and Causes of Mythologick, or Symbolick Philosophie, I conceive we have given (so far as our Matter will bear it) a sufficient demonstration [Page 106] of its traduction originally from the Jewish Church, and Scripture Re­velation: And what has been affirmed of Mythologick Philosophie, and its Causes in particular, may also be applyed to all the Grecian Phi­losophie in general; which, as it is evident, had the same Causes; name­ly Ignorance, Admiration, Imitation, Curiositie, Pride, &c. Moreover it i [...] evident that all the first Philosophers, Thales, Pherecides, Pythago­ras, Socrates, and Plato, did more or lesse exercise themselves in this Mythologick, Symbolick mode of philosophizing. Aristotle was the first, who rejected this fabulous Symbolick manner of philosophizing, and clothed Philosophie in a more native, and simple dresse, the materials of whose Philosophie were notwithstanding taken up from Plato his Ma­ster, and the more ancient Symbolick Philosophers. So that what has been said of Symbolick Philosophie will serve also to demonstrate that Aristotle's more simple Philosophie, as to the Matter of it, was deriv­ed originally from the Jewish Church.

CHAP. III. Of the Ionick Philosophie by Thales, and its Jewish Original.

Of the first distinction of Philosophers, into the Ionick, and Italick Sects. Both the Ionicks, and Italicks derived their Philosophie by Traditi­on, immediately from the Egyptians, and Phenicians; but original­ly from the Jews. Thales of Phenician extract, the first that brought Philosophie into Greece: his Philosophie traduced originally from the Jews. His Natural Philosophie plain. His great Principle, that Wa­ter is the first Matter of the Ʋniverse, derived immediately from San­choniathon his [...] and [...], which descended originally from Gen. 1.2. His other principles of Physiologie, viz. touching the Worlds pro­duction by God, by its Beautie; and the precedence of the Night before the Day from Gen. 1.5. Thales's Astronomie; his Invention of the Cynosure from the Phenicians; his Calculation of the Year from the Egyptians: his Geometrie, and Arithmetick. Thales's Divine Phi­losophie, or Natural Theologie from the Jews. His Demons thence also. His Scholars, and Successors, &c. Anaximander, Anaxime­nes, [Page 107] Anaxagoras, Empedocles, Heraclitus, Democritus, Hippo­crates.

§. 1. HAving discoursed at large of Philosophie in general,The chief heads of the Ionick & Italick Philoso­phie from Egyp­tians, Phenici­ans and Jews. especi­ally of Symbolick, and its Traduction from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures, we now proceed to the several Sects of Greek Philoso­phers, and therein to demonstrate, that the chief Heads (at least) of each Sect, traduced their philosophick notions, and contemplations from some Scriptural, or Jewish Tradition. As for the several Sects of Gre­cian Philosophers; there were at first but few, but in after times they grew very numerous. Varro in August. de Civit. Dei l. 19. c. 1. tels us, ‘that in his time, there were found in the Books of Philosophers, no lesse than 288. different opinions (which made so many different Sects) concerning the chiefest Good. For that Doctrine was, at that time, the touch-stone, whereby the different Sects of Philosophers were distin­guished.’ Themistius acquaints us, ‘that there came under his exa­men, near 300 several Sects.’ The first, and most Ancient Division of the Greek Philosophers was into the Ionick, and Italick Sects:Succedunt Ionicî illi, qui primi se­ctae nomen dede­re. Nam aliàs certum est nulli­bi antiquiores Philosophos quam in Ionia suisse. Horaius Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 12. as for the Eleaticks (which Vossius addes as a third Sect) they were but a branch of the Italicks. Now touching the chief Heads, and first Foun­ders of these two Sects, we have this good general Account in Carion's Chronicon l. 2. of the Studies of Learning in Greece. ‘The first Doctors, saies he, in Greece were the Poets. Thence other Doctors sprang up, who embraced all Arts: Arithmetick, Geometrie, Astronomie, Phy­sicks, and Medicine. Part of these Sciences the ancient Iones (as it is likely) received from their Parents, Japhet, and Javan. But yet as for Arithmetick, Geometrie, Astronomie, and Medicine, the Egypti­ans, and Phenicians were more skilled herein. By conversation with whom Thales, and Pythagoras being instructed (about the time of Craesus & Cyrus) by the exāple of their Ancestors raised up the Studie of these Sciences in Europe; and taught them familiarly in the Scholes of their Disciples. From these two then arose two Kinds of Philosophie:Of this first di­vision of the Greek Philoso­phers into the Ionick and Ita­lick Sects, see August. de civit. Dei lib. 8 cap. 2. with Lud. Vives thereon. the Ionick from Thales, which was lesse obscure, & mostly Natural The Italick from Pythagoras, which was more obscure, and full of Enigmes, &c. And that these two Founders of the Ionick, and Italick Sects re­ceived the first Principles of their Philosophie by tradition, rather than from any natural improvement, or Theories of their own, we have a good Demonstrative account in Stillingfleet Orig. Sacrae Book 3. Chap 2. [Page 108] Sect. 2. which is worth our transcribing. ‘It is a matter of some in­quirie (saith he) whether the first principles of Philosophie amongst the Greeks, were not rather some traditional things conveighed to them from others, than any certain Theories, which they had formed from their own Experiments, and Observations. The former is to me far the more probable, on many accounts, but chiefly on this; that the first principles of the two Founders of the two chief Sects of Philo­sophers, viz. the Ionick, and Italick, did come so near to that, which we have the greatest reason to believe to have been the most certain account of the Origine of the World. For this opinion of Thales, viz. that Water was the first Matter, seems to have been part of that universal Tradition which was continued in the World, concerning the first Principles. This I suppose is evident; that those Philosophers of Greece, who conversed most abroad in the world, did speak far more agreeably to the true account of things, than such, who only endeavored by their own Wits to improve, or correct those principles which were delivered by their other Philosophers. Which I impute not so much to their converse with the Mosaick Writings, as to that universal Tradition of the first Ages of the World, which was preserv­ed far better amongst the Phenicians, Egyptians, and Chaldeans, than among the Greeks. For Greece from its beginning shined with a borrowed Light, &c. Thus Stillingfleet. Wherein he fully grants, and proves, that the first principles of the Ionick, and Italick Philoso­phie were received by Tradition: only he seems to dissent from such, who derive their Tradition from Moses's Writings, or the Jewish Church; rather inclining to believe, that the Tradition was univer­sal from Noah's Sons, &c. which, if we grant, will not overthrow our Hypothesis, that the Grecian Philosophie descended by tradition from the Church (for Noah's family was the Church) of God. Yet I conceive (with submission) that (as it hath been already proved) the Egyptians, and Phenicians (if not the Chaldeans) received their traditions of the Creation, &c, not from their Ancestors, Cham, and his Posteritie; but from Moses's Writings, and the Jewish Church: and I think we shall hereafter give most probable (if not certain) conjectures, that the chief principles of Thales, and Pythagoras their Philosophie were tradu­ced from the Writings of Moses, or the Jewish Church. Yea Mr. Stil­lingfleet himself, in what follows in this same Section 3. gives us this in­genuous Concession. ‘I will not deny but that Pythagoras might have [Page 109] had converse with the Jews, who it is most probable was in Chaldea after the Captivity, &c.

§. 2.Of Thales his extract from Phaenicia. Multi tamea Thalem non Mi­lesium, sed I hoe­nicem fuisse pu­tant, t [...]s [...]e Euseb. lib. 10. P [...]aep. cap. 2. Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 3. c. 12. But to begin with Thales the Head of the Ionick Philosophie who was born at Miletus, the chief City of Ionia in the 31 Olymp. as Laertius informes us out of Apollodorus: yet others make him to be not a Milesian, but Phenician by birth. Pliny l. 2. saies, that he lived in the time of Alyattis; and Cicero lib. 1. de Divin. tels us, that he lived under Astyages: both of which Relations agree; in as much as these two Kings waged war, each against other: as V [...]ssius de Philosoph. Sectis l. 2. c. 5. Hyginus, in his Poetico Astronomico, treating of the lesser Bear, speaks thus: Thales, who made diligent search into these things, and first called this [lesser Bear.] Arctos, was by nation a Phenician, as Herodotus saies.’ Which well agrees with these words of Herodotus Halicarnassensis [...]· This was the opinion of Thales the Mil [...]sia [...], by his Ancestors a Phenician: i. e. he was born at Miletus, but his Ancestors were Phenicians. So Vossius de Hist. Graec. l. 3. That Thales was of a Phenician extract, is also affirmed by Diogenes Laertius, and Suidas. So in like manner Vossius de Philosoph. Sect. lib. 2. cap. 1 §. 28. Thales al­so, saies he, who founded the Ionick Philosophie, drew his original from the Phenicians: Whether he travelled from Phenicia to Mile­tus, with his Father N [...]leus, and there was made a Citizen, as accor­ding to Laertius, some would have it; or that he were born at Mile­tus, but of Phenician Parentage, as others rather incline.’ By which it is evident, that he was of a Phenician Extract;Thales quo (que) sa­pien [...]iae amore sa [...]cius, in ori­entem abiit, ibi (que) Aegyptiis sacer­dotibus familia­riter adhaesit. Laert. lib. 1. whence he had no small advantages fully to informe himself in the Phenician, and Jewish Philosophie. Some say that Thales travelled into Phanicia, and brought thence his Knowledge of Astronomie, particularly his observations of the Cynosura, or the lesser Bear, as Plinie lib. 5. c. 17. That Thales tra­velled into Asia, and Egypt, to informe himself in the Oriental Wisdom, he himself affirmes in his Epistle to Pherecydes.

§. 3.Thales his Wis­dom and Philo­sophie. That the Grecian Philosophie owes its original to Thales is ge­nerally confessed. For he, travelling into the Oriental parts, first brought into Greece Natural Philosophie, and the Mathematicks, Geo­metrie, Arithmetick, Astronomie, and Astrologie. Whereupon he had that swelling Title of [...] i. e. wise man, conferred on him.The seven wise men, and their Philosophie. About which time the same title was bestowed on six others, for their more than ordinary Skill in Moral Philosophie, and Politicks, viz. on Chilo [Page 110] Chilo the Lacedaemonian, Pittacus the Mitylenian, Bias the Prienean [...] Cleobulus the Lindian, Periander the Corinthian, & Solon the Athenian; who with Thales made up the seven wise men of Greece, of whom see Diogenes Laertius. The Wisdom of these [...], was for the most part Moral, tending to the Government of Human Conversation, which they wrapped up in certain short Aphorismes, or Sentences, as it ap­pears out of Quintil. l. 5. c. 11. ‘The Precepts of those seven men, may we not esteem them as certain Rules of Life? For the Art of Disputing obteined not as yet: but couching their Placits, under a few round words, they commended them as so many Religious My­steries. Which at first began to be called [...], because they con­teined the Sentences of Wise Men touching the Precepts of Life, and Manners. The like Euseb. 10. praepar. cap. 2. These Sentences, that they might have the greater Autoritie, and seem to be derived from God, rather than from men, were ascribed to no certain Author. Whence that famous Sentence [...], was attributed by some to Chilo, Lud. Vives, in Aug. Civ. Dei l. 8. c. 2. saies, that Thales was the first in Greece, that began to philosophize of things natural, being born O­lympiade 35. as Laertius. by others to Thales. Concerning Thales, Apuleius 18. Flor. gives this honorable Character. Thales the Milesian, of those seven wise men mentioned, will easily be granted to have the preeminence. For he was the first Inventor of Geometrie amongst the Greeks, and the most certain finder out of the nature of things, and the most skilful Contemplator of the Stars; by small lines he found out the greatest things, the Circumferences of Times, the Flatus, or blowings of winds, the Meatus or small passages of the Stars, the miraculous Sounds of Thunders, the oblique Courses of the Stars, the Annual Re­turnes, or Solstices of the Sun, the Increases of the New Moon, as the Decreases of the Old, and the Obstacles which cause the Eclipse. He truely, in his old Age, found a Divine account of the Sun; how often (i. e. by how many degrees) the Sun, by its magnitude, did measure the Circle it passed thorough: thus Apulcius: see more in August. de Civ. Dei l. 8. c. 2 and Lud. Vives.

Thales's Natu­ral Philosophie from the Pheni­cians immediate­ly, but originally from the Scri­pture relation of the Creation.§. 4. Now to come to the particulars of Thales's Philosophie, there­by to demonstrate, that the main therof was traduced immediately from the Phenicians, and Egyptians, but originally from the Jewish Church. The chief of Thales's Philosophie was Natural (which the Greeks called Physick) and that not obscure (as Aristotles) but plain, and familar. Hence Thales's Followers in the Ionick Schole were in a peculiar manner stiled [...] Naturalists, because quitting the mode [Page 111] of philosophizing in use among the other Wise Men, which was chiefly Ethick; as also that in the Italick Sch [...]le which was Theologick, they whol­ly busied themselves in the Contemplation of things sensible & natural. In brief; Thales his Natural Philosophie was indeed no other than a Natural Historie of the Origine of the Ʋniverse, or (as Divines phrase it) of the Creation of the World, which, as we have sufficient reason to judge, he received from the Phenician Sophists, Sanchoniathon, and Mo­chus, their Physiologie, which originally was derived from Moses's Wri­tings, and the Jewish Church. And to make the Demonstration hereof firme, we must consider that in Thales's time, when Philosophie began to take place in Greece, the main [...], or first great principle of Natural Philosophie, then in question, was touching the first matter of the Ʋniverse. For that the World had a beginning; and that this be­ginning was from God, all the Philosophers, till Aristotle, generally as­serted. So that this being a [...], or a thing taken for granted;Thales's great prinicple, that Water was the first matter of all things, immedi­ately from San­choniathon's Phi­losophie, but ori­ginally from, Gen. 1.2. the great Inquirie was, about the first matter, out of which the World was formed. Concerning which Thales delivers his Judgement, that Water was the first Matter of all things. So Tullie de nat. Deorum lib. 1. c. 25. saies ‘that Thales affirmed Water to be the Beginning of things, and that God out of Water framed all things. So Diogenes Laertius of Tha­les. Thus Steuch. Eugub. de peren. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. Thence Thales the Milesian, according to the Theologie of Orpheus, and the Egyptians, pro­nounced, that Water was the principle of all things. And according to the affirmation of Homer, this opinion was delivered by other Grecians before Thales. Pherecydes also held the same opinion, that Water was the first Matter of the World, which, as 'tis most p [...]bable, was traduced immediately from Sanchoniathon's Physiologie; for in the beginning of his Natural Historie (cited by Eusebius praepar. Evang. l. 10) he saies there was in the beginning of things a spirit of dark Air, which he cals [...] an evening chaos, or darknes. And that Thales's [...], Water, Thales's [...] the same with Sanchoniathon's [...]. was the same with Sanchoniathon's Chaos, we have the Testimonie of Plutarch, who produceth the Authoritie of Hesiod touching his Chaos; & addeth, that the greater part of ancient Philosophers called water chaos, from diffusion (a [...] sundo) which will farther appear, if we compare it with what follows in Sanchoniathon: [...] & [...] i. e. slime, or a mixture of mud and water, the same with Tha­les's water, ‘From the conversion of the Spi­rit with the chaos, there resulted [...], which they call [...].’ This [...], (according to the Phenicians [...]) signifies matter, which he in­terprets by [...] mud, or slime, or watery mistion, which indeed was but [Page 112] the effect, or grosser part of that Water, which Thales makes to be the material principle of all natural bodies. So Orpheus, speaking of the first matter of the Ʋniverse saies, [...] out of water slime was made. Which is a full explication of what Thales understood by his [...], water; and the same with Sanchoniathon's [...], or [...], i e. slime, or mixture of mud, and water. And we have a good explication of the whole by the Scholiast, on these words of Apollonius: [...] The Earth of slime was made; where the Scholi­ast affirmes that ‘the Chaos, whereof all things were made, was Wa­ter, which setling became Slime, and the Slime condensed into solid Earth.’ Thus we see how that Thales's Water, which he makes the first material principle of all things, was indeed the same with, or im­mediately derived from, Sanchoniathon's [...], and [...] i. e. slime, or mixture of water and mud together, from which the [...] of Plato, and Pythagoras, seems little to differ. Now that Sanch [...]niathon, and Thales, who followed him, traduced these their sentiments of the first matter out of Moses's Historie Gen. 1.2.That Sanchoniathon and Thales received these their principles not by universal Tradition but o­riginally from Gen. 1.2. we have already demon­strated (Book 1. Ch. 3. §. 13, 14, 15.) out of Learned Bochart, and others. But because Learned Stillingfleet (as before §. 1.) inclines rather to believe, that these first Philosophers received these their princi­ples by universal Tradition from the first Ages, and not from the Jews, or Mosaik Writings. I shall adde farther. 1. The Confession of Sancho­niathon, who said, that he received the materials of his Hist [...]rie, from Jerombalus the Priest of the God Jao: who certainly was some Jewish Priest (as before Book 1. Ch. 3. §. 8.) 2. Sanchoniathon makes men­tion of Sydic, &c. which, without doubt, he received from the Jews. 3. Numenius an ancient Philosopher cites for this opinion of Thales, that water was the first matter, the very words of Moses Gen. 1.2. The Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters; as Porphyrie de Antro Nymph. Of which see Stanley on Thales. 4. That Thales received these Traditions of the Creation from Moses's Writings is affirmed, and demonstrated by Steuchus Eugubinus. de peren. Philosoph. l. 7. c. 12. where he shews how Thales subcribed to Moses, in his notions of the Worlds Creation, as in what follows, §. 5. 5. Yea Stillingfleet him­self, in the following Section (Orig. Sacr. Book 3. Chap. 2. Sect. 3.) has these very words: ‘And thus we see, these 2 renowned Founders of the Ionick, and Italick Societies, both giving their concurring testi­monie with Moses, as to the true Origine of the World, and not at [Page 113] all differing from each other. Thales meant by his Water, the same with that [...], or mixture of mud, and water, which Orpheus, &c. speak of, as the principle of the Universe. And the Successors of Thales, Anaximander, and Anaxagoras expresse themselves to that purpose, which is the same with the Phenician [...], which some call [...], some mud, or slime, which they say was [...]. Thus we see, how Thales with the Phenicians, from whom he was derived (as Laertius tels us) and Pythagoras with the Egypti­ans, and others concur with Moses, not only in the Production of the World, but in the manner of it, wherein is expressed a fluid mat­ter, which was the material principle, as Gen. 1.2. upon the face of the waters: that is, all at first was but fluid matter, &c. Thus Stilling­fleet, which, I conceive, fully proves our Assertion; and overthrows his foregoing Hypothesis. That Thales, &c. received not these traditions from Moses's Writings, or the Jewish Church originally. 6. Vossius de Philos. Sect. l. 2. c. 5. §. 3. seems to refer this principle of Thales, that water was the original of all things, to the words of Moses Gen. 1.2. upon the face of the waters, ‘which, saies he, perhaps he learned from the E­gyptians, and they from the Jews: even so plainly asserting our con­clusion: Yet I should think it most probable, that Thales had it from the Phenicians, and they from the Jews. 7. Lastly, Mariana in his Annotations on Gen. 1.1. assures us; ‘that from this place the Ancient Poets derived their chaos, and other like things.

§ 5.Other principles of Phisiologie as­serted by Thales. Thales held also many other philosophick opinions touching the Worlds Origine, and perfection, which seem to be but traditions o­riginally taken from Moses's Historie. 1. He held there was but one world, and that made by God the spirit, out of the foresaid Water.The origine of the world by Gods spirit Gen. 1.2. So Montaigne Essay l. 2. c. 12. Thales, qui le premier s'enquesta de telle Matiere estima Dieu un esprit, qui sit d' [...]au toutes choses. This great Fundamental Principle, that the world was made by God, was generally received, and asserted by all the Philosophers before Aristotle, who was the first that opposed it, because seemingly contradictory to his Phae­nomena, or purblind principles, as we are told by Plutarch de philos­placit. 2.1. and Johan. Gram. de Creat. Mundi. 2.The beauty and perfection of all things. Gen. 1.13. Thales held (as Diogen. Laert.) [...] That the world being God's workmanship, was exceeding beautiful, or good, and perfect; as Gen. 1.31. This beauty or perfection of the world, he made to consist in the admi­rable disposition, and harmony, or order of every part, wherein he [Page 114] was followed by Pythagoras, who for this reason called the world [...]; and Plato, who saies, that God [...], &c. beautified, and orderly disposed every part of this Universe, with great symetry, and proportion answerable to his own eternal Idea, or forme, as in his Timaeus, of which hereafter. That Thales received this contemplation from Moses, is affirmed by Steuch. Eugub. De Pe­ren. Philosophia l. 7. c. 2. ‘To which it is to be refer'd, that according to Laertius the same Thales pronounceth: [...], The world is most beautiful because the workmanship of God. Doest not thou think that he subscribeth to the Mosaick Theologie? Moses saies, In the beginning God created. Graec. [...], made: which Tha­les expresseth by the substantive [...], designing thereby the same which Moses does by [...].’ 3. Thence Thales asserted the world was Animate, or a Living Creature: which also Plato held, calling the World [...] from Moses's words Gen. 1.2. supposing this world to be animate, or vivified by the Spirit, or Providence of God called [...]. 4. Thales said, the night was elder than the day, according to the Scripture Phrasiologie Gen. 1.5.Gen. 1.5. Thus Steuch. Eugubinus, de peren. Phil. l. 7. c. 12. Thales being asked, [...], what first existed night or day? The night, saith he, was before any one day. Thou maiest not judge that he conceived any thing else hereby, than what Moses before delivered, and what the Latin Poet heard, from the same Grecians: but Thales, who, according to Laertius, went to the Egyptian Priests, to be instructed by them, had this passage from them.’ This circumstance of the Creation was held also by Orpheus, and Hesiod, who (as Stanley affirmes on Thales) had it from the Phenicians: I suppose from Sanchoniathon's [...], which in all likelyhood was traduced from the Hebrew [...] Gen. 1.5. as Bochart Can. l. 2 c. 2.

Thales's Mathe­ticks. 1. Astronomie.§. 6. Thales was in like manner well instructed in the Mathema­ticks, especially in Astronomie, which he is supposed to have gained, partly from the Phenicians, and partly from the Egyptians: From the Phenicians he received, as 'tis said, the Invention of the Cynos [...]ra, or the Constellation of the lesser Bear, which he first brought into Greece. For that the Phenicians were the first Inventors, or observers of this Con­stellation, Vossius endeavors to make good, from the word Cynosura, which he makes to be Phenician from [...] a collection of light, that they were the first, that found out the use of this Constellation, to saile [Page 115] by (which has been ever since of great advantage to Mariners in their Navigations) I think, is generally granted. Yet it cannot be denyed, but that Thales received much emprovement, in his Astronomical Con­templations, from the Egyptians. For he himself in his Epistle to Phe­recydes confesseth, that he travelled into Egypt to confer with the Astro­nomers. This Journey of his into Egypt is supposed to be the last he made; where having studied Philosophie, he returned to Miletus. That Thales was the first that brought Astronomie into Greece, we have the affirmation of Eudemus to confirme us. Laertius tels us,Laertius l. 1. that Tha­les was the first amongst the Grecians, who found out the calculation, or distinction of the year into its seasons, calling the last day of every moneth [...], the 30th day, which we have good ground to persuade our selves, he learned in Egypt; for there it was first in use, according to Herodotus lib. 2. The Egyptians, saies he, were the first, that found out the year, distinguishing it into 12 moneths, this they gathered from the Stars. But I think we have more probable conjectures, that the Egyptians received their distinction of the seasons of the Year, from the Jewish Church their Institutes, touching the Calculation of the Year, which I conceive were more ancient, than those of the Egyptians. Thales's Geo­metrie from E­gypt, and his A­rithmetick from Phenicia. Thales also brought out of Egypt the Science of Geometrie, which took its beginning there, from the constant occasions the yearly overflowing of Nile gave them of renewing the bounds of their Fields: Proclus on Euclia. 2.4. As in like manner he brought his skill in Arithmetick out of Phoenicia, which was found out there, in order to their Traffick.

§. 7. Thales also was the first of the Grecians, who made any Phi­losophick Inquiries into the Nature, and Perfection of God. Thales the first of the Grecians, that philosophi­zed of God, his nature, &c. 'Tis true Orpheus, Homer, Linus, and Hesiod had gotten from Egypt, and Phae­nicia, some cloudy, and very obscure traditions of God, which they made much more dark, by the many fabulous, and unworthy narra­tions, they mixed with them. But Thales delivered those traditions, he had received in the Oriental parts, touching God, in a more Phi­losophick, naked, and simple mode. For as Diogenes Laertius informes us, he held [...]· That God was the most ancient of beings, because without generation. 2. That the World was [...]. The Work of God. 3. He asserted that God by his immu­table Decree, and Providence governes the World (as Stobaeus) whence his opinion that the World was animated, i. e. by the Spirit, or Provi­dence [...] [Page 114] [...] [Page 115] [Page 116] of God acting therein; as Gen. 1.2. The Spirit, &c. 4. Tha­les also (as Pythagoras, and Plato after him) held the Doctrine of Dae­mons (mentioned Psal. 106.24. 1 Tim. 4.1.) which he asserted to be Spiritual Natures, or Substances, and a kind of midling made Gods, betwixt the immortal Gods, and mortal men: which traditions, some conceive, he had from Egypt: for that the Egyptians held these Dae­mons in the same manner, Iamblichus de myster. Aegypt. acquaints us. So Mr. Bochart, in a Sermon at Caen, affirmed, that Joseph was reputed the first of these Egyptian Daemons. But I should rather think, that Thales had his Traditions of these Daemons, from Phaenicia, where they mostly abounded, under the common name of Baalim, from [...] Belus one of the first Phaenician Kings, whence Jesabel, &c. and that the Phaenicians had their Baalim from some broken tradition, and in imitation, of the Jewish Messias his Mediatorship, &c. as elsewhere. That Thales the first of all the Grecian Philosophers, was of all the first, that treated Philosophically of God, and heavenly things, we are assu­red by Tully; and so Minucius in Octavio saies, that Thales the Mile­sian was the first of all, that disputed of heavenly things. Which Philo­sophick Traditions, we need no way doubt, came (though immedi­ately from the Egyptians, and Phenicians, yet) originally from the Jew­ish Church.

Iamblichus de Vita Pythag. c. 12.§. 8 Amongst the Disciples of Thales, we may reckon firstly Py­thagoras, the Institutor of the Italick Sect, who, being but 18 years old, addressed himself to Thales, at Miletus, from whom he receiv­ed the first Rudiments of his Philosophie, especially his Mathematicks; with instructions to addresse himself to Egypt, Of the Scholars & Successors of Thales, see more August. de civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 2. with Lud. Vives thereon. for farther progresse therein. But he that suceeded Thales in his Schole, was Anaximan­der the Milesian, who in some things differed from his Master. For he held an Infinity of first principles, yea of worlds, and Gods born, &c. as Laertius in his Life, Plutarch de philos. placitis, Eusebius, &c. The Successor to Anaximander was Anaximenes the Milesian, who dy­ed the same year that Croesus was taken captive by Cyrus, as Laer­tius. Anaxagoras the Clazomenian succeeded Anaximenes, whom Justin Martyr cals the Atheist, following herein the Judgment of his adversaries, Cleon, &c. who thought him so, because he denyed the multiplicitie of their Gods. This Anaxagoras translated the Schole from Asia to Athens;Vossius de Sect. Philos. l. 2. c. 5. Sect. 6. where he taught Socrates, Euripides, and Pe­ricles: his Successor was Archelaus the Athenian: as Vossius.

[Page 117]§. 9 Among those of the Ionick Sect, Chrysyppus, Empedocles, Danaeus ad en­chirid. Laurent Hora. Hist. phil. l. 3. c. 12. Empedocles. Heraclitus, Democritus, Protagoras, Polemon, Epaminondas, Hip­pocrates, are by some reckoned. Empedocles was a person of a sharp Ingenie, but mighty greedy of fame; for he affected not only Adora­tion while living, but after death also: wherefore, that he might be thought to have his abode among the Gods, he cast himself into the furnace of Etna. Heraclitus was of a great A [...]umen,Heraclitus. but cloudy;Heraclitus sen­tentiarum sua [...] nuhilus. Apul. de Mundo. whence he is stiled [...]: He seems to have borrowed many things from the Jews, as elsewhere. Democritus glorieth in this, that he learned many things from the Barbarians, (by whom,Babylonem, etiam & Persas, & E­gyptum, ut disce­ret, pet [...]it Demo­critus. Hor. Hist. phil. l. 3. c. 12. as we have of­ten hinted, we are principally, if not only, to understand the Jews) as Euseb. praep. l. 10 c. 2. Out of Democritus's Schole proceeded Pro­tagoras, who turned ad [...], as also to make Sale of Philosophie for money, which was of ill fame among the Ancients. Epaminondas, Epaminondas. the Th [...]ban, is by Austin lib. 7. de civ. Dei, called the chief Philosopher, and Emperor. But none gained a greater name a­mong the Ionicks after Thales, than Hippocrates;Hippocrates. a person of a stupendous Acumen,Note: Hippocrates non tantum omnia prisco­rum Philosophorum ad unguem tenuit, sed & om [...]ium judicem egit, primus hic ipsis Aegyptiis palmam praeripuit: qui medicinam cum philosophia ita jun­xit, ut dubium sit, maiorne Philo­sophus, an Medicus suit. Certe cius placitis summa semper autoritas, & quasi sacra fuit. Hornius Histor. phi­loso, h. lib. 3. cap. 12. and eruditi­on. He it was, that first made that happy con­junction 'twixt Philosophie, and Medicine. The manner how he attained unto his Medicinal Sci­ence, they make to be this. There was in the Iland of Cous, where he lived, the Temple of Aesculapius, wherein were laid up the Cures of Diseases engraven on tables; as also rare Mo­numents of Wisdom collected by former Ages: all these Hippocrates transcribed, examined, and perfected, so that the praise not only of the Restitution, but also of the Invention of Medicine is given to him. Although these all are by some reckoned Ionicks, yet some of them may be reduced to more particular Sects: as hereafter.

CHAP. IV. Pherecydes his Philosophie traduced from the Jews.

Pherecydes born at Syrus, was of Phenician original. The original of his Philosophie from the Phenicians, and Jews. He was the first that writ Philosophie in Prose: He yet retained the old Symbolick mod of Philosophizing: His Natural Philosophie, and Astronomie: His In­vention of the Heliotrope from the Phenicians. His Theologie was chiefly [...], which he received from the Phenicians, as also the im­mortality of the Soul.

Pherecydes his original from Sy­rus.§. 1. HAving dispatcht the Ionick Philosophie, as founded by Tha­les, we now come to the first foundations of the Italick, began by Pherecydes; who, though he had not a Schole in Italy, yet in as much as he was the Praeceptor of Pythagoras, and led him the way to that Symbolick mode of Philosophizing, he afterwards taught in Ita­ly; he may justly claim some commemoration amongst the first foun­ders of the Italick Sect. So Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 1. §. 29. cals Pherecydes the Author of the Italick Sect. This Pherecydes is by Strabo lib. 10. called [...] (so Laertius, and Suidas) a Syrian, which is dif­ferently understood by the Learned. For some make him to be a Syri­an, i. e. a Phenician: but others, and that upon more probable grounds, call him a Syrian because born in the Iland Syros, or Syrus, one of the Cyclades, those lesser Ilands in the Egean Sea, near Delus. So Apuleius, and Suidas; whence Cicero 1. Tuscul. Quaest. cals him Syrus. This opinion I was confirmed in, by a conference with learned Bochart; who also gave me the ground of the difference; with this reconcilement, viz. Syra, or Syrus, where Pherecydes was borne, re­ceived both its name, and people originally from the Phenicians, or Syrians (Phenicia being a part of Syria) whence Pherecydes might just­ly be reputed a Phenician, if we regard his Ancestors; or perhaps he might be so esteemed by reason of his Philosophie, which he drew from the hidden Books of the Phenicians, as Suidas: of which here­after.

[Page 119]§. 2 Pherecydes's fathers name was Badys, Pherecydes his father Babys, his birth, &c. as Diogenes Laertius l. 1. [...], or rather as Vossius will have it Babys: for so Strabo, and Suidas write it, [...], or [...] with a [...]. He was borne, according to Suidas, in the 46th Olympiad, who also distinguish­eth him from Pherecydes Lerius the Historian, who lived in the 75th O­lympiad. So Vossius de Histor. Graec. lib. 4. cap. 4. Some, saies he, con­found Pherecydes the Historian, with Pherecydes the Physiologist, and Theologue: This latter was of Syrus, one of the Cyclades, as Strabo lib. 2. Hesychius, and Suidas in [...]. Laertius makes this our Phe­recydes, the Philosopher, to have flourished about the 69th Olympiad. Others make him more ancient. Tzetzes, Chil. 2. Hist. 55. saies, that he lived in the time of the Rich Croesus, about the 59th Olympiad, and that he was Praeceptor to Thales the Milesian. But this account has no likelyhood; for Thales seems, at least, contemporary to, if not more ancient than Ph [...]recydes. Cicero 1. Tusc. quaest. saies, he lived in the Reign of Servius Tullius his Country man, &c. That Thales was more ancient than Pherecydes, Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 1. proves from this, that Thales, according to Laertius, dyed in Olym­piad 58, whereas Pherecydes flourished in Olympiad 60.

§. 3. As for the original of Pherecydes's Philosophie,The original of Pherecydes's Philosophie from the Phenicians, and Jews. some say he heard Pittacus, so Laertius: others, that he had no Praeceptor, but drew his Philosophie from the secret Books, and hidden Mysteries of the Phenicians: so Suidas in the Life of Pherecydes, [...]. ‘The same goes, that he was Praece­ptor of Pythagoras, but he himself had no Instructor; but that he exer­cised himself in the hidden Books of the Phenicians, which he was possessor of. Thus Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 1. §. 19. Pherecydes also the Praeceptor of Pythagoras, who was contemporary to Thales, and the Author of the Italick Sect, drew his Philosophie from the hidden Books of the Phenicians. Yea some think him to be a Syrian, not from Syrus, one of the Cyclades, but from Syria, a famous Coun­trey of Asia, whereof Phenicia is part.’ Yea Ambrose lib. 1. Epist. 6. of Pherecydes speaks thus: seeing he drew his pedegree, as some con­ceive, from the Jews, from their Discipline also he derived his Magiste­rial Precepts. That he traduced his invention of the Heliotrope, and other parts of his Philosophie, from the Phenicians will be hereafter evident.

[Page 120] Pherecydes the first that writ Philosophie in Prose.§. 4. Touching the mode or forme of his Philosophie, it was deli­vered in Prose, but symbolick, and mystical. That Pherecydes was the first that delivered his Philosophie in Prose, we have co [...] ­curring Testimonies from the Ancients, Strabo lib. 1. tels us that Cadmus, Pherecydes, and Hecataeus were the first that writ in loose Oration, or Prose:’ and so Porphyrie, as Suidas testifies, made this Phe­recydes [...] the Author of loose Oration, The like Apu­leius in Floridis; ‘Moreover, saies he, Pherecydes, who sprang from the Iland Syrus, was the first, who rejected Verses, and attempted to write in words at large, loose Discourse, and free Oration.’ The like Theopompus, Laertius, and Suidas affirme, that Pherecydes was the first that treated of the Gods, and the Natures of things in Prose, for the former Philosophers were Ports, &c.

His Philosophie Mythologick.§. 5. Notwithstanding Pherecydes rejected the ancient mode of delivering his Philosophie in Poems, yet he still retained the old My­thologick, and Symbolick mode of the Poets, in mixing many Fables with his Philosophie. So he himself confesseth in his Epistle to Thales, thus: ‘Whatsoever the Theologist (speaking of himself) saith, you must understand otherwise; for I write in Fables.’ And this is suf­ficiently evident from the Matter of Theologie (which contained the most of his Philosophie, and was written in 10 books) which, saith Dr. Owen (in his Theol. l. 1. c. 1.) was [...], or [...], symbolick, and cryptick, or enigmatick (wherein he was followed by the Pytha­goreans) whence he was stiled [...] the darke cloudy Divine, as anon.

Pherecydes's Natural Philosophie.§. 6. Pherecydes, as to Natural Philosophie, differed in some things from Thales; yet he agreed with him in that great, and first principle, that Water was the first Matter all things; which they both received from the Phenicians, as these had it from Genesis 1.2. by some Jewish Tradition.His Astronomie, and invention of the Heliotrope. Pherecydes was very famous amongst the Ancients for his Astronomical Invention of the Heliotrope: whereas yet he was not in­deed the first Inventor, but only a great Emprover of it, as great Bochart in a Conference informed me;Mar. 27, 1664. viz. ‘That this Astronomical Experiment was brought into Syra (or Syrus) where Pherecydes liv­ed, by the Phenicians, who had a Colony there (of which Homer makes some mention:) and that Pherecydes only emproved this same invention of the Heliotrope; the original patterne, as some conceive, was taken from the Jews, or Asa's Dial. The said Bochart referred me, for more information herein, unto his Canaan l. 1. c. 14.’ That [Page 121] Pherecydes was the first of the Grecians, that found out the Eclipses, and periods of the Moon, Tzetzes Chil. 2. Hist. 55. gives us to under­stand: as Vossius.

§. 7. But the main of Pherecydes's Philosophie was Theologick. Pherecydes's Theologie, or [...] from the Phenicians. So Laertius out of Theopompus acquaints us, [...] he was the first amongst the Grecians, who writ of Nature, and of the Gods. Whence he was stiled [...], the Theologist: which Title Pythagoras, and Plato also obtained. For amongst the Greeks, who ever discoursed accurately of God, was stiled the Theologist, and their Science [...] Theologie, as Arist. Metaph 3. Pherecydes is supposed to be the first, that handled [...] Theologick Mysteries in Prose. This Theologie of his consisted in [...], or a description, and exposition of the Generation, and Suc­cession of the Gods. For the Grecians, after the introduction of Helle­nism, supposed all their Gods to be generated. This his [...], or Theologie, Pherecydes comprized in 10 books: enigmatick, and clou­dy Discourses, full of Fables, and Allegories; which Isidore, cited by Clemens Alexandrinus, supposed to have been taken from the Prophecy of Cham: but its much more probable, he traduced them from Sanchoniathon's Mythologick Theologie, touching the Origine, and Succession of the Gods: for it is the common opinion of Suidas, and others, that he derived this his Mystical Theologie from the abstruse, and darke books of the Phenicians. Pherecydes, in the beginning of his book, affirmes that Musaeus the son of Eumolpus [...], was the first that made Poems of the Generation of the Gods, which others ascribe to Orpheus, others to Homer.

§. 8. Concerning Pherecydes his Books of [...],Pherecydes's ten books of [...]. &c. there pas­seth an Epistle under his name written to Thales, which Montaigne Essais livre 2. c. 12. gives thus. Pherecydes one of the Seven Wise men (that is a mistake) writing to Thales, as he expired; I have, saies he, appointed my friends, after they have enterred me, to bring unto thee my Writings: if they content thee, and the rest of the Wise men, publish them; if not, suppresse them. They containe not any thing certain, that gives me satisfaction: so that I professe not to know the truth, nor to have attained to it. I start many things, that I cannot discover, &c. Though it is likely this Epistle is as fabulous, as the Matter of his Books; yet we may suppose it to be Ancient; and so to give us some account, how much unacquainted these fabu­lous [Page 122] Mythologists were with the materials of their own traditions. Touching this mystical Theologie of Pherecydes, see more in Diogenes La­ertius of his Life, Ger. Vossius de Hist. Graec. lib. 4. cap. 4. pag. 443. Edit. 2. Dr. Owen Theol. lib. 1. c. 1. pag. 3, &c.

Pli [...] opinion of the Souls immor­tality.§. 9. Though Pherecydes's Philosophick Theologie was fabulous, and mystical, yet, as it is generally conceived, he did clearly, and plainly assert the Soul's Immortality. So Cicero lib. 1. Tusc. quaest. Pherecydes Sy [...]us was the first that asserted the Souls of men to be immortal. Thus Tullie, Pherecydes Py­thagorae praecep­tor fuit, multa (que) [...]tilissima, impri­mis animarum [...], Graecos primus [...]do [...]uit. Hornius Hist. philos. l. 3. c. 12. which Lactantius lib. 7. cap. 8. quotes. Also Austin Epist. 3. to Volusianus, thus writeth. ‘What Idiot now, what abject woman is there, who believeth not the Immortality of the Soul, and a future Life after Death? which in old times Pherecydes, first disputed for, amongst the Grecians, and Pythagoras the Samian being much mov­ed by the novity of this Dispute, was transformed from a Wrestler into a Philosopher: so Montaigne Essais livr. 2. cap. 12. The opini­on of the Immortality of the Soul, Cicero saies, was first introduced by Pherecydes; but others attribute it to Thales. Who ever were the first traducer of this opinion into Greece, we have sufficient reason to conclude it was originally traduced from some Scripture, or Jewish Tradition.

CHAP. V. Of Pythagoras, and the Traduction of his Philosophie from the Jews.

Of the sundry Sects of Philosophers. Testimonies proving, that Pythago­ras traduced his Philosophie from the Jewish Church. The Story of Pythagoras's Life. His extract from Phenicia. Pythagoras flou­rished about the 60. Olymp. when the Jewish Garden was laid open to the Grecians. Pythagoras his Preceptors in Greece, and how he was first converted from a Pugil, to a Philosopher. His first travels into Phenicia, and conferences with the Successors of Mochus, Phenician Priests, and Jews. His travels into Egypt, familiar conversation with the Priests, as also with the Jews in Egypt: and the motives inclining him thereto. Pythagoras's travels into Babylon, and con­verse [Page 123] with their Wise men, as also with the Jews under Chaldean titles, Zabratus, &c. The advantages he had for converse with the Jews, and their Writings from his skill in the Egyptian, and Chaldee Tongues, &c. His Returne to Samos, and Voyage to Cre [...]e. Pythagoras's com­ing into Italie, and restoring many Cities to liberty, and unity by means of his Scholars; by whom he gave Laws to Italy. His Character, wherein appears his many eminent qualities, Natural, and acquired: his freedom from undue passions: his moderation in use of Creatures, care for his health, and husbanding his time: his aweful presence, and Severity, his contempt of honors, and contentation.

§.1. THe first Distribution of Philosophers into the Ionick, and Italick Sects, has already passed under some general consideration; with endeavors to demonstrate, that Thales, and Pherecydes, the two Heads of these first Sects, received the main of their Philosophie by tra­dition originally from the J [...]wish Church. But we now proceed to a more particular reflexion, on the Italick Sect, in regard to its more pro­per, and immediate Founder Pythagoras, who had his Schole in Italy (that part which was called Magna Graecia) where he vented his Phi­l [...]sophie, which consisted mostly of Jewish Mysteries, and Traditions, as it will be evident by what follows. His Adherents were termed Pytha­goreans, as those who followed Plato's Philosophie Platonicks: whence also there sprang up many other Sects of Philosophers, which gave oc­casion to a second Distribution of Philosophers into their several Sects, as we have it excellently laid down by Ammonius (not he, who was head of the Alexandrian Schole, but the Scholar of Proclus) on Aristo­tles Categories pag. 9. in these words.The 2. distribu­tion of Ph [...]loso­phers into Sects. 1. Pythagorea [...]s. 2. Platonicks. 3. Cyrenaicks. 4. Megaricks. 5. Acad [...]micks. 6. Sce [...]ticks. 7. Stoicks. 8. Cy [...]ic [...]s. 9. Epicurean [...]. 10. Perip [...]t [...]t [...]cks [...]· We must know that the Sects of Philosophers had a seven fold Denomination; either from the Head of the Sect, as the Platonicks, and Pythagoreans; or from the Heresiarchs Countrey, as the Cyrenaicks from Aristippus, and the Megaricks from Euclid; or from the place, wherein they taught, as the Academicks from Xenocrates, a [...]d the [Page 124] Stoicks from Zeno the Citiean; or from their Judgment in philosophi­zing, as the Scepticks; or from their manner of life as the Cynicks, of whom Antisthenes was Head: or from the End of their Philosophie, as the Voluptuous Epicureans: or from some Accident, as the Peripate­ticks, from Aristotles walking, &c. Thus Ammonius: of which Sects we shall discourse in their order, beginning with the Pythagore­ans.

Pythagoras's Philosophie tra­duced from the Jews, proved by Testimonies.§. 2. As for Pythagoras (the Heresiarch of the Pythagoreans, as al­so the chief Founder of the Italick Sect) that he traduced the main, or choicest parts of his Philosophie originally from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures, is a persuasion generally received by the Learned, both ancient, and modern, as well Pagans, as Jews and Christians. As for Pagan Testimonies,Of Pagans. we have a famous Concession of Hermippus (quo­ted by Josephus lib. 1. against Apion) a most ancient, and diligent Writer of Pythagoras's Life, who, in his first book of Pythagoras, affirmes plainly, that he did [...], translate many of the Jewish Laws into his own Phi­losophie: and he gives a particular mention of some Jewish opinions, which Pythagoras taught, viz. of the Soul, of Purification, of Excom­munication, &c. to which he subjoynes [...], and he was an Imitator of the Jewish, and Thracian opinions. Dio­genes Laertius also affirmes, that he went to the Hebrews, as hereafter. So Strabo, that he went into Judea, and inhabited Mount Carmel, where the Priests shewed Pythagoras's Walks, even in his time. And Malchus (otherwise called Porphyrie) who writ also the Life of Pytha­goras, saies ‘that he went to the Arabians, Hebrews, and Chaldeans, and that amongst the Chaldeans he had converse with Zabratus: whom Selden makes to be Ezekiel, as hereafter. Amongst the Jews we have the Testimonie of Aristobulus, Jews. Aristobulus Py­thagoram ex Mo­s [...]s lege multa di­dicesse non dissi­tetur. Clemens. l. 1. Strom. Euseb. praep. l. 9. c. 3. Joseph. l. 1. con­tra Apion. a Jew of Egypt, who is supposed to have been the Master of Ptolemeus Philometer mentioned in the Macca­bees (2 Mac. 1.10.) who saies expresly of Pythagoras (as Clement A­lexendrinus lib. 1. [...].) (or as others [...]) [...]. Pythagoras has translated many things from us, into his own Traditional Dogmes. So also Josephus (contra Apion. l. 1.) speaking of Pythagoras, saies, that he was [...] ‘not only well skilled in our Discipline, but also embraced many things gree­dily.’ Amongst the Fathers, Fathers. we have this Testimonie of Origen (lib. 1. [Page 125] contra Celsum). [...] It's said, that Hermippus in the first of his Legislators reports, that Pythagoras traduced his Philosophie from the Jews unto the Greeks; we have also concurring Testimonies of Modern Learned.Modern Learn­ed. Thus Aug. Steuch. Eugub, de peren. phil. l. 2. c. 2. ‘We have the Testimonie of all, that Pythagoras travelled into Egypt to hear their Priests: The like is said of Solon, Eudoxus, Plato: Strabo writes, that in his time the Priests could shew their very Walks. It is reported, that Pythagoras brought his Symbols from them, and that he was circumcised after the Egyptian (which we must understand of the Jewish) manner. That he was in Judea, and that he dwelt in Mount Carmel, is the report of Iamblichus; also that he travelled 22. years in Egypt, embraced their manners, and the Institutes of the Egyptian Priests, and desired Polycrates the Tyrant, that he would write to his friend Amasis King of Egypt, that he might participate of their Discipline, &c. To Steuchus Eugub. I subjoin our learned and pious Ʋsher in his Annals fol. 151. It may be proved (saies he) that Pythagoras conversed with the Jews, at Babylon; for as much as he transferred many of their Doctrines into his Philosophie, as Hermippus declareth in his first book of things concerning Pythagoras, cited by Jo­sephus, and in his first book of Law givers, cited by Origen; which is likewise confirmed by Aristobulus the Jew (a Peripatetick) in his first book to Philometer; who moreover was induced by the same reason to believe, that the Books of Moses were translated into the Greek Tongue before the Persian Empire; whereas it is much more probable that Pythagoras received that part of his Learning from the Conversation he had with the Hebrews, thus Ʋsher. Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ. l. 8. c. 11. Lud. Vives that learned Philologist supposeth, that Pythagoras might have, whilst in Egypt, conversation with Jeremy the Prophet: That he traduced many things originally from Moses his Writings (as Plato after him) he affirmes with some confidence, in his notes on August. Civ. lib. 8. c. 11. Selden de Jure Nat. Hebr. lib. 1. c. 6. §. 5. proves this at large. Cassander in his Consult. on Art. 21. asserts the same. Grotius on Mat. 10.29. saies, that many of the Hebrews held Gods Providence about men, but not about Beasts; which Pythagoras may seem to have learned from the Hebrews, and to have taught the Grecians. And in his Votum, pag. 124. he saies, that Pythagoras lived amongst the Jews, as Hermippus te­stifieth; and that he drew many of his Symbols from the Jews he af­firmes [Page 126] very positively, in his Annotations on Mat. 7.6. and Mat. 8.22. as hereafter. Vossius de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 5. proves at large, that Pythagoras owes much of his Philosophie to the Jews. And Mr. Stillingfleet himself (the only learned man that I have met with seeming­ly contradicting our Hypothesis) saies ‘I will not deny, but that Pytha­goras might have had converse with the Jews in Chaldea, &c. Orig. sacr. book 3. c. 2. sect. 2. But we shall endeavor to make good our As­sertion [that Pythagoras traduced the main Principles of his Philoso­phie from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures originally] from the [...] rie of his Life, his Institutes, and Philosophie, both as to Matter, and Forme thereof.

Pythagoras's extract and ori­ginal from the Phenicians.§. 3. We shall begin with the Storie of Pythagoras's Life, who is said to be a Samian; but whether he were born there, or elsewhere, is not certainly determined. Cleanthes (as Porphyrie de Vita Pythag.) saies, he was a Syrian of the Citie of Tyre in Ph [...]nicia (a part of Syria) whence making a Voyage to Samos (before Ionia) for traffick,Pythagoras Mne­sarchi sil [...]us, ut Apuleius Flo [...]id. 15. vel Dema­rati Samii, ut Justinus l. 20. vir suit ingenio acer, indust [...]ia singulari [...] promp­tus simul & ad­mirabundus. Horn. Hist. phi­los l 3. c. 11. at such time, as the Samians were much prest with famin, he supplied them with Corne; in acknowledgement whereof they made him free of their Countrey. Suidas saith, Pythagoras was a Samian by education, but a Tyrrhenian by Birth, brought over young by his father to Sam [...]s. So Aristoxenus makes him to be a Tyrrhenian, as Lud. Vives in August. Civ. l. 8. c. 2. and Grotius on Mat. 7.6. ‘Many, saies he, make him to be a Tyrrhenian; others a Tyrian, &c. But the more general, and approved opinion is that of Iamblichus (de vita Pythag. cap. 2.) ‘that Pythagoras's Father was a Samian, descended from Ancaeus, who first brought a Colony into Samos; and that Pythagoras his Son was born at Sidon in Phenicia, but educated at Samos. Which ever of these accounts we fix upon,Mnesarchus. it is evident, Pythagoras had a very great affinity unto, and so advantage from, the Phenicians, whereby to ac­quaint himself with the Jewish Learning, and Mysteries.

Pythagoras flou­rished about the 60. Olympiad an [...]. 3360.§. 4. Pythagoras is supposed to have been borne about the 3. year of the 53. Olympiad, and he flourished, as some think about, the time that Nebuchadnezar besieged Jerusalem an. mundi. 3360. or according to Laertius, about the 60. Olympiad. About which time the Jewish Garden, which had been before enclosed, was thrown open, and ma­ny of the Plants thereof removed and set in forrain parts; in Babylon, Egypt, Phenicia, &c. By which means Pythagoras and the rest of the inquisitive Grecians had a mighty advantage to informe themselves in [Page 127] the Jewish Wisdom, and Mysteries, touching God, his Names, and At­tributes; the Production, or Creation of the World, and its first prin­ciples, and all the Jewish Ceremonies. That Pythagoras went to Pheni­cia, and thence into Egypt, where he stayed 22. years, and afterward into Babylon, where he continued 12. years, and had conversation with the Jews in those parts, I now proceed to make evident.

§. 5. Iamblichus (Vit. Pythag. cap. 2.) tels us, that Mnesarchus, Pythagoras's Preceptors in Greece before his Travels. ‘the Father of Pythagoras, returning from Syria to Samus, brought up his Son in many excellent Sciences, committing him sometimes to Creo­philus, sometimes to Pherecydes of Syrus. Diogenes Laertius saies, that Pythagoras's Father dying, he was committed by his Uncle Zoi­lus to Pherecydes the Syrian, &c. Augustin. Epist. 3.Pythagoras how he was first changed from a Wrestler into a Philosopher. ad Volusianum saies, ‘That Pythagoras, hearing Ph [...]recydes disputing amongst the Greeks of the immortality of the Soul, was so moved with the novity of this Dispute, that he was changed from a Pugil, or Wrestler in­to a Philosopher. That Pythagoras first was a Pugil, Laertius lib. 8. relates, as Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 8. The same Laertius (in the Life of Anaximenes) reckons Pythagoras amongst the Disciples of Thales. ‘For (saies he, out of Anaximenes's Epistle to Pythagoras) Pythagoras, being from his youth greatly enclined to an inquisition in­to Religious Rites, and Mysteries, addressed himself to Thales at Mi­letus, as to one, that could most advance him in this Enterprize. From Thales he received the first Elements of his Philosophie. So also Iamblichus (de vita Pythag. lib. 1. c. 2.) tels us ‘that Thales entertain­ed him very civilly, with admiration of his excellent naturals, which surpassed other Youths; and after he had given him such instructions, as he could, in the Mathematicks, he advised him to have recourse to Egypt, there to converse with the Priests of Memphis, especially those of Jupiter; from whom he himself had obtained those pieces of Know­ledge for which he was accounted Wise. Amongst other things Thales advised him to emprove his time well, by reason whereof he abstained from Wine, and Flesh.’ See more Stanly on Thales. Whence we may col­lect how Pythagoras came by the first rudiments of his philosophick incli­nations, and principles, namely from Thales, and Pherecydes; from the former we may suppose he received his Natural Philosophie, and Mathe­maticks; from the latter his mystical and symbolick Theologie, as also his notions of the Souls Immortality, &c. which were derived originally from the Jewish Nation, as before▪ Vossius de philos. l. 2. c. 6. §. 9. saies, ‘that [Page 128] Pythagoras heard in Greece, besides Pherecydes, Hermodamas, and Anaxi­mander the Physiologist. Pythagoras's travelling into Phenicia.

§. 6. Pythagoras having learned of Thales to emprove his time, and inure himself to temperance, both as to the quantity, and quality of meats, whereby he acquired an [...], a good habitude, and clear­nes of mind, and an exact constant health of Body, he resolves upon travelling into the Oriental parts; thereby to informe himself touching the first principles of Wisdome, and sacred Mysteries. And the first Voyage he made, was unto Sidon in Phenicia; whereunto he was en­clined,His conference with the succes­sors of Mochus. as well from a natural desire he had to the place, which he sup­posed to be his own Native Countrey, as also that he might satisfie himself touching their Mysteries, and Philosophie. Here he had con­ference with the Prophets, Successors of Mochus the Physiologist, with the Phenician Priests, and others; and was initiated in all the Mysteries of Byblus, and Tyre, and sundry of the chief sacred Institu­tions in other parts of Syria, not undergoing these things out of superstition, but from his natural inclination and love to Wisdome, and fear, lest any thing worthy to be known, which was preserved amongst them, in the Mysteries of the Gods, might escape him. Thus Iambli­chus c. 13.And with Jews. and Stanly out of him. That Pythagoras, whilst he was in Phenicia, had conversation with some Jews, is not unlikely; for their own Countrey being depopulated, many of them fled for refuge to their neighbours the Egyptians, Phenicians, &c. Yea that Pythagoras visited Judea, is affirmed by Strabo, ‘who affirmes that Pythagoras visited not only the Egyptians, Arabians, Chaldeans, but also penetrated into Judea it self, and inhabited Mount Carmel, where the Priests even in his time shewed the Walks of Pythagoras. So Hornius Hist. philos. l 3. c. 11. ‘That Pythagoras, saies he, penetrated into Judea it self is affir­med by great Authors, though all agree not to it.’ However Iamblichus openly informes us, that he had conference with the Successors of Mo­chus, who, as has be [...]n already proved, had his Philosophie from the Jews.

His travels into Egypt and con­versation with their Priests, etc. see more chap. 7. §. 2.§. 7. From Phenicia Pythagoras passed into Egypt, with recom­mendation from Polycrates the Tyrant, to Amasis King of Egypt, who gave him Letters to the Priests, to whom he had recourse. In the first place he went to those of Heliopolis, who sent him to the Priests of Memphis: from Memphis he was sent to Thebes, where he was permitted to acquaint himself with all their Learning, which was never granted to any stranger before, as Porphyrie de Vita [Page 129] Pythag. p. 5. So Vossius de philos. sect. lib. 2. c. 2. §. 2. Pythagoras (saies he) was sent by Thales into Egypt, Venit & ad Aegyptios Pytha­goras, & Ara­bas, & Chaldae­os, à quibus ra­tionem insomnio­rum edidicit, vaticinio (que), quod sit thurc, primus usus est, & in Aegypto cum Sa­cerdotibus est ver­satus, sapientiā ­ (que) Aegyptiorum & sermonem didicit. Sic Por­phyrius, Steuch. Eugub. de peren. philos. l. 2. c. 2. to confer with the Priests of Memphis, and Diospolis where he arrived in the Reign of Semneserteus, as Plinie, or of Amasis, to whom he was recom­mended by letters from Polycrates the Samian Tyrant, as Laertius: Plutarch saies, he heard Oenuphis the Heliopolite, &c. Diogenes saith, whilst he lived with these Priests, he was instituted, and informed in the Language, and Wisdom of the Egyptians, and in their threefold kind of Writing, Epistolick, Hieroglyphick, and Symbolick; of which see Clemens Alexandr. Strom. 5. as before.’ Laertius also addes, that ‘while he was in Egypt, he entred into the Egyptian Adyta, [...], and was instituted in things unexpressible touch­ing the Gods. Perhaps he means the Tetracty, and the other Jewish Mysteries, in which Pythagoras was instructed, of which hereafter. Clemens Alexandrinus [...]. 1. saies, ‘he was Disciple to Sonchedes, a chief Prophet, or Priest of the Egyptians; Diog. Laertius saies, that he learned the Egyptian Tongue. And Iamblichus (l. 1. c. 4.) saies, ‘that being thus acquainted with the Learning of the Egyptians, See Stanly of Pythagoras ch. 4. he gained the observations of many Ages; and, whilst he lived amongst them, was admired, and beloved of the Prophets, and Priests, with whom he conversed; by which means he gave himself exact infor­mation concerning persons, and things; not omitting any person e­minent a [...] any time for Learning, or any kind of Religious Rites; nei­ther leaving any place unvisited, wherein he conceived, he might find somewhat extraordinary. Now that Pythagoras had converse with the Jews, is more than probable.’ Some incline to think he might have conference with Jeremy. So Lud. Vives in Aug. de Civ l. 8. c. 11. tels us, ‘that Jeremy went with the Tribe of Juda, and Benja­min into Egypt, and dyed at Tanis; where he was worshipped by the Natives, for a present remedy against the stinging of Serpents. Eusebius placeth the beginning of Jeremy's Prophecie in the first year of the 36. Olympiad. Then afterwards making mention of sundry Platonick Mysteries of God his infinite Essence, His conference with the Jews in Egypt. and Idea's traduced from Exod. 3.14. [...] he concludes thus: ‘Although I do no way doubt, but that Pythagoras himself learned these Mysteries in Egypt from the Sacred Volumnes; and the conference with Jeremy, The motives which might en­duce him to en­quire into Jew­ish Mysteries. rather agrees to him, than to Plato. Though it is possible, Jeremy might be dead before Pythagoras came into Egypt. Yet we need no [Page 130] way doubt, but that his fame was then living, which together with the great repute the Jewish Nation had for ancient Wisdom, Records, and Mysteries, could not but prove a prevailing motive, and quicken­ing of Pythagoras's inquisitive humor, to make some inquisition into the Jewish Records, Rites, Wisdome, and Mysteries, contained in the sacred Volumnes, according to this positive affirmation of Lud. Vives. And indeed how can we rationally imagine, that Pythagoras, who was so greedy after oriental Traditions, Wisdome, and Mysteries; and so curious to pry into every corner of Egypt (where he staid 22. years) to examine all persons, and things, especially such as pretended to any ancient Records, Religious Rites, or Mysteries; I say, how can we ima­gine, that he should passe by those multitudes of Jews, he met with in Egypt, without enquiry into their ancient Wisdom, and Records, which infinitely excelled those few broken Traditions, and corrupt de­rivations, which the Egyptians had extracted from their sacred Foun­tains? Yea Clemens Alexandrinus [...]. 1. tels us, ‘that Pythagoras, to satisfie his curiositie in these his enquiries in Egypt, suffered him­self to be circumcised, and so learned things not usually communi­cated, concerning the Gods, and their Mysteries. Now we know this Rite of circumcision was proper to the Jews, not used by Egypti­ans.

Pythagoras's tra­vels unto Baby­lon, &c.§. 8. Pythagoras, quitting Egypt, went to Babylon; of which Voyage Iamblichus l. 1. c. 4. gives this relation: ‘that Cambyses hav­ing (in the 63. Olympiad) conquered Egypt, Pythagoras was taken prisoner by him,See Stanly of Py­thagoras ch. 5. and sent to Babylon, where he conversed with the most eminent amongst the Chaldeans (I suppose the Zabii) as also with the Persian Magi, who entertained him very curteously, and gave him insight into their more hidden Mysteries, and Religious Rites of worship performed to their Gods, as also in the Mathematicks. Thus Vossius de philosoph. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 4. treating of Pythagoras, saies, ‘out of a desire to get Learning, he was conversant with the Persian Magi, and with the Assyrians, or Chaldeans; as, besides others, Laer­tius testifieth, who saith, that he was initiated in all the Grecian, and Barbarian Mysteries; and that he learned the Egyptian Tongue, and thence had conversation with the Chaldeans in Assyria, and the Magi in Persia. The same Vossius saies (de philos. l. 2. c. 1.) that from the Chaldeans he learned Astronomie. Laertius saies, that he was most conversant with these Chaldeans. Now that by these Chaldeans, with [Page 131] whom Pythagoras was so intimate,Pythagoras's converse with Jews under the name of Chalde­ans, Zabratus, &c. we may justly understand inclu­sively (if not exclusively) the Jews, I think, will be pretty clear, if we consider that the Jews having lost their own visible state, and Nation, lived now under the Chaldean Government, and State; and so might passe amongst the Grecians for Chaldeans. And this will be farther evident, if we reflect on what is mentioned by Diogenes (cited by Porphyrie) of the Chaldeans, with whom Pythagoras conversed in Baby­lon; amongst whom he particularizeth one Zabratus, ‘by whom he was cleansed from the defilements of his Life, and informed in ma­ny things concerning Nature, and the first principles of the Ʋni­verse. This Zabratus (Selden de Jure Nat. Heb. l. 1. c. 2.) enclines to believe was Ezekiel: for he takes notice that Ezekiel, and Pythago­ras flourished about the same time, betwixt the 50. and 52. Olympiad. The like is mentioned by Selden Syntag. 2. de Diis Syris cap. 1. ‘True­ly the most accurate Chronologie teacheth us, that Pythagoras, and E­zekiel flourished together, between the L. and LII. Olympiads. There­fore the account of time hinders not, but that Nazaratus (who is said to be Pythagoras's Master) should be the same with Ezekiel. He also is the same with [...] Zabratus, who by Malchus in the Life of Pythagoras is called his Master, &c. Godefred Wendelin as­serts, that Pythagoras derived his Tetractie from the Jews; and par­ticularly from Daniel, the chief of the Magi, who was then, when Pythagoras lived in those parts, about 70. years old. So Selden Syntag. 2. de Diis Syris cap. 1. affirmes, that Pythagoras had some rude notices of the [...], or Gods name [...] Jehovah, which he called [...] Tetracte. That Pythagoras had conversation with, and some traditions from, the Jews, whilst he was in Babylon appears farther, by what Diogenes in his Treatise of incredible things beyond Thule (quo­ted by Porphyrie pag. 8.) affirmes of Pythagoras; that he went also to the Hebrews, &c. That Pythagoras visited Egypt, and Babylon, at those very times, when the Jews had their abode there, is affirmed by Eusebius lib. 10. praepar. c. 2. ‘They report, that Pythagoras was an Auditor, not only of Pherecydes Syrius, but also of the Persian Magi, and of the Egyptian Divinators, at that very time, when some of the Jews went to Babylon, and others of them to Egypt. That there were a quantity, or great number of Jews in Babylon, when Pythagoras was there, is most evident: for suppose we fix the time of his being in Babylon after the Captivity of the Jews, and their Returne to Judea; [Page 132] yet it is certain, there were great numbers of them never returned, but continued in Babylon, where they had 3. famous Scholes, or Ʋni­versities, Sora, Pompeditha, and Neharda (as has been afore observed) which we cannot conceive, that Pythagoras, so curious an Inquisitor in­to Antiquity, would passe by, without observation for 12. years space, for so long he continued in Babylon, according to Iamblichus. That,The advantages he had for con­versation with the Jews, f [...]om his skill in the Egyptian and Chaldee tongues. which gave Pythagoras the greatest advantage, and encourage­ment to converse with the Jews in Babylon, was his skill in the Egyp­tian Tongue (as Diogenes, and others assert) which indeed differed not in Substance, but only in Dialect, from the Hebrew, and Chaldee, as we have endeavored to prove out of Bochart, and others; so that we need not, with Aristobulus, suppose the Translation of Moses's books into Greek before the Persian Monarchie; for Pythagoras being skilled in the Egyptian, and, I suppose, also the Chaldean Tongue, having lived in Chaldea 12. years, might without difficulty, read Moses's Writings, at least have conversation, and conference with the Jews, who could, without doubt, (having lived so long in Chaldea) speake the Chaldean Tongue, &c. That Pythagoras really had conversation with the Jews at Babylon, and translated many things out of their Doctrines into his Philosophie, has been already proved by sundry Testimonies collected by Learned Ʋsher, as also by the concession of Stillingfleet; of which see §. 2. of this Chapter.

His returne to Samos, and de­parture thence.§. 9. Pythagoras having spent 12. years at Babylon, in conversa­tion with the Persian Magi, Chaldeans, and Jews, about the 56 year of his age he returned to Samos, where hee endeavored to instruct the Samians in that Symbolick mode of philosophizing, he had learned in Egypt, and other oriental parts, but the Samians, not affecting his ob­scure, and enigmatick Philosophie, did not give him any great encourage­ment to continue long with them, as Iamblichus de vita Pythag. l. 1. c. 5. Laertius informes us, that the occasion of his departure from Sames, was the Tyranny it lay under by reason of Polycrates his usurpation. So Vossius de phil. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 1. That Pythagoras was a great asser­tor of the peoples Liberties (as Plato) but an inveterate enemy of Ty­ranny, will appear in its place.

His going to Crete and Spar­ta.§. 10. Iamblichus also (cap. 5.) acquaints us, that, before his go­ing into Italy, he went to Crete to acquaint himself with the Laws of Minois, as also to Sparta, to gain Knowledge in those of Lycurgus, which then had the Vogue for great Legislators. Laertius tels us, [Page 133] while he was in Crete, he had conversation with Epimenides, with whom he entred the Idean Cave. This Epimenides is by Apuleius in 2. Florid, stiled the famous Diviner, where also he addes, that Pytha­goras made use of one Leodamas the disciple of Creophilus for his Ma­ster; but Laert. l. 8. and Suidas call him Hermodamas. Casaubon thinks, that he might have heard Solon also, but Vossius gainsays it, Vossius de phil. sect. l. 2. c. 6. § 4.

§. 11. Pythagoras, quitting Greece, Pythagoras's coming into Ita­ly, and restoring those Cities to their liberty, and unity, by commu­nicating good Laws, &c. went into Italy (that part which was called Magna Graecia) and first arrived at Croto, where, by his graceful presence, Rhetorical Orations, and friendly complaisance, he gained the affections of the Citizens, both Magistrates, and others; as Iamblichus cap. 8. The same Iamblichus (cap. 6.) tels us, that, at the first Speech he made in Croto, he attracted many followers, in so much that in a short time he gained 600. Disciples. And that he had a general esteeme amongst the Romans, is evident by the Statue, they erected to him, at Rome; of which Plinie lib. 34. cap. 6. thus speaks: I find Statues erected to Pythagoras, and Alcibiades in the hornes of the Comitium. see Vossius philos. l. 2. c. 6. §. 28. &c. And indeed no won­der, that the Italians had so great an esteeme for, and affection to Py­thagoras: for he had been a great Instrument of delivering them from Oppression, and Sedition amongst themselves, as also of communica­ting to them Good Laws (which he had from the Jews) and such a constitution of their Common Wealth, as tended most to the pre­servation of Libertie, and Ʋnitie; the main pillars of any State. So Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras, pag. 14. and Iamblichus out of him l. 1. c. 7. informe us, ‘that whatsoever Cities Pythagoras in his travels through Italie, and Cicilie found in subjection one to another, he instilled into them, by his Disciples, a principle of Libertie. Thus he freed Crotona, Sybaris, Catana, Rhegium, Himera, Agrigentum, and other Cities where his Disciples prevailed.’ Yea indeed many of the most eminent Rectors of the Italian common wealths proceeded from Pythagoras's Schole, as Zaleucus, who gave Laws to the Locrians, and Charondas the Catanaean, who gave Laws to the Thurii, with other Legislators, of whom see Iamblichus l. 1. cap. 30. By means of which Pythagorean Laws, and Governors, these Cities were a long time well governed. Pythagoras wholly took away dissention. So Iamblichus. Some also say, that Numa Pompilius had his Laws from Pythagoras; but of this more hereafter.

[Page 134]§, 12. From Pythagoras's settlement, and Schole in Italie, the Ita­lick Sect received its denomination. That part of Italie, wherein Py­thagoras taught, was called Magna Graecia, which comprized Taren­tum, Metapontus, Heraclea, Croto, and the Thurii. Pythagoras having lived at Croto 20 years, dyed in the last year of the 70. Olympiad, as Eusebius will have it. He had indeed an universal esteeme amongst all:Pythagoras's character by Iamblichus. but a particular reverence from his Scholars, who, as long as he lived, were wont to stile him [...] the Theologue; but after his death they called him [...] the man. Iamblichus de vita Pythag. l. 1. c. 2.His eminent qualities both natural and ac­quired. gives him this honorable character. Pythagoras (saies he) after the death of his Father, grew up in Wisdome, and Temperance, being even from his youth generally honored by the most ancient. His graceful presence, and taking Discourse drew all persons to him; in so much that many affirmed him to be the son of some God. He be­ing thus confirmed by the common vogue of all men concerning him, by the education given him in his youth, and by his excellent Natu­rals, made himself dayly more deserving of these advantages; a­dorning himself with Religious Exercises, natural Sciences, exemplary conversation, His freedome f [...]om irregular passions. stability of mind, grave deportment, and with an ami­able imitable serenitie. He was never transported by unlawful pas­sion, laughter, emulation, contention, or any other disorder. He lived like some good Genius comeing to converse in Samos, whence he was stiled the Samian Comet. His care of his health, modera­tion in use of the Creature, & diligence in em­proving time. Iamblichus (chap. 13.) gives us a farther account of his Moderation in the use of creature comforts, and re­freshments; of his exact Wisdome, and diligence to preserve a good ha­bitude, and disposition of body, and mind: as also of his great care in redeeming, and emproving his time. Pythagoras (saies he) having learned of Thales above all things to husband his time well, he did for that reason abstain from Wine, and Flesh; having before abstained from eating much, and accustomed himself to such meates, as were of more easie digestion; by which means he acquired an ha­bit of watchfulnes, serenity, and vivacity of mind, and an equal continued health of body.’

§. 13. To give a brief Abstract of what Diogenes Laertius does more at large relate touching Pythagoras. ‘He was (saith he) the first Institutor of the Italick Sect; all the others were called Ionick from Thales. Pythagoras, when young, was committed by his Uncle Zoi­lus to Pherecydes a Syrian. When he was young, and most studious [Page 135] of Learning, he initiated himself in the Barbarian, and Grecian Rites ▪ and Mysteries. At length he went to Egypt, with commendatory Letters from Polycrates, where he learned the Egyptian Tongue; but he was most conversant with the Chaldeans, and the Magi. Af­ter that he went to Crete, where he conversed with Epimenides. In Egypt he entered the Adytum, and was instructed in the ineffable my­steries of the Gods. At his return to Samos, finding his Countrey un­der Tyranny by Polycrates, he went to Croto in Italie: where he gave Laws to the Italians; and was honored by his Scholars.His aweful pre­sence & rebukes. He is reported to have been of a most awful majestick presence, which made so deep an impression on such, as had conversation with him, that a young man being severely rebuked by him, immediately hanged himself; whereupon Pythagoras ever after forbore to reprove any:His contentation and contempt of honors. thus Laertius. We have a good evidence of Pythagoras's contentati­on, and contempt of wordly grandeur by his Epistle to Hiero, in an­swer to an invitation he made him, to come and live with him. ‘My life, saies Pythagoras, is secure, and quiet, but yours will no way suit with me: a moderate, and self denying person needs not a Sici­lian table. Pythagoras, wheresoever he comes, has all things suffi­cient for the day; but to serve a Lord is heavy, and intolerable for one unaccustomed to it. [...] self sufficiency is a great, and safe thing; for it hath none, that envyeth or conspires against it. Whence that life seemeth to come nearest to God. Therefore write not to Pythagoras to live with you: for Physicians will not fall sick, to bear their patients company.’ Stanlie Life of Pythagoras chap. 22.

§. 14. Apuleius Florid. 15. gives us this brief account of Pythago­ras's Travels, Instructors. and Philosophie: The common fame goes, that of his own accord he sought after the Egyptian Sciences, and learnt there of the Priests the incredible efficacies of their Ceremonies, the admirable changes of Numbers, the most exact formules of Geo­metrie: but his mind being not satiated with these Siences, he thence goes to the Chaldeans, and hence to the Brachmanes, and Gymnoso­phists. The Chaldees teach the Sideral Science, or Astronomie, the sta­ted ambitus of the wandring Stars, and the various effects of both in the Genitures of men; also Medicine, &c. The Brachmanes also con­tribute much to his Philosophie. Moreover Pythagoras embraced Phe­recydes, who sprang out of the Scyran Iland, for his Master. It is said, that he studied Natural Philosophie with Anaximander: also [Page 136] that he followed Epimenides of Crete, that famous Prophet, and Poet, for Science sake: also Leodamas, the Disciple of Creophilus, &c. To which we may adde that of Justin Hist. lib. 20. He went first to Egypt, then to Babylon to learn the motions of the Stars and the O­rigine of the Ʋniverse. Whence returning he came to Crete, and Lacedemon, to understand the Laws of Minos, and Lycurgus, at that time most famous. With which being instructed he came to Cro­to, where, by his Authoritie, he reduced the people fallen into Luxu­ry, to the use of frugality. He enumerated the ruines of the Ci­ties, which had been destroyed by the pest of Luxurie. He frequently taught the Women apart from the Men, and the Children apart from their Parents. And he gained thus much by his continual Disputation, that the Matrones laid aside their golden garments, and other or­naments of their Dignitie, accounting Chastitie, and not fine Clothes, to be the true ornaments of Matrones: Thus Justin. Pythagoras, the more effectually to forme, and shape the Manners of the Citie, fre­quently explicated the practick part of Wisdom. Pythagoras leaving Croto went to the Metapontines, who had him so greatly in admira­tion, as that after his death, they made his house a Temple, and wor­shipt him as a God. Justin lib. 20.

CHAP. VI. Pythagoras's College, and Discipline from the Jews.

Pythagoras's 2. Scholes 1. common. 2. His private College, wherein were 1. Novices, their examen, and probation. 2. [...], or Intrin­sicks, Phil. 3.12, 15. [...]. 1. Tim. 3.6. [...]. The Disci­pline of Pythagoras's College. Their consociation founded on Virtue as Exod. 19.5, 6. set forth by Salt, from Lev. 2.13. Numb. 18.19. Covenant by Salt what? Luke 13.26. Ezra 4.14. Mark 9.49. Of the Essenes, their Collegiate Life, and the Pythagoreans Symbolizing with them in 16 Particulars. The Pythagoreans a sort of Separatists Gal. 2.9. Their shunning worldly Pleasures, and Company: their Celibat, and Abstinenoes, as Col. 2.16, 21, 22. 1. Tim. 4.3. Their Purifications [Page 137] and Festivals. Their white Vestments from Eccles. 8. Their perpetual Silence, and their concealing Mysteries. Their reverence towards their Elders. Their owning Providence, with their Devotion. Their day­ly exercises, with morning premeditation, and night examination. Their Constancie, with their excommunication Mat. 8.22.

§. 1. HAving given the Storie of Pythagoras's Life, and Travels, and some account of his Conversation with Jews therein; we proceed to his Schole, Institutes, and Discipline; wherein we doubt not, but to make discovery of many Jewish Institutes, & traditions. Iam­blichus, lib. 1. cap. 6. tels us, that Pythagoras, upon his settlement at Croto in Italy, drew unto him, by his perswasive Orations, many followers even unto the number of 600. persons, who were by him won, not onely to the embracing that Philosophie he professed; but also to submit to his Rules of Discipline, and that Collegiate mode of life, which he prescribed to them. For the more full understanding whereof, we must know, that Pythagoras had two severall Scholes, and thence two sorts of Disciples, as Porphyrie, Iamblichus, and Clem. Alexandr. have observed. For 1. he had his Homocoeion or common Schole, for all;Pythagoras's 2. sold Schole and Disciples. 1. His Homoco [...] ­ion, or common Schole where were his [...] hearers. which Clemens Alexandrinus ( [...]. 1.) enterprets [...] Church, where all sorts of hearers were admitted: where the Disciples that belonged to this Schole were called [...], and [...] Auditors, or Pytha­gorites, these learned only the chiefe Principles of Philosophie, without more exact explication. For these being either of more dull capacities, or else ingaged in civill affaires, had not Abilities, or leisure to addict themselves wholly to Pythagoras, and his Philosophie; wherefore he expounded to them only the [...] or naked Heads of Philosophie. Among these common hearers there were of all sexes, ages, and condi­tions: men, women, adult, youth. The Citizens, and men of Croto he exhorted daily, and apart with a great splendor of Oration, to the stu­dy of Vertue. The Matrons also, who were thence stiled, Pythagoricae, he instructed frequently, and apart in their duties, as also the children apart from their parents, as Laert. lib. 8. and Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12.

2. Pythagoras also had his [...] coenobium, Pythagoras's College or Co [...] vent, where were his [...] or genuines. which Laertius calls [...] his Systeme; and Cassiodorus his College, as others his Family, and the Disciples, that belonged to this Schole, or College, were called [...] Genuine, as also [...] Mathematicians, because they being generally young, of quick apprehensions, and as willing, as also able, to [Page 138] devote themselves to the study of Philosophie, Pythagoras expounded to them not onely the [...],Habebat (Pythagoras) domi suae plurimos jute­nes, quos ex col­latis opibus ale­bat; corúmque conversatio [...] dicta est. Gellius l. 1. c. 9. quod omnia iis com­munia essent. Laërt. lib. 8. Hora. Hist. Phi­los. l. 7. c. 12. In Pythagoras's College or Co­vent, 1 were his Novices or Probationers. but also the [...], the Causes, and Reasons of things; why it was so, and so, and why it could not be otherwise. These Mathematicians being of Pythagoras's College, Covent, or Fami­ly, and by him instituted in the more full, and exact Reasons of things, and deeper points of Philosophie, were only esteemed and called genu­ine Pythagoreans: the former acoustiques, or common hearers, being cal­led only Pythagorites. To these two sorts of hearers Gellius l. 1. c. 4. addes a third [...] of naturalists. Yea the Author of the Pythago­rean life addes more: of which see Photius cod. 249. Clemens Alexand. lib. 5 [...] V [...]ssius de Philos. Sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 18. Stanly of Pythag. Discip. Chap. 1.

§. 2 In Pythagoras's [...], Convent, College or Family there were also two sorts of Disciples; some were only [...] Exoteriques, No­vices or Probationers. Others were [...], or [...] Intrinsiques, or Perfect. As for the Probationers or novices, Pythagoras, to render them capable of Philosophy, prepared them by a most severe Discipline, and made them passe a very strict examen. For Pythagoras studied very much to know, and understand men; what every mans Disposition was, what his natural capacity for Philosophy, and what his inclinations thereto were: neither would he admit any into his College, or Family, before he had made some Physiognomicall observations concerning the man; If upon exact observation of all circumstances, he found the per­son to be of good naturals, and of an awakened understanding, then he brought him under an Examen touching his morals; whether he were of good manners, and had affectionate inclinations to Philosophy, &c. The person thus examined, and approved by Pythagoras, was admitted into his Society, or College as an Exoterique, or Probationer; as Iambli­chus cap. 20. and Stanly of Pythagoras's Discipline chap 2.

§. 3. Now that Pythagoras traduced this part of his Discipline, as also the former relating to his Acoustiques, Pythagoras's [...]mitting his Scholars after examen &c. from the Jewish rite of admit­ting Proselites. or Common auditors from the Jewish Church, seems very probable. For who knows not, that the Jewes had two sorts of Proselites? 1. Those of the Gates, i e. such as lived within their gates, and partaked of some common privileges; unto whom Pythagoras's common Disciples seem to answer: but secondly, there were Proselites of the covenant, or of Righteousnesse, i e. such as were incorporate into the Jewish Church, and so made partakers of all their privileges. Now in the admission of these, Maimonides tels us, [Page 139] the Jewes were very strict and severe, as Ainsworth out of him on Gen. 17.12. [Bought with money.] ‘when a man or woman cometh to joyne a Proselyte, they make a diligent enquiry after such, lest they come to get themselves under the Law, for some Riches, they should receive, or for Dignitie they should obtain, or for Fear. If he be a Man, they enquire whether he have not set his affection on some Jewish woman; or a Woman her affections on some Young man of Is­rael. If no such like occasion be found in them, they make known to them the Weightinesse of the Yoake of the Law, &c. to see if they will leave off. If they will take it upon them, and withdraw not, and they see, that they come of love, then they receive them as its written Ruth. 1.18. &c.’ Thus Ainsworth. By which we see, how near Pytha­goras comes to the Jewes in his strict, and severe examen, as to the Ad­mission of Disciples, from whom we have some reason to perswade us, that he tooke the whole Idea, or Platforme of his Schole and College. Yea if we may believe Clemens Alexandrinus ( [...]. 1.) Pythagoras himself was circumcised; and if so, we may suppose he was admitted as a Prose­lyte, to partake of the Privileges, and Mysteries of the Jewish Church. And Porphyrie (pag. 2.) tels us, that he was cleansed from the polluti­ons of his life past by one Zabratus, who according to S [...]lden was Eze­kiel. Or if not a Proselyte of the Covenant; yet we may with safety sup­pose him to be a Proselyte of the Gates; that is, one that heard amongst them, and so acquainted himselfe with their Discipline, and Mysteries, and affected an imitation thereof, particularly in this rite of admitting his Disciples and Probationers.

§. 4.Probationary Discipline, and Exercises. Pythagoras appointed his Exoteriques under Probation many Exercises for the purification of their minds, as also many Abstinences from wine, flesh, and other meats obstructing the clearnesse of under­standing, with many other probationarie exercises: which probation or preparative Discipline they underwent usually five yeares before they were admitted to be Intrinsiques, or compleat Pythagoreans. But the main Injunction, which Pythagoras laid on these Exoteriques, or No­vices, was their [...] quinquenniall, or 5 years silence. The Pythagore­an [...] or Silence. The cause of which silence was to inure his Disciples to the right govern­ment of their Tongues, which of all things is most difficult, and yet the most usefull, and necessary for Novices in any science. Thence Iambli­chus lib. 1. c. 31. [...]The Government of the Tongue is of all most difficult. So Apul. Florid. 15. [Page 140]The first Founder of Philosophie first taught his Disciples to hold their peace,Finis autem si­lentis bujus alius non erat, quam ut discentes ini­tio intra mode­stiae terminos se continentes di­scerent diligen­ter voci prae­ceptoris auscul tare. Horn. Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. and his first mediation, in order to the procuring Wisdome, was to bridle the Tongue, and keep our words within the wall of our teeth; for he forbad not speech altogether, but loquacitie; requiring that they spoke more rarely, more submissively, more modestly, which is a great vertue, though very difficult in Scholars:’ according to that of Quintilian, Decl. 19. I thinke there is no virtue more difficult, than that of Silence. This Pythagorean silence answers that of Job ch. 6. v. 24. Teach mee and I will hold my tongue. Others make the reason of this si­lence to be ‘that the soule, turning inward to her selfe, might be di­verted from externall objects, and all irregular passions. Hence his si­lence was termed [...], that is, (saies Aulus Gellius lib. 1. c. 9.) [...], or as Hesychius, and out of him Suidas from [...], conteining within himselfe his speech. This Probationary silence of these Novices, Laertius lib. 8. calls [...] a quinquenniall silence. Laertius saies, ‘that the Pythagorean Novices kept silence 5. years, only hearing Pythagoras's discourses, but not seeing him, till they were fully approved, & then they became of his Family, which he cals [...] systeme.’ So Servius on Virgil, Aen. 10. yet Aulus Gellius l. 1. c. 9. informes us, that this [...] 5 yeares silence was not required of all, but of some more, of some lesse; but none were enjoyned lesse than two yeares silence, as none more then five yeares. The like Apuleius in floridis tels us, that some were silent for a lesser space, especially such as were more grave: but those who were more pratling, were enjoyn­ed a quinquenniall silence. The Pythagoreans for this their silence con­tinued in great honour even to Isocrates's time, who in his Busiris saies, ‘that men more admired the Pythagoreans, who held their peace, than others, who had obtained the greatest glory by speaking.’ Yea Pythagoras enjoyned his Disciples some kind of perpetuall silence, for he taught 1. That we ought to be silent, or to speake things better than Silence. 2. to comprehend many things in few words, not few things in many words, whence Zeno blamed such as instead of being [...] lovers of learning, were [...] lovers of words. 3. Pythagoras forbad his Scholars declaring his mysteries to others. Those who after their five years preparative Discipline, and Probation, appeared by their mo­deration, commendable conversation, and other qualifications fit to par­ticipate of Pythagoras's more secret Philosophie and Mysteries, were made Intrinsiques, being admitted to hear Pythagoras within the screen, [Page 141] and to see him, and henceforward were accounted [...] i. e. perfect, which privileges the former Probationers, or Novices were not made partakers of. But if these Novices, after the time of their Probation, were not judged worthy to be received to the condition of the perfect, or compleat members of Pythagoras's [...] or Covent, then were they rejected, & a Coffin was made by the Disciples of Pythagoras, & pla­ced in their room, as a lively symbolique image of a person morally dead: so Iamblichus cap. 17. and Grot. on Mat. 8.2. as Hammond on Luke 25.24. of which hereafter in the Pythagorean Excommunication Par. 9.

§. 5. That Pythagoras took the Idea, The Pythagore­an distinction of Disciples into Novices and perfect, from the Jews meerly. Phil. 3.12. and Platform of his probationary examen, Discipline, and preparative exercises from the Jewish Church the Learned assure us; and that upon more than conjecturall grounds. So Daillé in his Sermon on Philip. 3.12. [...]] ‘This term [perfect] saies he, is taken from those (viz. the Pythagoreans) a­mongst the Pagans, who after many preparations and purifications ren­dred themselves capable of the view, and participation of certaine great Idololatrique mysteries, which in those times were had in great veneration, &c.’ Now that this mode of initiating Novices by such pre­parative exercises, after which they became [...] or perfect, Phil. 3.15. [...] alludes to the Jewish [...] perfect. does ori­ginally belong to the Jewish Church, the same Daillé affirmes on Phil. 3.15. Parfaits perfect. ‘The ancient Greek Pagans had in their Religion certain mysteries, & sacred ceremonies, to the view, & parti­cipation of which they received not their Devoto's, till they had been prepared for the same by diverse Disciplines, calling them perfect, who were admitted thereto, and holding the others for Novices or Ap­prentices only — But these words were taken originally from the fashion of the Jewish Church, in the Scholes whereof there were di­vers orders: some were more low, others more high, in which were taught the most sublime mysteries: and this last part of their Theologie was called by a word, that signifies perfection, because they held it for the top of their Discipline: and in like manner they, who had been instructed in this their sublime Theology, were called The perfect [...].’ Thus likewise the Levites (as some observe) had their quinquennial, or five yeares probation and preparation, by preparative Exercises, before they entred upon their compleat office: whence we see what affinity there is betwixt Pythagoras's Probationers, or Novices, 1 Tim. 3.6. [...], a Novice. and those in the Jewish Church, and Schole. Paul also 1 Tim. 3.6. makes mention of a [...], that is, a Novice in the Christian Church, which Oecume­nius [Page 142] enterprets [...], one newly initiated in the faith, a Catechu­men, and Theophilact [...], one newly baptized, and admitted in­to the Church, answering to the Hebrew [...] (which the LXX. render Job. 14.9. [...]) and as we may presume with allusion to the No­vice in the Jewish Church. And this very custome of initiating No­vices by preparative Discipline the popish Monks, such as are Regular, universally retain to this very day (both name and thing) in the admit­ting persons into their Covents; which, we need no way doubt, they at first took up in imitation of, and compliance with the Pagans, especial­ly the Pythagoreans, and the Jewish Church; as also their whole Mona­stique Life, and Institutes, of which hereafter. Lastly, we should be per­fect [...], and without blemish; such were the Pythagorean [...]; and Plato's Priest, whom he requires to be [...], perfect and genuine.

The Discipline of Pythagoras's Schole and Col­lege.§ 6. We have spoken of Pythagoras's Disciples in common, as also of those who belonged to his coenebium, or College, both his Novices, and perfect, with their cognation to, and derivation from the Jewish Church, and Scholes. We now proceed to treat of the Discipline Pythagoras ex­ercised amongst his Scholars, especially those of his [...] or Col­lege, wherein we doubt not, but to discover many remarkeable, and e­vident footsteps of Jewish discipline, and Traditions, whence we may suppose it was traduced.

The first thing considerable in the Discipline of Pythagoras's [...] or College was the Confoederation, The confoedera­tion or consocia­tion in Pythago­ras's College founded in vir­tue. League, or Covenant betwixt all those, who were Members thereof. For as we have already proved, Pythago­ras was very severe and strict in the admission of Members into his Sy­steme or College. He judged, and that rightly, there could be no fra­ternity and lasting friendship, but what was grounded on Likenesse; and no true proper Likenesse, but what was founded in virtue, or resem­blance of God. Whence saies Iamblichus of the Pythagoreans, ‘Their study of friendship by words and actions, had reference to some Di­vine temperament, and to union with God, and to unity with the Divine soule.’ So Stanly of Pythag. Philos. ch. 2. By which it is plain, that Pythagoras asserted both in Thesi, or Opinion, and in Hypothesi, and Practice, that there could be no Consociation, or friendship worthy of that name, but what was founded on Virtue, and Likenesse to God. This also was sufficiently couched under two of Pythagoras's Symbols accor­ding to the explication of Iamblichus, as that Symbol 28. [Lay not hold [Page 143] on every one suddenly with your right hand] i. e. sayes Iamblichus,See Stanly of Pythag. Symbols fol. 120. give not your right hand, or draw not easily to you into your society per­sons not initiated ( [...]) i. e. such as have not been long tryed by Do­ctrines and Disciplines, nor are approved as worthy to participate, &c.’ Another of Pythagoras's Symbols, whereby he signified to us, that Vir­tue, or Likenesse to God, was the onely solid and genuine foundation of strict Friendship and Society, was this, Symbol. 35. [set downe salt] that is, saith Iamblichus Justice, of which salt is an embleme. This also Plato (Pythagoras's imitator) does much insist upon, especially in Lysis (this Lysis, whom Plato makes to be the subject of this discourse of friendship, was Pythagoras's Scholar) [...] of Friendship, proving first that [...] Likenesse was the ground of all Friendship. 2. Thence [...] &c. that good men only were alike, and Friends, [...], that wicked men had no likenesse, &c. Whence he con­cludes 3. [...], there is no con­junction, or stable union amongst wicked men.

§. 7. Now that Pythagoras took this Foundation, Constitution, Pythagoras's College from the confoedera­tion of the Jew­ish Church. or Idea of his Cellege from the Jewish Church their holy confederation, I thinke we have good conjectures, if not demonstrative Arguments to prove it. For we know, the Jewish Church was by virtue of Gods Covenant, and gracious presence with them a separate, select, peculiar, and holy people: Exod. 19.5. —and keep my covenant, then shall ye be a peculiar treasure to mee above all people, [...] signifieth ones owne proper good, Exod. 19.5, 6. peculiar trea­sure. which he loveth, and keepeth in store for himselfe, and for peculiar use: 1 Chr. 29 3. Here it is applyed to Gods Church, and translated by the LXX. a peculiar people, and St Peter expresses it by a word, that signifies a people for peculiar possession 1 Pet. 2.9. [ [...]] i. e. as Camero observes [...] for [...] signifies primarily abundance, thence excellency, as choice, select jewels, &c.’ Therefore God, though he were the Rector of all the earth, yet the Jewish Church was his peculiar treasure, or possession, as the Diademe on the head, or the seale on the hand: so Exod. 34.9. and take us for thine inheritance [...] we find the same Psal. 135.4. For the Lord hath chosen Jacob to himselfe, and Is­rael for his peculiar treasure [...] it is the same word with Exod. 19.5. and so rendred [...] such a separate, peculiar, and holy rela­tion had the Jewish Church by virtue of Gods Covenant, and their owne stipulation unto God. In imitation whereof, we may safely conjecture, Pythagoras framed his [...] Covent, or College, which was to him [Page 144] as a peculiar Family, Pythagoras's Symbol of Salt as a sign of con­foederation and covenant from the Jewish use of this type. or Church; and therefore look as Salt was of great use in the Jewish Church, and Sacrifices, as that which did lively, though but Symbolically, represent their holy friendship, and communion with God; so in like manner Pythagoras makes great use of this same Sym­bol [set down salt] to expresse the holy Friendship and Communion there should be amongst his Collegues. And that Pythagoras's Symbol of Salt, by which he signified that Covenant, and Friendship, which ought to be betwixt his Collegues, had its first rise from the parallel use of Salt in the Jewish Church, will I thinke appeare very probable, if we consult the Scriptures, where we find this Symbol mentioned, as also its use amongst the Ancients.Levit. 2.13. Salt of the Co­venant. Numb. 18.19. Covenant of Salt. It is said Lev. 2.13. Thou shalt not suffer the Salt of the Covenant of thy God to be lacking; with all thine offerings thou shalt offer salt. So Numb. 18.19. we read of a Covenant by Salt. The like 2. Chron. 13.5. where the salt, that was cast upon all the Sa­crifices, is called the Salt of the Covenant, because the Covenant of God with his people was confirmed by Sacrifice, as Psal. 50.5. Gather my Saints together unto mee, The Covenant by Salt the same with the Cove­nant by Sacri­fice. those who have made a Covenant with me by Sa­crifice. The original of which Covenant by Sacrifice we find Gen. 15.9, 10. which was afterwards imitated by the Heathens in the confirma­tion of their solemn Covenants: so that this Covenant by Salt is the same with the Covenant by Sacrifice, because these Covenants by Sa­crifice, both in the Jewish Church, and also amongst the Greeks, were solemnized by Eating, and drinking the Sacrifices, whereunto Salt was alwayes a necessary appendix. For God by these feastings upon the Sacrifices, wherein Salt was used, did confirme his Covenant with those, who did participate of them; in as much as they did in some sort eat and drinke with God: as Luke 13.26. We have eaten and drunke in thy presence. Luk 13.26. Salt used as a Symbol of Co­venants and friendship. i. e. we have eaten and drunke together with thee of thy Sa­crifices, or at thy Communion Table, for the ratifying our Covenant, and in token of our friendship with thee. And, that Salt was alwayes accounted by the Ancient Jewes, as an essentiall concurrent of their feasts, especially such as were for the confirmation of Covenants, Love, and Friendship, appears by that common proverb, [...] Every feast wherein is not some salt, is no feast. We have a great instance, and proofe of this Jewish custome to make use of Salt for the confirmation of their Covenants,Ezra. 4.14. in Ezra 4.14. where the original Chaldee (different from our version) runs thus [...] because we have eaten of the Kings salt. i. e. be­cause [Page 145] we have engaged our selves in a Covenant of Friendship to him, by eating of his meat. So that we see this Rite of making Covenants by Salt was fresh amongst the Jewes even then, when Pythagoras flourish­ed, and lived amongst them in Chaldea. Hence learned Cudworth (in his Discourse of the true notion of the Lords Supper pag. 68.) having shewen how Salt was used amongst the Ancients as a Symbol of Cove­nants, and friendship, addes, ‘Thus I understand that Symbol of Py­thogoras [...], to set downe Salt for Friendship, and ho­spitality.— Because Covenants and reconciliations were made by eat­ing, and drinking, where salt was alwaies used. Salt it selfe was ac­counted amongst the Ancients a Symbol of friendship, [...] Salt, and the Table was used proverbially amongst the Greeks to ex­presse friendship by: thence Origens quotation out of Archilochus [...], to transgresse the Salt and Table, was to violate the most sacred league of Friendship. Aeschines in his Oration de perperam habita Legatione hath a passage very pertinent to this purpose, [...]. For he saith, that he ought greatly to esteem the Salt, and common Table of the City. Thus Cudworth, &c. By which we see how, and why the Ancients both Jewes, and Greekes made Salt a Symbol of their Covenants, and friendship. But yet I conceive there was something more couched under this Symbol of Salt, than learned Cudworth hath taken notice of, which will give further illustration, and proofe to our Assertion, that Pythagoras traduced it from the Jewish Church. For God instituting Salt, as a Symbol of his Covenant, to be eaten with the Sacrifices, as Lev. 2.13. did thereby represent to the life that sanctity, or holinesse, Salt also used as a Symbol of Sanctitie. which he required, and expected from such, as entered into Covenant with him: For who knows not, that Salt, as it gives a savour, and re­lish to meats, so its chief use is to preserve from putrefaction: this ex­plication Christ himself gives of this Symbol, Marke 9.49, 50.Marke 9.49. Every one shall be salted with fire, and every Sacrifice salted with Salt, &c. Sal­ted, i. e. purifyed, and preserved by Grace, as flesh by Salt: the like Sym­bolique usage of Salt is given by Christ Mat. 5.13. Yee are the salt. So Luke 14.34. Coloss. 4.6. seasoned &c. That this was a main use of Salt amongst the Heathens, and that they traduced this usage from the Jewish Church, is asserted and proved by Francis Valesius de Sacra Pholosophia, cap. 16. on Levit. 2.13. ‘It is a wonder (saith he) that it was a solemn Rite, not only in the Sacrifices of the true God, but [Page 146] also in those of the false gods, to use salt, as you may understand by Pliny lib. 31. cap. 7. where discoursing of the praises of Salt, he saith, that its autority is much understood in Sacreds, seeing no Sacrifices are per­formed without Salt. Whence I conjecture that this custome was de­rived from the first Sacrifices of the infant world, which were offered to the great God. And that it was thence derived into the Sacred Rites of all the Gentiles: for we have much reason to judge, that those false Ministers of Sacreds, received this custome from the true Priests, according to the Devils institution, thereby to have the Divine Sacri­fices offered to him. Plato in his Dialogue of Natures saies, that Salt is a body friendly to God, which accords with this present text: for God requires every Sacrifice to be seasoned with Salt, as that which was gratefull and friendly to him. — Namely Salt seems to be a Sym­bol of Integrity, and Incorrupti [...]n, and thence of Innocence. For Salt, as tis manifest by experience (and from Aristotle Problemat. 26. Sect.) dries, and thence preserves things from Corruption. Deservedly there­fore is Salt made a Symbol of Justice, and so commanded in the Sacri­fices. To which belongs that Numb. 18.19. Its a covenant of salt for ever. He calls it a covenant of Salt. i. e. a covenant of Sacrifices, &c. Here Valetius seems to take in both notions: namely, as salt signifies an inviolable covenant of friendship, and moreover Integrity and Holinesse, both which are couched under this borrowed Symbol of Salt, and both conveighed from the use of Salt in the Church of God to the like usage of it amongst the Pythagoreans, and other Heathens. And thus much indeed Pythagoras understood by this Symbol of his [...], to place salt. i. e. saies Iamblichus in his explication, as a signe of Justice, Righteousnesse or Holinesse. Thus also Diogenes explaines this Symbol of Salt as preservative of meats, &c. For Pythagoras conceived there could be no right consociation or friendship, but what was founded in virtue (as before) and therefore was he so strict in the examen or tryall of his Probationers, and so severe in the whole Discipline of his College, which that it all sprang from the Jewish Discipline, and his af­fectation thereof, will farther appeare by what follows.

Pythagoras drew the pat­tern of his Col­legiate life from the Essenes.§. 9. As Pythagoras tooke the Idea or platform of his Systeme, and College from the Jewish Church in general, that holy, and peculiar re­lation they had to God, and to each other, by virtue of that mutual confederation or covenant betwixt them and God. So I conceive he had a peculiar regard, in framing this his College, to the particular Confoe­deration, [Page 147] or Monastique consociation of the Essenes, with whom he does in the chiefe parts of his Collegiate Discipline Symbolize, as it will ap­pear, when we descend to particulars. Now here to make the way to this demonstration clear, we are to consider the Rise, constitution, and Discipline of these Essenes. As for the origination of their name they were called [...] i. e. according to the Greeks [...], and accor­ding to our English Dialect Pure. Now the Origination or Rise of these Essenes I conceive (by the best conjectures I can make from Antiquity) to be in, or immediately after the Babylonian Captivity, (though some make them later) and the occasion of their separation, or consociation, seems this. Many of the carnall Jewes defiling them­selves either by beeing too deeply plunged in Worldly Affaires, even to the neglect of their Religion, or, which was worse, by sinfull compliances with their Idolatrous Lords, thereby to secure their carnall interests, these [...], or Essenes to preserve themselves from these common pollutions separated, and retired themselves from the croud of worldly affaires into an holy solitude, and private condition of life;The Discipline of the Essenes. where ente­ring into a strict confederation, or consociation, to lead together a Colle­giate devout life, they 1. shunned all carnall pleasures, which might entice them from their Devotion. 2. They avoyded all profane compa­ny, and conformity to the world, as also all affectation of Secular dignity, applause and honour. 2. They engaged in a strict fraternal com­munion amongst themselves, professing a community of goods, &c. 4. They did in time of persecution, so far as they were able, lead a Monastique life, forbearing marriage, &c. 5. They were very abstemi­ous and moderate in the use of creature comforts; forbearing wine, drinking water, &c. 6. They had their Distinctive garments, or white vestments. 7. They used Ceremoniall purifications, according to their Law; as also moral mortification of sin. 8. They enjoyned silence on their Novices, and were all studious for the right government of their speech, &c. 9. They forbad Oathes. 10. They had their Elders in great esteem. 11. They acknowledged all things to be disposed by a particu­lar over-ruling Providence. 12. They did in a peculiar manner devote themselves to the worship of God by Prayers, and Sacrifices, especially of manimates. 13. They divided their Lives, and Studies into two parts, 1. contemplative. 2. active: they spent their time most in Acti­on, besides what they employed in their Devotions; the principal study they addicted themselves unto was Medicine: they gave them­selves [Page 148] also to gardening, and other labours of the hand. 14. They di­stributed the Day into times for Prayer, for Reading, for Study, for la­bour with their hands, and for naturall Refreshments. 15. They endea­voured much exactnesse in their Morals, to lead an exemplary Life. 16. Such as prov'd Apostates, or Scandalous, they excommunicated by the common consent of all the Fraternity, or Society. And to conclude with the character of Viret. (in his interim pag. 122.) In summe ‘their Estate was in their first constitution an excellent Schole of Me­dicine, of Doctrine, and of Examples of virtue: all things were done a­mongst them in good order, and I thinke the first Christian Monks took their pattern from these Essenes. But the later Monks have rather followed the example of the Sadduces, and Pharises. Thus Viret. Indeed the Sadduces, and Pharises seem to be orders of much later constituti­on, and but a spurious degenerate off-spring of the ancient devout [...] Essenes. For although they both affected the opinion and e­steem of eminent Saints, or Separatists (for so their name Pharisee im­ports) yet all their pretended sanctity was but apparent hypocrisie, as far short of the sanctity and devotion of the first [...] or Essenes, as the pretended Popish mortifications of the later Monkes comes short of the sanctity and devotion of the first Christian [...], or Puritans. He that will see more of these Jewish [...] or Essenes may consult Drusius de 3. sectis Judaeorum, &c.

The Pythagore­ans imitation of the Essenes.Having laid downe the original of the Essenes, their Collegiate Con­stitution, Order, and Discipline, I shall now proceed to shew, how much the Pythagorean College, or Systeme did Symbolize, and agree therewith: which will give a great confirmation to our Hypothesis; that Pytha­goras traduced the Idea of his College, and its Discipline from the Jewish Church, &c.

1. The Pythago­reans great Se­paratists from all that were not of their So­cietie.1. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, separated themselves from the rest of men, whom they accounted Profane; not at all regarding their Riches, Honours, or Pleasures. Hence that great Law amongst them [...], to give the Right hand of fellow­ship to none but to Pythagoreans: i. e. saies Iamblichus, to have commu­nion with none, who are not initiated, or tryed by Doctrines, and Disci­plines, &c. The same phrase was used in the Jewish Church, to denote communion. So Paul speakes of the Right hand of fellowship given to him by Peter, Gal. 2.9. See Chap. 9. Parag. 3. James, and John. Gal. 2.9. according to the Jewish Dia­lect. And as the Jews accounted all, that were not of their Church, as [Page 149] dogs, profane, without, &c. So likewise the Pythagoreans, called all those, who were not of their Society [...] or [...] not initiated; & [...] & [...], those without, profane, &c. So Grotius on Mat. 7.6.Mat. 7.6. [cast not what is holy to dogs] observes this Symbolick mode was brought by Pythagoras out of the Oriental parts. Yea Iamblichus tels us, that the Pythagoreans excluded all, save their Parents, [...], from their conversation; hence those verses touching Pythagoras.

[...],
[...].

‘His Associates he esteemed equall to the blessed Gods: but as for o­thers he esteemed them not either in speech, or number; Iamblichus lib. 1. cap. 35. This Pythagorean separation; and contempt of all others, but their own Collegues, gained them much envie, so that as some ob­serve, they being once assembled in their College, or the place where they were wont to meet, some ill-willers accused them of a conspiracie against the City, which caused them to be almost all massacred, of which see Vossius de Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. par. 26. This is most probable, that the Pythagoreans were strict and severe separatists, as the Essenes, and Jews before them.

2. The Pythagoreans, as well as the Essenes, shunned all carnal plea­sures, all mundane Honours, Riches, and Grandeur,2. Their shun­ning worldly pleasures, &c. affecting an [...] a mental self-sufficiencie. Thus Pythagoras in his Epistle to Hiero (of which before chap. 5.) pretends to an [...], a self-sufficiencie, which made him scorne the Honours, Pleasures, and Pomp of Hiero's court. Herein the Pythagareans were followed by the morose Cynicks, who affected a great aversation from all worldly pleasures, dignities, and conformities: as also by the Stoicks, who placed happinesse in an [...] a self-sufficiencie, thence Epictetus begins his Enchiridion with his [...], &c.

3. The Pythagoreans made not only a separation from the world,3. Their strict consociation & community of goods. both persons and things; but also a strict Consociation, or Confoederation amongst themselves; professing a community of goods, or enjoying all things in common; wherein they did exactly imitate the Collegiate Discipline of the Essenes. Thus Iamblichus (cap. 17.) ‘Pythagoras,Inter Pythago­raeos col [...]batur societ as insepa­rabilis, quod à communione appellabatur [...]. Hunc morem [...] apud Judaeos imitati sunt Essenes, qui omnia communia habebant. Horn. Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. saies he, appointed a Community of Estates, & constituted an inviolable [Page 150] Confederacie, and Societie as being that ancient way of consociation (perhaps he meanes in the Jewish Church, which was most ancient) which is truly stiled [...] a Covent or College. This was agreable to the Dogmes of Pythagoras [...], all things ought to be com­mon amongst Friends, And [...] Friendship is an equality: whence his precept, Esteem nothing your own. So Diog. Laër. saies, the Pythagore­ans put their estates in one cōmon stock, &c. Thus Vossius de Phil. Sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 25. The Pythagoreans, saies he, maintained the strict­est conjunction amongst themselves; also a communion of Goods. But as for the Friendships of other men, they no way esteemed them, albeit they abounded with Riches, and Honours.’ And Plato proceeding up­on the very same principles with Pythagoras, viz: That all things must be common among friends, &c. enjoynes a Community of all things in his Common-wealth: of which hereafter.

Their Celibate from the Essenes, or Jewish Priests.4. As the Essenes, and devout Jewes did, if they had ability, for­bear marriage in times of persecution, especially thereby to avoid ma­ny snares, and encumbrances; so likewise the Pythagoreans, who did not only look on Celibate, or single life as expedient for some times, and conditions; but enjoyned it in their sect, as a thing sacred, and holy. This learned Bochart. proves at large in his excellent Treatise a­gainst Veron. part 3. chap. 25. sect. 4. Art. 1. (in French pag. 1338.) where he shews, that the Injunction of celibat, or Monastique life, was one great part of the doctrine of Daemons (mentioned 1. Tim. 4.1.3.) ‘which, saies he, was one of the superstitions Pythagoras brought out of Egypt, when he returned into Greece. For (as Clem Alexandr. [...]. l. 1.) he forbad marriage to those of his sect, and erected a Cloy­ster of Virgins (or Nuns) the charge of which he gave to his Daugh­ter. Plato held the same sentiment, and Heraclitus, and Democritus, and Zeno the Prince of the Stoiques, who never touched a Woman.’ Thus Bochart. But 'tis possible, Pythagoras might take up this his in­junction of Celebat from the Jewish Priests, who at some times were enjoyned abstinence from Women. So Grotius on Colos. 2.21. having shewne how these Injunctions did not refer to the Jewish Law, but to some Traditions of the Jews, and Dogmes of Philosophers, especially the Pythagoreans, he concludes thus, ‘This last phrase [...] handle not, refers to separation from Women, which the Jewish Priests at some certain times were enjoyned, but the Pythagoreans alwaies, &c.’ Hammond on 1. Tim. 4.3. [forbidding to marry] shows, how the [Page 151] Gnosticks received this part of their character forbidding marriages, &c. from the Pythagorean Philosophers, as Clemens Alexandr. Strom. lib. 3. &c.Pythagorean ab­stinences from Jewes and Es­senes.

5. As the Essenes had their particular Rules for Abstinences from wine, &c. And the Jews in general had their Abstinences from seve­rall meats, and at several times. So also the Pythagoreans in imitation of them. Thus Jerom tels us, that the Essenes abstained from flesh: whence some conceive Pythagoras brought this superstition into Greece, as Horn. Hist. Phil. l. 7. c. 12. Thus also Stanley of Pythagoras's Disci­pline, ch. 5. out of Iamblichus. ‘Moreover Pythagoras commanded his Disciples to abstain from all things, that had life, and from certain other meats, which obstruct the clearness of understanding: like­wise from wine, also to eat, and sleep little.’ So Diogenes Laertius tels us, that ‘Pythagoras held things dedicated to God were holy, and so not to be used for common uses:Col. 2.16. Pythagorean Praecepts. thence that fishes were not to be eaten [...], &c. And Grotius on Col. 2.16 gives us a full account hereof, [...], in meat, or drinke.]’ In one clause, saies Grotius, he comprehends both those, who Judaized, and Pythagorized. ‘To abstain from wine was not a perpetual Jewish Institute, but in some [persons and Times] but amongst the Pythagoreans it was frequent. The Jewes abstained from some meats; the Pythagoreans from many more.’ Thus Grotius. The like he addes on vers. 20. To the rudiments of the world, [...], saies Grotius, Rudiments, &c. every institution, Gal. 4.3.9. where you'l see why they are called rudiments of the world, namely because they were common to the Jewes with other Nations. There was nothing in these Rites proper to the Jewes, &c. The same he addes on vers. 21. [...]] Here is,Col. 2.21.22. Pythagoras's Dogmes. saies Gro­tius, a [...], the note whereof the Syriack has placed here. For thus these masters spake. Tertullian against Marcion 5. denyes that this belongs to the Law of Moses. He seems to mee to have used common words which should comprehend both the Jewes and Philosophers, espe­cially the Pythagoreans. And these first words [...], touch not, tast not, chiefly belong to meats: the later [...] refer to Women, &c. So again, v. 22. [...]] This, saies Grotius, refers to the [...], v. 20. These things were invented by men, they came not primarily from God. [...] pre­cepts were such as were commanded by mens Laws: [...], such [Page 152] things as were enjoyned by the Pythagoreans, as before.’ Thus likewise Hammond in his Paraph on 1. Tim. 4.3.1. Tim. 4.3. Commanding to abstain from meats. Forbidding to marry, and com­manding to abstain from meats affirmes that the Gnosticks had these Doctrines from the Pythagorean Philosophers. And Mede in his Apo­stacie of the latter times, on these words 1. Tim. 4.3. forbidding to marry, &c. proves at large that these Monkish Abstinences were but imitati­ons, and branches of the Doctrines of Daemons (mentioned v. 1.) brought into Greece by Pythagoras, Plato, and other Philosophers.

6 Their purifi­cations both Ce­remonial and Moral.6. The Jewes in general, but more particularly the Essenes had their Purifications, or Purgatories, both Ceremonial, and Moral. So in like manner the Pythagoreans. Thus Iamblichus of Pythagoras. ‘He said (quoth he) that purity is acquired by expiations, and bathings, and sprinklings, &c. So Diogenes Laertius in his life. Pythagoras, saies he, held, that cleanesse is acquired by expurgations, washings, and sprink­lings, with separation from all that defileth.’ And Justin Martyr. A­polog. 2. gives us this general assertion, ‘that all these washings, which the Heathens used in their sacreds, had their original, though by a Diabolique imitation, from our Sacred Scriptures, &c.’

7. Their obser­vation of Festi­vals.7. The Jewes in general, and the Essenes in particular, were very exact in their observation of their Festivals. So likewise were the Py­thagoreans. ‘For, saith Iamblichus, Pythagoras commanded that upon holy dayes we cut not our hair, nor pair our nailes: See Stanley of Py­thag.'s Discipline, chap. 3. fol. 92.’

8. Their white distinctive vest­ments from Ec­cles. 9.8. Let thy garments be white.8. Again the Pythagoreans, as well as the Jewes and Essenes, had their white distinctive vestments, or garments. So Iamblichus (cap. 20.) speak­ing of Pythagoras's Disciples, saies, They wear a white, and clean gar­ment: So Diogenes Laertius saies, that Pythagoras held the Gods to be worshiped [...], with a good conscience (so [...] is used by Plato) and white Vestment, &c. as Eccles. 9.8.’ Let thy Vestment be alwayes white, &c. Hence I suppose the Pythagorean white. P. Virgil quaest. 4, de Inv. Rer. 7. supposeth that the Hebrews borrowed their white Garment from the Egyptians, whence also Py­thagoras received the same: for Herod. l. 2. acquaints us, that the E­gyptian Priests used a pure white Vestment, and rejected the Woollen, as profane. But it seems evident, that both the Egyptians, and Pythagore­ans traduced their white Vestments from the Jewes, who received them from sacred Institution.

[Page 153]9. As the Essenes, so the Pythagoreans enjoyned silence, Their perpetual silence, or con­celing their mysteries from strangers. and that not only on their Exotericks, or Novices; but also on their [...], or In­trinsicks: for besides the five years silence which Pythagoras prescribed his novices, he had another called [...] a continual silence, which properly belonged to his perfect Disciples, who were enjoyned secresie, or concelement of the Pythagorean mysteries from all those who were not of their societie, whom the Pythagoreans termed [...], uninitiated, prophane, &c. therefore not meet to have notice of their mysteries. Thus Iamblichus, speaking of the Pythagoreans, saith. ‘That the Principal, and most mysterious of their Doctrines they re­served amongst themselves unwritten, as not fit to be published, but to be delivered by oral tradition to their Successors, as mysteries of the Gods. To which that of Cicero lib. 1. de nat. Deor. refers. Thou maist not concele it from me, as Pythagoras was wont to concele his mysteries from aliens. Thus Vossius de Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 24. having spok­en of the Pythagorean quinquennial silence saies, ‘They had another silence, which was perpetual: by which it was unlawful for the Py­thagoreans to discourse (not amongst themselves, but) with strangers of those mysteries, which they had received.’ This indeed exactly answereth the Jewish silence, or secresie in conceling from the Gentiles their mysteries. viz. the name Jehovah, which they (as 'tis said) would alwaies pronounce by the other more common name Adonai, thereby to concele it, &c. For the Jews accounted the Gentiles, but as pro­fane, and Dogs; therefore not fit to be made partakers of their my­steries. To which Christ seems to allude Mat. 7.6. give not what is holy to Dogs. Yea indeed the Pythagoreans were not without some kind of silence amongst themselves, for they esteemed the right government of our speech, one of the hardest, and therefore best governments; as Iam­blichus l. 1. cap. 31. Thence Pythagoras enjoyned his Disciples, 1. Perpetual silence, unless they could speak somewhat more profita­ble than their silence. 2. When they did speak, to utter many things in few words, nor few things in many words: For Pythagoras was a professed enemy to tatling; thence that Symbol of his: Receive not a Swallow into your house, i. e. saies Vossius, admit not of tatlars. So Ze­no, the Prince of the Stoicks, when he heard any talk much, was wont to say. That man's ears were fallen down into his tongue. 3. Pytha­goras enjoyned his scholars not to speak rashly without premeditation. 4. Not to discourse of Pythagorean mysteries without Light: For, [Page 154] saies Iamblichus, ‘it is impossible to understand Pythagorean Doctrines without Light.’ 5. Pythagoras required a particular silence, or right ordering of speech in speaking of, or drawing near unto the Gods. So Iamblichus on Pythagoras's Seventh Symbol. [Above all things govern your tongue in following the Gods.] The first work of wisdom (saith he) ‘is to turn our speech inward upon our selves (by meditation) for no­thing does more perfect the soul, than when a man turning inward up­on himself followeth the Gods.’ 6. And touching the Pythagorean silence in general, Apuleius in floridis tels us, ‘That the first thing Pythagoras taught his Disciples, was to hold their peace; and the first meditation of him who would be wise, should be for an universal bridling of his tongue; and having clipped the wings of his words, which the Poets call birds, to shut them up within the walls of his white teeth.’ 7. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, forbad Oathes.

Their Reve­re [...]ce towards their Elders.10. The Pythagoreans in imitation of the Essenes, and Jews, had their Elders in great esteem. They never made mention of Pythago­ras, without some note of reverence, calling him [...] the Theo­logue &c. And [...] he said it, had with Pythagoras's Disciples the same authoritie, as a first principle with other Philosophers, or a Scrip­tural testimony with a Jew, and Christian. This is observed by Laert. l. 8. Cicero l. 1. de. N. Deor. Quint. l. 11. c. 1. and others; who tell us that Pythagoras's Authoritie answered all objections: for when he spake, he was esteemed as the Pythian oracle: so that the solemn for­mule was [...]: And 'tis not unlikely, but this title also he borrow­ed from the Sacred Records: for [...], or thus saith he, is a title given to God in Scripture; as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. [...] ‘an honorable appellation is attributed not only to Prophane, but also to Sacred Writers; so that it is not given to any, but the most ex­cellent, yea to God himself: for so He more easily gain'd credit to his Doctrine, and Authoritie to Himself.’

They own Fate.11. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, acknowledged all things to be disposed by a particular providence, which they called Fate.

Their Devoti­on.12. The Jews, and particularly the Essenes, did in a peculiar man­ner, especially in times of Persecution, and captivity, devote them­selves to the worship of God, by prayers, &c. in order whereto, they had their [...] praying houses. So likewise the Pythagoreans were generally Devoto's, or much addicted to devotion: of which here­after.

[Page 155]13. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, divided their life, Their studies, Contempla­tive, Active. and studies into Contemplative, and Active. In their studies they much addicted themselves to Medicine; in their bodily exercises to Gardening, &c.

14. The Pythagoreans, in imitation of the Essenes, distributed the day into several parts, for Devotion, Study, Labour, &c. The Pythago­rean dayly ex­ercises, with their morning Premeditati­ons, and even­ing Recollecti­on of all. So Iam­blichus of Pythagoras cap. 20. ‘Those who were taught by Pythagoras, spent their morning walk alone, and in such places, where they might be most retired, and free from disturbances.’ After their morning walk, they met together in the Temple, or place of Devotion. After that, having spent some time in their studies, they went to their morning Exercises. At Dinner they used (mostly) bread and honey. Their afternoon they employed in Political affairs. All the actions of the day they contrived in the morning before they rose, and exa­mined the same at night before they went to sleep.Pythagoraei exercendae me­moriae causa, singulis diebus quid egissent, quid legissent, quid profecis­sent, in Vita, in Doctrina, vesperi com­memorabant: benefacta lau­dem, malefa­cta vituperium merebantur. Hornius. Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. A Pythagorean ‘rose not out of his bed, before he had called to mind the Actions of the day past, which recollection he performed in this manner.’ He endeavoured to call to mind what he had heard, or done in the first, second, third place (and so in order) after his rising: And then after his going forth, whom he met with first, whom next, &c. and what discourses he had with the first, what with the second, &c. for he ‘endeavoured to keep a Diarie, Journal, or memoires of all that hap­pened throughout the day; and so to repeat every thing in order as it happened. Thus they cheifly exercised their memories; for they conceived nothing conduceth more to knowledge, experience, and wisdome, then to remember many things. He taught his Dis­ciples to do nothing without premeditation; nor any thing whereof they could not give a good account; but that in the morning they should consider what they were to do; and at night make a recol­lection thereof: so Porphyrie on the life of Pythag. pag. 26. saith, That Pythagoras advised his Scholars, to have regard chiefly to two things. 1. The time of their going to bed. 2. The time of their rising: at each of these to consider what actions are past, and what to come: of the past to require from themselves an account; of the future to have a Providential circumspection, and care.’ So Virgil ex Pythag. inter Epigr.

Non prius in dulcem declinat lumina somnum,
Omnia quam longi reputaverat acta diei;
Quae praetergressus, quid gestum in tempore, quid non:

[Page 156] See more Stanly, of Pythagoras's discipline cap. 9, 10.

Constancie, and against Apostacie.15. The Pythagoreans, as the Essenes, affected a great constancy in their principles, and morals: in order whereto they had many cautio­nary precepts against Apostacy. So Iamblichus explaines that 15th. Symbol of Pythagoras. [Travelling from home turn not back, for the Furies go back with you.] i. e. saith Iamblichus after you have applyed your self to Philosophie, turn not back, &c. Which also was a Proverbi­al Symbol amongst the Jews; to which our Saviour seems to allude, when he giveth those cautions against Apostacie: viz. Remember Lots Wife: and He that puts his hand to the Plow and looketh back, &c.

Their Excom­munication.16. As the Essenes were severe in their Excommunication of Apo­states, and Scandalous persons, so the Pythagoreans. Thus Iamblichus cap. 17. ‘Those, who were cast out of Pythagoras's Schole, had [...], a coffin made by his Disciples, placed in their room, as if they had been dead: for all, that were about Pythagoras, spake of them as dead; and when they met them, behaved themselves to­ward them, as if they had been some other persons; for the men themselves they said were dead, &c. That Pythagoras traduced this Symbolick Embleme, of persons dead in sins, from the Jewish Church, is well observed, and proved by Grotius on Mat. 8.22. Let the dead bury their dead: and Hammond (out of him) on Luke 15.24. of which hereafter.

17. As the Pythagorean Novices had their probationarie year, or years; so the Jewish Essenes. Thus Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 15. ‘The Essenes, who alone are worthy the name of Philosophers among the Jews, did not presently admit their Disciples, till after one year, (or more) they had probation of their behavior, &c.

I have in these severals drawn the Parallel betwixt the Jewish Essenes and the Pythagoreans:A general Pa­rallel 'twixt the Essenes & Pythagoreans. and for the farther conviction, that all this was not a meer figment of mine own, without foundation, or prescript, see something of this Parallel in Godwins Jewish Antiquities l. 1. c. 12. of the Essenes, whom he makes to symbolize with the Pythagoreans. 1. In that both professed a Communion of goods. 2. Both shunned pleasures. 3. Both wore White garments. 4. Both forbad Oathes. 5. Both had their Elders in singular respect. 6. Both drank Water. 7. Both asserted Fate. 8. Both enjoyned silence, &c.

Now that the Pythagoreans derived these parts of their Discipline from the Essenes, and Jews, will be further evident by what follows.

CHAP. VII. Of Pythagoras's Philosophie Natural, and Moral, &c.

The Original of Pythagoras's Philosophie, from the Jews, &c. 1. His Mathematicks. 1. Arithmetick. 2. Musick. 3. Astronomie. 4. The earths Motion, &c. 5. Geometry. 6. Weights, and Mea­sures, from the Jews. 2. Pythagoras's Physicks. 1. Contempla­tive, The world's origine, its first Matter, Gen. 1.1, 2. Its Form, Gen. 1.13. Fire the great active principle in all things, from Gen. 1.2. 2. Medicine from the Jews. 3. Pythagoras's Moral Philosophie. 1. Ethicks, Dogmatick, Preceptive, and Characteristick Ethick, Characters Jewish. Death a Character of a wicked state, as Luk. 15.24. Salt of Grace, &c. The Summe of Pythagoras's Ethicks in [...], and [...]. 2. Pythagoras's Politicks from Moses's Politie: The Pythagoreans great Politicians. Their two great Maximes to preserve 1. Liberty against Tyranny. 2. Ʋnity against Faction.

§ 1. HAving gone thorough the story of Pythagoras's life, as also the Discipline of his Schole, and College, A distribution of Pythagore­an Philosophie we now proceed to his Philosophie; wherein we doubt not but to discover many Jewish Traditions, and Foot-steps. And to proceed methodically, we shall begin with the matter of his Philosophie, and thence pass on to his Form, or mode of Philosophizing; each whereof will afford us very strong Presumptions (though not Physical demonstration) that he traduced both the one, and the other from the Jewish sacred fountaines. Some distribute Pythagoras's Philosophie into two parts. Theologick, and Ethick: By Theologie, they understand that, which we usually call Physicks, namely the knowledge of God, as the first cause of all things. Thus Danaeus in cap. 9. August. ad Laurent. and Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 3. c. 11. But we shall follow the usual Distribution thus. The matter, or body of Pythagoras's Philosophie may be distri­buted into Natural, Moral, o [...] Supernatural. 1. His Natural philo­sophie conteines, 1. His Physicks, or Natural philosophie properly so called. 2. His Mathematicks. His Physicks were either, 1. Con­templative, which was nothing else but the story of the Creation; or 2. [Page 158] Active consisting in Medicine. 2. His Moral philosophie consisted, 1. in Ethicks, or moral precepts, 2. in Politicks. 3. His Supernatural philosophie was 1. Diabolick, or Magick divination. 2. Theologick, and Divine: Pythagoras usually began with the Mathematick Scien­ces, as preparatives to the contemplation of things more sublime: So Porphyrie in the life of Pythagoras pag. 31. He is said to be the first, that changed the proud title of [...] wisdom into [...] a Love of Wisdome as Austin. de civ. Dei l. 8. c. 2. They report, that the name Philosophie sprung from Pythagoras, whereas before they were called [...] wise-men, &c.

§. 2. Now that Pythagoras traduced the main parts, if not the whole, of this his Philosophie from the Jewish Church originally, may in the general be demonstrated from what we find in Iamblichus, and other Historiographers, concerning the original of Pythagoras's Phi­losophie.Pythagoras received part of his Phi­losophie. 1. from Orphe­us. Iamblichus saies, that Pythagoras drew his Philosophie, and the several parts thereof, [...]. 1. He saies, That Pytha­goras drew part of his Philosophie from the Orphicks, i. e. Doctrines of Orpheus. So elsewhere, he tells us, ‘That Pythagoras derived much of his Theologick Science from Orpheus. That Orpheus's Theo­logie was symbolick, and mystical, much the same with that of Pytha­goras, we have already proved, out of Proclus in Theol. Plat. l. 1. c. 4. Also, that Orpheus had his Theologie originally from the Jews: which is farther evident by that famous fragment of the Orpheick Doctrine in Justin Martyr; wherein we find mention of Abraham, and the Mo­saick tables, 2 part from Egypt. or Decalogue. 2. Iamblichus informes us, That Pythago­ras received part of his Philosophie from the Egyptian Priests. The like he affirmes lib. 1. cap. 5. Pythagoras, saies he, owes to the Egyptians [...], &c. his symbolick mode of learning. So, Clemens Alexandrinus. 1. [...], ‘It is storied that Pythagoras was instructed by Sonchedes the Egyptian Arch-prophet.’ That the Egyptians had their Philosophie from the Jews, we have before proved book 1. chap. 2. Besides we have shewen (book 2. chap. 5. §. 7.8.) That Pythagoras, while in Egypt, had immediate conversation with the Jews, (who resorted thither in great numbers) by meanes of his skill in the Egyptian tongue, which was but a different Dialect of the He­brew, so that he was thereby capacitated to read, and enquire into the [Page 159] Sacred Scriptures and Jewish bookes, without supposition of their be­ing translated into Greek, which was not till after times. 3. Iam­blichus acquaints us,3 From the Chaldeans. That Pythagoras received part of his Philosophie from the Chaldeans. Now that Pythagoras had converse with the Jews, whilest in Chaldea, by meanes of his skill in the Egyptian, and Chalde­an tongues (which differed from the Hebrew only in Dialect) yea that the Jews themselves, frequently past amongst the Greeks, under the name of Chaldeans, because they lived under their government, we have endeavoured to prove in chap. 5. §. 8. of this second Booke.4 From the Thracians. 4. Iamblichus, together with Hermippus, tell us, That Pythagoras re­ceived part of his Philosophie from the Thracians, so Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion. That the Thracians had their Philosophie originally from the Jews has been proved Book 1. chap. 5. parag. 7. 5. Porphyrie p. 4. acquaints us, That Pythagoras had part of his Philosophie from the Phenicians, who had theirs from the Jews, as before. 6. Porphyry pag. 8. and Clements Alexandrinus [...]. 1. assure us, ‘That Pythagoras learned the most excellent parts of his Philosophie from the Barbari­ans. That by these Barbarians must be understood the Jews, in the first, and cheifest place, we have Testimonies of Justin Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Epiphanius, Nicephorus, and Serranus on Plato's, Cratylus fol. 426. 7. What Pythagoras learned from his Preceptors, Thales and Pherecydes, owes its original to the Jews, as before, chap. 3.4. of this second Book.

§. 3.Pythagoras begins with the Mathema­ticks. Having given a general Demonstration touching the traducti­on of Pythagoras's Philosophie from the Jews; we now proceed to its Particulars, and shall begin according to Pythagoras's own method, with his Mathematicks: So Porphyrie in his Life, pag. 31. ‘The Mind (saies he) being purified by Disciplines, ought to be applied to the most useful: These Pythagoras procured by certain methods, and gradual mediums, bringing the mind by degrees to the contem­plation of Eternal, Incorporeal, Real Beings. To this end, he first used the Mathematicks, as degrees of preparation to the contempla­tion of things that are, &c.’ This Pythagorean method of beginning with the Mathematick Sciences has been greatly applauded by some of our New Philosophers (and that perhaps not without sufficient grounds) as a method most proper for the fixing the Volatile vagrant spirits of young Students, in their entrance on Philosophie. And this is much practised by the French Nobles, who studie little else of Philo­sophie besides the Mathematicks.

[Page 160] Pythagoras first entred his Scholars in Arithmetick.§. 4. Amongst the Mathematick Sciences, Pythagoras firstly en­tered his Scholars in Arithmetick, So Stobaeus in Ecl. Phys. lib. 1. c. 11. [...], Pythagoras seems of all Scien­ces to have esteemed mostly of Arithmetick, and to have brought it in use from Mercature; he compared all things to Numbers. That Pythagoras made great use of Numbers, is apparent, in that he does symbollically set forth, and describe his chiefest mysteries by numbers, as hereafter. This part of his Mathematicks Pythagoras learned from the Phenici­ans, who by reason of their merchandizing made much use of Arith­metick.

§. 5. Pythagoras having laid a foundation in Arithmetick, pro­ceeds to other parts of the Mathematicks, 2. His skill in Musick. especially to Musick, of which also he made a very great symbolick use in all other parts of his Philosophie:Pythagor [...]is certe moris f [...]it, & cum e­vigilassent a­nimos ad ly­ram excitare, quo essent ad agendum e­rectiores, & cum somnum peterent, ad eandem le­nire mentes, ut si quid fuis­set turbidiorū cogitationum, componerent. Quintil. l. 9. c. 4. So Iamblichus de vita Pythag. cap. 29. [...], &c. Of the Scien­ces, they say, the Pythagoreans did not a little esteem of Musick, &c. Thus Apuleitus Florid. 15. and Quint. l. 1. c. 16. tell us, that Py­thagoras was a great esteemer of, and very well skilled in Musick, which he commended to his Scholars daily. This they practised morning, and evening: in the morning after sleep to purge their minds from stupor, and impure imaginations; at evening to allay their more disturbed affections by this kind of Harmonie, as Plut. de Iside. and Horn. Hist. Phil. l. 7. Thence Pythagoras gives symbolical de­scriptions of the Heavens, of the Soul, and of other of the mysteries by Harmony, &c. This his Science of Musick, I suppose he might re­ceive from the Egyptians, who greatly affected Musick, or rather im­mediately from the Jews, who were the first, and most skilful musici­ans; receiving their Musick by Divine Institution, and Inspiration, it being prescribed them by God, as a medium, or Ceremonial Rite of his worship, and practised by them in Moses's time, long before Orpheus, who (next to their Idol god Apollo) was stiled [...].

3. His skill in Astronomie.§. 6. Pythagoras also was skilled in Astronomie, or the Science of the stars, which Porphyrie in his Life tels us, he received from the Chaldeans. That the Chaldeans at first received this Science of Astro­nomy from the Patriarchs, See Book 1. chap. 4. Paragr. 3. One great [Page 161] Astronominical Paradox, which the Phythagoreans maintained was,The Earths motion. That the Earth moved, and the Heavens stood still. This was also the opinion of Aristarchus the Samian, who whether he were more anci­ent or latter then Pythagoras, is not determined. This likewise was the opinion of Gleanthes the Samian, Leucippus, Heraclides, and Ec­phantus. That the Pythagoreans generally affirmed, That the Earth was not immovable, but moved in a circle about the fire: Plutarch in the life of Numa informes us. For they held, ‘that Fire being the most excellent of creatures, was placed in the midst of the world, which moved round about it.’ They asserted moreover, That the Sun was composed of Fire, &c. Which opinions, that they were from Jewish traditions, we shall hereafter prove: Laertius acquaints us, that Philolaus the Pythagorean was the first, who openly taught [...], The Earth moved in a circle. Cicero in his 4o Academ. Qu [...]stion, attributes the same opinion to Hicetas the Syracusian. Plu­tarch in Numa saies, that Plato in his old age asserted the same. The like is said of Seleucus. This Hypothesis of the Earths moving, has been since revived by Cardinal Cusanus, lib. 2. c. 12. Doct. ignorant: but more professedly defended by Nicol. Copernicus, who about the year 1540, writ a Book concerning it, which is Dedicated to Pope Paul 3d. who was followed herein by Joannes Keplerus, Mathematick Professor to Rudolphus, Matthias, and Ferdinand the Emperours. Also by Christo­pher Rothmannus, Michael Maest [...]inus, David Origanus, Mathematick Professors. Lately, Patricius Galilaeus, Hoscarius Italians, with, Willi­am Gilbert, our English Physician, famous for his Book de Magnete; wherein he asserts this Hypothesis, having all maintained the same o­pinion: which albeit it was condemned by the Cardinals at Rome, An­no 1616, yet is it still defended by many of the New Astronomers: Ticho Brahe, the famous Danish Astronomer went a middle way: affirm­ing, that both Earth, and Heavens moved, though in a differing man­ner: See Vossius sect. Phil. l. 2. c. 6. s. 41.

§. 7. Pythagoras was also skilled in Geometrie, Geometrie. which I suppose he learned from Thales, or immediately from the Aegyptians, His Weights, and Measures of Jewish ori­ginal. who were the first, amongst the Nations, that practised this Art. Dioge­nes Laertius also tels us, that Pythagoras was the first, that brought Measures, and Weights into Greece; which also belongs to the Ma­thematicks; and as we have good reason to judge, he received them from the Jewish Weights, and Measures. To conclude this, as we be­gan [Page 162] with Pythagoras's Mathematicks in the general: Iamblichus l. 1. c. 2. tels us, he was first initiated therein by Thales. And Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras (pag. 4.) saies, that the Mathematick Sciences he learned from the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Phenicians. Now that these Nations received their first Rudiments from the Patriarchs, and Jews, has been already proved.

Pythagoras's Physicks.§. 8. Another branch of that Natural Philosophie, which Pythagoras professed was that, which we properly call Physicks, or Natural Phi­losophie: Whereof there are two par [...]. 1. Contemplative. 2. Active. As for Pythagoras's skill in Contemplative Physicks, or Natural Sci­ence,1 Contempla­tive, which was the Histo­rie of the worlds origine it was indeed nothing else but the Historie of the Creation, with some Experimental Observations and Conclusions, which we need no way doubt was traduced to him from the Jewish Church, and Sacred Fountaines originally. For Diogenes tels us, ‘That Pythagoras whilest he was in Babylon, had familiar conversation with one Za­bratus, by whom he was cleansed from the Pollutions of his life past, and learned this Science concerning Nature, and what are the Prin­ciples of the Universe.’ That this Zabratus was a Jew, we have en­deavoured to prove afore, chap. 5. §. 8. And whether we affirm that Pythagoras received his History of Nature, and of the principles of the Ʋniverse, from his Masters, Thales, and Pherecydes, or from the Egyptians, or Phenicians, yet that it came originally from Moses's storie of the Creation, I think will be prettie evident from a consideration of Particulars.

1. The world made by God.§. 9. First Pythagoras held Positively that the World was made by God, and by Him adorned with an excellent Order, Harmonie and Beautie, as to all its parts, whence He was the first that called it [...] from [...], to Adorn, or Beautifie, answerable to Gen. 1.31. Very good. Gen. 1.31.2. The first Matter, Gen. 1.1, 2. &c. 2. Pythagoras's [...], or first matter, was the same with that of Plato; concerning which he treats so largely in his Tima [...]s, proving that it was [...], &c. without Forme &c. This Timaus the Locrian, whom Plato here brings in, thus discoursing of the Origine of the Ʋniverse, its first Matter, &c. was indeed a Pythagorean, from whom Plato borrowed much of his Natural Philosophie, as Hieronymus in his Apologie against Ruffinus assures us. And that Plato's Timaeus, or discourse of the Origine of the Universe was traduced from the first chap. of Genesis, and other parts of the Mosaick historie, I conceive will receive a strong probabilitie, from what shall be laid down in the [Page 163] original of Plato's Philosophie. At present let any but compare this [...] or first Matter, asserted by Pythagoras, and Plato, with Sanchoni­athons [...], or slime, and Thales's [...] water, they will find all to an­swer exactly to Moses's description of the first Matter, Gen. 1.1, 2. &c. 3. As for the Forme of the Universe, Pythagoras, Plato, and the foregoing Philosophers, dreamt not of any such Forme, as Aristotle invented to be educed out of the passive power of the Matter: no;3. The Forme of the World, its Order, &c. Gen. 1.13. all the Forme they asserted, was the Harmonie, Beautie Order, and Perfe­ [...]ion of the Universe, and all its parts, resulting from that Law of Na­ture, which Divine Wisdom stamped on the Beings of all Things, to­gether with that Divine [...], or Providence, which Inspired, and In­fluenced the whole Creation; Governing and Directing all things to their proper Offices, Functions, and Ends, which they stiled [...], the soul of the world. From this Order, Beautie, or Perfection of things, the word Forme had its original; for [...] comes from [...] Beauty, by an easie transposition of φ into the place of μ, on which account Pythagoras called the World [...], as before. Yea Pythagoras made Harmonie the Forme, and Soul of all things, as Gen. 1.3.

§. 10.The main Ac­tive principle Fire. But the main Active principle of all things in the Uni­verse, according to the Pythagorean Philosophie, was Fire. So Ari­stotle, lib. 2. de Coelo, cap. 13, tels us, ‘That the Pythagoreans placed Fire in the middle of the world, as that which was the most excel­lent Principle, and preservative of all things:’ he addes also that Fire was called [...] Jupiter's custodie. This also was the opinion of Numa Pompilius, as Plutarch in his Life affirms: whence it is ge­nerally thought, that Numa had conversation with Pythagoras; but this cannot be, because Numa was more ancient: only we may sup­pose they both had their perswasion from the same original, namely the Mosaick Institutes, by the hands of the Phenicians, or some other. The same Plutarch tels us, ‘That Numa caused the Temple of Vesta to be made round according to the Figure of the World, in the midst whereof was placed the eternal Fire (preserved by the Vestal Nuns) as a symbolick image of the Sun. That the main Ceremonies of this Temple were instituted by some Pythagorean Prescript, in imitation of the Jewish Temples, we shall endeavour hereafter to prove, both from the name Vesta, which comes from the [...]reek [...], and this from [...] Es Jah the Fire of Jehovah, according to Lev. 6.12, 13. where [Page 164] the Priests are commanded to preserve the Fire on the Altar, &c. as also from the Vestal Nuns, and Priests, &c. At present, it may suf­fice to shew, that the Pythagoreans had a great reverence of Fire, as that, which being the most active, and noble principle of all things, diffuseth it self thorough out the whole Universe; and therefore they placed its main seat in the midst of the World, whence it might, as the Heart in mans body, shed abroad its natural vivifick heat, and in­fluences into all sublunarie bodies, for their nourishment, and conservati­on. Plato speaks to the same purpose of a Fire that diffuseth it self through the Ʋniverse, for the production of diverse effects, which a­grees exactly with the words of Moses, Gen. 1.2. according to the interpretation of Beza, and Serranus out of him, on Plato's Timeus, fol. 10. ‘The element of Fire, saies Serranus, was nothing else, but that fiery spirit, or efficacy, which is variously diffused, in the Sym­metrie of the Universe, for the nourishing and somenting all things according to their respective natures. Which vivifick natural heat Moses, Gen. 1.2.Gen. 1.2. calls the Spirit of God: and Plato [...], ef­fective Fire. And whereas it is said, this sacred Fire, which the Py­thagoreans so much adored, was a Symbol of the Sun; I suppose, this sprang from that common opinion amongst the Ancients (especially the Chaldean Philosophers) that the Sun was a fierie bodie: which how far it is consonant to truth, and Mosaick Tradition, we intend here­after to examine, when we come to the Philosophie of Plato; who also affirmed the same. To conclude; This Pythagorean principle, That Fire is the great Active principle of all things; was also held by Heraclitus the Founder of the Heraclitian Sect, which was but a branch of the Pythagorean: Also Xenophanes the Colophonian, the Founder of the Eleatick Sect (another branch of the Pythagorean Sect) held the Sun consists of a collection of little Fires; &c. Plato also held the Hea­vens to be Fire, as August. lib. 8. c. 11. which seemes most conso­nant to Scripture story; for [...] comes from [...], which signifies both Light, and Fire: as also the Greek [...] signifies Fire, as well as Light; so Mark. 14.54. of which more in Plato's Philosophie where [...] is defined [...]: The Stoicks also made Fire the chief Principle of all things.

Pythagoras's Medicine.§. 11. Pythagoras and his followers were much versed in Medi­cine, or active Physick. So Iamblichus (de vita Pythagorae cap. 20.) saies, ‘That amongst the Sciences, which the Pythagoreans were versed in [Page 165] Medicine was one of the chief: then he addes [...].’ The chiefest part of their Medicine consisted in an exact Regiment, or right order of Diet. Where Iambli­chus subjoynes many other particulars of the Pythagorean Medicine. So Cornelius Celsus in Praefat. amongst the famous Professors of Medi­cine reckons up Pythagoras for one, who flourished under Cyrus, Cambyses, and Darius: as Laertius, Solinus, Eusebius, and Vossiu [...]. That Pythagoras was very severe in his Prescripts, or Rules of Dyet, both to himself and his Followers, we have already shewn: how that he Prescribed to himself, and his Followers, Abstinence from all Meats, that might too much heate the bloud; as from Flesh, and Wine: also from such meats as did load the stomack, and were not easily digested; likewise from such as were obstructive, and bred ill humours; as Beanes, &c. Lastly from all such meats as might bring a [...], an ill habitude of bodie, or mind. For the great end, and scope of all the Pythagorean Prescripts, and Abstinencies, was to preserve an [...], a good Healthfull Complexion of Bodie, and cleannes of Mind. As for the original of Pythagoras's Medicinal skill, Apuleius tels us, That he received it from the Chaldeans; i. e. as I concieve the Jews; who in Pythagoras's time lived amongst, and were subject to the Chalde­ans; and therefore might well passe under their name; as before: Neither do we find any considerable mention of the Chaldeans, their skill in Medicine; but that the Jews were excellently versed therein, we have sufficient proof, both from what is mentioned of Solomon, 1. Kings 4.3, 4. touching his skill in Plants, and Animals, &c. Also by Eusebius, who saies he was excellently skilled in Medicine, and curing of Diseases, &c. (as book 1. cap. 1. par. 11.) Likewise from what Cu­naeus (de repub. Jud.) relates of the Jewish Physicians, that belonged to the Temple for curing the sick Priests, and Levites. But amongst the Jews none more famous for skill in Medicine than the Essenes, who had a particular inclination, and devotion to this Studie, whom the Pythagoreans affected an imitation of, in this, as in other parts of their Discipline, as before.

§. 12. As Pythagoras was well skilled in Physicks,Pythagoras's Moral Philo­sophie. or Natural Sci­ences, both Contemplative, and Active; so was he likewise no lesse versed in Moral Philosophie; which according to the Third [...], or Relation of men· 1. To Themselves, or, 2. To their Families, or, 3. To the Cities, or Common-wealths they live in, admits of a Three-fold [Page 166] Distribution. 1. Into Ethicks, 2. Into Oeconomicks, 3. Into Politicks. The Pythagoreans were skill'd in all these. 1. As for that part of Moral Philosophie, the Greeks call [...], Ethicks, 1. Ethicks. which con­cerns the right government of man's self, Pythagoras, and his Adhe­rents were much in the Studie, and Practice thereof. Yea indeed Py­thagoras esteemed all Philosophie but Vain, which did not some way conduce to the m [...]liorating, or bettering of a man's self. Thus Stobaeus Serm. 80. brings in Pythagoras thus Philosophizing: [...]. That discourse of a Philosopher is Vain, which cures not some passion of a man: For look as that Medicine is use­lesse, which frees not the bodie from diseases, so likewise Philosophie, which drives not away evil from the soul. The Learned divide Ethicks into 3 parts [...] 1.1. Pythagorean Dogmes rela­ting to Mo­ral Philoso­phie. 1. [...], Dogmatick. 2. [...], Exhortative, or Preceptive. 3. [...], Characteristical. Pythagoras, and his Disciples were versed in each of these. Concerning the Dogmatick part of Ethicks, the Pythagoreans laid down many wholesome Princi­ples relating to the Object, Subject, and End, &c. of Moral Philoso­phie, viz· That the Souls happines lay only in God its chiefest Good: That the proper Subject of Ethicks was the Humane Soul, as capable of the chiefest Good: That its chief End was to cure the Soul of its [...] its sick diseased passions, and to bring it to an [...], or good healthie complexion, which consisted in vittuous Dispositions, and Acts. These Dogmes, albeit they were not Formally, and Me­thodically treated of, according to that accurate Method of Definition, Division, &c. to which Aristotle reduced them, yet were they all se­minally, and virtually comprised in the Pythagorean Philosophie. And particularly Pythagoras expresly asserted [...] &c. That virtue consisted in Harmonie; yea that all health of bodie, and minde, yea all good, yea God himself, and so all things else consisted in Harmonie, as Diogenes Laertius informs us. Pythagoras farther taught his Scholars 3 Mediums, by which they might become Ma­sters of Philosophie, and better themselves: 1. By conversation with the Gods. 2. By Well doing, for that is proper to God, and therein they were imitators of God. 3. By Death, whence he affirmed, that the most considerable of all things, is to instruct the Soul aright, touching Good and Evil: and that men have perfect felicitie in [Page 167] having a good Soul, as Iamblichus, and Stanly out of him of Pythago­ras's Philosophie, part. 3. chap. 1. fol. 83.2 Their pathe­tick precepts, and exhortati­ons to virtue. And as the Pythagoreans held many useful Dogmes of Moralitie; so were they not lesse versed in the Hortative, and Preceptive part of Ethicks; as it appears by the model of their Discipline before mentioned; as also from that great Apothegme of Pythagoras, which he frequently inculcated on his Disci­ples, as the summe of his Philosophie, viz. That in all things they should endeavour to avoid excesse, &c. of which hereafter.

§. 13. But the chief part of the Pythagorean Ethicks was Characte­ristical: for Pythagoras taught moralitie mostly,Characteristi­cal Ethicks. A wicked state represen­ted by a Cof­fin, and Death. Virtutis studi­um litera Y. significabat Lactant. [...] by Ethick Characters; i. e. Lively descriptions of Virtues, and Vices, by Symbols, Fables, Emblems, Images, or Signes, and Effects, answera­ble to Aesops-Fables, Philostratus's-Fables, and also the Scriptural Types, and Parables. Pythagoras also exhorted his Scholars to Virtue under that Symbolick letter Y, as Lactant. l. 6. c. 3. which was thence called Pythagoras's Letter; not that he was the first Inventor of it, as some conceive (for it was found out 600 years before his time, by Pa­lamedes) but because he was the first, that applied it to this Mystical. sense, as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. Thus Pythagoras expressed to the Life, the condition of a Debauched Profligate Wretch, by his Symbol of a Coffin, which signified his being dead in sin, exactly an­swerable to the Jewish, and Scriptural Phrasiologie; whence we need no way doubt, but that Pythagoras borrowed this Symbolick Image. Thus the Father of the Prodigal speaks, Luk. 15.24.Luk. 15.24. [This my Son was dead.] where Hammond (out of Grotius) observes, ‘That this is ac­cording to the ordinarie Notion of Pythagoras, who for any, that had forsaken his Schole, i. e. refused to live according to his Rules of Philosophie, had a [...], an emptie Coffin set in his place, to signi­fie him to be morally dead. This was a common Symbolick manner of speech amongst the Jews, to expresse a wicked state of Spiritual, or moral death. So Philo defines this Moral death, [...], when the soul is dead as to the life of Vir­tue, and lives only the life of sin, as elsewhere, [...], wicked men are dead in their souls. And that this Symbol was by Tradition from the Jews universally received amongst the Oriental Barbarick Philosophers, and thence traduced into Greece, appears by what follows, [...]. ‘For [Page 168] in the Barbarick Philosophie (which takes in also the Jewish) they call men fallen from their Principles dead; as such also, who subju­gate their Minds to their Sensual passions.’ But more of this, when we come to discourse of Pythagoras's Symbols.2. Salt a Sym­bol of holie Communion. 2. Another Ethick Character, or Symbol, which Pythagoras used to express his Moral Pre­cepts by, was that [...], to set down Salt: by which he sig­nified, that Holy, and Intimate Communion, and Friendship, which ought to be amongst all those of his Society. For Salt was used first in the Jewish Church, and thence in the Pythagorean College, as a Symbol, 1. Of Confederation, or Covenant, 2. Of Communion, and Friendship, 3. Of Sanctitie, as we have proved already, and shall give farther proof thereof. 3. Another Characteristical Symbol, under which Py­thagoras couched a reproof against Sloathful, or Pratling Scholars was this.3. The Swal­low a Symbol of a s [...]loathful Student. [Receive not a Swallow into your house] i. e. saith Iamblichus, ‘Ad­mit not a sloathful person unto your Philosophie, which requireth great industrie, and unwearied patience. The Swallow comes but in one season, and staies not long; but sleeps a good part of the year.’ Others by Pythagoras's Swallow intend a great pratler, or babler. This Ethick Character against sloath, and vain discourse, doth Symbolize with many of Solomons Proverbs, against sloathful persons. 4. Under this Symbolick Character, 4. Against Passion. 5. [...]. [Turn away from thy self every edge.] Pytha­goras exhorted men to the use of prudence, rather then passion, as Iam­blichus. 5. By this Symbol [Stir not the Fire with a sword] Pythago­ras advised his Disciples not to provoke the passions of Potent men; as Diogenes understands it; or not to provoke a man full of Fire, and Anger,Diogen. is for Patience. 6. Against Co­vetuousnes. 7. Fortitude. 8. Against di­stracting Cares 9. Justice. 10. Virtue ex­pressed by Harmonie, Health, &c. as Iamblichus. 6. Pythagoras's Ethick Character, or Symbol, by which he dehorted men from Covetousnes, was this, [Breed no­thing that has crooked Talons,] i. e. saith Iamblichus, be not tenacious. 7. Pythagoras taught his Disciples Patience, and Fortitude, &c. by this Symbol, [Help to lay on a burden, but not to take it off.] This saith Iamblichus, teacheth Fortitude, &c. 8. Pythagoras taught his Scholars to avoid anxious heart-distracting cares by this Symbolick Character, [Eat not the heart.] i. e. Consume not thy heart by cares, &c. answerable to that of Chirst, Mat. 6.27.31, 32.27. [...]. 9. Pythago­ras exhorted men to Justice under that lively Symbol [Passe not over the ballance] ‘This, saith Iamblichus, commands to do justice, to ob­serve equalitie, &c. which agrees exactly to that Ethick Character, or Proverb, used frequently by Solomon, as Prov. 11.1. A false ballance [Page 169] is an abomination to the Lord; but a just weight, &c. The like Prov. 16.11 Prov. 20.23.10. And lastly Pythagoras to draw his Scholars to a chear­ful embracing of Virtue, was wont to give it many amiable, and lively characters under the Symbolick Images of Bodilie Health, Sanitie, and Beautie; but principally under the Symbol of Musical Harmonie; for what ever was excellent he compared to Harmonie; which suites very much with the Characters of Grace in Scripture, which stiles it the Beautie, Health, and Harmonie of the Soul. But more of these Symbols hereafter.

§. 14. We have now dispatched Pythagoras's Ethicks, The summe of Pythag.'s Ethicks. [...]. which may be summed up in these two words, [...], i. e. forbear moral evils, or the evils of action; and bear physical natural evils, or the evils of passion: for all Ethicks, or morals are comprehended un­der active, and passive moralitie, or under Abstinence, and Tollerance. i. e. forbearing what is evil in manners, and bearing (which implies do­ing also, as well as suffering) what is evil to nature.Pythagoras's Politicks.

§. 15. Pythagoras taught not only Ethicks, but also the two other parts of Moral Philosophie; viz. Oeconomicks, which regard the Go­vernment of Families; and Politicks, which respect the Government of Cities, and Nations. This latter Pythagoras, and his Followers, were greatly versed in: for 'tis said that Pythagoras had his [...], book of Politicks, which he composed, and gave to his Scholars, as Laerti­us relates. Iamblichus saies, ‘That Pythagoras used to say, that a­mongst Being's, nothing was pure, but every thing partaked of some other, as Earth of Fire, &c. farther, That there was a friendship of all to [...]ards all, answerable to that saying, man is [...] on which he grounded his Politicks. Iamblicus saies also ‘That men hold Pythagoras was the first Inventor of all Politick Science.’ 'Tis true there were Lawgivers more ancient, as Minos of Crete, and Lycurgus of Sparta, whose laws Pythagoras consulted (as Iamblichus cap. 5, (but yet we read not (as I conceive) of any publick Professor of the Sci­ence of Politicks more ancient than Pythagoras, The original of Pythag.'s Politicks from the Jewish & Mosaick Laws. who made it a main design of his Travels, & Studies to informe himself, touching the ancient Laws, and the best Maximes of Politie; this put him upon a journie to Crete, to consult Minos's Laws; and upon another to Spar­ta to informe himself in the Constitutions of Lycurgus. But amongst all the Constitutions, Laws, and Maximes of Politie, he met with none afforded him greater light, and assistance, for the framing his Bodie [Page 170] of Politicks, than the Mosaick Laws, and Politick Constitutions. And that Pythagoras did in truth traduce the best of his Laws, and Prin­ciples of Politie from Moses's Laws, and Politie, will be more evi­dent hereafter, when we come to treat of the traduction of all Hu­mane Laws from the Divine Mosaical Law. At present take only this proof hereof: It is well known, that Zaleucus, the great Founder of the Locrian Laws, was Disciple to Pythagoras, from whom we may presume he received the Bodie of his Politie, now that the Locrian Laws were many of them of Jewish extract, and original, is evi­dent. I shall only mention one, which Aristotle in his Politicks takes notice of, telling us, that the Locrenses were forbid to sell their Ance­stors possessions: which was plainly a Mosaick institute. I might instance in the Roman 12 Tables, the Agrarian Laws, and others, which, were traduced originally from the Mosaick Laws, by the hands of Pytha­goras, or some other.

The Pythago­reans greatly verst in Poli­ticks.§. 16. Pythagoras, as he had an high esteem of this Science of Politicks, so it was the last piece of Philosophie he acquainted his Disciples with; as Varro, and out of him Augustin in his last Book de ordine. Iamblichus (cap. 20.) tels, ‘That the Pythagoreans im­ployed their time after Dinner in Political affaires.’ And that the chief Politicians of Italie proceeded from Pythagoras his Schole we are assured by Iamblichus, (l. 1. c. 29.) and by Vossius, de philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 27. ‘This, saies he, was the great glorie of Pythagoras, that in Italie so many excellent Rectors of Common-wealths proceeded out of his Schole.’ Amongst these the most famous were 1, Zalencus, who gave Laws to the Locrenses, and is supposed to have been the first, who committed his Laws to writing. For Strabo saies of the Lo­crenses, That they are beleived to be the first that enjoyed written Laws. As for the Laws of Lycurgus, he forbad the writing of them. 2. Also Charondas the Catanean another of Pythagoras's Disciples, who gave Laws to the Thurii, &c.

The two main Pythagorean principles of Politie, were 1. For Liber­tie, 2. against Faction.§. 17. The great Maximes of Politie, or Reasons of State, which Pythagoras instilled into his Disciples, as the main Foundations of Hu­man Politie, and Government, were these Two: 1. The extirpation of Tyrannie, and Preservation of Libertie. 2. The Prevention, and removing of Dissentions: These Principles he endeavoured to put in Practice, where ever he came. So Porphyrie pag. 14, and Iamblichus cap. [...]. informe us. ‘That whatsoever Cities Pythagoras in his [Page 171] travels through Italie, and Sicilie found subjected one to the other, he instilled into them Principles of Libertie by his Scholars, of whom he had some in every Citie. Thus he freed Croto, Sybaris, Catana, Rhegium, Himera, Agrigentum, &c. To whom he sent Laws by Charondas the Catanean, and Zaleucus the Locrian; by means whereof they lasted a long time well governed. He wholly took away dissention: for he did frequently utter his great Apothegme, Pythagoras's great Apo­thegm. (which was a kind of abstract of his Philosophie) That we ought to avoid with our utmost endeavour, and to cut off even with Fire, and Sword, from the Bodie Sicknes; from the Soul Ignorance; from the Bellie Luxurie; from a Citie Sedition; from a Familie Discord; from all things Ex­cess. Which Apothegme comprehends the summe of all his Morals, both Ethicks, Oeconomicks, and Politicks: of which see Stanly of Pythag. cap. 17.

CHAP. VIII. Pythagoras's Theologie traduced from the Jewish Church.

Pythagoras's Theologie the center of his Philosophie: his Tetractie from the Hebrew [...]. His [...] from Exod. 3.14. His Scrip­tural notions of Gods Unitie, Simplicitie, &c. His Divine Ideas the same with the Scripture descriptions of Gods Decrees; and founded on that Oriental Maxime, All things are one, and many. Parmenides's opinion of Ideas. Timaeus [...]oc [...]us of Ideas. His primarie Idea the same with Gods Idea of things possible. His exemplar answers to God's Decree of things future. Gen. 1.31. With Timaeus's Tradition thence. Of Gods Creation, and Providence. Of Divine Worship against images, Exod. 20.4. That God is to be worshipped according to his own Will. Their exactnes in Divine Worship, Eccles. 5.1. Pythagoras's Damons, their Nature, and Office according to Plato's description. Pythagoras's Aeones. His traditions of the Soul, its Immortalitie, &c. His Metemp­sychosis. The Pythagorean Theologie mystical, &c.

§. 1. HAving finished Pythagoras's Philosophie, both Natural, and Moral; we now proceed to his Supernatural, or Metaphy­sicks, [Page 172] which is either Theologick, and Divine; or Magick, and Diobo­lick: We shall begin with Pythagoras's Theologie, which indeed comprehended the best part of his Philosophie, and gave foundation to Plato's [...] Natural Theologie, Platoni disci­plinam Pytha­goricam dili­genti et ma­gnifica opera instructam vi­sam fuisse: e­umque ab ipsis intellectualem Philosophiae partem acce­pisse. Apuleius de Philos. as also to Aristotle's [...] Metaphysicks. That Plato received much of his Natural Theologie from this of Pythagoras is generally granted, and shall be hereafter proved: our present work is to shew, what Pythagoras's Theologie was, and how he traduced it from the Jews, and Scrip­tures. That Pythagoras received the choicest of his Theologick con­templations immediately from the Jews, while he was in Judea, E­gypt, and Babylon, I conceive may be groundedly conjectured by what has been before laid down, chap. 5. §. 2. & 6. But supposing this be denyed, yet I suppose no one can rationally denie, that he received his Theologie from the Phenicians, Egyptians, Chaldeans, Pherecydes, and Orpheus, who had theirs origionally from the Jews, as before. He is said to have a particular affection for, and inclination unto Orpheus's Theologie, whose Philosophie, if we may believe Iamblichus, he had continually before his eyes.

Pythagoras. made Theolo­gie the Center of his Philoso­phie.§. 2. Pythagoras according to Iamblichus's relation (chap. 29) made Theologie, or the Knowledge of God the first, most universal Being, to be the Center of all his Philosophie; for, saies he, Pythagoras, who first gave the name to Philosophie, defined it ( [...], Pla­to termes it [...]) a friendship, or love to Wisdom. Wisdom is the knowledge of the truth of things that are [...]. Things that are, he called immaterials, eternals, and Sole Agents. Other things are equivocally called such by participation with these; For Cor­poreals indeed are not further then they depend upon incorpo­reals,Philosophie properly only [...]. &c. Hence Pythagoras defined Philosophie, The knowledge of things that are, as things that are: again, the knowledge of things Di­vine, and Humane: also the meditation of Death, daily endeavou­ring to free the soul from the Prison of the bodie; Lastly he defined it the resemblance of God, &c. Which Definitions are properly applicable to no part of Philosophie but Metaphysicks, or Na­tural Theologie;August. Steuch. lib. 10. d [...] Per [...]n. Philos. cap. 10. whence Pythagoras judged the supreme end of all Philosophie to be the contemplation, and knowledge of Ʋnitie: which Architas interprets, of the Principles of all Principles; and Plutarch of the Intelligent, and Eternal Nature: and Simplicius, of the Divine Ma­jestie i. e. God. Hence we see the reason why Pythagoras was by way [Page 173] of Eminencie called [...], and his Philosophie [...] The­ologie, namely because he treated chiefly of God, his Nature, and Worship, and delivered [...], a Science of the worship of God; which is properly the office of a Divine. So greatly was the Idea and perswasion of Divinitie impressed on his minde, as that with­out it he judged there could be no true Philosophie. Yea Aristotle himself. 10 Metaph. cap. 6. and elsewhere stiles his Metaphysicks [...] a Theologick Science. The Rabbins call the same [...] the wisdom of the Deitie. The Author lib. de Mundo saith, [...]. which Cicero lib. 1. de Leg. ex­presseth thus: A man by Philosophie, undertakes the worship of the Gods, and pure Religion. By which it appears, the Ancients, especially Py­thagoras, made Knowledge, and Worship of God the chief part of their Philosophie. Plato in his Definitions of Philosophie follows Pythagoras [...], making its Object to be [...], that which truely is; also [...] Being it self, or the most independent Being, &c. Yea Aristotle himself comes not much behind in making the object of his Metaphysicks to be [...], Ens or Being in its universal latitude; & its Affections [...], Ʋnitie, [...] Truth, [...] Bonitie, which Notions, I presume, he had from Plato, as he received the same from Pythagoras, or from the Jews.

§. 3. Pythagoras's Natural Theologie, as to its Object or Matter, com­prehended, 1. the Knowledge of God, his Names, Nature, Decrees, Pro­vidence, and Worship, &c. 2. The knowledge of the Aeones, or An­gels. 3. The knowledge of the Daemons. 4. The knowledge of Human Soul, &c. Concerning the knowledge of God, his Names, Attributes, Acts, and Worship; we find manifest footsteps of scriptural, and Jew­ish Traditions in Pythagoras's Theologie. For First, as to the Names of God; that Pythagoras received some broken tradition, touch­ing that Essentials Name, of God Jehovah, seemes manifest. For this Name [...] being sacred amongst the Jews, they endeavour­ed, what they could, to concele it from the Gentiles: whence in­stead of pronouncing of it, they called it [...],Pythagoras's Tetractie from the Jewish [...]. the Four Lettered Name of God, and in imitation of the Jews, Pythagoras called it [...] Tetractie. This Godefrid Wendelin in his Epistle to Erycius Puteanus Dissertations of Pythagoras's Tetractie: where he shews, ‘That the [...], or Four Lettered Name of God, [...] was signified: Moreover, that Pythagoras traduced this Tetra­ctie from the Jews and particularly from the Prophet Daniel, the [Page 174] Prince of the Magi, who was then, when Pythagoras visited Baby­lon, Haec omnia funt nomin [...] Naturae Divi­nae, [...], Vnitas, ipsum esse, ipsa Immobilitas Steuch. E [...]g. Peren. Philos. l. 3. c. 7. Pythagoras's Metaphysick contemplations about Gods Essence from Mosaick De­scriptions of God. Exod. 3.14. [...] genere tantum d [...]fferunt. Steuch. Eugub. Paren. Philos. Dico [...]andem rem ab cis (scil. Philos.) nuncupatam [...] ipsum Ens, ipsam Infinitatem Steuch. Eugub. Peren. Philos. lib. 3. c. 7. Jambl. c. 29. about 70 years aged, as Vossius Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 5.’ That Pythagoras had clear notices of the Name [...] Jah, which is but the contract of [...] Jehovah, is evident from all his Metaphysick Con­templations about [...], Being, truely Being, Self-Be­ing, &c. as in wh [...]t follows.

§. 4. Neither could Pythagoras content his Curious Inquisitive Humor with some imperfect notices of Gods Name, but makes some farther Inquiries into his Essence, or Nature, concerning which he gained his best notices, and satisfaction from the Mosaick Descripti­ons of God. For the best discoverie, that ever was given of the Di­vine Essence, or Nature, is that, which God himself gives, Exod. 3.14. I am, that I am,— and I am hath sent me. Which the LXX renders [...].] As if he had said I am He that is. For the Greek [...] is a Participle, which the Latins knew not how to express in one word better than by calling it Ens, Being, which Caesar derived from Sum, I am, as potens from Possum. It here signifies, That God alone is the First, Eternal, Infinite, most Simple, most Necessarie, most Absolute, most Independent, yea only, truely, properly, and purely Being. For all Beings else have much of not-Being, or nothing; yea much more of Nothing than of Something mixed with them: yea all things else, if compared with God, they are but meer Metaphors, or Shadows of his Being, or rather pure Nothings, or lesse than Nothings, as Esa. phraseth it, Esa. 40.17. And Job speaketh in the same Dialect frequently. Now that Pythagoras traduced his Contemplations of God hence, is to me, and I think, to any other that shall duely consider it, most apparent. For whence could Pythagoras, and his followers Timaeus, Parmenides, and Plato out of them, traduce their Metaphysick Con­templations of [...], Being, Self-Being, Very-Being, &c. but from this Scriptural Definition of God. For we must remember, that the Pythagoreans, and Platonicks from them, when they discourse [...], &c. of Being, or that which is truely Being, they understand it of God, the most Ʋniversal, Infinite, and only true Being: They accounted all derived, temporal, lower Beings, but as Be­ings by accident, or to speake in Aristotle's phrase, [...] Be­ings of, or from Being, they judged nothing [...], pro­perly, and truely Being, but what was [...] very Being, or self-Being: and first-Being. Thus Steuch. Eugubinus de Peren. Philos. [Page 175] l. 4. c. 7. ‘The Ancients called God [...] Being it self, that which only, and principally exists, which never was not, never shall cease to be. Other things sometimes have been, and sometimes have not been. As therefore the Divinitie is stiled with an article [...], Ʋ ­nitie it self, and [...], Bonitie it self: so by a manner of emi­nence it is called [...], Being it self. And because Being is ascri­bed principally to God, it seems to denote, that he alone is Essence, and that he alone is; so that in comparison of Him, other things ex­ist not. By Three Testimonies it appears, that the Divine Nature is Being it self, by the Testimonie of the Ancient Theologie, by the Te­stimonie of Plato, who is as it were the Interpreter thereof, lastly by the Testimonies of the Heavenlie Philosophie, the mistress and guide of the other. For the Sacred Name Jehova, being as it were, the Third person of the Verb Substantive future, Jod being turned into Vau, [...], hence this most ancient name of God was translated to the Greeks; (for [...] and [...] differ only in Gender.)’ ‘Thence in what follows he adds It is true, we may doubt, what Plato meant by his [...], unlesse we call to witnes the Superior Divines, and the heavenlie Philosophie it self, with which Plato differs not, save in the variation of the Gender, so that he who is stiled in the Sacred Scripture [...] (Gen. 3.14.) Who am, is called by Plato [...], Being. Which variation was duely made, for two causes, both because the Hebrews have no Neuter Gender, and also because it seemes more full to say, God is Being it self, as that comprehends the whole plenitude of Existence, than to say [...] Existing. For Names of the very Natures, or Essences, import more than Deriva­tives from them: As Life signifies more than Vital. And God is rightly exprest by the present, who is, because with him there is neither past, nor to come, but the very Eternal Presence a­lone.’ Pythagoras, when he defines Philosophie a Love to the Knowledge [...] of Beings.] By Beings, saith Iamblichus, he understood ‘( [...]) sole, and self Agents, Immaterials, and Eternals, other Be­ings indeed are not Beings, but yet are equivocally called such by participation with these Eternals, Iamblichus cap. 29.’ So Plato in his Parmenides (who was a Pythagorean) treating of [...], Being, and Unitie, which he makes the First Principle of all things, thereby under­stands God: so in his Timaeus, Locrus (who was also a Pythagorean, from whom he received much of his knowledge of God, and of the origine of the Universe, as hereafter) he saies, [...], Be­ing [Page 176] is alwaies, neither hath it beginning. So again in his Timaeus (edit. Stephan. fol. 37, 38.) he proves ‘nothing properly is, but God the Eternal Essence, to which, saies he, we doe very improperly attribute those distinctions of time Was, and Shall be; for [...] is, properly, and truely, only belongs to this Eternal Essence.’ These Contemplati­ons, as 'tis supposed, he received from this Timaeus the Locrian who was a Pythagorean; yet we need not doubt, but that originally they were traduced from Exod. 3.14. for the Greek participle [...] there used signifies properly the present time only, as the Hebrew, excluding from God erat, and erit, was, and shall be, past, and future; denoting that God only is, according to the description of the Pythagoreans, and Platonicks. Phutarch saies, [...]. The true Being is Eternal, Ingenerable, and Incorruptable, unto which no time ever brings mutation. Hence in the Delphick Temple among other Rarities, which might please the greater wits, there was engraven [...], which signifies▪ Thou art. And indeed of God alone it can be truly said He is, without mutation. That Pythagoras did really traduce these Metaphysick Notions of Gods Essence from Moses, see Lud. Vives on Aug. Civit. l. 8. c. 11. where he concludes thus. ‘I doubt not but Pythagoras was taught these mysteries in Egypt, and that from the sacred Volumnes, of which more hereafter.’

Pythagoras's Scriptural tradition of the unitie of God. Empedocles autem, et Par­menides, auto­re Aristotele, appellabant Deum nomine Vnitatis: ergo idem est apud eos [...] ipsa Vnitas, er u­num Principi­um Steuch. Eugub. Peren. Philos. l. 3. c. 7.§. 5. Pythagoras seems to have had some Scriptural, or Jewish tradi­tion touching the Ʋnitie of Divine Essence. So Diogenes Laertius in­formes us, that Pythagoras asserted, [...], Ʋni­tie to be the principle of all things, from which proceeded indefinite Duali­tie, which was as matter subject to Unitie, it's essential cause. We have a good explication on this mystical Pythagorean Unitie by Learned Reueh­lin in his explication of the Pythagorean Doctrine è Cabala lib. 2. ‘The Divine Essence (saies he) the preexistent Entitie, and Unitie of Existence, Substance, Essence, Nature, was by Pythagoras called [...], because it is the Super-Essential Unitie and Being, from which, and by which, and in which, and through which, and to which all things are, and are ordered, & persist, and are comprehended, and converted, &c. Thus also Parmenides (who followed Pythagoras) herein is brought in by Plato Philosophizing on that old axiome [...], One, and ma­ny, and Determined thus, ‘That God as he was [...] i. e. One Divine [Page 177] Essence, 1. Was not [...] Many. 2. That he was [...],Celebre est dictum apud Platonicos [...] omninum re­rumradix, & principium u­nitas Steuch. Eugubinus de Peren. Philos. l. 3. c. 5. One immutable Being. 3. That he was [...]. One Eternal Be­ing, &c. This also Plato in his Philebus fol. 17. discourseth of at large, shewing how this [...] was [...], and how these [...] were [...], i. e. How this one Divine Essence was many, as to the Divine I­dea's, or Decrees, and how the Divine Ideas were one in the Divine Ʋnitie, and Essence, ‘This Doctrine, saies he, seemes strange, but yet the Gods, as they say, have thus delivered it to us, to learne, and to teach it others, though some wise men now (perhaps he means his Scholar Aristotle) teach otherwise, &c. By which he seemes to confess that these Contemplations of God's Unitie came originally from the Jews, as hereafter.

§. 6. Pythagoras seems also to have had some Jewish, Pythagoras's Jewish Tradi­tion of Gods Simplicitie. if not Scrip­tural tradition of God's Simplicitie. This is apparent from Iamblichus's interpretation of that great Fundamental Symbol of Pythagoras, ‘[Grave not the Image of God in a Ring] i. e. Philosophize, and above all things, think that the Gods are incorporeal. This Symbol is beyond all others the Seminarie of the Pythagorean Doctrines. Think not, that the Gods use formes that are Corporeal, neither that they are receiv­ed into material substance fettered to the bodie, as other animals.’ Thus Iamblichus on Symbol 24. Thus also Plutarch in the Life of Numa Pompilius informes us, ‘That the Pythagoreans thought, the God's were Invisible, Incorruptible, and only Intelligible, where­fore they forbad the Framing Images, or Formes of them.’ And Diogenes Laertius gives us a prettie Romance of Hieroninus, ‘who, saith he, affirmes, that Pythagoras descending [...] into Hell, saw there Hesiods soul bound to a Brazen pillar, [...] making a la­mentable noise: and Homer's Soul hanging upon a tree, and Serpents about, [...], for those things they feigned of the Gods, which storie, though but a Fiction, yet it is sufficient for our present purpose, to shew that Pythagoras was, according to the com­mon Vogue, a professed enemie to all those Mythologick, & Poetick Fictions of the Gods.’ The same dislike we find in Plato against Ho­mer for his monstrous fictions of God. So also Parmenides, (who did much, Pythagorize) is brought in by Plato discoursing of his [...], or ‘one Divine Being. 1. As one that was neither the whole, nor had he parts. 2. Neither had he beginning, nor end, therefore was 3. In­finite, and without termes. 4. Without Figure either round, or [Page 178] streight. 5. Neither in himself, nor in any thing else, nor any where, 6. Neither like, nor dislike; neither equal, nor inequal, because without all termes, or composition.’ So Plato Parmenide, pag. 136, and 140. Edit. Stephan. And Plato in his Repub. saies, God continues, [...], simply in the same Forme &c. as hereafter. We find the simplicitie of the Divine Essence thus described, accord­ing to the Pythagorean Doctrine, by Reuchlin, (and Stanly out of him, cap. 3.) ‘The Pythagoreans, saies he, assert three worlds, the Supreme, Intelligible, and the Sensible. The supreme world being that of the Deitie, is one, Divine continual constant Essence of Sempiternitie, poized as it were with immoveable weight; not unfitly termed [...], the all governing Throne. It is not confined to genus, Place, Time, or Reason; but is the free unlimited President over all these; infinitely supreme in place, power, possession, ex­cellence, above all Essence, Nature, Aevum, Age, &c. See Stanly, fol. 138.

Pythagoras's Divine Ideas the same with the Scriptural tradition of Gods Decrees.§. 7. That Pythagoras received by tradition from the Jews, if not immediately from the Scriptures, some notices, touching the Divine Idea's or Decrees (which were the first original Archetype, or Univer­sal exemplar of all things made) seemes very probable. Thus August. Stouch. Eugubinus, de Peren. Philos. l. 1. c. 12. ‘It is very observable, and worthie to be known, what Plutarch mentions, that the Divine mind, and Ideas, (which Philo, and Plotinus taught) are the same: and that his Wisdome, is the Nature and Substance of all Ideas: and that the whole series of Ideas is the same with the immense Sapience of God. It is also to be observed, that this Mind, was according to the Sentiment of all the Philosophers, the Creator, because they at­tribute unto him Ideas as the Origines of things. Whence it is mani­fest, that they thought, and spake, what they learned from the Bar­barians. The first Barbarians were the Chaldeans, Egyptians, and, whom we ought to set in the first place, the Hebrews, &c. That Py­thagoras asserted the Doctrine of Ideas before Plato, or Parmenides, is evident, as Reuchlin in his explication of the Pythagorean Doctrine shews us, ‘that the Pythagoreans reduce all beings Subsistent, or Sub­stant immediately to Ideas.’ And to prove, that Pythagoras, and his followers, Parmenides, Timaeus Locrus, and Plato by their original Ide­as understood nothing else, but that which our Divines call the Di­vine Ideas, or Decrees of God, it will be necessarie to examine a little [Page 179] their Doctrine of Ideas, its Original, &c. The Foundati­on of the Py­thagorean I­deas, that fa­mous oriental tradition of [...]. The great foundation of all this Doctrine of Ideas was that famous Oriental Tradition, [...]. That all is one, and many. This Axiome Plato expounds at large, out of Parmenides, and Timaeus Locrus the Pythagorean, shewing how, [...] was [...] & [...], One was many, and many one: which ctrine, saies he, we received from the Ancient Philosophers, (i. e. from Timaeus the Locrian, and Parmenides immediately, but from Pythago­ras originally) and they originally from the Gods who taught them thus to Philosophize, and teach others. What Plato's opinion of I­deas was, we shall reserve for its proper place; we are now to treat only of the Pythagorean Doctrine concerning Ideas founded on this great Axiome, That all is one, and many. This Pythagorean Princi­ple Parmenides (who was of the Eleatick sect, a branch of the Italick, and Pythagorean) much Philosophized on,Parmenides his opinion of Ideas. as the foundation of his I­deas. Him therefore we shall chiefly follow in the explication of this [...]ythagorean Doctrine, as we find his opinions explained by Steuch. Eugubinus, by Ludovicus Vives, and Serranus. Steuchus Eugebinus, de Peren. Philos. l. 3. c. 8. saies, ‘That the Vnitie, and Being was stiled by the Ancients, with a certain great and deep mysterie, [...] the very Ʋniverse. Aristotle in his first Book of the Principles of Philo­phie, delivers, that the Ancients affirmed, [...], That one was all. Therefore they said, God was that All. This in what follows he applies to Empedocles, Parmenides, &c. Lud. Vives in August. civit. Dei l. 8. c. 1. gives us this general account of Parmenides's (and so of Pythagoras's) [...] One, &c. ‘There are not wanting some (saies he) who conceive that Parmenides himself in his Poems, in which he comprized his Philosophie, affirming all things to be One, under­stood that One to be God; of which number is Simplicius. Neither is it likely that Parmenides an acute, and wise man could be igno­rant of the Division, and Multiplicitie of things, which in plain words he asserted in his Poems. For when he had versifyed much, and enough on that One first Being. Hitherto saies he of these true, and supreme Beings; now of Mortals, and confused Beings, &c. But Serranus does more fully, and clearly expound unto us this Doctrine of Parmenides touching Ideas (in Plato's Parmenides fol. 124.) ‘This saies he, was the opinion of Parmenides concerning Ideas. In the V­niverse of things there is nothing that happens unadvisedly, or by chance; but all things depend on the force, and efficacie of their Ide­al [Page 180] causes. Of these Ideas he makes two sorts. 1. One he makes to be [...], &c. Infinite, Immovable, Eternal, Simple, and Causative of all things. This he calls the [...], The primarie Idea, which being [...], gives being and virtue to all things. 2. As for the Secondarie Ideas, they are [...], Gods works, or second natural causes depending on God. He denies therefore that any thing happens [...] of it self, without the Divine mind influencing it.’ The same Serranus (in Plato's Parmenides, fol. 130.) Parmenides, saies he, ‘teacheth [...], that all is One, and that this [...], One, is [...], the Archetype Idea, and thence [...], That one is many, and many again one. Where he notes the power, and force of the One in the Ideas, in which it is [...], The proper forme, or exemplar, and thence to know the na­ture of any intelligibles, we must reduce them to the Unitie of Idea.’ Thus Serranus of the original of these Ideas. The plain mind of this dark Oriental Tradition is this; That the Divine Essence, which in it self is but one; in respect of it's Divine Ideas, or Decrees may be looked on as many; and thus one becomes many, and many one. Thus Plato, and Serranus on him (fol. 134.) explain Parmenides his Ideas. Parmenides saith [...], That God has the most accurate Knowledge;’ and that this Knowledge he has by his I­deas; and that these Ideas arise not from us, (i. e. external objects) but from Himself, from his own Infinite Essence, (the glasse of all those Ideas which represent things Possible) and from his Sovereign, Abso­lute will, (which is the glasse wherein he contemplates the Ideas of things Future) for otherwise, saies Parmenides, [...], ‘The Gods would not be our Lords, neither would they know Humane affaires, should their Ideas or Knowledge arise from us, and not from them­selves.’ How Divinely does Parmenides here Philosophize on the Ab­solute, Independent, Sovereign Ideas, or Decrees of God, to the confusion of that great Jesuitical Idol of Scientia Media, which is the [...] of all Pelagianisme: of which more when we come to Plato, &c.

§. 8. Besides Parmenides, there were other Pythagoreans who Philo­sophized largely on this Doctrine of Ideas: as Epicarmus, or Cous, [Page 181] and Timaeus Locrus, both famous Philosophers of the Pythagorean Sect, from whom Plato, as 'tis conceived, received much of his Philoso­phie touching Ideas. So Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ. l. 8. c. 11. Alci­mus, saith he, in the Books which he writ to Amynthas, teacheth us, that Plato borrowed his Opinion of God being [...], and [...], as also that of Ideas from the Books of Epicarmus, who was Cous a Philo­sopher of the Pythagorean Sect most famous: Timaeus also the Locrian has writ of Ideas in his Book of the Universe. But all these things, Plato being of a more accurate Wit, and assisted with a deeper, and more Divine Doctrine, has more largely, and clearly explained. Though I doubt not, but Pythagoras had before learned these things from the Sacred Scriptures, &c.Timaeus Lo­crus his opini­on of Ideas. As for Timaeus Locrus the Pythago­rean, we have his opinion of Ideas laid down at large by Plato in his Timaeus, or Dialogue of the Origine of the Universe, which, I presume he calls Timaeus, because he received the main Principles, and Mate­rials of it from this Timaeus the Pythagorean. The summe of this Dis­course in Plato's Timaeus, about Ideas, may be reduced to this Scheme.The primarie Idea of things possible seated in the Divine Essence. ‘God in the Production of the Universe acted as a skilful wise Artifi­cer, according to the Ideas of his own eternal Wisdom.’ These Ideas existing in the mind of God, he makes to be [...], self-subsisting, or independent, eternal, indivisible, immaterial, and simple. These first original Ideas seem to answer to those Divine Ideas, wch the Scholes suppose in the Divine Essence, and Power, wch is the glasse of things possible, the object of Gods simple Intelligence. Besides this original simple Idea, Plato brings in Timaeus discoursing of another kind of Idea, which he calls [...], and [...],The secondarie Exemplar of things future, the same with Gods decrees. an ex­emplar, or image, which he makes to be the first foetus, impress, or off-spring of the former original Idea. This Exemplar, or Image, as it is conformed, and exactly answerable to the first original Idea; so likewise is it a lively delineation or representation of the future work or thing to be made, whence the Divine Agent, having got his Exemplar, proceeds to the production of his work answerable there­unto. His words are these,The difference 'twixt [...] and [...]. [...], where he distinguisheth his Idea from his Exemplar, making the former to be first, and productive of the latter. Unto this [...], or [...], Exemplar, or Image, the Divine Idea's of things future, or the Decrees of God, which the Scholes suppose to be seated in the Will of God, the object of Gods Science of Vision, seem to answer. Laertius saies, that Plato makes [Page 182] [...] Idea, and Exemplar Synonymous, I con­ceive he is mistaken. This [...], or [...], Exemplar, or intelligible Image. Timaeus (Edit. Steph. fol. 30.) calls [...], &c. the Animal, Living, Intelligible World, which is elsewhere called [...], the Ideal World, the self Liver, the alwaies Liver; and by the Pythagoreans it is generally stiled [...], intelligible World, which they place in the middle, betwixt the Supreme World or the Divine Essence, and the Sensible World, or Universe. This Exemplar Serranus (on the fore-cited place of Timaeus, fol. 30.) makes to be ‘that eternal Image, or Exemplar in the mind of God, deline­ated, or drawn according to the Idea of his eternal Wisdom, ac­cording to which all things are produced.’ Yea, thus Plato seems to express Timaeus's mind, fol. 29. [...]. If the World be beautiful, and it's Maker good, it is evi­dent, that he eyed some internal Exemplar, &c. So before (Timaeus fol. 28.The goodness of all things consists in their answer­ing to their Original Ex­emplar in Gods Decrees.) ‘Wherefore, saies he, if he that undertakes to effect any thing, regards this unvariable Exemplar [...], &c. it cannot be but that the work should be exactly formed.’ Thus Timaeus the Pythagorean in Plato's words, which indeed seems exactly to answer that of Moses, Gen. 1.31. and God saw every thing that he made, and behold it was very good. So saies Au­gustin (de Civit. Dei. l. 11. c. 21.) on this place, ‘hereby is under­stood God's approbation of his work made according to Art, which is the wisdom of God.’ Yea Timaeus, according to Plato's relation, (fol. 30. edit. Steph.) speakes more fully and openly the sense (almost in the very words) of Moses, Gen. 1.31. Thus [...], &c. For ‘God willed, that all things should be good, and nothing bad, neither is it lawful, saies he, to suppose that God, who is best, should make the World but in the best and most beautiful manner: then he concludes, fol. 37. Thus, after the Father of the Universe had beheld his Workmanship, [...], the framed a visible Image of the eternal invisible Gods, he recreated and reposed himself therein, i. e. God was delighted in his own works, because they were exactly conformed to, and so sensible Ideas, or visible Images of that eternal Exemplar, and those invisible Ideas, or Decrees lodged in his own sovereign Will, and Essence.’ Does not Plato here speak plainly, [Page 183] not only the mind of Timaeus, but of Moses also? This is not mine own conjecture only, but Philoponus (otherwise Johannes Grammati­cus) also that great Christian Philosopher has long since observed the same, in his Book of the Worlds Creation, lib. 7. c. 11, 12. Moses therefore concluding the production of the World, saies rightly (Gen. 1.31.) God saw, &c. Moreover Plato in this again imitating him, and shewing how the Ʋniverse was made by God, saies, That the Fa­ther when he beheld this moveable and living Image of the eternal Gods, which he had made, he rejoyced and recreated himself, [...], so much the more when he considered, that it was made according to that great Exemplar of his own Idea's, or Decrees. Thus Philoponus, who was well skilled in the mind of Plato, as well as of Moses. But of these things more in their place.

§. 9. Pythagoras held Gods production of,Of Gods Cre­ation & Pro­vidence. and providence over all things. So Timaeus (in Plato fol. 12.) saies, that God [...], &c. adorned and disposed the World into the most perfect Forme and Order; whence it was by Pythagoras called [...], i. e. Order, and Beauty. Diogenes tells us, Pythagoras asserted [...], &c. that Ʋnity (by which he understood God) was the principle of all things. He held also God only to be [...], the ani­mation and vivisick principle of all things; according to Gen. 1.2. And the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters: whence Pythagoras defined God ‘a mind, which communicateth, and diffuseth himself through every part of the Ʋniverse, from whom all Animals receive life, &c.’ which accords with Plato's Anima mundi. He also called God one en­tire Being within himself, in a complete Circle, i. e. shedding abroad the influential lines of his Providence throughout the Universe.See Stanly of Pythagoras's Philosophie, chap. 3. The Pythagorean Conception (as Iamblichus) touching the Providence of God in general, was this, That we have need of such a Government, as we ought not in any thing to contradict, which alone proceeds from the Deitie, who deservedly may challenge a soveraign Dominion over all. For man being, say the Pythagoreans, shamefully variable, and fickle in his appe­tites, affections, and other passions, needs such a Government, from which proceeds moderation, and order. But Pythagoras affirmed the Gods to have a peculiar Providence towards Men, such as were at Friendship with them. So Diogenes Laertius saies, Pythagoras held [...], That Men are ak [...] to the Gods, and therefore God has a special Providence over us, as Gen. 1. [Page 184] 26. so saies Iamblichus, Pythagoras demonstrated there is a friendship of the Gods towards men, &c. Grotius on Matth. 10.29. tells us, that some of the Hebrews held Gods providence about men, but not about beasts: which Pythagoras seems to have learned from them, and to have taught the Grecians.

Pythagoras's Model of Di­vine Worship.§. 10. Hence Pythagoras was a great Devoto, or Advocate for God, his Worship, and sacred Institutes. So Iamblichus tells us, ‘That Py­thagoras proposed, that all things we resolve to do, should tend to the solemne acknowledgement of the Divinitie; that the whole of mans life should consist in the following God, which is the ground of all Philosophie. For since there is a God (saies he) we must acknow­ledge it is in his power to do us good. Now all give good things to such as they love, and delight in: therefore it is manifest that such things are to be performed, in which God delights, from whom alone good is to be sought for.’ The like foundation of Divine Worship Plato (who did in this point greatly Pythagorize) asserts, of which in it's place. And as to the Mode of Divine Worship, Pythagoras and his Adherents, give us many wholesome Institutes, such as these.

1. Against all Images or vi­sible formes in Worship.1. That God being an Incorporeal, and Spiritual Being, should not be Worshipped under any Corporeal Forme, or Visible Likenes. Thus Plutarch in the Life of Numa Pompilius, tells us, That Numa forbad the Romans to believe, that God had any Forme, or likenes of Beast, or Man, which is agreeable to the Pythagoreans, who thought the Gods Invisible, Incorruptible, and Intelligible Beings only: so that in these for­mer times there was in Rome no Image of God, either painted, or graven for 170 Years, &c. Some think that Numa had this Institute from Pythagoras; but Ludo. Vives (on August. Civit. l. 7. c. 35.) refutes this; shewing, that Numa dyed many Years before Pythagoras was born. We may therefore more fitly with Clemens Alexandr. [...]. 1. and out of him Selden (de Jure Gent. Hebr. l. 1. c. 2.) affirm, That Numa received this by Tradition originally from the Jews, though perhaps immediately from the Phenicians, who frequented Italy in, and before his time. That Pythagoras had it immediately from the Jews, and particularly from that great Moral Command,Exod. 20.4. Thou shalt not make any graven Image, &c. is most likely. Conformable whereto is that great Pythagorean Symbol [Grave not the Image of God in a Ring] i. e. saies Iamblichus, Philosophize, and above all things conceive that the Gods are incorporeal. This Symbol is (saith he) above all other the Seminarie of the Pythagorick Doctrines, &c.

[Page 185]2. Hence Pythagoras instituted,2. That God is to be wor­shipped by Rites of his own appoint­ing. that God should be Worshipped with a pure mind; and such decent Ceremonies, as were by him appoint­ed. So Diogenes Laertius: Pythagoras, saies he, held [...], &c. That honors are to be performed to the Gods according to their own appointment, with a white garment, and chaste bodie, and soul, which purification is acquired by expurgations, washings, sprinklings, and separation from what ever is unclean, &c. I know [...] is rendred by the Latin Version cum laudibus, with praises; which agrees well enough with our present designe: but yet that it signifies in this place such a Worship, as was appointed by the Gods, I gather by the like usage of the Word in Plato his Alcibiades, fol. 149. where bringing in the Athenians complaining to Ammon their Oracle, that their Enemies the Lacedemonians, who offered few, or no Sacri­fices, should prevail against them, who offered such costly Sacrifices: The Oracle makes answer, ‘that the [...], the plain simple instituted worship of the Lacedemonians, was more acceptable to the Gods than all their pompous will-worship.’ This we need not doubt, but that Pythagoras learned from the Jews, as Plato also, who in his [...], fol. 6. tells us, that all Divine Worship must be [...], i. e. saith Serranus, measured by the will, and good pleasure of God. And whereas Pythagoras required his Followers to worship in a white Garment, that is apparently a Jewish Rite, answerable to the Ephod. Such were also all those [...]urifications, Washings, Sprinklings, and Separations from all unclean things, which Pythagoras enjoyned. This likewise is af­firmed of Iamblichus, ‘that Pythagoras said Puritie is acquired by Expiations, Bathings, Sprinklings, Abstinences from the flesh of things, that dye of themselves, and viperous Creatures, &c. which were all Jewish Ceremonies. Laertius also informs us, that Pythagoras held ‘things dedicated to God were holy, and not to be used for com­mon use: thence he forbad the eating of Fishes [...], in as much as they were holy: for it was not meet that what was proper to the Gods should be common to Men. Farther Vossius de Philos. sect. l. 2. c. 6. §. 5. tells us, it appears out of Clemens Alexandrinus, that Pytha­goras was circumcised, &c. which if true, gives us a great demon­stration, that he was initiated in the Jewish Ceremonies, which agrees with what was before mentioned out of Diogenes Laertius, that Pytha­goras, whilst he was in Babylon, was cleansed from the Pollutions of his life past, by one Zabratus, who according to Selden (de Gente [Page 186] Hebr. l. 1. c. 2.) was Ezekiel. See more of this in chap. 6. §. 6, 7, 8. of Pythagoras's symbolizing with the Jews in Rites.

The Pythago­rean exactnes in Divine Worship, from Eccles. 5.1.3. Pythagoras required of his Disciples a very great exactnes, and solemnitie in the Worship of God. This is evident by many of his Symbols, and Iamblichus's explication thereof. As Symbol 1. [When you go to the Temple to Worship, neither do, nor say any thing concerning life] i. e. saith Iamblichus, Worship the Deity after such a manner as ‘is most pure, and immixed. He takes care, that no worldly affairs insinuate into Divine Worship. So Symbol 2. [If a Temple lye in your way, go not in: No, though you pass by the very doors] i. e. saies Iambli­chus, the Supreme Being ought to have the Principal Worship: but if any Man doth it upon the occasion of any other thing, he makes that the second, which is the first, and chiefest of all; and by that means he subverts the whole order of Worship. The most excellent Good ought not to be ranked in the latter place, as inferior to humane Good. Again Symbol 3. [ [...], Sacrifice and Worship bare-foot.] i. e. saies Iamblichus, serve the Gods 1. decently, and orderly. 2. Being free from fetters: this is to be observed not in the Bodie only, but in the acts of the Soul also.’ Now that this Py­thagorean exactnes in Divine Worship had its original from the Jewish Church, is observed by Mr. Mede (on Eccles. 5.1. of the reverence of Gods house, pag. 104.) where citing this very Symbol of Pythagoras, [offer Sacrifice and Worship with thy shoes off.] This, saies he, alludes to ‘the Jewish Custom of Discalceation, which was used by the Jews in going to the Place of Worship, and from them derived to the Gen­tiles, when they worshipped their Gods.’ We might adde to these Pythagoras's seventh Symbol, [Above all things, governe your tongues following the Gods.] i. e. saith Iamblichus, nothing renders the mind so perfect, as when a Man in following the Gods reflects in upon himself by serious Meditation. The whole of which Symbolick Doctrine, touching the Worship of God, seems very correspondent with Scri­pture Precepts, touching God's Worship; especially Eccles. 5.1.

Pythagoras's Daemons, their nature, and office.§. 11. Another part of Pythagoras's Theologie consisted in the knowledge, and worship of the Daemons. For the understanding where­of, we are to remember, that as Augustin (de Civit. Dei, l. 6. c. 5.) hath long since observed, out of Varro, and Seneca; the Pagan [...] was three-fold.A three-fold Theologie, Mythick. 1. [...] Mythick. or fabulous, which was that of the Poets. 2. [...] Politick, or Civil, which was (as is supposed) [Page 187] taken up, and imposed by their Law-givers, and Politicians,Politick, Natural. and so followed by the Priests, and People in their worship. 3. [...] Natural Theologie, which the Philosophers taught, as that, which suited best with the Light of Nature, and Principles of Reason, in di­stinction from the two former. For the wiser of the Philosophers, Thales, Pythagoras, Plato, &c. utterly rejected the fabulous Theologie of the Poets: Neither did they generally approve of that Politick Theologie, which States-men had invented, and the Priests with the People embraced, in order to the promoting their Politick Interests. But these Philosophers, by what Oriental Jewish Tradition they had received, together with the Improvements of their own Reason there­on, found out a more Natural, & Rational kind of Theologie; which was briefly this. They held only one Supreme, Eternal Being, which they called God: This God the Phenicians called Saturn, or Molech, from the Hebrew [...] King; but the Grecians generally stiled him Jupiter, from [...] the Father Jah, which was one of God's names. Now this supreme God Jah the Father, Saturn, or Molech, was, as they supposed, at such an infinite distance from poor Mortals, and Sinners, as that there could be no approach to Him, or communications of good things from Him, but by some Mediators, or midling Gods. These middle Gods, or Mediators, were no other than their great Heroes, or Persons, who had been greatly famous in their Age for some noble Exploits, or virtuous Acts, and after their Death were by common consent Deify­ed, or made Gods, and called by some from their office Medioxumi, from the place of their main residence (which was supposed to be in the Stars) Deastri, from their relation to the superior God, the les­ser Gods, the made Gods; from their knowledge of humane Affairs, [...], Daemons; also from their sovereigntie over Men, [...], Baalim Lords. Who was the first of these Daemons, is not determin'd: some think 'twas Joseph, whom the Egyptians worshipped under the Symbolick names, and Images of Apis, Syrapis, Hermes, &c. Others make Belus a Phenician King, the first of them; whence they were by the Phenicians called Baalim: who ever was the first, it matters not, so long as we have such probable conjectures, yea strong presum­ptions, that their original Idea, or Exemplar, was conveighed by some imperfect Tradition from the Jewish Messias. This seems evident by that account we find of these Daemons in Plato, who discourseth professedly, and at large concerning them, in his Politicus; but more [Page 188] particularly in his Symposium, as also de legibus, where 1. Touching their Natures, he terms them to be [...], &c. made Gods visible Gods: Idols, and Images of the great God, who was Maker of all things. Plato de Legib. 13. 2. Touching their Office, he saies, they were [...], &c. placed in the middle 'twixt the great God, and man, to be Mediators, or Porters, for the con­veighing the Sacrifices, and Prayers of men to the Gods; as also for the transmitting guifts, and all good things from God to Men; toge­ther with an Interpretation of the mind, will, and precepts of God to men: Whence 3ly, says he, by the mediation of these Daemons there is a communion, and friendship maintained betwixt God, and men, which otherwise could not be: so Plato, Sympos. fol. 202, &c. 4. As to the dignitie of these Daemons, he makes them [...], Co-rulers with the great God: so Plato, Politicus fol. 251. By all which I think, it plainly appears, that these Daemons had their original from some Scriptural Tradition of the Messias, unto whom Plato's Characters of them seem fully to answer. That Pythagoras held these Daemons, we are informed by Diogenes Laertius, who tells us, that ‘Next to the supreme God, Pythagoras, and his followers placed Daemons, and Heroe's:’ see more of these Daemons in Lud. Vives, in August. Civ. Dei, lib. 8. cap. 14, &c.

Of the Aeones.§. 12. Another piece of the Pythagorean Theologie, is that which treats of their [...], Aeones, who were distinct from their Daemons, and much the same with our Scripture Angels, for they looked upon these Aeones, as Divine immortal Powers, amongst whom there were divers degrees; some inferior, some superior, who had their [...], their conjunctions, and Genealogies, &c. These Aeones the Gnosticks (who much imitated the Pythagoreans) transmitted into their mystical Divinitie, applying them to the Angels: of which see more in our account of the corruption of the Pythagorean Philo­sophie.

Of the Soul.§. 13. Another part of Pythagoras's Metaphysicks concerned the humane Soul, which (saies Stobeus) Pythagoras defined a self-moving number: who held also, that [...] was induced into the Soul from with­out,Pythag.'s Me­tempsychosis a corrupt tra­dition of the Resurrection. [...], i. e. by a Divine efficacie (so Plato understands this [...]) delibated of the universal mind, whence also she became immortal.’ Diogenes Laertius likewise acquaints us, that Pythagoras held [...], &c. that the Soul was immortal, because [Page 189] that, whence it was derived, was immortal. And this some give as the genuine import of Pythagoras's [...], Metempsychosis, which by some was called [...], by others [...], by Laertius [...]. This Metempsychosis, That Pytha­goras's Me­tempsychosis was Symbo­lical, see c. 9. paragr. 8. or Transmigration of the Soul from one Bodie to another, was also asserted by Plato, and, as it is supposed, taken up both by him and Pythagoras from some broken Tra­dition they had received from the Jews, touching the Resurrection. This is observed by Serranus in Plato, Repub. lib. 10. Plato, saies he, teacheth us, that the Bodies of the Pious, should [...] be raised again to life. And the Comment, or Invention of the [ [...], and [...]] Transmigration of Souls, was but a corrupt derivation from this Truth of the Resurrection. That the Jews had the like per­swasion touching the Transmigration of Souls, appears from that of Herod, who thought that John Baptist's Soul revived in Christ. That the Pharisees held this Opinion, is affirmed by Josephus, l. 18. Antiq. c. 2. and 'tis possible the more ancient Jews held the same, and Py­thagoras from them, though Vossius denies it. That Pythagoras's, and Plato's Metempsychosis, or Transmigration of the humane Soul after death, was by them taken up, to signifie the Souls first infusion into,See more of this, Stanly cap. 7. fol. 145. and thence by death separation from, and at the Resurrection re-union with the Bodie, is asserted by John Reuchlin, Art. Cabal. l. 2. ‘This is (saies he) the meaning of Pythagoras concerning his Metempsy­chosis, or Transmigration of Souls after death, and their descension into life. Others thought the Soul educed out of Matter: Pytha­goras thought it infused by God into the Bodie, and therefore before it, not in time, but in dignitie, and puritie: This infusion he termed the descent of the Soul, &c. or if he meant historically, [...], the Soul separate from the Bodie, may by the power of God be brought the same, into the same bodie; whence he acknowledgeth God only to be [...], the animation of all things. God infuseth the soul into every man, and being infused taketh it away, and being taken away restoreth it, when, and as oft as he pleaseth.’ Thus he; some understand this Pythagorean Metempsychosis, Symbolically, with relation to the several passions, dispositions, and morals of men, as hereafter.

§. 14. Lastly, To give a general Idea of Pythagoras's Theologie;A general Idea of Py­thagoras's Theologie. we must know, that it was Mystical; much the same with that of Pherecydes his Master; as also with that of Orpheus, from whom he [Page 190] borrowed much of it: who all affected a mystical mode of Theologi­zing, partly from their own Ignorance, being unacquainted with the true import, or meaning of those Jewish Traditions, which were ve­ry imperfectly delivered to them; and partly from an affected Singu­laritie, they being unwilling that any should be acquainted with their Mysteries, but such as were of their own Tribe, and Sect. This is the meaning of many of Pythagoras's Symbols, whereby he strictly enjoyned his Disciples not to communicate his Mysteries to Strangers, and those without; as before from Grot. Matth. 7.6, &c. That Pythagoras, and his Adherents, were generally sensible of their great Ignorance of Divine Mysteries,Pythagoreans acknowledge their Igno­rance. appears by several of his Symbols, as that [Look not in a Glasse by Candle-light.] i. e. saies Iamblichu [...], Phi­losophize, pursuing not the fantasies of sense, which gives a kind of light to comprehensions, like a Candle, neither natural, nor true, &c. This an­swers to Prov. 13.9. Thence another of his Symbols runs thus, [Dis­course not of Pythagorean things without light.] i. e. (saies Iamblichu [...]) because it is impossible to understand Pythagorean Doctrines without light. But that which was the foundation of all the Pythagorean mystical Theologie, and a great argument of their sense of Ignorance in Divine things, was their credulous inquisitive humor, which inclined them to receive ev'ry Tradition, though never so broken, or corrupt, touch­ing Divine things. This is fully expressed by that great Symbol of Pythagoras, viz. [Concerning the Gods dis-believe nothing wonderful, nor yet concerning Divine things] ‘This (saies Iamblichus) declareth the superlative Excellence of God's instructing us, and puts us in mind, that we ought not to estimate the Divine power by our own Judge­ment: which Comment of Iamblichus, if applyed to Divine Revela­tion, is excellent, and excellently useful; the same with what the Scripture universally teacheth us; viz. that concerning God, and Di­vine things, we should dis-believe nothing though never so wonder­ful, if we have a Divine word for it.’ But the Pythagoreans stretched this excellent Scriptural Rule beyond the line of Divine Revelation, even to the belief of every corrupt Oriental Tradition, as here­after.

Of Divina­ti [...].§. 15. We should now proceed to the black, and Satanick part of Pythagoras's Metaphysicks, or Supernatural Philosophie, namely his Magick, or Art of Divination: But this we shall refer to Chap. 10. Touching the Vanitie, or corruptions of the Pythagorean Philosophie. [Page 191] Only in general: that this black Art of Divination, wherein the Py­thagoreans were greatly versed, had its original from Satanick imitation of God's sacred Oracles, and the various ways of his revealing himself in the Jewish Church, I think will be very evident, when the parallel is drawn betwixt the one, and the other: For as God revealed his Ora­cles by Dreams, and Visious; so the Devil's were frequently delivered in the same manner. Of which more in its place.

CHAP. IX. Of Pythagoras's Symbols, and their Jewish Original, &c.

Pythagoras's Symbols from the Jews. 1. Give thy right hand to none but Pythagoreans; as Gal. 2.9. Abstain from the dead, Matth. 8.22. Set down Salt, Lev. 2.13. Ethick Symbols Jewish. Py­thagoras's Metempsychosis Symbolical, from Dan. 4.32, 33. Pythagorean Abstinences from Jewish Symbols. Pythagorean Numbers Symbolical. Pythagoras's Symbols of Divine Worship of Jewish extract; particularly that Worship bare-foot, from Exod. 3.5. Eccles. 5.1. Of Pythagoras's Works, that he left nothing in Writing. The Pythagorean Sect, their ruines. Py­thagoras's Followers, and their Writings. Pythagorizing Philo­sophers, [...]lato, &c. The pride of the Pythagoreans, and all other Sects.

§.1. HAving finished our Discourse touching the matter of the Py­thagorean Philosophie, we now proceed to its Forme, or Mode, Pythagoras's mode of Phi­l [...]sophizing Symbolick. together with its Traduction from the Jewish Church. Porphyrie, in the Life of Pythagoras, informes us, ‘that he used a two-fold Forme, or manner of Philosophizing:’ the one [...], which was more open, and easie: the other [...], which was mystick, and obscure. Pythagoraei sapientiam [...] quibusdam, & integumentis repraesentabant, quae ipsi Symbola appellant. In quibus ita Philosophiae praecepta comprehens [...] erant, ut vel ambitionis dissuasionem, et otii sugam, vel pravorum sodalium declinationem contine [...]ent. Plut. l. d [...] edu [...]. Laert. l. 8. Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. The choicest parts of Pythagoras's Philosophie, especially his Theologie, was wrapped up, and expressed in a Symbolick Forme, or Mode. Thus Iam­blichus [Page 192] in the Life of Pythagoras, l. 1. c. 29. Pythagoras (saies he) used by short sentences to express various significations to his Disci­ples, after a Symbolick Mode, as Apollo by short enigmatick Oracles, vaticinated many abstruse things, and Nature by little seeds exhi­bits difficult effects. the same Iamblichus, lib. 1. cap. 5.’ Thus also Clemens Alexandrinus, 1. [...]. attributes to Pythagoras [...], a Symbolick Mode of teaching. So Justin Mar­tyr, in his cohortation to the Greeks, [...] Pythagoras the son of Mnesarchus, who delivered the Dogmes of his Philosophie Mystically by Symbols, as the Historiographers of his Life manifest.’

Pythagoras's Symbols from [...] Jews.§. 2. That Pythagoras traduced this his Symbolick Forme, or Mode of Philosophizing originally from the Scriptures, or Jewish Church is not without good grounds affirmed by the Learned, and will farther appear by inquirie into particulars. We find a rational affirmation hereof in Learned John Reuchlin his Explication of Pythagorick Do­ctrine, Artis Cabal. lib. 2. ‘The way of teaching (saies he) by Sym­bols, and Silence (as other things) Pythagoras brought into Greece, from the Hebrews, with whom it was the custome, that the Disciple being to ask some sublime questions, should hold his peace, and be­ing questioned should only answer [...]. Thus the Cabalists an­swer [...] the Wise said. Moreover all the Pythagorick Phi­losophie, especially that, which concerns Divine things, is mystically expressed by Enigmes, and Symbols, because 1. The Ancients used to deliver Wisdom by Allegories: all their Philosophers, and Poets are full of Riddles, avoiding by obscuritie contempt.’ 2. It oft happens that abstruse things are best expressed by such short Enig­mes. ‘3. As Generals use watch-words to distinguish their own Soul­diers, so the Pythagorean Symbols were as distinctive marks of their Societie. 4. They used Symbols also as Memorial notes. For in treating of things Divine, and Humane, the vastness of the subject require [...] short Symbols, as conducing much to memorie.’ So Stanly of Pythag [...] fol. 136. wherein we have a full account of the original of Symbols as also of their proper use, both amongst the Jews, and also the Grecians. As for the Jews it's evident, that God made use of this Forme or Mode of teaching them Heavenly, sublime Mysteries by terren [...] Figures, Symbolick Images, Types, or Shadows out of condescentio [...] [Page 193] to their Infant State; which manner of teaching continued even to our Saviours time, who delivered the chief of his Doctrine concerning Heavenly Mysteries, under Earthly Parables, and Symbols, thereby to render them more plain and familiar; as he himself signifies, John 3.12. If I have told you Earthly things, &c. The Jewish Types, and Symbols were also as distinctive marks of God's People, and Church, [...] a Symbol a­mongst the an­cients signified a Scar [...], or other mark, where­by Souldiers were distin­guisht from their ene [...]i [...]s: thus the [...] castles Creed was called [...] Symbol of Faith. whereby they were distinguished from all the world besides, (so the Greek [...] Symbol signifies a distinctive mark, or watch-word) which I suppose made Pythagoras the more ready to embrace the like garbe, as that, which was of Divine original, and so most honorable: The great Maxime, on which the Pythagorean, as well as the Jewish Symbols were founded, was this, [...], Things corporeal are imitates (or images) of spirituals. That Pythagoras receiv­ed this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing originally from the Jewish Church, is farther confirmed by Serranus, who on Plato's Symposium speaks thus: ‘It was the manner of the Ancient Philosophers to shadow forth the truth by Symbols. These Plato followed, as it ap­pears by this disputation. And this mode of Philosophizing was ac­curately framed by the Pythagoreans, the whole of whose Philoso­phie was couched under the covert of Symbols, and Allegories, &c. But more particularly Serranus in his Preface to Plato's Works, laies down this general assertion, That it is the opinion of all Learned Chri­stian Antiquitie, that this Symbolick manner of Philosophizing came ori­ginally from the Jewish Learning, delivered by Moses, and the Prophets, though whether immediately, or mediately by the Egyptians, is not deter­mined. Clemens Alexandr. 1. [...]. enclines to the latter, namely that Pythagoras received his Symbols immediately from the Egyptians, though originally from the Jews. We have the Testimonie of Grotius to the same purpose, on Mat. 7.6. and on Mat. 8.22.

§. 3. The full proof of our assertion touching the Traduction of the Pythagorean Symbols from the Jewish Church,An enumerati­on of Pythag. Symbols, which he re­ceived from the Jews. depends upon the con­sideration of particulars, and their parallel with Jewish Symbols of like import. Pythagoras's Symbols related either to such, as were aliens and strangers to his schole, and Philosophie, or to such, as were within, and Disciples thereof. As for those, who were without, and Forrein­ers, Pythagoras had many Symbols to express their state, and to pro­hibite his Disciples conversation with them. For Pythagoras esteemed all that were not of his College as profane, wicked, dogs, &c. whence [Page 194] that Symbol,1 Symbol. Give the right of fellowship to none but Pythagoreans. Gal. 2.9. [...], To give the right hand of fellowship to none but Pythagoreans. Which Symbol was plain­ly of Jewish extract. For amongst the Jews, to give the right hand was an ordinarie Symbol of Friendship, and Communion, as Gal. 2.9. therefore they esteeming the Gentiles as Profane, and Vnclean, would not salute them with the right hand of fellowship, i. e. they would not have Communion or Friendship with them. Hence also it followed, that the Pythagoreans forbad the Revealing of their Misteries to such Profane Dogs; which also was of Jewish extract, as it appears by that Jewish Symbol, cited by St. Mat. 7.6. [ [...]:] where Grotius observes, ‘that amongst the Chaldeans, Hebrews, and Egyptians, their ancient Professors of Wisdom, delivered their Pre­cepts [...] in Symbols, as Clemens Alexand. teacheth us.’ Pythagoras brought this mode into Greece, either from Egypt, where ‘he lived some while, or from Syria, whence his Master Pherecydes was, and as some think Pythagoras himself. For that he was a Tyr­rhenian many have affirmed: others say, he was a Tyrian. And in­deed the Tyrrhenians, as we have said, were originally Tyrians. But ‘moreover he went to the Jews, as many writers have reported. Thus Grotius. See more of this Symbol, chap. 6. parag. 8.

To abstein from things dead Mat. 8.22. Numb. 6.6.§. 4. But the most livelie Symbol, which Pythagoras had to ex­press the Wicked, and Miserable state of profane sinners, was That [...], To abstein from things Dead, or Mortal. By which Hierocles saies, Pythagoras called off his Disciples from things dead, or mortal. Iamblichus also tells us, that Pythagoras said puritie was ac­quired by absteining from things that dyed of themselves. This Symbol, we need not doubt, was of a Jewish origination. For we know the Jews in general were forbid to eat the flesh of any creature, that dyed of it self. And particularly the High Priests, and the Nazarites were forbid to come near, or touch a dead bodie, as Num. 6.6. Lev. 20. And the proper import of this divine Symbol seems this; That Sa­cred, and Holy persons, are not to have Conversation, or Communi­on with persons, or things spiritually deadly, or dead. That it was common amongst the Jews to look upon wicked men as dead in sin, is evident from what has been observed from Luke 15.24. (chap. 7. §. 13.) Thus also Philo [...], Wicked men are dead in their souls. And that Pythagoras did really traduce his Symbol, of abstein­ing from the dead, from this Jewish Symbol is positively affirmed by [Page 195] Grotius on Mat. 8.22. [Let the dead burie the dead.] This also, as other Symbols, Pythagoras drew from the Oriental Philosophie, who was [...], an imitator of Jewish opinions, as Hermippus writes of him. For Pythagoras, [...], went to the Hebrews, as Malchus (i. e. Porphyrie) writes out of Dioge­nes. Whence it was the manner, that such who were expelled out of the Pythagorean Schole, had [...] a Coffin made, and placed in their room, which we read was executed on Hipparchus. Arrianus in E­pictetum 4.5. [...]. This Jewish, and Pythago­rean Symbol, of absteining from the dead, we find in the Books of Chrysippus thus [...].

§. 5. As Pythagoras had Symbols to represent the Spiritual death of Wicked men, and the Dutie of his Scholars,Salt a Symbol of Covenants, Friendship, & Sanctitie, ac­cording to the Jewish rite. to separate from them. So likewise to represent the strict, and holy communion which ought to be amongst his Collegues, he made use of this lively Jew­ish Symbol [...], set down Salt. We have already proved that Pythagoras traduced this Symbol from the Jewish Church, (chap. 6. parag. 6.) where it has been shewn, how Salt was by God's in­stitution, a Symbol of their Holy Confederation, and Communion with God, and amongst themselves, as Numb. 18.19. 2 Chron. 13.5. &c. And to make this a little more evident, we must know (ac­cording to L' Empereur of the Jewish Temple) the Jews had their Store-houses of Salt in, or about, the Temple, for the seasoning of their Sacrifices. We find frequent references in the New Testament to to this Symbol, as before; and Luke 14.34. Lev. 2.13. And as in God's Sacrifices there was ever Salt to be used, so the like was usually observed in Heathen Sacrifices, as appears by that of Plinie ‘The great authoritie of Salt is discovered by the Sacreds of the Ancients, a­mongst whom there were no Sacreds performed without Salt. And that Salt was used in those federal Sacrifices, as a Symbol of Friend­ship appears by that Proverbial saying of Tullie, There must be many Bushels of Salt used before there can be a full friendship completed. To the same purpose is that of the Scholiast on Homer Iliad. 1. [...], because Salt is a Symbol of friendship. Lastly that this Pythagorean Symbol of Salt implies farther an Holy Confederation, or, according to the scripture Dialect, a Communion of Saints, is manifest by Laertius's interpretation of this Symbol. Pythagoras, saies he, bid [Page 196] men make use of Salt [...], as a memoire of righteousnes, for Salt preserves all things. This was the proper signification of this Symbol of Salt in the Jewish Church, unto which Christ alludes in Mark 9.49, 50. Mat. 5.13. and we have suffici­ent evidence from what has been observed, that Pythagoras traduced this his Symbol from the Jews, and used it in the same sense that they did; namely to express that holy, and strickt confederation, and Friendship, which ought to be amongst his Collegues.

Symbols rela­ting to the Forme of Py­thagoras's Philosophie.§. 6. Pythagoras had some Symbols relating to his Philosophie in general, especially his Theologie, it's mystical nature, and difficultie to be understood, without some Interpreter, or Divine light: Such were those Symbols forementioned. [Discourse not of Pythagorean things without Light.] [Looke not into a Glasse by Candle light.] [Con­cerning the Gods disbelieve nothing wonderful.] all which, according to the Interpretation of Iamblichus, seems to be of Jewish original, as has been observed (chap. 8. §. 14.) I shall adde only one more, which seems to be the Foundation of all Pythagoras's Symbols, according to Laertius's interpretation, thus: [...], To have Tapestrie alwaies bound up, i. e. saies Laertius [...], a man's speech should not be alwaies spoken out, ‘so as to have the mean­ing, and forme of it fully appear, but like Tapestrie when rolled up, the Forme, and Figure of it should be conceled.’ This Pythagoras seems to have learnt from the Jews, who rolled up all their myste­ries under Symbolick Types, and Figures, as before.

Ethick Sym­bols.§. 7· As to the Matter of Pythagoras's Philosophie, he had many Ethick Characters, or Symbols of Moralitie, whereby he excited his Scholars to Virtue, and discouraged them from Vice. Such as these, [Receive not a Swallow, (i. e. a sloathful person) into your house.] [Stir not the Fire with a Sword] i. e. provoke not a wrathful, or potent person. [Eate not the heart.] i. e. by distracting cares. [Passe not over the Bal­lance.] i. e. do justice. Pythagoras also called Virtue harmonie, which is a symbolick image of its Beautie, Order, Amiablenes, &c. as before chap. 7. §. 13. There were other Ethick Symbols, by which Pythago­ras allured his Disciples to the embracing of Virtue, as that, [Eate not the Brain.] i. e. saies Iamblichus, destroy not your principal instru­ment of Wisdom. Agen, [Sleep not at noon.] i. e. (according to Iambli­chus) Shut not your eies against the light, when it is most manifest▪ Farther, [When it Thunders touch the earth.] i. e. (saies Iamblichus [Page 697] When a King is angrie humble thy self. Agen, [Pluck not a Crown] i. e. Offend not the King. Lastly Pythagoras said, [Declining high waies, walk in path waies.] i. e. (as Iamblichus will have it) Leave the popular course of life, and pursue that, which is separate, and divine, answerable to that of Christ, Mat. 7.13.14. That all these Pythago­rean Symbols have their parallel in the Scriptures, and Jewish Do­ctrine, might with ease be proved.

§. 8. Yea some make the Pythagorean Metempsychosis to be but a Symbolick Image, or Ethick Character. Thus Velcurio in his Physicks,Pythagoras's Metempsycho­sis Symbolical of Morals &c. lib. 4. cap. 38. ‘I would think (saies he) that Pythagoras's [...], and [...]. Metempsychosis, and Redintegration of the soul, did belong to the Variable morals, Affections, and Habits of the Soul.’ For as a man is variously affected, or moralized, so he acts the part of a Lyon, of a Bear, of a Wolf, &c. according to the varietie of his conditions. Thus is Ovid's Metamorphosis referred to Morals. Yea Plutarch gave this Interpretation of Pythagoras's Metempsychosis, and out of him the French Montaigne Essaies livre 2. chap. 11. Pythago­ras emprunta la Metempsychose &c. That is in English, Pythagoras bor­rowed his Metempsychosis from the Egyptians, but since it has been re­ceived by other Nations, and particularly by our Druides. The Reli­gion ‘of our ancient Gaules supposed the Soul to be Immortal, and thence, that it never ceased to move from one bodie to another. If it had been Valiant, it moved to the bodie of a Lyon: if it had been Voluptuous, it then creeped into that of a Swine: if Timerous, into that of an Hart, &c. And the Interpretation, which Plutarch gives to this Errour, is very apposite: for he saies, that it was not the Cat, or the Oxe (for example) that the Egyptians adored, but some images of Divine powers which they conceived to lodge in these beasts, as in the Oxe they adored Divine patience, and Ʋsefulness, as in the Cat vivacitie, &c.’ Thus Flutarch, and Montaigne. That the Egyptians were the first, that taught this Doctrine of Metempsychosis, is affirmed by Herodotus in Enterpe. Where he addes, ‘That the Greeks (mean­ing the Pythagoreans) first received it from Egypt, though they de­livered it as their own dogme:’ So Vossius de Philos. sect. lib. 2. cap. 6. §. 3. That Pythagoras took up this Metempsychosis only as an Ethick Symbol, is the judgment of John Reuchlin Artis Cabalist. lib. 2. where ‘he tells us, That Pythagoras in affirming that the Soul of a Time­rous person went into a woman, and of a Cruel man into a Lyon, and [Page 198] of a Libidinous man into a Sow, and of a Vaine, Light person, into a Bird, as of a Sloathful person into a Fish,, from their resemblance in manners; he did not speak thus, as if he thought so, but only to affrighten the vulgar sort, by such kind of Fables, from Vice, as we were wont to affright Children by Bugbears.’ That the Egyptians (from whom Pythagoras is said to have received this Symbol) under­stood their Metempsychosis in a Symbolick, Hieroglyphick sense, seems very probable: and that they traduced it originally from the Jewish Church, appears as likely. For that the Pharisees asserted this Metempsychosis, is affirmed by Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. 2. cap, 8. And we may presume the Jews before them held the same. Yea some, and that not without probable conjectures, make the whole storie of Nebu­chadnezzar's being Transformed into a Peast, &c. Dan. 4.32, 33. to be Symbolical of his Brutish life, separate from humane societie. For that he was not really transformed into a Beast, is most likely. And hence it is supposed, this Egyptian Pythagorean Metempsychosis had its original, even from Nebuchadnezzar's Symbolical Transformation into a Beast: and that which gives this conjecture the more likely­hood;Nebuchadnez­zars Metemp­chosysis, Dan. 4.32, 33. The rise of the Py­thagoreans. is that this Transformation of Nebuchadnezzar into a Brutish condition was but just before, if not at the very same time, that Py­thagoras lived at Babylon. For whether it were in Ezechiel's time, as Selden, or in Daniel's time, as Wendelin (of Pythagoras's Tetractie) that Pythagoras was in Babylon, yet it could not be long after this Metamor­phosis, or, as we may truely stile it, Metempsychosis of Nebuchadnez­zars. Neither can we imagine that Pythagoras, who was so curious an Inquisitor into all the works of Divine Providence, should let passe this stupendious, and amazing Providence of God on Nebuchadnez­zar (which made all the Empire ring of it) without observation. Why therefore may we not conclude, that both Pythagoras, and the Egypti­ans derived their Symbolical Metempsychosis from this Metempsycho­sis, or Transmigration of Nebuchadnezzar into the Symbolick Forme of a Beast. Or, if we had rather, we may suppose Pythagoras's Me­tempsychosis to be a Symbolick image of the Souls Divine Original, and Infusion into the bodie by God, as also of it's Separation by death, Reunion at the Resurrection,The Pythago­rean Absti­nence from Flesh Symbo­lical in imita­tion of the Jews. and immortal estate: so Plato, Serr [...] nus, and Reuchlin seem to encline, as before, chap. 8. parag. 13.

§. 9. We have also good conjectures to perswade us, that Pythagoras's precepts touching Abstinence from Flesh were muchly Symbolical, [Page 199] and that his followers did not abstein from all kinds, or all parts of Flesh, but only from such as were of Sacred use, or of Symbolical sig­nification, answerable to the Jewish Abstinences. For first, That Py­thagoras himself absteined not wholly from Flesh, we have for it the Testimonie of Aristoxenus the Musician, Disciple of Aristotle, quoted by Gellius lib. 4. cap. 11. ‘That Pythagoras (saies he) did eat of young Pigges, and tender Goates is affirmed by Aristoxenus, which he seems to have learnt from Xenophilus the Pythagorean, his familiar, and from some others more ancient, who lived not much distant from Pythagoras. And that Pythagoras ate of Animals, Alexis the Poet teacheth in the Comedie of Pythagoras's Life.’ Thus Gellius, who, in what followes, relates, that Aristotle affirmes, the Pythagoreans abstein­ed not from all Flesh, but only from some parts, namely the Heart, Brain, &c. which were of Symbolick use. And Porphyrie in his first Book of Abstinence from Animals, saies, [...] &c. ‘They say, that the Pythagoreans themselves absteined not from all Flesh, when they sacrificed.’ So Athenaeus lib. 7. saies, That the Pythagoreans eat but mo­derately of some flesh, and some they sacrifice, but of Fishes they taste not, &c. and he gives a Symbolick reason why they eat not of Fishes [...]. For silence, which they e­steem as Divine. Diogenes Laertius gives the like Symbolick account of their absteining from Fishes. And we need not doubt, but that the main of their Symbolick Abstinences from Flesh, and Fish, had it's original from the Jewish Symbolick Abstinences from things un­clean, &c. Though we may not denie, but that Pythagoras, and his Followers were very abstemious as to Flesh, upon a Medicinal, and Natural account, thereby to keep their mind, & bodie, in [...] a good Habitude, and disposition of Health, as before.

§. 10.Abstinence from Beans Symbolical. The like Symbolick account some give of Pythagoras's pre­cept for Abstinence from Beans; the which we find mentioned in Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 3. [...]. in this verse [...], It is an equal crime to eat a Bean, as to eat the heads of Parents. This Lucian brings in Pythagoras asserting in Hell, and Chrysostome in his 1. Homil. on the Gospel of St. John, attributes the same to Pythagoras. Gellius, lib. 4. chap. 11. cites a Verse, which is supposed to be one of Empedocles's (who was a Pythagorean, and Auditor of Pythagoras) to the same purpose [...] [Page 200] [...],Pythagoras [...] suis dice­bat & à vene­re illicita ab­stinendum do­cebat. [...] enim notabant vasa seminaria sive testiculos. Horn. l. 7. c. 12. O ye miserable wretches touch not Beanes with your hand. Yet some think this Pythagorean prohibition against eating Beans, ought to be understood Symbollically, and Enigmatically only; in as much, as some of great authoritie affirme, that Pythagoras himself absteined not from Beans. Thus Aristoxenus the Musician in his Book of Pythagoras, as Gellius lib. 4. cap. 11. and Voss. de Philos. l. 2. c. 6. §. 39. Others by [...] understand the Testicles, and so by Pythagoras's [...], conceive the illicite use of Venerie to be forbid; as Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 12. 'Tis possible it was both Physical, and Symbolical, as the former of these.

Symbols of things Divine. Numbers Symbols of God, &c.§. 11. As Pythagoras had many Ethick Symbols to express his moral Precepts by; so also his Theologick Mysteries were in a more parti­cular manner couched under, and expressed by Enigmatick, Symbolick Images, especially by Numbers, and Figures, which, as he conceited, had an Analogie, and consent with all things: Whence he expressed Apollo by Unitie, Diana by the number Two, Minerva by the number Seven; and Plato in his Timaeus seems to imitate him. That Pythago­ras expressed God by Unitie, appears by that of Laertius, [...], &c. Unitie is the Principle of all things. Whence the Pythagoreans accounted the number of Two accursed, because it was the first departure from Unitie. And the reason why Pythagoras expres­sed God by Unitie, is given us by Reuchlin (Art. Cabal. lib. 2.) thus, ‘The Divine mind, the receptacle of Principles, Pythagoras Symbol­lically calls Number, saying, Number is the principle of all things. So Plutarch, de Philosoph. Placit. By Number Pythagoras understands the mind; a very proper Symbol: for in Incorporeals nothing more Divine, than the mind; in Abstractions, number is most simple: thus he.’ All this was couched under that great Pythagorean Maxime, [...], one and many; of which before.

Pythagoras's Symbols of Divine Wor­ship of Jewish extract.§. 12. The Symbols, whereby Pythagoras expressed that Spiritual Divine Worship due to God, were such as these [Grave not the Image of God in a Ring] i. e. worship not graven Images. Agen, [When you go to the Temple-worship, neither do, nor say any thing concerning this life.] i. e. let not the world mix with your hearts, &c. of which see Chap. 8. §. 10. And more particularly that great Pythagorean Symbol, [...], [Sacrifice, and Worship bare-foot] which was but an imitation of the Jewish Custom of Discalceation, when they went to worship; as Mede on Eccles. 5.1. or else 'tis possible Pythagoras [Page 201] might derive this Symbol immediately from God's command to Mo­ses Exod. 3.5. Put off thy shoes from off thy feet, &c. For Pythagoras (as we have before observed, Chap. 5. §. 8.) having acquired the Egyptian, and as we may presume the Chaldean Languages, was thereby enabled not only to converse with the Jews, but also to read the sacred Scri­ptures in their Original, the Egyptian, and Chaldean Tongues dif­fering only in some Dialect from the Hebrew. And this may serve us as a Key to this whole Discourse touching Pythagoras's traduction of his Philosophie, both Matter, and Forme from the Scriptures, and Jewish Church: Namely, his skill in the Oriental Languages, especially the Egyptian, and Chaldee, which gave him an huge advantage for his more thorough searching into the Sacred Oracles, and Jewish Doctrines.

§. 13. Having discoursed of Pythagoras's Philosophie, Pythagoras's Works, whe­ther he left any thing in Writing. both as to Matter, and Forme, its traduction from the Jewish Church: before we shut up this Chapter, we shall a little touch on his Works, and Disciples, which gave foundation to most of the following Sects, and their Philosophie. Touching Pythagoras's Works, it is a great contro­versie amongst the Learned, whether Pythagoras left any thing in Wri­ting. Laertius makes mention of three Pieces of Pythagoras: his [...]. Heraclides in Sotion's Epitome, attri­butes more to Pythagoras, as Laertius affirmes, who also upbraids those, as Fools, who think that Pythagoras left no Works behinde him, whom he confutes out of Heraclitus the Physiologist, who quotes some things out of Pythagoras's Works. Yet Augustin (lib. 1. De Consensu Evangelist. cap. 7.) denies that Pythagoras left any Writing behinde him. Cedrenus makes mention of an Historie compiled by Pythagoras, touch­ing the War betwixt Cyrus, and the Samians his Country-men, but this is rejected by Vossius, de Histor. Graec. l. 4. As for the [...], the Golden Verses which passe under Pythagoras's name, Laertius assures us, that they were not made by him, but by Lysis the Pythagorean. [...], &c. As for the Golden Verses which passe under the name of Pythagoras, they are Lysis's a Pythagorean of Tarantum. This also is affirmed by others. We have an excellent Comment on these Golden Verses of Lysis, by Hierocles, who though a Stoick, yet exactly expresseth the minde of the Pythagoreans. That Pythagoras indeed left nothing in Writing behinde him, is also asserted by Lucian, [...], Divine Pythagoras [Page 202] vouchsafed not to leave behinde him any part of his Doctrine in Writing. So Josephus, lib. 2. Ant. [...]. There is no Writing of Pythagoras owned; of which see Vossius, de Histor. Graec. lib. 4. pag. 435. As for Pythagoras's Symbols, which contained the choicest part of his Philosophie, there have been Collections, with Interpretations made of them by many; particularly by Laertius in his Life; by Iamblichus; by Plutarch; and amongst Modern Writers, by Erasmus in the beginning of his Chiliads; especially by Lilius Gy­raldus, who has written an accurate Treatise of Pythagoras's Symbols. Touching Pythagoras's Philosophie, Eusebius on Hierocles tells us, that Philolaus had committed his chiefest Dogmes to Writing. 'Tis said also, that Aristotle, Androcydes, Antiphanes, Alexander, Didymus, and Me­deratus Gaditanus, writ professedly of Pythagoras's Philosophie: but the most that we have now extant of it, is in the Historiographers of Pythagoras's Life, Diogenes Laertius, Porphyrie, and Iamblichus, be­sides what is mentioned by Cicero, and Plutarch. That Aristotle writ a Book, [...]; as also another, [...], is affirmed by Laertius. Porphyrie, in the Life of Plotinus, tells us, that Plotinus did more clearly explicate the Principles of the Pythagorick Philoso­phie, as well as of the Platonick. Of which see more, Vossius de Philos. l. 2. c. 6. §. 12, 44.

The Pythago­rean Sect de­stroyed, and why. Hornius Phi­los. Hist. l. 3. c. 11.§. 14. As for Pythagoras's Schole, and Disciples, there succeeded him, Theano his Wife, and Telauges with Menaxarchus, his Sons, as Euseb. lib. 10. praepar. cap. 3. There flourished of his Disciples, Ocellus, Architas, Philolaus, Parmenides. Ocellus was the glorie of Italie: whose Book, [...], full of ancient mysterious erudition, is yet extant: out of which Aristotle borrowed not a little. Architas the Tarentine was also one of the most ancient Philosophers of Italie. 'Twas he, who by Mechanick Art, made the volatile or slying wooden Dove, as Gellius, lib. 10. cap. 12. Parmenides is said to spend 18 whole years in a Rock, feeding his minde with Logick Contempla­tions. As for Philolaus, of what great repute he was, is evident by the esteem Plato had of him, who purchased his Books at 10000 De­naries; as Gellius, lib. 10. c. 17. Diogenes saith, that his College continued for nineteen Generations. Yet Moderatus Gaditanus saith, ‘that the Pythagorick Sect was extinguished for the obscuritie of their Philosophie.’ Justin. lib. 20. tells us, ‘that 300 Pythagoreans being under a strict Confederation, and Separate Life, were accused of a se­cret [Page 203] Conjuration against the Citie, and thence, when they were met in their College, 60 of them were destroyed, and the rest banished.’ Porphyrie, and Iamblichus mention the same, & say, that there sled only two, Archippus, and Lysis the Preceptor of Epaminondas. And Iam­blichus addes, ‘that when the Innocencie of the Pythagoreans appeared to others of the Citie, they stoned those who destroyed the Pytha­goreans. We find both these reasons joyned together by Carion, in his Chronicon, l. 2. ‘The Italick Philosophie, saies he, being ob­scure, and full of Enigmes, and the Pythagoreans having their private Meetings, and peculiar Rites, they were destroyed upon suspicion of the Tyrants, &c.

§. 15. Although Pythagoras left nothing in Writing behinde him,Pythagoras's Followers, & their Writings. yet what his Philosophie was, may be gathered by those of his Sect, who followed, of whom we have many things extant. As Hippoda­mus the Thurian his Tract of Felicitie. Euryphamus of Life. Hippar­chus of the minde's Tranquilitie. Archytas of a good Man, and of the Doctrine of Moralitie. Theagis of Virtues. Clinias of the causes of Vir­tue. Crito of Prudence, and Felicitie: with Polus of Justice. Besides, we have Lysis's Golden Verses, who slying to Thebes, was Preceptor to Epaminondas the most famous of his Age. We must reckon also a­mongst the Pythagoreans, Epicarmus, otherwise Cous, who for his re­pute amongst the Philosophers, was esteemed as the Sun amongst the Stars. He writ of Being, of Ideas, and of the nature of Things. Also Timaeus the Locrian was a Pythagorean, who writ a Book of the Uni­verse, of Ideas, &c. as Lud. Viv. in Aug. l. 8. cap. 11. We may adde to these the two great Law-givers, Zaleuchus who gave Laws to the Locrians; and Charondas to the Thurians: both Pythagoreans. Lastly, Sextus the Pythagorick Philosopher, who writ an Enchiridion of Sen­tences, which Ruffinus translated into Latin.

§. 16. There were other Philosophers, who did very much Pytha­gorize, although they were not altogether Pythagoreans. Pythagorizing Philosophers. Of this num­ber was Parmenides of the Eleatick Sect, who did Pythagorize in the Doctrine of Ideas, for which he was so eminent, though some make Parmenides a more complete Pythagorean, as before §. 14. Also Empeodocles the Agrigentine Disciple of Pythagoras, and Parmenides wh [...] Symbolized with Pythagoras in the Doctrine of the Metempsychosis, the prohibition of Beans, &c. and is by Laertius supposed to be the first Inventor of Rhetorick. But amongst the differing Sects, there [Page 204] was none that did Pythagorize more then Plato, especially in Divine matters, as Aristotle, and Laertius have observed. Yea the choicest of his Metaphysick Contemplations seem to be traduced from Pythagoras, and his Followers; besides what he brought out of Egypt. Plato's [...], &c. his Ideas, his Discourse of the Universe, his Metempsy­chosis, and Daemons, were all asserted by the Pythagoreans. Yea many of the Hellenistick Jews did greatly Pythagorize, as Philo Judaeus the Alexandrine, who (saith Euseb. Hist. l. 2. c. 4.) [...], greatly burning with love of Platonick, and Pythagorick Philosophie, &c.

The Pride of the Pythago­reans, and all other Philoso­phers.§, 17. Lastly, Albeit the Pythagoreans were thus famous for Judaick mysterious Wisdom, and many Moral, as well as Natural Accomplish­ments, yet were they not exempted from Boasting, and Pride, which was indeed a Vice most Epidemick, and as it were Congenial among all the Philosophers; but in a more particular manner among the Py­thagoreans: so Hornius, Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 11. ‘The manners of the Pythagoreans were not free from boasting: They were all [...], such as abounded in the sense and commendation of their own Ex­cellences, and boasting even almost to the degree of immodestie, and impudence, as great Heinsius ad Horat. has rightly observed.’ Thus indeed does proud Nature delight to walk in the sparks of its own fire. And although many of these old Philosophers, could, by the strength of their own Lights, and Heats, together with some common eleva­tions, and raisures of Spirit (peradventure from a more than ordinarie, though not special, and saving assistance of the Spirit) abandon many grosser Vices; yet were they all deeply immersed in that miserable cursed Abysse of Spiritual pride; so that all their Natural, Moral, and Philosophick Attainments, did feed, nourish, strengthen, and render more inveterate this hell-bred pest of their Hearts: Yea, those of them that seemed most modest, as the Academicks, who professed they knew nothing; and the Cynicks who greatly decried, both in words, and habits, the pride of others, yet even these abounded with notorious, and visible pride. So connatural, and morally essential to corrupt Na­ture is this envenomed root, fountain, and plague of Spiritual pride, especially where there is any Natural, Moral, or Philosophick Excel­lence to feed the same: whence Austin rightly judged all these Philo­sophick Virtues to be but splendid Sins.

CHAP. X. Of the Elatick Philosophie, &c.

Of the Eleatick Sect, and its first Institutor Xenophanes. Of Parme­nides, and Zeno the first Inventor of Logick. Leucippus his Dogmes of Atomes, and Democritus's emproving the same. Democritus's skill in Physicks, Medicine, Ethicks, Mathema­ticks, and all the Liberal Sciences, with Mechanick Arts. His Travels, and Conversation with Egyptians, Chaldees, Jews, &c. Of the Heraclitians, Epicureans, and Scepticks.

§. 1. THe Pythagorick Sect, termed Italick, included under it the Eleatick, the Heraclitian, the Epicurean, and the Sceptick. The Eleatick Sect had for its first Founder Xenophanes the Colophonian;The Eleatick Sect. but its denomination, and name, it had from [...], Elea, or Velia, a Town of the Lucans in Magna Graecia, of which Parmenides, Zeno, and Leucippus were; who being eminent persons of this Sect, from them the Sect it self was termed Eleatick. Thus Cicero, lib. 4. Acad. Qu [...]st. ‘I find that Xenophanes was the Prince of this Noble Disci­pline: him Parmenides, and Zeno followed; from them this Sect was termed Eleatick, &c.

§. 2. Xenophanes lived about the time of Hieron King of Sicily, Xenophanes the Founder of the Eleatick Sect. and of Epicharmus the Poet; namely, about the LX Olympiad. Some affirme, that he had no Praeceptor; others say, he heard Boto the Athe­nian, or Archelaus the Master of Socrates: or as others, Parmeniscus, and Orestades, Pythagoreans. He approved not fully of the Ionick, or Italick Sect, but delivered many Dogmes contrary both to Thales, and Pythagoras: Yet his Disciples Parmenides, and Zeno, did in many things Pythagorize, and the whole Sect is reckoned but a Branch of the Italick, or Pythagorick Sect. Xenophanes writ his Philosophie in Verse; yet was he a professed Enemie to the Mythologick Philosophie of the Poets. For he writ against Homer, and Hesiod, and derided them for uttering such Fables of the Gods. He held, First, all things to be incomprehensible, wherein he agreed with the Scepticks. Secondly, That God is one, Incorporeal, Eternal Being, having nothing common [Page 206] with Men, yet all-seeing, all-hearing, all-wise, &c. Thirdly, He held also the Soul to be of a Spiritual Nature. Fourthly, That the Sun consists of a collection of little Fires, &c. see more of his Dogmes in Sextus the Philosopher, and Athenaeus.

Parmenides's Philosophie.§. 3. Parmenides was the Disciple of Xenophanes, who yet differed from his Master in some things; and in many things Pythagorized. For he held only two Elements, Fire, and Earth, whereof the former he made to be the Active, the latter the Passive, or Material principle of all things. By the Fire Vossius supposes he meant the Sun, and Stars, which have an Active Influence on all Generations, wherein he symbolized with the Pythagoreans, who held Fire to be the active, pro­ductive cause of all things; and that the Sun and Stars were of a Fierie Nature, as before, chap. 7. §. 10. Parmenides asserted also, that the first Principle of all things is One, and that this One is im­moveable, and that this One is all: which assertion was the foundation of all his Dogmes concerning Ideas, for which he was so famous: the summe whereof was this, [...], that all is one, and many: which Principles, and Opinions were evidently Pythagorean, and ori­ginally Scriptural; as before, chap. 8. §. 7. That Parmenides by his [...] one, meant God, is affirmed by Simplicius, and others, as Lud. Viv. in Aug. Civ. l. 8. c. 11. His Philosophie was delivered in Verse, yet not Mythick, &c.

Zeno the Eleatick.§. 4. Zeno the Eleatick was Disciple of Parmenides, but originally of Tarsis, or according to others of Sidon, as Suidas: whence we may presume, he could not but have some Traditions or Notices of the Jewish Mysteries. Logick inven­ted by Zeno the Eleatick, Vossius Hist. Graec. l. 4. c. 2. p. 437. This Zeno is said to be the first that Invented Lo­gick: So Aristotle in Sophista, and Laertius in Zeno the Eleatick; so Galen, or Aëtius in his Book [...], tells us, [...], Zeno the Eleatick is reported to be the first Author of Contentions, or Dialectick Philosophie:’ Yet others make Euclid the Megarick, (Scholar to Socrates, and first In­stitutor of the Megarick Sect) to be the Author of Eristick, or Dia­lectick Philosophie: But the Reconcilement is easie. For although Parmenides, and his Scholar Zeno the Eleatick, were the first who brought up Dialectick, or Logick Disputations; yet Euclid, who (as Diogenes reports) was much versed in Parmenides's Books, might much improve the same, and commend it to those of his Sect: so Voss. de Phil. l. 2. c. 11. Parag. 3.

[Page 207]§. 5. Next follows Leucippus Disciple of Zeno the Eleatick, Leucippus his Dogmes of A­tomes. whom some make to be an Eleatick, others a Milesian, others an Abderite. He is said to be the first amongst the Grecians, that asserted Atomes to be the first principles of all things. So Laertius in Leucippus [...]. Leucippus first laid down Atomes as the Principles, &c. where Laertius more fully explains this Doctrine. Thus also Galen, or Aëtius [...], having spoken of Zeno the Eleatick, addes [...]. Of this man Leucippus the Abderite being hearer, first conceived the Invention of Atomes. Clemens Alexandri­nus calls him a Milesian, and saies, that he placed, as first Principles, [...]. Epiphanes, saies he, was [...]. La­ctantius lib. 3. Institut. makes him ‘the first that dreamt of Atomes, from whom Democritus received them, as Epicurus from him.’ Yet Ari­stotle, lib. 1. de Generat. saies, that Empedocles (Disciple of Pythagoras, and Parmenides) held the same Opinion of Atomes. The same is af­firmed by Plutarch. de Placit. Phil. l. 1. c. 24. Laertius also tells us, that Anaxagoras asserted the same. And 'tis probable that Pythagoras, and Parmenides (Empedocles's Preceptors) held Atomes to be the first Principles: which Dogmes they received (as we may presume) from Mochus the great Phenician Phisiologist, who was the first among the Pagan Philosophers, that asserted this Doctrine of Atomes, which he received by Tradition from Moses's storie of the Creation, as before, Book 1. chap. 3. parag. 18.

§. 6.Democritus's Opinion of A­tomes. Democritus the Abderite (as to Physicks) Disciple of Len­cippus, followed him in this Doctrine of Atomes: for he held, there was an infinitie of Atomes scattered up, and down the Vacuum (which the Phenicians called Chaos) which being coagmentated, or sement­ed together, were the material Principle of all Bodies, yea of the hu­mane Soul; and that all Motion was caused by these Atomes: to which he ascribed three Properties. First, Magnitude, though the least, yet some. Secondly, Figure, which was various, and infinite. Thirdly, Pondus, or impetus, which caused their swift Motion, Lud. Vives in August. Civit. l. 11. c. 5. gives this account of these Dogmes. Demo­critus, saies he, affirmed, ‘that the first Principles of Nature were lit­tle Bodies flying up, and down through the immense Vacuum, which had Figure, and Magnitude, yet were indivisible; wherefore he cal­led them Atomes, [...]. Epicurus followed him, who added to [Page 208] them Pondus, weight (or impetus, [...]) Thus these small individuous Bodies, being endowed with various Figures, or Formes, Magnitudes, & Pondus's extreamly divers, as also by a fortuitous agitation tossed up & down through the immense Vacuum, were by various chances mix'd together, and coagmentated into infinite Worlds, produced, increased, and destroyed, without any certain Cause, or Counsel. Thus Lud. Vives. Of which more hereafter in Epicurus.

Democritus's skill in Natu­ral Philoso­phie, Experi­ments, & Me­dicine.§. 7. Democritus writ also, according to Suidas, [...], of the greater World its Government, &c. (but this Piece Theophrastus ascribes to Leucippus) Likewise [...], a Tract of the nature of the World. Laertius addes, amongst the genuine Works of Democritus, [...], his little Government of the World. He had an excellent skill in the Experimental part of Natural Philoso­phie. Plin. lib. 21. c. 11. saies, he left behind him many things of Plants. Petronius Arbiter, saies of him, That he drew forth the Juices of all Herbs; neither was the virtue of Stones hid from him. That he was an excellent Anatomist, appears by Hippocrates's Character of him, who being sent for by Democritus's Friends to cure him of a Frenetick Di­stemper, which they fancied him, by reason of his continual Smiling, to labor under: Hippocrates found him busied in the Anatomizing of Animals, and skilful therein, so that ever after they contracted an in­timate Friendship, and correspondence by Letters. Democritus was exactly skilled in Medicine also, wherein he writ [...], an order for Diet, and Cures. For which skill Democritus is greatly extolled by Celsus, lib. 2. cap. 5. what his opinions were see Laertius, Sextus Empericus, but principally Stobaeus in his Physicks.

§. 8. Democritus was in like manner skilled in Ethicks; wherein he made the end of humane life to be [...] Tranquillitie, which he called [...], or [...], a good, perpetual state of things, [...], See Hesychius, and Suidas in [...], yea Democri­tus seems to be well skilled in the whole Encyclopaedia, or bodie of Phi­losophie. Laertius saies, he was accounted in Philosophie [...], as having joyned together, [...], Physicks, Ethicks, Mathematicks, the Circle of the Liberal Sciences, & all Mechanicks. He was a great Traveller in the Oriental parts; He went to Babylon, and there conversed with the Chaldeans (and as it's likely, also with the Jews, who were called Chal­deans) as Aelian. Ʋar. Hist. lib. 4. c. 20. from whom he learned The­ologie, [Page 209] and Astrologie. He is said to have written a book [...] of the sacred letters in Babylon (perhaps from Jewish traditions) and another called [...], as Laertius. He was also in Egypt, whence he had his Geometrie, and as we may sup­pose, many Jewish traditions also, especially concerning Solomon's ex­perimental Philosophie, wherein Democritus excelled. He flourished about the LXXV. Olympiad; and was contemporarie with Socrates.

§. 9. There were other branches of the Italick, or Pythagorick Sect; as the Heraclitian instituted by Heraclitus an Ephesian, Branches of the Italick sect. The Heracliti­an. a per­son of a great spirit, who flourished about the 69 Olympiad, and was famous for his skill in Natural Philosophie, from whom Plato is said to have derived his Physicks. He in some things Pythagorized, espe­cially in that great Pythagorean Principle, That Fire is the Principle of all things. They reckon also as branches of the Pythagorick Sect, the Epicurean, The Epicurean which sprang immediately from the Eleatick: and so o­riginally from the Italick: as likewise the Sceptick, The Sceptick. which had its foundation in the Eleatick Schole from [...] the contentious dialectick disputations of Parmenides, and Zeno, which were taken up, in the old Academie, instituted by Plato, and called therein [...], Probationarie, or Problematick Disputations; wherein the Matter being only things dubious, they disputed pro, and con. as they listed. Which way of dubious Disputation, was so well improved in the New Academies, and by Pyrrho, and his followers, as that they came to denie that any thing was certain, or knowable; whence they are called [...]. But of these in their places.

BOOK III. Wherein more breifly of Socratick, more largly of Platonick Philosophie.

CHAP. I. Of Socratick Philosophie, its Original, &c.

Socrates brought in Moral Philosophie, and why: His Metaphysicks from the Scriptures, viz. That Ʋirtue and Knowledge of God comes by Divine infusion: His Daemon, &c. Socrates's Philosophie how far Contemplative: All true Philosophie Active: His Moralitie, par­ticularly his endeavours to strip men of vain conceits touching their own knowledge, & to reduce them to the Knowledge of themselves. The Forme of Socrates's Philosophie was partly Rhetorical by Ironie, partly Dialectical, by Introduction, and Interrogation, according to the Jewish mode of Disputing, Mark. 8.11. Luk. 11.53. Socrates's Death, and Character: the many Sects, that sprang from his Schole, and their differences about the chiefest Good, &c.

§. 1. HAving discoursed at large of the Italick Philosophie founded by Pythagoras, and its [...]raduction from the Divine Oracles: We now return to the Ionick, and its Advances under Socrates, and by his Scholars, Plato, &c. We have afore in the Storie of Thales, shewn how he, who was the Foun­der of the Ionick Sect, traduced the Choicest parts of his Phi­losophie from the Jewish Church. We are now to demonstrate, what emprovment the Ionick Philosophie received from the said Jew­ish Philosophie, and Sacred Oracles. The Ionick Schole (as we be­fore [Page 212] hinted) was Transplanted from Ionia in Asia, Vossius de Philos. Sect. part. 2. cap. 5. paragr. 7. Lud. Viv. Aug. Civ. l. 8. c. 2. unto Athens by A­naxagoras. as Vossius will have it; or by his Successor Archelaus, as Ludovicus Vives. Socrates was Scholar to both: First to Anaxagoras, and after his departure from Athens to Archelaus, who was called the Physiologist, or Naturalist, because he (as all his Predecessors of the Ionick Schole) wholly addicted himself to Natural Philoso­phie.

Socrates the Author of Mo­ral Philoso­phie.§. 2. But Socrates, being disgusted at the vain Ph [...]losophizings of these proud daring Naturalists, considers how he might reduce Philo­sophie to a more Practical usage. For observing what small advantage Contemplative Philosophie brought to Human Life, he reduced her to a more Active Science; and so pared off in every Science what he conceived lesse useful,,Galenus initio libri de Sectis Philos. S [...]crati inventionem Ethicae, et Lo­gicae tribuit. Hornius Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 13. valuing Speculation no farther, than it con­duced to Action. Thus Cicero Acad. Quaest. 1. Socrates (saies he) seems to me, as it is manifest to all, to be the First, that called off Philosophie from occult things, and such as were involved, in Na­ture, in which all the foregoing Philosophers were Versed, and to reduce her to common Life, that so men might enquire about Virtue, and Vice, and altogether of things Good, and Evil. As for Celestial bodies, he judged them altogether above the knowledge of Nature, or if they might be never so well known, yet did they no way con­duce to our well living.’ Thus Cicero. We find the like account in August. Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 3. Of Socrates's Philosophie. Socra­tes (saies he) therefore was the first, who is mentioned to have turn­ed the whole of Philosophie, for the correcting, and composing of manners: whereas before him all employed their chiefest endeavours in Physicks, i. e. in natural Enquiries.’ Thus we see, that Socrates was the first, who rejecting Astronomical, and Physick Contemplations, brought in Moral Philosophie into the Scholes: whence he is said to call down Philosophie from Heaven to Earth.

Why Socrates applyed him­self wh [...]lly to Moralitie.§. 3. August. also (de Civ. l. 8. c. 3.) enquires into the reasons, which might enduce Socrates to reject the Speculative Disquisitions, which were then most in vogue, and to turne his Philosophizing whol­ly to Moralitie. And he concludes that 'tis not clear, whether it pro­ceeded ‘from an irksome sense he had of the obscuritie, and uncertain­tie, which attended such Natural Philosophizings: or (as some more favourably judge) whether it were, that he judged men not fit to meddle with such sublime Mysteries, before they had gotten minds [Page 213] purified, and clarified from terrene affections, &c. So Lactant. lib. 3. ‘I grant (saies he) that Socrates was a little more discreet than the rest, who fancyed, they could comprehend the Nature of things by their Ingenie, wherein I conceive them to be not only foolish, but impious, in that they dare thurst in their curious eyes into the secrets of that Celestial Providence: yea I count them much more wicked, who seek to prophane the secrets of the World, and this Heavenly Temple, by their impious disputes, than he that would endeavour to enter into the Temple of Vesta, or Ceres, &c. Put the genuine account seems this; that Socrates having enquired into all kinds of Philosophie then in vogue, he found little of certaintie, and lesse of usefulnes therein; whereupon he made it his designe to reduce spe­culation to practice, &c. The like inducement drew Padre Paul that Venetian Reformer to quit speculative Philosophie, and turne to Mora­litie, as it's well observed by the Author of his Life (English, pag. 69.) ‘About that time (saies he) Father Paul changed the qualitie of his studies (excepting Ecclesiastical, and Prophane Stories) to the studie of Moral Philosophie. Peradventure that which is written of So­crates is no singular, or voluntarie Act, but is, as it were natural to all those understandings, which have any thing of transendent, who, after they have made a discoverie of what they can arrive to upon U­niversalities, transport themselves totally to Moralitie; which studie (as to inferior things) is the only speculation of Humanitie. This a­riseth either from a desire more intense to better it self, or from some incomprehensibilitie, or from a solid judgment of the vanitie of Sci­ences, &c.

§. 4. Though Socrates addicted himself chiefly to Moralitie, yet was he not without skill in other parts of Philosophie, and Learning.Socrates a [...] U­niversal Scho­lar. Plato in his Epistles Attributes some parts of Natural Philosophie to Socrates. Xenephon his Scholar (as also Cicero) affirms, ‘that he was excellent in all kind of Learning, as well in Wisdom, Acutenes,Socrates juni­or adhuc in­credibili cupi­ditate naturalis Scientiae arsit, uti de se apud Platonem, lib. de anima testa­rur: Senior factus cam Philosophiae partem, ut dubiam, incertam, inutilem, prorsus repudia [...]it. Hornius Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 13. Po­litenes, and Subtiltie; as in [...]loquence, Varietie, and Copiousnes: to whatsoever piece of Learning he addicted himself; he was with­out exception Prince of all.’ So much also is expressed in that an­swer, which the Oracle made to him, who enquired who was the wisest m [...]n? [...], Of all men Socrates is the wisest, said the Oracle. He made man the entire subject of his [Page 214] Philosophie. For, according to the twofold [...], or regard of man, 1. To Divine Contemplation, or, 2. To Human Conversation, he di­vided his Philosophie into Metaphysick or Contemplative, and Mo­ral or Active.Socrates's Me­taphysicks. 1. As to his Metaphysicks, or Divine Contempla­tions, he took it for granted, whilest man was subject to, and under the impression of corporeal Images, sensible Formes, and terrene Affe­ctions, he was not rightly disposed for Divine Contemplation, which required a mind defecated, and separated from corporeal Phantasmes, and Passions. This some give as the reason, why in his Philosophick Institutes he so much addicted himself to moralitie; because he found his Scholars not capable of those more sublime Metaphysick Contem­plations, therefore he endeavoured to prepare them for the same by Moral Institutes. This he made the chief subject of his last Philoso­phick Lecture to his Scholars, after he had taken his Poyson, immedi­ately before his Death, as we find it related at large by Plato in his Phaedo; where he gives us Socrates's Dying Philosophizings ‘touching the souls immortalitie, and separate state; and particularly, that none could rightly Philosophize of these Divine Mysteries, but such as had their souls stripped of, & abstracted from all Corporeal ima­ges, impresses, and affections: for 'till the soul was loose from the prison of the bodie it could not be free for the Contemplation of God &c. Whence he defines Philosophie a mediation of death i. e. of the separation of the soul and bodie, in which state the soul being purged from those corporeal dregs, by which it was contaminated, whilest confined to the bodie, it is rendred capable of contempla­ting God, and Divine things. For (saies he) it is great impietie to suppose that the Most Pure Divine Truth, and Being, will be touch­ed by an impure mind. Thence he judged, that the Friends of God knew more of him, and his Divine Mysteries, than impure souls, who followed not God.’ And Plato in his Cratylus brings him in affirm­ing, that only Good men were Wise, and skilful in Divine Myste­ries, &c. So August. de civit. Dei l. 8. c. 3. giving a reason, why So­crates Philosophized so much on Moralitie, he saies, Socrates would not, that minds clogged with terrene passions, should extend them­selves to contemplate Divine things, which he conceived could not be comprehended but by a refined judgment: and therefore he thought men should be very intent on getting a reformed Life, that the minde being exonerated of its depressing Lusts, might by a natu­ral [Page 215] vigor, lift up it self to Eternals, and by that puritie of Intelligence contemplate the Nature of that Eternal, Incommutable Light, where the causes of all created Natures live in stabilitie, &c. Thus August. Whereby we are informed, why Socrates was so sparing in communi­cating his Divine Contemplations to his Scholars: though it seems to me very evident by what I find ascribed to him by Plato, that of all the Grecian Philosophers (Pythagoras not excepted) Scocrates had as (if not more) clear Notions as any touching God, his Nature, Vnitie, Socrates hi [...] Metaphysick Contemplati­ons from Scri­pture traditi­ons. and other sacred Mysteries, which he could never have attained unto, but by some borrowed Tradition originally Jewish, or Scriptural. Particularly Socrates asserted. 1. The Spiritual, Infinite, Eternal Nature of God, and his Ʋnitie, which was the great Article, for which he suffered a kind of Martyrdome. 2. The cor [...]uption of Humane Na­ture, or [...] &c. 3. A Native blindnes, in which all men were inveloped &c. 4. That Virtue was not teachable, and acqui­table by Nature, or Art, but the product of Divine inspiration.4. That Virtue comes from God. Thus Plato in Meno. fol. 89. brings in Socrates thus discoursing [...] &c. ‘Having therefore often sought if there were any Praeceptors of Virtue, after all my endeavours I could find none:’ so, fol. 99. [...]. Virtue is neither teach­able, neither gained by science. Then he brings in Socrates concluding more positively, thus, [...]. Virtue then is neither from Nature, nor Teachable; but it comes by a divine inspiration, without the concurrence of humane understanding in those to whom it is communica­ted, &c. Thus Plato. Yea he adds (in the same fol. 99.) That God useth the most unskilful instruments, in communicating this Grace to men, &c. 5. When also Socrates asserted, That all true knowledge of God came by Divine Infusion. So Plato in his Alcibiad. fol. 124.5. That all true know­ledge of God is by Divine infusion. brings in Socrates thus bespeaking Alcibiades, ‘We have need of a Common Council, by what means we may become best. Neither doe I affirm this only of thee, Alcibiades, that thou wantest Di­scipline, but that I my self, mostly need it. Neither doe I at all dif­fer from thee, this one thing being excepted; [...]hat my Tutor, name­ly God is better, and Wiser than thine, viz. Pericles. So again Pla­to Alcibiad. fol. 135. brings in Socrates thus Dialogizing with Alci­biades. Socrates: ‘Dost thou know by wh [...] me [...]ns thou mayst avoid this inordinate motion of thy mind? Alcibiades: Yes: Soc. How? [Page 216] Alcib. If thou wilt Socrates. Socrat. Thou speakest not rightly Al­cibiades. Alcib. How then must I speak? Socrat. [...], If God will, &c. Again, Plato in his Theaet. fol. 151. brings in So­crates alluring Theaetetus (a young man of an happie ingenie) to his Philosophie: in order whereto he affirms, that he was [...] i. e. endowed with a Midwifes facultie to draw forth the conceptions of mens minds. But withall he adds that God alone was the Efficient, and he only a Midwife employed by God, [...],Socrates's Dae­mo [...]. God has compelled me to play the Midwife, but for­bad me to generate. and fol. 210. he expresly saies, I and my Mother received this Midwifes facultie from God, &c. 6. Hence Socrates pretended to have a familiar Daemon alwaies attending, and inspiring of him. So Plato Theagnes. 128. brings in Socrates thus discoursing, [...], &c. ‘There is by Divine Grace a Daemon, which has follo [...]ed me from my Childhood. This Daemon, is a voice, which signifies to me what I must doe, yet it does not compel me to do every thing: But if any of my friends communicate somewhat to me, and that voice d [...]hort me me from the same,Socrates ute­batur Daemone [...] sive domestico, & familiari; ex cujus pr [...]scrip­to omnia age­bat: de quo integro libro de Deo So­cratis Madau­rensis agit. Hornius i Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 13. it also suffers me not to doe it, &c. So it's said of Socrates that when one of his Scholars offered him Money for in­structing him, he refused it, saying, his Daemon would not permit it. And Plato in his Symposion, brings in Socrates discoursing at large of this Daemon, his Office, &c. And Serranus in Plato's Apologie for So­crates tells us, ‘That Socrates called his Divine Inspiration [...], a Daemon, a Voice, and a Signe. And by the assistance of this tutelar Daemon Socrates affirmed, that he instituted his whole life even from his childhood. Wh [...]t this Daemon was, whe­ther a good, or bad Angel (whereof the latter is most probable) it concerns us not to debate: only this is evident from the whole, that Socrates acknowledged a necessitie of a supernatural, Divine, assistance for instruction, and direction &c. 7. Socrates acknowledgeth a ne­cessitie of some Divine Purgatorie, or purgation to expel all noxious humours from the soul: So Plato Charmides 154. Socrates artificially feignes himself (saies he) a Physician; and testifies, that his Medi­cament would be ineffectual unless there preceed some [...], pre­paratorie Pill, or enchantment, by the words whereof the disease may be driven out. This he illustrates by an excellent similitude [Page 217] drawn from Medicine, which teacheth that general purgatives are to precede particulars: [...], &c. So agen fol 157. he adds [...]. Socrates said, that the soul was to be purged by certain Epoda's, or preparatories, and these E­poda's were Good, and Divine words.’ 8. Socrates seems to have some imperfect notices of Faith, and Prayer, 8. Of faith, and Prayer. according to the Scriptures notion thereof. So Plato Epinom. fol. 980. [...], &c. Trust on the Gods, and pray unto them, that meet apprehensions of the nature of the Gods may come into thy minde. 9. Lastly that Socrates had very clear apprehensions of the soul's immortalitie, 9. Of the Soul it's immorta­litie, &c. and it's sepa­rate state, will be evident to any, that views his dying discourse of this Theme, as related by Plato in his Phaedo. By all which laid together it's evident: that Socrates had very Metaphysical contemplations of Divine Mysteries, and that originally from the Jewish Church,

§. 5 Though Socrates was not without sublime,Socrates's Active Moral Philosophie how far contemplative. and deep contem­plations of Divine things, yet the most of his Philosophical discourses in his Schole concerned Morals, and that for the reasons afore menti­oned. So August. Civit. l. 8. c. 4. ‘In as much as the studie of wisdom consists in Contemplation, and Action, Socrates is said to excel most, in Active Philosophie, whereas Pythagoras, insisted more upon Contemplative, &c. Not but that Socrates spent much time in Contemplation, as well as Pythagoras, for so Plato lib. 7. de Repub. brings in Adimantus thus speaking unto Socrates, Thou hast consumed thy whole life in nothing else but Speculation; &c. Only herein lay the difference: Socrates made all his Contemplations subservient unto Acti­on, and valued not speculative sciences farther then they conduced to practice: for he made Man the whole subject of his philosophie. So Plato in his Apologie for Socrates, tells us, how much time he spent in Contemplative Inquisitions; but only so far, as they referred to Action: whereas Pythagoras, & so Plato in many of their inquiries made Truth the ultimate Object or End of their Contemplation, or Motion. Now it's well known, that the specifick differrence betwixt Contemplative, and Active Philosophie ariseth not so much from their different Acts, as Objects, and Effects; for Active Philosophie supposeth some Con­templation of Truth, as well as Contemplative; only in the latter, Truth is the ultimate Object, and sole Effect; whereas the former considers Truth only as influential on Practice, according to that anci­ent [Page 218] determination, [...]. Practick Philosophie is effective of Virtue, but Theoretick of Truth. Thus we see how Socrates's Philosophie may be termed Active, though not exclusive of Contemplation. Namely as it is not only speculative, and apprehensive of Truth, but also practick, and causative of Virtue: wherein he was followed by the Cynicks, and Stoicks, All Philoso­phie ought to determine in Virtue and Action. who acknowledged a Fraternitie, as being both descended from Socrates's schole, and herein agreed with him in making the chief end of Philosophie to be [...], To live according to Vir­tue. So Plato, who according to vniversal consent, received his Mo­rals from Socrates, follows his Master therein, telling us, that ‘Philo­sophie is the way to true Felicitie, which has chiefly these two Offi­ces, to Contemplate God, and to sever the minde from Corporeal Phantasmes. So agen Plato in his Euthydemus tells us, that Use in things holds the principal place, and the possession of any thing, & therefore of science it self, which without the use thereof, is vain: So that if there could be a science, which should give us Immortalitie, yet were it of no value, if we understood not how to use it: whence he con­cludes [...], Wisdom therefore alwaies makes men to live happily. Agen he saies, That he deserves very ill of Philosophie, who lives not Philosophically. i. e. according to the pre­cepts of Philosophie. And elsewhere he give us this principally as the spirits of all his Philosophie, To Philosophize is to know, to love, and to imitate God. Yea Aristotle his scholar who abounds in speculation, does yet herein symbolize with him, and Socrates his Master: affirm­ing that he alone is a true Philosopher, who lives Philosophically: So Arist. Eth. l. 2. c. 4. [...]. Many doe not these things, but flying to their reason they think to Philosophize, and so to be virtuous, doing like to sick men, who hear their Physitian diligently, but yet doe nothing of what he prescribeth. As therefore these playing thus the Physicians, will never cure the bodie, so the other, thus Philosophizing, will never cure the soul. But the Stoicks (as it has been already hinted) follow Socrates [...], foot by foot reducing all Philosphie to Moralitie. So Epictetus bid his Di­sciples Not to tell the world they were Philosophers by words, but by deeds: [Page 219] to act as Philosophers, As (saies he) [...] &c. The sheep do not bring their grasse to the shepherd to shew how much they eate, but digesting their food within, they bring forth a good Fleece, and Milk. And so do you; don't teach men, how they ought to eate, but eate as you ought, &c. So Seneca Epist. 75. He is not blessed, who knowes these things, but who does them. Epist. 94. What else is Philosophie, but a law of Life? The like Seneca Epist. 90. Wis­dom ‘sets deeper, neither does she teach the hands, but is the Mis­tress of Minds: she is a Queen, and Governess, Arts serve, but wisdom governs the life,’ Seneca Epist. 117. The minde is wont to de­light, rather then to heal it self, and to make Philosophie a Recreation, whereas it ought to be a Remedie. &c. To which we may adde that of Plutarch de placit. philos. l. 1. It behoves (saies he) a man (truly wise &) blessed [...], To be not only Theoretick of Beings, but also practick of things wanting as to well-being. By all which we see what a general reception this active, and moral Philosophie, which Socrates first brought into the Scholes, found amongst all the following Sects, especially the Stoicks. That Socrates reduced the whole of his Philosophie to an [...] Ʋirtuous opera­tion, is evident,Socrates's Moralitie. by what is mentioned of him in Stobaus Serm. 1. fol. 29. [...]. Some one asking Him (i. e. Socrates) what seem­ed to him the best instruction? He answered Eupraxie, or Well-doing— For he said they were best, and most grateful to God in husbandrie, who transacted their husbandrie affaires well; In Physicks, who acted as good Physicians; In Politicks, who dispatched the Politick concerns well. But he, that does nothing well, said he, is neither profitable, nor (Theo­philes) grateful to God. Thus Stobaeus, who also in what follows, serm. 1. fol. 29.) tells us out of Xenophon, lib. 2. de Secrat. that Socrates made this his practice wheresoever he came to do Good, &c. [...]. ‘Thus Socrates was in every affair, and according to every [Page 220] respect useful, wherefore nothing was more beneficial than to have conversation with Socrates, and conference with him in every place, and matter: for he profited those, who conversed with him, no lesse in recreation, than in serious studies, and conferences:’ Thus Stobaeus. So Plutarch acquaints us, that Socrates taught not only in the Chair, but even in his recreations, in his eating, in the Field, in the Mar­ket, finally, when he was in Prison; thus he made every place a Schole of Virtue, &c. As for the severals of Socrates's Moral Philoso­phie, we have no exact account thereof, because he left nothing in Writing; only we may look upon most of Plato's Moral Philosophi­zings as extracts (though with some flourishes, and intermixtures of his own) of Socrates's Principles; for it is a received opinion amongst the Ancients, that Plato owes the original of his Moral Philosophie to Socrates, as Augustin. &c. But yet we shall give one or two parti­culars of Socrates's Morals, &c.

1 His Insti­tutes against self conceited­nes, and fla­terie, with advice to studie our selves.1. He made it a great part of his design to strip men of their affect­ed conceited opinions of their own wisdom. He seemed to have some kind of feeling sense, how apt men are to be their own flatterers, to a­bound in the sense of their own parts and sufficiencies, and therefore he laies this as the first principle, and foundation of all Philosophie Know thy self: So Plato (Alcibiad. 24) brings in Socrates advising Alcibiades to the studie of himself thus: [...]. ‘But believe me, and the Delphick Oracle, Know thy self. He tells us (fol. 134) that they who know not themselves, know nothing of their own goods, or ills, nor of any such thing, that belonged to them, yea that they knew nothing of other affaires; and therefore could never make good Politicians, or Governours of Families. He also affirms, that all sin proceeds from a conceited ignorance, which makes men presume they know, what indeed they are ignorant of. He shews how many have erred from the best Marke, because they trusted to their own opinion; whereas those, who are conscious of their ignorance, will commit themselves to the teaching of others. He saies this is the best Modestie, and Wisdom [...], to know a man's self. He gives us the root of this Self-knowledge, namely the knowledge of God, &c. He also informs us touching its true Object, and Act: viz. that it is a reflex knowledge of the soul, its Habits, Acts, &c. And the more effectually to convince Alcibiades of his [...] and [Page 221] proud arrogance, Socrates draws a parallel 'twixt him, & the Persi­an Monarchs thereby to shew him how inconsiderable he was: so Plato Alcibiades, fol. 102.’

2.2. For the go­vernment of the tongue. Socrates gave many excellent precepts for the government of the Tongue as Stobaeus Serm. 3.44. [...] to be a lover of hearing, more than a lover of speaking. Agen [...], ‘Seal thy words with silence, and thy silence with opportunitie, wherein he Pythagorized. Lastly, albeit Socrates gave many excellent Moral Institutes, yet was he greatly defective both as to Principles, and Practice: as hereafter.

§. 6. As for Socrates's Mode, or Forme of Philosophizing,Socrates's mode, or forme of Philosophi­zing, Natural, and familiar. it was in the general suitable to his matter, natural, familiar, and plain, not artificial. He suited his Forme to his Matter, according to the me­thod of Nature, not his Matter to his Forme, as the scholes now doe. For the matter of his Philosophie being chiefly Moral, he fitted his forme thereto. In particular, the Socratick Mode, or Forme of Philoso­phizing was Twofold, 1. Rhetorical, or Suasive, 2. Dialectick, or Persuasive. 1. As to Socrates's Rhetorical mode of Philosophizing,1. His Rheto­rick mode Iro­nical. it was by Ironie: and indeed his whole life was but a kind of Ironie, or dis­simulation, whence he was called [...] i. e. One that acts the part of a Fool, though most Wise. Cicero (de orat. 2.) tells us ‘That Socrates ex­ceeded all men in this Ironical dissimulation, mixing a sweet Urbani­tie, and pleasantnes with his discourses: so Stobaeus saies, that his Jests were instructive.’ 2. As for Socrates's Dialectical Demonstra­tive, and Persuasive Mode of Philosophizing, it was also Natural,2. His Dialect­ick by Inducti­on, which con­sisted of Inter­rogations. and Familiar, not Artificial, as that in Aristotle's schole. In brief, Socra­tes's natural Logick consisted in Induction; which Cicero [de Iuvent. 1.) ‘defines a Discourse, that gains assent to things doubtful, by the as­sent which is yeelded to things not doubtful. Lud. Vives (in Aug. Civ. l. 8. c. 7.) acquaints us, that this Socratick Induction is of all most powerful; which none used more happily than Socrates; whence Quintilian commends it to his Orator; whence also Plato borrowed his Mode of Dialogizing, &c. This kind of reasoning Socrates affected, because he would not himself use any arguments of persuasion, but ra­ther work somewhat out of what was granted. This is discursive Induction Socrates formed into, and expressed by Interrogations, as it's evident to any, that shall consider his discourses in Plato. So Hornbeeck summa Controvers. pag. 56. ‘Alwaies (saies Hornbeck) [Page 222] approved the Socratick mode of Disputing, wherein, by continued, & pressing interrogations, and answers, the truth at last is so certainly gathered, and concluded, that it easily gains an assent from all; which as elsewhere, so especially in Plato's Hippia he observes, &c. Socrates made use of this kind of Argumentation by Interrogations, thereby to draw forth the conclusion he aimed to prove, even from the gradual concessions of his opponents: for he was wont to say he knew nothing himself, only like a barren Midwife he was endowed with a particular gift for the assisting others to bring forth their own concep­tions. So Plato Theaet. fol. 210. [...],These Diale­ctical interro­gations of Jewish origi­nal. This Midwifes Art, I, and my Mother received from God, &c. In these Dialogizing disputes Socrates attributed more to his opponents, detracting from himself, for he pretended still to know nothing, and therefore refused to take Money of his Scholars. Thence Aristotle, 2 Elench. Sophist. cap. 8. saies. That Socrates alwaies interrogated, but never replied, because he professed he knew nothing. This Natural and familiar mode of reasoning by questi­ons and answers used in Socrates's Schole seems an exact imitation of, and derivation from the Jewish mode of Disputation. So Mark 8.11. 'Tis said the Pharisees came forth, & began to question with him, &c. 'tis so in the Greek [...] to dispute with him by questions: So Grotius on this place: The ancient manner of Disputing, saies he, was by Interrogations. But more expresly Luke 11.53. 'Tis said the Scribes, and Pharisees began to urge him vehemently, [...], i. e. by In­terrogations, unto which they required an extemporary answer, so it follows, and to provoke him to speak of many things, [...]. This ‘word (saies Grotius) was taken from the Scholes, where the Masters were wont to set the riper Scholars to pose the younger by Interro­gations,’ whence in the New Testament the words [...], and [...] usually signifie to dispute, i. e. by Dialogues, or questions, and answers, which was the mode of disputing in the Jewish Scholes, and thence traduced unto the Grecian, and continued amongst them till Aristotle reduced this natural Logick to an Artificial way of Syllogi­zirg in Mode and Figure, of which more hereafter, in Plato's mode of Philosophizing. In these disputations of Socrates, he intends more the drawing forth, [...]nd revincing the opinion of his Opponent, than the delivering and establishing of his own. For he conceived it not his concern, who affirmed he knew nothing, to assert any thing, as he [Page 223] himself declareth in Plato's Theaetetus. And this his modest suspension, or conceling his own opinion, laid the Foundation of those differing Sects, which sprang from him; especially of the Academical [...], or suspension: of which hereafter. Howbeit Socrates's modestie would not permit him to assert, and confirme his own [...], or Hy­potheses, yet was he very bold, and Ironical in refuting the proud as­sumings of such as pretended they knew all things. So August. de Civit. l. 8. c. 3. ‘It is apparent (saies he) that Socrates did in his very Moral questions, whereto he seems wholly to addict himself, either by his confessed ignorance, or dissembled knowledge, with an admirable pleasantnes, and most acute urbanitie agitate, and overturne the follie of unlearned persons, who thought they knew somewhat, &c. All these Philosophick Contemplations of Socrates laid together, suf­ficiently argue their original to be Divine, and Sacred. Yea Justin Martyr, and other of the Fathers, conceived, that he lived [...], & that he did [...] in part acknowledge Christ. So Justin Martyr Apol. ad Senat. & Anton. Hornius Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 13. 'Tis possible that Socrates's Daemon might be no other, than the Divine [...], or Spirit of God.

§. 7. This fervor of Socrates mixed with an Ironical facetiousnes in overturning the proud conceited ignorance of some,The occasion and instru­ments of his Death. who fancyed they knew all things, is supposed to give the occasion of his condemnation, and death. So August. de Civit. l. 8. c. 3.) in what follows saies, that from ‘these endeavours of Socrates to discover the follie of these ignorant Sophists, enmities being stirred up, he was by a calumnious crimination condemned, and punished with death, &c. Plato in his Apologie for Socrates affirmes, that these odiums, and feudes befel Socrates by rea­son of his disputations against these proud Sophists. The same Laertius: ‘There were three, that accused Socrates Anytus, Melitus, and Lycon the Orator, who was the Actor;’ whereas Anytus defended the rout of Artificers, and the rest of the Athenians, whom Socrates often deri­ded; and Melitus defended the Poets, when Socrates had condemned, and judged to be expelled the Citie. The main crime they accuse him of was his denying a multiplicitie of Gods &c. for which he was condemned by 281 suffrages. Immediately before his death, after he had taken the poyson, he makes a learned, and undaunted discourse a­bout the immortalitie of the Soul, and its state in separation from the bo­die &c. and when he felt the paines of Death growing upon him, he [Page 224] takes his leave of his Scholars,Tandem cum nonnullorum odia in se con­citasset, accu­satus quòd cor­rumperet ja­ventutem, et novas supersti­tiones induce­ret ad cicutae forbitionem condemnatus est Socrates. Quint. l. 4. c. 4. Apul. 10. miles. Horni­us, Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 13. Socrates's Character. enjoyning them to go, and Sacrifice a Cock to Esculapius the Daemon-god of Medicine, as a thankful acknow­ledgement for so sweet, and noble a death: of which see Plato's Phaedo about the end; also his, and Xenophon's Apologies for Socrates, with Diogenes Laertius, where we find Socrates pleading, that his Enemies overwhelmed him not with Crimes, but envie only, &c. And the Athenians were so greatly affected with the injurie done to Socrates, that a little after they caused all their Scholes to be shut, and punished Melitus with death, Anytus with banishment, erecting a brazen Statue to Socrates, as Austin: and Ludov. Vives in Aug. Civit. l. 8. c. 2. gives him this great Character. ‘This is that Socrates of whom nothing can be sufficiently said for his Dignitie, who, as it's manifest, was the wisest of all the Gentiles, and came nearest of all to the Christian Wisdom: He was borne at Athens, Sophroniscus be­ing his Father, &c. He was a Man temperate, chast, just, modest, pa­tient of injuries; not greedie of riches, pleasures, no nor yet of glorie, for it's certain he writ nothing. He was the first, who whilst others professed to know all things, professed himself to know no­thing.’ Thus Lud. Vives. To which may be added that of Hornius, Socrates erat vir acutus, festivus, laborem tolerans, non tam praeceptis quàm exemplo docens: quem, & Lactantius caeteris non paulo cordatiorem fuisse concedit. Socrates was eminent for his Acumen, Eloquence, Dili­gence, Instructing, as well by his Example as Precepts; and such as Lactantius also acknowledgeth to have far surpast others (Heathen Phi­losophers) for Wisdom, Horn. Hist. Phil. lib. 3. cap. 13. Yet some say, Socrates was not exempted from that great Gentile uncleannes, which the wisest and best of those Gentile Philosophers were guiltie of, mentioned Rom. 1.21, 27. as elsewhere.

Of Socrates's Scholars, and their different persuasions a­bout Morals, the chiefest Good, &c. whence they fell into di­vers Sects.§. 8. Though Socrates writ nothing himself, yet his Disputes were committed to Writing by his Scholars: amongst whom Xenophon was the first, and most punctual; for Plato useth a great libertie in interlining his own Sentiments with his Masters Dogmes. And albeit Socrates con­fined himself to Morals, and in his Philosophizings thereon used a plain method, yet after his death, his Scholars fell into several Fa­ctions, and Sects, which sprang from their differing Apprehensions a­bout the chiefest Good, and the chiefest Evil. So Austin (Civit. l. 8. c. 3.) ‘Therefore Socrates by reason of his so great Fame, both living, and dead, left behind him many Sectator [...] of his Philosophie, whose [Page 225] Eristick studie was to be versed in the Controversies of Moral Que­stions, wherein the chiefest Good consisted? which not evidently ap­pearing in Socrates's Disputes, whil'st he started, and asserted, and destroyed every thing, every one formed such a chief Good, as seem­ed most pleasing to him. Thus had these Socraticks differing per­swasions about this last end; some placing the chiefest Good in Plea­sures, as Aristippus; some in Virtue, as Antisthenes, &c. Indeed all the Sects of the Ionick Philosophie, seem to owe their Original to Socrates's Schole, especially the Cyreniack, Cynick, Eleatick, Megarick, Academick, Platonick, Stoick.

1. Of Socrates's Scholars, Xenophon, Xenophon. and Aeschinus, the Socratick clave fast to their Master, without founding a new Sect.

2. Aristippus the Cyrenian, Aristippus Founder of the Cyreniack [...] another of Socrates's Scholars founded the Cyreniack Sect, whose main Principle was, that the chiefest Good lay in Pleasure, whence the whole Sect was called [...], as the E­picureans after them.

3. Antisthenes another of Socrates's Scholars,Antisthenes of the Cynicks, and Stoicks. founded the Cynick Sect. His chief Position was, that Virtue was the chiefest Good, [...], wherein he was followed by Zeno his Scholar, who was the Founder of the Stoick Sect, which as to Morals held a great commu­nion with the Cynicks, and they both with Socrates, &c.

4. Another of Socrates's Scholars was Euclid the Megarick, Euclid of the Megaricks. whose Followers were thence called Megaricks, and afterwards Eri­sticks; and by some Dialecticks, because they exercised themselves chiefly in Dialectick Questions, which humor Euclid suckt in, not from Socrates, but Parmenides, and Zeno the Eleatick.

5. Phaedo of Elia, another of Socrates's Scholars,Phaedo of the Eleaticks. established the Eleatick Sect. He writ many of Socrates's Elegant Speeches.

6. But the most renowned of all Socrates's Scholars, was Plato, Plato of the Academicks. that famous Founder of the old Academie, whence the new Academicks descended; as the Platonists: as it follows.

CHAP. II. Of the Platonick Philosophie, its traduction from the Jews.

That Plato borrowed his Philosophie from the Jews, proved by the uni­versal consent, 1. of Pagans. Plato's own Confessions, that he re­ceived his choicest Principles from the Barb [...]ri [...]ns, Phenicians, and Syrians, i. e. the Jews. Plato's [...], and [...], some Jewish Traditions: His Traditions of the Divine Ideas, Providence, Immortalitie of the Soul, and Origine of the Universe from the Jews. The Testimonie of Numenius. 2. The Testi­monies of Jews, Aristobulus, Josephus. 3. Testimonies of Christians. 1. More ancient, as Clem. Alexandrinus, Just. Martyr, Jo. Grammaticus, Ambrose, Austin. 2. Moderne, Lud. Vives, Selden, Jackson, Cudworth, Stillingfleet, and Hornius.

§. 1. HAving given some cursorie account of the Socratick Philo­sophie,That Plato borrowed the choicest of his Notions from the Jews, pro­ved by Testi­monies of Heathens. 1. Plato him­self. we now proceed to the Platonick (the main Branch of the Socratick) to demonstrate its traduction from the Jewish Di­vine Oracles. And herein we shall take up the same method we laid down in our Discourse of Pythagorick Philosophie; namely, first, to give that, which the Scholes terme [...], a Demonstration that 'tis so; and then to proceed to the [...], the several Causes, Me­thods, and waies by which Plato traduced his Philosophie from the Jewish Church, and Oracles. As for the first Branch of our Demon­stration, to prove the quod sit, that Plato indeed borrowed the choicest parts of his Philosophie from the Jews, and sacred Scriptures; we shall endeavour to make it good by an universal consent, or Testimonie, wch though but (as they phrase it) an inartificial Argument, yet will it prove strong, and binding as to our present design: For we shall produce Testimonies from all parties, both Pagans, Jews, and Christians, and those most able and faithful Recorders of, and Searchers into Anti­quitie: so that there will not be place left for doubting; so far as such an humane Faith will reach; that parties so diametrically opposite in their inclinations, perswasions, humors, principles, spirits, and interests, [Page 227] should universally conspire to impose a cheat, and falsitie, on all their posteritie in a matter concerning which they had sufficient advantages to satisfie themselves, and their posterities. That Grecian Philosophie in general was traduced from the Jewish Church, we proved by uni­versal consent, Book 2. Chap. 1. which might serve as to our particu­lar case. But we shall now give you some particular Testimonies to prove, that Plato derived his Philosophie from the Jews, and Scriptures. And amongst those from Pagans, we shall begin with some Confessions dropt from Plato's own Pen, which seem to give some grounded evi­dence, if not full conviction to our Conclusion.

1. Plato confesseth ingeniously, that he,2. Plato ac­knowledgeth his choicest Traditions to be from the Barbarians, by whom he means the Jews. together with the rest of the Grecians, received their choicest Traditions, and Learning, from cer­tain Barbarians more ancient than themselves. So in his Cratylus, fol. 426. (edit. Steph.) Plato acknowledgeth, That the first Institution of Letters was from the Gods, by certain Barbarians, &c. so in his Epinom. Plato saies, What the Greeks received, [...], they put into a better mode, that is, they cloath'd in a Greek fashion, there­by to disguise it. That by Barbarians can be meant no other than the Hebrews, we have endeavoured to prove out of Justin Martyr, Testatus Pla­to Graecos à Barbaris didi­cisse, sed ab eis accepta melio­ra fecisse. Steuch. Eugu­binus de Per­e [...]. Philos. l. 2. c. 2. Clemens Alexandrinus, Epiphanius, Nicephorus, and Serranus, before Part. 1. Book 1. Chap. 2. This is farther evident by what we find in Tatianus (contra Graecos Oratio.) thus translated. ‘It becomes not you, O Gre­cians, to prosecute the Barbarians with so much enmitie, and to be so invidious against their Placits: For what is there of Studie a­mong you, which drew not its Origine from the Barbarians, &c.’ Then having largely explicated the chief parts of the Grecian Learn­ing, he proceeds to demonstrate, that the Mosaick Wisdom, which he calls Barbarick, was most ancient. ‘Therefore, saith he, I have bid adieu to the vain Glorie of the Romans, to the frigid Eloquence of the Athenians, and their contentious Studies: and have em­braced our Barbarick Philosophie, which how it is more ancient than your Disciplines, I now proceed to explicate.’ This he demonstrates very accurately, by evincing, that Moses was more ancient than Berosus, who writ the Chaldean Annals, yea then Cadmus, &c. whence he concludes thus. ‘Hence it appears, that Moses was more ancient than those ancient Heroes: and it is but equal, that we give credit to the elder, rather than to the Grecians, who drew their Dogmes, not rightly understood, from the others Fountain. For many of the [Page 228] Grecian Sophists, being induced by a certain Curiositie, indeavoured to deprave, and pervert whatever they learned from Moses, or the like wise Men; which they did partly, that they might make that their own, which they drew from others; partly, that under a feign­ed Composition of Speech, conceling what they understood not, they might corrupt the Truth by their Comments.’ Thus Tatianus.

Plato's Syri­an, and Phe­nician Fables Jewish.2. Plato makes mention of certain [...], and [...], Syrian, and Phenician Fables, which he calls [...], ineffable, &c. So Plato (de repub. l. 3. fol. 414.) tells us, ‘of a Phenician Fable touching the Fraternitie of all men made out of the Earth, &c. where Serranus observes, that this Fable is but a foot-step of the Primitive Truth, touching the formation of Adam out of the Earth, and that by the name of the Phenician Doctrine is noted the Jewish. So Plato in his Symposium, speaks of a Phenician Fable touching the [...], or man, and woman conjoyned; which Cudworth, with others, makes to be but a Jewish Tradition of Eves formation out of Adam: Yea, the Jews themselves had this Cabbalistick Fable of an Androgynon com­mon amongst them, as Grotius has observed on 1 Tim. 3.4. as afore. And Hammond, on Matth. 15.22. tells us in express termes, ‘that when the Heathens speak of the Original of their Literature from the Phenicians, they mean the Hebrews. Bochart (Phaleg. l. 4. c. 34.) tells us, that Herodotus calls the Jews Phenicians. So Xenophon tells us, the Jews were called Syrians, as before, Part 1. Book 1. Chap. [...]. Parag. 9.

Plato's anci­cient Traditi­ons Jewish.3. Plato makes mention of a [...], an ancient Discourse, o [...] Tradition, which he elsewhere calls [...], a Divine Word, o [...] Tradition, received from the Ancients who lived near the Gods, &c. which cannot be understood of any more probably, then of some Jewish Traditions, as appears by particulars.

Plato's Tradi­tion of the Ancients.1. Plato in his Philebus, fol. 17. confesseth, that ‘The knowledge of the ( [...], &c.) one infinite Being was from the Gods, who com­municated this knowledge to us by a certain Prometheus, together with a bright Fire: and then he addes, [...], &c. This Storie of One, and many is a Tradition, which the Ancients, who were better, and dwelt nearer the Gods than we, transmitted to us, &c. This Tradition of [...]. One, and many was Originally traduced from the Jewish Church, and the Scripture account of God; the Unitie of his Essence, and the Pluralitie of his Decrees, which Py­thagoras [Page 229] first brought into Greece, and after him Parmenides assumed the same, as the foundation of his Metaphysick Philosophizings about the Divine Ideas: as before, Part. 1. B. 1. C. 2. §. 6.

2. Plato, de leg. l. 3. makes mention of a [...],Plato's anci­ent Tradition. an An­cient Tradition, which affirmed God to be the beginning, the end, and middle of all things, &c. This Plutarch calls [...], the old Faith; which surely could be nothing else, but the old Jewish Tradi­tion, which they had received touching God's Creation of, and Provi­dence over all things. Thus Steuchus Eugubinus, de Peren. Philos. l. 2. c. 2. Justin Martyr conceiveth, that where you find in Plato, or other Philosophers, mention of [...], the Ancient Fame, they meant it of Moses. The like Plato in his Philebus affirmes, that all wise Men grant, [...], that the Divine mind is to us King both of Heaven, and Earth; neither does any thing happen fortuitously. This [...] he elsewhere calls the Soul of the World, informing, and governing all things, as the Soul the Bodie: which the Learned suppose to be but a Tradition, from Gen. 1.2. The Spirit, &c.

3. Plato, in his Phaedo (fol. 85.Plato's Divine Word.) treating of the immortalitie of the Soul, confesseth, that the safest, and most certain way to prove it, was [...], by some Divine Word, or Tradition. Now what this Di­vine Word should be, if not some Jewish, or Scriptural Tradition, can­not be imagined. This Divine Word he elsewhere calls [...], a Traditional Knowledge, &c. Of which see more, Part 1. Book 1. Chap. 2. §. 5.

4. Plato in his Timaeus, fol. 29.Plato's proba­ble Tradition, or Fable. being about to treat of the Origine of the Universe, laies down this preliminarie Conclusion: ‘It is just that both I, who discourse, and you, that judge, should remember, that we have but humane nature, and therefore receiving [...], the probable Fable, or Mythologick Tradition, it's meet, that we enquire no farther into them.’ That this probable Fable was some Jewish, or Scriptural Tradition of the Origine of the Universe, will be sufficiently evident, when we come to prove, that all Plato's Phi­losophizings, touching the Origine of the Universe, were but Tra­ditions from Moses's description of the Creation.

5. Plato in his Politicus, fol. 272.Plato's Fable of the Golden Age. gives us a large account of A­dam's state of Innocencie, under the Symbolick Image of Saturn's Golden Age: he tells us, ‘the Fruits of the Earth grew of their own [Page 230] accord, without labour; that Men were naked, and had conference with the Beasts. And then he concludes, But these things we must omit, [...], until there appear to us some fit Interpreter. Serranus on these Words, fol. 251. tells us, that Plato acknowledgeth, he received this Narration from elsewhere, in that he calls it [...], a Fable; for the unfolding whereof, he ex­pected a fit Interpreter.’ Wherefore he signifies, that the truth here­of was delivered to him by Tradition from the Primitive Times, &c. And I think it will appear very evident to any, that considers the whole Storie, that Plato refers to some Jewish Records, or Traditions, whence he traduced these his Notions about the Golden Age. So in like manner Plato in his Symposium, describes the fall of Man under the Fable of Porus, Why Plato conceled the Jewish name and Traditi­ons. &c. And I conceive, whereever we find Plato making mention of any Barbarick, Egyptian, or Phenician Fables handed over to him from the Ancients, especially if they relate unto any Scripture Narration, we may safely conclude, that by these An­cients he meant the Jewish Church, or Patriarchs, whose names he con­celed; as also clothed those Jewish Traditions with a Grecian Mytho­logick habit, thereby to avoid that odium, which lay upon the Jewish Nation; as also to gratifie the curiositie of the Fabulous Greeks, and render himself more esteemed amongst them. That this was the reason why Plato disguised his Jewish Traditions, and conceled the names of the Jews, whence they came, is asserted by Origen against Celsus, lib. 4. of which hereafter. Thus Sir Walter Raleigh, Hist. Part. 1. B. 1. C. 6. §. 7. ‘But whether it were out of the same vanitie, which possest all those Learned Philosophers, and Poets, that Plato also published not under the right Authors names those things, which he had read in the Scriptures; or fearing the severitie of the Areopagites, and the example of his Master Socrates, by them put to death by Poyson, I cannot judge.’ Justin Martyr (as it seemeth) ascribeth it wholly to Plato's fear, whose Words are these: Plato fearing the Areopagites, thought it not safe for him among the Athenians to make mention of Moses, that he taught there is but one God. But for that Divinitie, which he hath written in Timaeo, he discoursed, and taught the same of God (saith Justin Martyr) which Moses did.

6. Yea farther Plato seems to use the very same expressions (though in another Tongue, that Moses does in his Description of God: For whereas Moses describeth God, Exod. 3.14. I AM, Plato termes [Page 231] him, [...], &c. which differs only in Gender, not really from Moses's description. Whence the Learned, both Moderne, and Ancient have concluded, that Plato drew this Notion of God out of Mose [...]. So Justin Martyr, and Ludovicus Vives after him; as also Raleigh, Hist. Part. 1. B. 1. C. 6. §. 7. For where it pleased God, by his Angel to answer Moses, Ego sum existens, which is, I AM; and existens misi [...] me ad vos, I AM hath sent me unto you, herein did Plato, saith Justin Martyr, no otherwise differ, than that Moses used the Word [Qui] and Plato the Word [Quod] Moses enim qui existit (in­quit) Plato quod existit. For Moses saith, He who is: Plato, That which is, &c.

7. To these tacite acknowledgements of Plato, we may adde the full Testimonie of Numenius the Pythagorean Philosopher,Numeni [...]s. quoted by Clem: Alexandrinus, lib. 1. [...]. But Numenius the Pythagorean Philosopher plainly Writes: What is Plato, but Moses Atticizing.

§. 2. Amongst the Jews we have the testimonie of Aristobulus, Testimonies of Jews. Aristobulus. who flourished about 200 years after Plato, cited by Clemens Alexand. [...]. (as also by Eusebius Praep. Evang. l. 9. c. 6.) where he brings in Aristobulus thus speaking of Plato [...]. ‘He fol­lowed our Law, or Institution, and diligently inspected, or searched into all those things mentioned therein.’ The same is mentioned by Ludov. Vives in Aug. Civ. l. 8. c. 11. Aristobulus the Jew to Phi­lometor lib. 1, as Eusebius cites him, saith, that Plato in many things follow'd our Law; for he seems in many things to have diligently ex­amined every particular. For Moses's books were translated before Alexander, and before the Persian Empire, whence this Philoso­pher, as well as Pythagoras, received many things.’ Thus Ludov. Vives. I am not ignorant, that his opinion about the translation of Moses's books into Greek before the Persian Empire, is rejected by some Learned men, therefore I shall not lay much stresse on it, yet why may we not assert with Eusebius, that Plato (as Pythagoras) might have a sight of Moses's writings (not as translated into Grerk, but) by rea­son of his skill in the Oriental Languages, especially the Egyptian, which was but a Dialect of the Hebrew, as has been before mentioned Book 2. ch. 5. §. 8. of Pythagoras, of which more hereafter. To this [Page 232] testimonie of Aristobulus is consonant that of Josephus the Jew, Josephus. as Selden de jure Nat. Hebr. l. 1. c. 2.

Testimonies of Christians more Ancient, and Moderne. Clemens A­lexandr.§. 3. To these Testimonies of Pagans, and Jews, we may adde ma­ny of the learned Christians, both Ancient, and Moderne. As for the Ancients Clemens Alexandrinus does once, and agen inculcate, that Plato derived his Philosophie from the Jews, so [...]. 1.5. and he ex­presly calls him [...] the Hebrew Philosopher: and in many places he does affirme this, ‘That the Greek Philosophers generally were Thieves, [...]. That they took the choicest of their Dogmes from Moses, and the Prophets without thankful acknowledge­ment.’ So Justin Martyr Apol. 2.Just. Martyr. (and after him Theodoret) assimeth ‘that Plato [...] drew many things from the He­brew Rivulets; yea, and that whatsoever he said devoutly of God, or of his Worship, he stole from the Hebraick Philosophie.’ The same Johannes Philoponus frequently asserts.Jo: Gramma­ticus. So of the Creation of the world, l. 6. c. 21. pag. 249. he tells us, that what Moses affirmed of man, that he was made after the Image of God, Plato transferred to the whole visible world, calling it [...] a visible image of the invisible God. The like he mentions lib. 7. c. 11, 12, where he shews, how Plato imitated Moses, Gen. 1.31. in bringing in God rejoy­cing, and recreating himself in the works of his hands, as very good, &c. Eusebius lib. 2. praep. Evang. conceives, that Plato learn­ed from the Mosaick doctrine, both the Transmutation of the world, and the Resurrection, and the last Judgment, &c. Amongst the La­tine Ancients Ambrose gives a full Testimonie hereto,Ambrose. who affirmes, that Plato for Learning's sake took a journie into Egypt to informe himself touching the things done, and written by Moses, the Oracles of the Law, and the sayings of the Prophets, &c. of which see Selden de Jure Nat. l. 1. c. 2.’ But amongst all the Ancients, none speaks more fully to this, than Augustin de Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 11.Augustin▪ Some saies he, ‘joyned to us in the grace of Christ, wonder when they hear, and read, that Plato conceived such things of God, which they acknowledged are most congruous to the truth of our Religion. Whence some have thought, that he, when he went into Egypt, heard the Prophet Jeremie, or that he read in his peregrination the Pro­phetick Scriptures, whose opinion I have laid down in some of my Books: But the account of times being diligently computed accord­ing [Page 233] to the Chronick historie, it appears, that Plato was born almost 100 years after Jeremy prophecyed; wherefore Plato in that his pergrinati­on could neither see Ieremy, who dyed so long before, nor yet read the same Scriptures, which were not as yet translated into the Greek Tongue: unlesse peradventure in as much as he was of a sharp judg­ment, he by an Interpreter learned, as the Egyptian mysteries, so the sacred Scriptures, not that he did by writing translate them, as Pto­lomy by the LXX, but by conference he understood what they con­teined, so far as his capacitie would reach. That which enclines us to this persuasion, is, that the book of Genesis begins (chap. 1. v. 1.) In the beginning God made Heaven and Earth &c. which Plato in his Timaeus also declares. God saith he, in that work, first joyned Earth, and Fire. For it's manifest that by Fire he understands the Heaven: Thence those two middle Elements, which by their interposition joyn together with these extreams, he calls Water, and Air; whence tis thought he understood this from what is written, Gen. 1.2. The Spirit of God moved upon the Waters. For he little attending in what manner the Scripture was wont to style the Spirit of God, and be­cause the Air is called a Spirit, he thought that the Four Elements were mentioned in that place. Agen, in that Plato saies a Philosopher is a lover of God, nothing is more manifest in the sacred Scriptures. And especially that which has almost brought me fully to assent that Plato was not without those sacred books, when it is said to Moses (Exod. 3.14.) I am that I am. He that is has sent me, &c. This Plato vehemently held, and diligently commended, &c. Thus August. By which it's evident, what a full conviction he had of the truth of our conclusion.’ As for the particulars, of these Platonick notions, we shall hereafter, we hope, examine them, and prove that they were traduced from the sacred scriptures. As for Moderne Christians, we have the most learned of these last Ages of this persuasion, that Plato derived the choicest of his Contemplations, both Physical, and Me­taphysical from the sacred scriptures, & Jewish Church. So Lud. Vives on this text of August. Civ. l. 8. c. 11. Justin Martyr (saith he) in para­clesi ad Gentos, & Euseb. in praeparat. evang.; and Theocritus of the Greek affections write, that Plato translated many things out of the Hebrew books into his own.’ Hence Numenius the Philosopher said, what is Plato, but Moses Atticizing? &c. The same is affirmed by Steuchus Eugubinus on Plato's Timaeus, and Selden de jure Natur. Hebr. [Page 234] l. 1. c. 2. Where he proves our conclusion at large. Thus Luther, Tom. 1. Genes. 1. a. in cap. 1. Plato, saith he, while he was in Egypt Col­lected ‘as it were some sparks out of the Speeches of the Fathers, and Prophets, therefore he comes nearer (than Aristotle) as to the Ori­gine of the Universe, &c, Also Dr. Jackson of the Scriptures fol. 55. speaketh thus. ‘That Plato had either read, or been instructed by some, who had read the books of Moses, will easily appear, &c. The like we find asserted by Cudworth in his Discourse of Union with Christ pag. 22.Cudworth. ‘I cannot (saith he) consent with Eusebius, that Plato had seen Moses his works, but that he certainly received by Tradition ma­ny things,Stillingfleet. when he was in Egypt, or some other of those Oriental parts bordering upon the Jews, &c. But Sir Walter Raleigh. Hist. of the World part 1. Book 1. c. 6. §. 7. speaks more Categorically thus. As ‘for Plato, though he dissembled in some things, for fear of the Inqui­sition of the Areopagites, yet Saint Augustine hath alreadie answered for him as before, Et mirificè iis delectatus est, quae de uno Deo tradita fuerant, And he was greatly delighted in the Doctrine of one God, saith Justin Martyr. Now howsoever Lactantius pleased to repre­hend Plato, because (saith he) Plato sought knowledge from the E­gyptians, and the Chaldeans, neglecting the Jews, and the Books of Moses; Eusebius, Cyrillus, and Origen find reason to believe the con­trarie, thinking that from thence he took the grounds of all by him written of God, or savouring of Divinitie: the same opinion had Saint Ambrose of Pythagoras. Thus Stillingfleet Orig. Sacr. Book 3. chap. 3. pag. 502. ‘The Platonists of Alexandria (saith he) stole their choicest Notions out of the Scriptures, but would not acknow­ledge it: which was the grand artifice of their Master Plato, who doubtles by meanes of his abode, and acquaintance in Egypt, about the time when the Jews began to flock thither, had more certain knowledge of many truths of grand importance concerning the Dei­tie, the nature of the Soul, the Origine of the World, then many other Greek Philosophers had; but yet therein lay his great fault, that he wrapped up, and disguised his Notions in such a fabulous, and ambiguous manner, that partly it might be lesse known, from whence he had them, and that they might find better entertainment amongst the Greeks, than they were ever like to do in their plain, and Native dresse, which Plato himself seems to intimate, when he saith, that what the Greeks received from the Barbarians, they put [Page 235] into a better fashion, i. e. they disguised it by a Greek habit, that it might never be suspected for a Forreigner, &c. The Testimonies of Origen, and Vossius, see §. 4. of this next Chapter.

I shall conclude this Argument, with a pregnant Testimonie of Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 14. ‘It was an ancient opinion, and now very much inveterated, that Plato drew many things out of Mo­ses, and inserted them into his Writings. For Numenius of greatest Authoritie amongst the Pythagoreans, saies that Plato stole out of Mo­ses's Writings, whatsoever he has of God, and the Ʋniverse. To whom the more sage Fathe [...]s giving heed, hence it came to passe, that the Platonick Philosophie was of highest Authoritie among them. For it was the common vogue, that it differed little from Moses. Yea Cae­lius Rhod. l. 16. cap. 65. thinks, that Plato differs little from Christ's Placits. And Eusebius lib. 13. praep. c. 1. writes, that the Platonick Philosophie was as it were translated out of the Hebrew tongue into Greek. Justin Martyr, in Apol. ad Anton. will needs shew, that Plato borrow­ed, whatever hath any verisimilitude, or shaddow of t [...]uth, from the sacred Scriptures. The same Eusebius attempts in his book a­gainst the Philosophers. Thus Hornius. As for the manner how Plato transferred his Jewish Traditions from Hebrew into Greek I shall shew in the following Chapter, §. 4. &c.

CHAP. III. Of Plato's Life, and Travels for Oriental Traditions.

Plato's Original, and Instruction under Socrates: his travels into Italy, to acquaint himself with the Pythagorean Philosophie, which he was instructed in by Archytas the Tarentine, Timaeus the Lo­crian, Epicarmus, &c. Plato's travels into Egypt where he inform­ed himself in the Jewish Wisdome, and Mysteries, viz. touching the Origine of the Universe, the Immortalitie of the Soul, the Fall; also concerning God, his Nature, Ideas, Providence, &c. That Pla­to [Page 236] might receive information from the Jews, and Jewish Oracles, whilst in Egypt, by reason of his skill in the Egyptian tongue, or by some Interpreter. What emprovement Plato received as to Jewish Traditions from the Phenicians, their Theologie, and Philoso­phie, &c. Plato's Academie, his Character, and Works.

The Historie of Plato's life.§. 1. WE have in the foregoing Chapter by inartificial De­monstration, or Testimonies proved, that Plato traduced the choicest of his Contemplations from the Jewish Church, and Scrip­tures. We now proceed to the [...]; to demonstrate the same from the causes, means, and wayes by which Plato gained these Jewish traditi­ons. For the clearing whereof we shall give some brief historical rela­tion of Plato's Life, Praeceptors, and Travels, whereby it will be mani­fest, what advantages he had to acquaint himself with the Jewish Phi­losophie, and Mysteries. Austin de Civit. l. 8. c. 4. gives us this good, though short account hereof. ‘But amongst the Disciples of So­crates, Plato indeed, who altogether obscured the rest, deservedly shines with most excelling glory. Who being an Athenian of a good familie, & of an admirable ingenie, far excelled his Condisciples: yet counting his own capacitie, & endeavours, with the emprov [...]ment of Socrates's Instructions insufficient for the perfecting of Philosophie, he travelled far, and near, whereever the fame of gaining any noble Science led him. Therefore in Egypt he learned whatever was great­ly esteemed, and taught there; and thence coming into those parts of Italy where the fame of the Pythagoreans was celebrated, he learn­ed there the whole of Italick Philosophie, which then flourished, having heard the most eminent of the Doctors thereof, &c.’ Thus Austin, wherein he gives us a full relation of Plato's travels, though he differs somewhat from Laertius, and others, as to method, &c. as hereafter we shall consider this general storie in it's severals.

Plato's origi­nal.§. 2. Plato was born at Athens in the 88th. Olympiad (as Ludov. Vives in August. l. 8. cap. 4.) Apuleius l. 1. de Dogm. Plat. tells us, That Plato was so Sirnamed from the large habitude of his bodie (which was the common opinion) for he was at first called Aristocles, though some think, he was called Plato from the amplitude of his Speech, and Eloquence.’ His Parents were Arist. and Perictione, his Fathers stock related to Codrus the last King of Athens, his Mothers to Solon, that famous Athenian Legislator, whence Plato (as I take it in his Timaeus [Page 237] [...]peaking of Solon, calls him his Kinsman, &c. Plato's first Praeceptor was Socrates with whom it's said he lived Eight years,His institution under Socrates in which time he committed the substance of Socrates's discourses to writing, but with great mixture, and addition of his own; which gave much offence to Xenophon his condisciple, who in an Epistle to Aeschines Socraticus (mentioned by Eusebius Praepar. Evang. l. 24.) upbraids Plato ‘for corrupting Socrates's Philosophie by Pythagorean, Barbarick, Egyptian, and his own intermixtures.’ And Diogenes lib. 3. writes, that there ‘was little friendship, but much emulation 'twixt Plato, and Xeno­phon. For they both writ their Symposium, their Apologie for Socra­tes, and their Moral Commentaries. Plato in his books of Laws saies, that Xenophon's [...] was fictitious. Though they both great­ly extol Socrates, yet they make little mention each of other.’ From Socrates it was, that Plato received the chiefest of his Morals, as 'tis generally confest; and shall be hereafter mentioned. After Socrates's death Plato applyed himself to Cratylus, the Diciple of Heraclitus, from whom we may presume he received good instructions, for he makes him the chief subject of one of his Dialogues. Plato primitus Heracliti secta imbutus, postea vero Socratis Disciplinae traditus, Clarissimus omnium Philosophorum evasit. Plato being first of all of the Heraclitian Sect, and afterwards determining to be of the Socratick Discipline, became the most famous of all the Philosophers. Apul. l. 1. de Philos. Plato after­ward addresses himself to Hermogenes, who followed Parmenides's Phi­losophie, from whom we may suppose he borrowed many of his Me­taphysick Contemplations about Divine Ideas, of which he discourseth at large in his Dialogue called Parmenides. After these Plato had re­course to Euclid the founder of the Megarick Sect: whence he went to Cyrene to be instructed by Theodorus the Mathematician, &c.

§ 3. Plato having a natural affection,Platos's tra­vels into Ma­gna Graecia & instructions from the Py­thagoreans. and strong inclination unto the Pythagorick Philosophie, as that which carried with it most of Divine Mysteries, & therefore suited best with his luxuriant Phansie, he travels into Italie, that part which was called Magna Graecia, where Pytha­goras had Philosophized, and left behind him many Admirers, and Sectators of his Discipline. Amongst these Pythagoreans Plato heard at Tarentum Archytas the Elder, and Euritus. Plato Pytha­goricae, praeter caeteras omnes disciplinae par­ticeps est. Eus. contra Hieroc. Amongst the Locrians he heard Timaeus the Locrian, from whom he is supposed to have bor­rowed many of his traditions touching the Origine of the Universe, its parts, &c. So Ludov. Vives on Aust. in Civ. lib. 8. c. 11. Speaking of Plato's [Page 238] Timaeus, saies ‘he, called this book so, because Timaeus the Locrian is induced disputing of the Universe, whom he heard in Italie, who also writ in the Dorick tongue of the Universe, from which Book Plato borrowed many things. Thus Ludov. Vives. Yea indeed Plato's ve­ry Dialect in his Timaeus is Dorick, (differing from his other Dia­logues) which argues, that not only the matter, but also the very words, and style were taken from Timaeus his Book of the Universe. So also Jerome in his Apologie against Ruffinus tells us, that Plato was in­structed in the Pythagorean Learning by Archytas the Tarentine, and Timaeus the Lorian. Farther, at Croto Plato heard Philolaus the Py­thagorean. Besides, Plato received light, and instruction from other Pythagorean Authors, namely, Lysis the Pythagorean, whom he makes the subject of his Dialogue called [...]: also from the Books of Epicarmus, alias Cous that famous Pythagorean Philosopher. So Lud. Vives in Austin Civ. l. 8. c. 11. Alcinus (saies he) in his books, he writ to Amynthas teacheth, that Plato borrowed his opinion of I­deas out of the Books of Epicarmus, who was Cous a Philosopher of the Pythagorean Sect, whom in times past they make to excell others of the Learned, as the Sun amongst the Stars, and the Sea amongst the Rivers:’ He writ of the Nature of things, &c. From Plato's great affectation, and imitation of the Pythagorean Philosophie it came to passe that in the writings of the Ancients, the Names of Platonists, and Pythagoreans are oft confounded. So Eusebius lib. 14. Praecep. ca. considering Plato himself in himself, we call him a Pythagorean. The like Apuleius Flor. 15. Plato differing little, or nothing from this Sect does Pythagorize. And the same Apuleius lib. 1. de Philos. gives this account of Plato's diverting from the Socratick Philosophie to the Pythagorean. ‘When Socrates had bid farewel to Human affairs, Pla­to deflected from the Socraticks, whose affaires were then doubtful, to the Pythagoreans, seeking what proficience he might gain among them. And he went twice into Italie, where he heard the Pythagore­ans Euritus, and Archytas the Senior. Thus Hornius Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 14.’ And that Plato indeed greatly valued Pythagorean writing, is evident by what Laertius relates, namely that three Pythagoreans Books cost him no lesse than One Hundred Attick Pounds, i. e. 3000. Karoles; for an Attick pound consists of 20 Karoles, as Vossius de Philos. Sect. cap. 12. §. 3. As for the time of Plato's abode in Italie, Cicero in Catone writes, that Plato came to Tarentum when L. Aemi­lius, [Page 239] and Ap. Claudius were Consuls: though according to Livie this account will not hold. Now that the Pythagorick Philosophie was traduced from the Jewish Oracles we have before sufficiently proved, Book 2. chap. 5. §. 2.

§. 4. But the greatest advantage,Plato's travels into Egypt, where he in­formed him­self in the Jewish wis­dom. that Plato had to informe him­self in the Jewish wisdom, and mysteries, was his travels into Egypt, which Laertius makes to have been after his departure from Italie, though Austin in what was before cited, supposeth him to have tra­velled from Egypt into Italie: Others reconcile both, by affirming that Plato went first unto Italie, thence into Egypt, from whence he re­turned back again into Italie. Plato non contentus disciplinis quas prae­stare poterant Athenae, non Pythagoraeorum, ad quos in Italiam naviga­verat, Aegypti quo (que) Sacerdotes adiit, at (que) eroū arcana perdidicit. Quincil. lib. 1. cap. 19. Plato not satisfied with what Learning Athens could afford, nor yet with that of the Pythagoreans, to whom he had made a Voyage into Italie; had recourse also to the Priests of Egypt, and became throughly acquainted with their Mysteries, Thus Quintil. But the account of Laertius seems most probable, (which Vossius ad­heres unto) who supposeth, that Plato's last Voyage was into Egypt, wherein he was accompanied with Euripides, or, as Vossius, with Eud­oxus, where he had 13 years conversation with the Egyptian Priests, as Strabo lib. 17. Cicero tells us, that Plato's design in Travelling to Egypt, was to informe himself in Arithmetick, and the Celestial Specu­lations of the Barbarians, &c. That under this notion of the Bar­barians must be understood, if not exclusively, yet, inclusively,Quae ejus p [...] ­regrinatio om­nium celeber­r [...]ms fuit. Nam in Aegypto Praecipuum Sacerdotem Sech [...]phim Heliopolita­num, ut Conu­phim, Eudox­us audivit Hornius Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 14. the Jews, is a common received persuasion of the Learned, both Ancient, and Moderne, as Justin Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Epipha­nius, Serranus, &c. And this is most certain, that about the time of Plato's abode in Egypt, there were great numbers of the Jews who resorted thither, and we may no way doubt, that he, who had such an unsatiable thirst after Oriental Traditions, and Mysteries for the satisfying whereof he left no Persons, Places, or Records unexa­mined, would let passe such a considerable partie of men, as the Jews were, who pretended unto, and that upon good grounds, the most an­cient Records, Traditions, and Mysteries. Surely we cannot rationally judge, that Plato's curiositie, or humor so greedie after mysterious wis­dom would neglect so great opportunitie, as he had for the instruct­ing himself in the Jewish Wisdom, whilst he was in Egypt. [Page 240] Besides, we have before, (Book 1. Chap. 3.) proved, that the choicest parts of the Egyptian Philosophie, were of Jewish extract; so that what Plato gained here, may well be reckoned to be of Jewish Origi­nal.Plato whilst in Egypt lear­ned from the Jewish Do­ctrine. 1. The Origine of the Uni­verse. This will be farther evident, if we take a view of some par­ticular Collections which Plato made whilst he was in Egypt. We are told. 1. (Epist. Socrat. 26.) ‘that Plato having taken a view of the chief parts of Egypt, at last setled himself in the Province of Sais, where he was instructed by the Wise men, touching their Opi­nions of the Universe, whether it had a beginning? &c. Now that all Plato's Traditions about the Origine of the Ʋniverse were of Jewish Origination, we shall hereafter prove. 2. Pausanias affirmes, that Plato learned also from these Wise men of Sais, the immortalitie of the Soul, &c. which was evidently a derivation from the Jewish Ora­cles. 3. Origen (against Celsus, lib. 4. pag. 189.) conceives, ‘that Plato, by converse with the Jews in Egypt, received some notices of Adam's fall, which in his Symposiacks, he Symbolically sets forth un­der the Fable of Porus (i. e. Adam) his being Drunk with Nectar, and going into Jupiters Garden, (i. e. Paradise) &c. This he con­ceives more probable, because of Plato's manner, [...], to hide ‘his great Phaenomena's, or Dogmes, under the Figure of some Fable by reason of the vulgar. And in what follows, he makes mention of Plato's Artifice in discolouring, and disguising those Traditions he re­ceived from the Jews, lest by owning them, as the Authors of his Learning, he should disgust the Fabulous Greeks, who had no re­spect for the Jews, &c. 4. Yea, indeed the chiefest part, if not the whole of those Divine Mysteries touching God, his perfection, and unitie; his Divine Ideas, and Providence; also concerning the Uni­verse, its Origine from God, its formation, and animation by the Spirit of God, which he calls Anima Mundi: in like manner, touch­ing the Soul, its Nature, Perfection, in Innocencie, and corruption by the fall, and such like Divine Traditions, which Plato pretends to have learned from the Egyptians, &c. are plainly Jewish, as hereafter. Plutarch de Iside, & Osiride, tells us, that Plato, whilst in Egypt, [...], is said to have heard Chonuphis the Mem­phite. Clemens Alexandrinus saies, that he did [...], use for his Praeceptor Sechnuphis the Egyptian, perhaps the same with Plutarch's Chonuphis, and both one and t'other refers to [Page 241] some Jewish Master he found in Egypt, Austin lib. 2. de doct. makes mention of Plato's converse with Jeremie, the Jewish Prophet in E­gypt, where he went with the Tribe of Juda, and Benjamin, &c. but this Opinion he in his de Civit. l. 8. c. 11. refutes, ‘for that Jeremie dyed before the Persian Empire began, whereas Plato's being in E­gypt, was about the end of the Persian Empire.How Plato might receive information from the Jew­ish Records whilst in E­gypt. Yet we need no way doubt, but that the memorie of Jeremie, who was so famous a Prophet, and had foretold such great events of Providence, even the destruction of his own People, &c. could not but remain very fresh and illustrious, even to Plato's time: especially if that storie prove ‘true, that Jeremie being buryed under a heap of stones at Tanis in Egypt, was worshipped by the Inhabitants for a present remedie they found at his Sepulchre against the biting of Serpents. Eusebius re­fers the beginning of Jeremies Prophecie to the 36th Olympiad; and Plato's birth to the 88th Olympiad: so that we may better, with Lud. Vives, suppose Pythagoras whilst in Egypt, to have had confe­rence with Jeremie, as before.’ Yet may we safely conjecture, that Plato, whilst in Egypt, received some notices of Jeremie his Fame, and Prophecie, which might engage him to inquire thereinto, as al­so into the Mosaick Books. So Learned Vossius, de Philos. sect. par. 2. cap. 2. §. 3. having shewen the invaliditie of that Opinion touching Plato's personal Conference with Jeremie, addes thus: Plato might notwithstanding read Moses, if there were any Version of him be­fore that Translation of the LXX: of which we have elsewhere debated. And although this might not be, yet it is granted, he might have conference with the Hebrews, and be taught by them; which is made very likely by that Agreement there is of Plato with Moses in many things: whence that of Numenius the Philoso­pher, [...]?’ Thus Vossius.

1. We shall not insist upon any Version of Moses's Books into Greek as ancient as Plato, though Lud. Vives asserts it, as before,Plato's skill in the Egyptian Language, gave him ad­vantage to read the Jew­ish Records. chap. 2. §. 2. yet may we, and that upon warrantable grounds, suppose, that Plato, (as Pythagoras before him) had some sight of, and capacitie to read Moses's Books, with Jeremie's Prophecie, &c. not by means of any Greek Version, but by virtue of the skill he had in the Egyptian Language, which differed from the Hebrew only in some Dia­lect, as has been before once, and again asserted, and proved. Neither can we well imagine, that Plato, who is said to have continued in [Page 242] Egypt 13 Years, could be unacquainted with the Egyptian Language: who knows not, but that a Scholar when he Travels for Learning, the first thing he does, is to get the Language of the Countrey? Thus, as we afore observed, Pythagoras did in his Travels into Egypt, and Chaldea; and this we need no way doubt, Plato made his first busines after his coming into Egypt. 2. Yea, it seems to me somewhat pro­bable, that Plato wanted not skill in the Hebrew Tongue: For in his Cratylus, where he gives us the Origination of many Greek Words, he saies such, and such came from the Barbarians, implying (as before) the Jews. Amongst many others, he mentions these, [...], which signifies darkness, and is evidently derived from the Hebrew [...] Gen. 1.2, 5. for so Plato useth the Greek [...] to express the Chaos by. The like he saies of [...], which came from the Hebrew [...] explo­ration: and [...], from the Heb. [...], &c. as Serranus in his Pre­face to Plato's Cratylus. Now how could Plato so exactly know, that these, with other Greek words, were of Barbarian, or Hebrew origi­nation, if he had not some skill in the Hebrew Tongue. This is the Opinion of Augustin, de Civit. Dei, l. 8. c. 18. where he shews, that Plato, while he was in Egypt, learned the Hebrew Tongue. But this is refuted by some, as Hornius, Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 14. 3. Far­ther, there is very great ground to think, that Plato had skill in the Phenician Tongue, by those many Fables, and Traditions he quotes thence. Now the Phenician Tongue was evidently the same for sub­stance with the Hebrew, as before. That Plato drew much of his Phi­losophie from the Phenicians, is the Opinion of Scaliger, Exer. 61. sect 3. and of Serranus, according to the Citation of Hornius, Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 14. Joh. Serranus will have it, that Plato spake many things, which he understood not, drawn out of the Theologie, and Commentaries of the Phenicians, which seems most probable to me. For as to the Phenicians, they were [...], given to Mercature, familiar to the Greeks: also they sent several Colonies into various parts of the World. Nothing hinders therefore, but that Plato might attain to a more intimate Knowledge of their Theologie. Now the Phenicians had many things common with the Hebrews, &c. see more of this, Book 1. Chap. 3, §. 19. That Pythagoras was rendred capable of understanding the sacred Scriptures, by reason of his skill in the Egyptian Language, see Book 2. Chap. 5. §. 8. which is also ap­plicable to Plato; or else, if this may seem to bold, because a novel [Page 243] Assertion, 4. We may with Austin, and other Learned, both Anci­ent, and Modern, groundedly conclude, that Plato, whilst he was in Egypt (amongst those many Jews who had recourse thither) learned by an Interpreter, or by personal Converse with the Jews, many of their Divine Doctrines, and Mysteries, though he understood not the genu­ine import thereof: as in the fore-going Chap. §. 3. This is the Opi­nion of Learned Serranus, in his Preface to Plato, Truly (saies he) Plato, while he was in Egypt, might have conference with the Jews, who were there in great numbers after their dissipation, and transmigration, &c. Though he conceives, that Plato could not read the Scriptures in his own Greek Idiome, into which they were not Translated, till after Alexander's time: of which more hereafter.

§. 5.Plato's Colle­ctions from the Phenician Theologie, and Philosophie. Though we find no express mention of Plato's Travelling to Phaeniciae, yet that he visited that Countrey also, either in his Travels to, or from Egypt, seems very probable. For the Phenicians being e­very way well furnished with Jewish Traditions, and Mysteries, we cannot conceive that Plato, who was so great an Admirer thereof, would let passe such an opportunitie for satisfying his Curiositie therein: At least, that he had some view of Traditions from the Phe­nician Philosophie, and Theologie, seems more then probable from Plato's own Confessions; for he oft makes mention of a [...], and [...], a Syrian, and Phenician Fable or Tradition, which he calls [...], ineffable, because he neither understood, nor could express the mind thereof. These Syrian, or Phenician Fables, which Plato gathered out of the Phenician Theologie, I have before prov'd to be of Jewish extract, and therefore unintelligible by the wisest Hea­thens; and thence 'tis no wonder, that Plato calls them ineffable Fa­bles. Indeed, the most of his Jewish Traditions, which he gleaned up in those Oriental parts, especially such as referred to the Jewish Mysteries, and Divine Worship, were to him [...], ineffable, and unintelligible, and therefore he calls them, [...], Fables: for [...], ac­cording to its Philosophick notion, signifies some Philosophick Mysterie traduced from the Ancients, the reasons whereof were conceled, or hidden; and because the first Philosophers, especially Pythagoras, and Plato, were great admirers of these Oriental [...] Fables, they are called by Aristotle, [...], Philomythists, Lovers of Fables, or My­stical Traditions, which Aristotle rejected, because his Reason could not comprehend them. These Phenician Fables Plato much studied, [Page 244] and recreated his curious humour withall, which gives us some ground to conjecture, that he was not without skill in the Phenician Tongue, and so by consequence in the Hebrew, which differs only in some Dia­lect therefrom. That Plato took many things out of the Phenician Theologie, which he himself understood not, is an assertion of the learned Julius Scaliger, Exercit. 61. I suppose he means out of the Theologie of Sanchoniathon, and Mochus the Physiologist, wherein he follows the steps of Pythagoras; as before, Book 2. Some tell us, that Plato had designed a journey to visit the Persian Magi, and Chalde­ans (as Pythagoras before him did) but was prevented by the War, which happened betwixt the Grecians, and Persians. By all which it is most evident, what an infinite thirst Plato had after Oriental Wis­dom, and Traditions originally Jewish: also, what an huge advan­tage he had for the gratifying his Curiositie herein, first, by his Tra­vels into Italie, and conversation with Pythagoreans there; and thence into Egypt, and as we may presume into Phaenicia also, where he met with many Jews, and Jewish Records, or Traditions touching Di­vine Mysteries, which he greedily embraced, without any real under­standing of their genuine import and sense, whence he turned the glorie of God into a Fable, as he calls his Traditions: or as the Scri­pture termes them, a lye, Rom. 1.25. who changed the truth of God into a lye. We have a brief Synopsis of Plato's Travels, and peregri­nations, given us by Hornius, Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 14. out of Madau­rensis, thus: Plato went to Theodorus Cyrenes to learne Geometrie; and he went so far as Egypt to fetch Astrologie, as also to learne the Rites of the Prophets. He came again into Italie, and followed Eu­ritus, Plato's Aca­demie. Academia à Cad [...]o nomē accepit non ab Academo: Erat Aedificiū nobile, amplū, amaenum, mul­tis arboribus consitum, um­bram praeben­tibus, Hornius Hist. Philos. l. 7. c. 3. and Archytas the Pythagoreans. He had also bent his mind to­wards the Indians, and Magi, had not the Asiatick Wars hindered him. He also went some time into Sicilie, to understand the cause of Aetna's Fire, and to learne their Laws’

§. 6. Plato having collected what stock he could of Oriental Wisdom, and Jewish Traditions, he returnes home laden (as a Bee with thyme) to Greece, where he institutes his Schole in a Village near Athens, cal­led [...], Academie, which was, as Laertius tells us, a woody, and marshy place, and so very unhealthie; in former times possessed by one Ecademus an Heroe, who after his death became a Daemon, for Eupolis Comicus calls him a God. Plutarch in his Chesew, tells us, that this Ecademus was the first who made discoverie of Castor, and [Page 245] Pollux, of Helena stolen away by Theseus, Mortuo (Pla­to [...]) summus ac pene Divi­nus honor à Discipulis ha­bitus. Singulis annis ejus me­moriam tan­quam Herois celebrabant, teste Eusebio, l. 10. praep. c. 1.Horn. Hist. Philos. l. 3. c. 14. whence the Lacedemonians had him alwaies in great honour. From him this Place was called first [...], as Laertius, Hesychius, and Stephanus in [...]; whence afterward, by the change of a Letter, it was called [...], Aca­demie (though Hornius derives it from Cadmus.) Here Plato sounded his Schole, which after the new Academie was raised, received the stile of the old Academie, as hereafter. Laertius writes, that Plato was honorably Buried in this Academie, and that Mithridates King of Pontus, when Athens came under his Jurisdiction, dedicated Plato's Image to the Muses in this place. And Aelian, lib. 3. saies, That the ancient Philosophers so reverenced this place, as that they counted it not lawful to laugh here, because they would have it kept pure from all dis­solution of mind. There were at Athens besides the Academie, other Scholes, the Lyceum, Prytaneum, Canopum, Stoa, Tempe, Cynosar­ges, &c. as Lud. Vives, in August. Civit.. l. 8. c. 12. Athens was in­deed the Eye of Greece, thence called by Euripides, [...], the Greece of Greece; by Diadorus, [...]; by Thucidides, [...]; by Strabo, [...], &c.

§. 7. As for Plato's Character, we find him greatly,Plato's cha­racter. Philosophorū quis dubitet Platonem esse praecipu [...] sive acumine disse­rendi, sive Elo­quentiae facul­tate divina qu [...]dā & Ho­merica? Fabius, l. 10. c. [...]. and I think too greatly extolled by some: Lud. Vives in Aug. Civit. l. 8. c. 4. saies of Plato, ‘that many have written his Life, and famous Acts: many place him for his Wisdom and Morals, above all humane elevation; but truly I would count them so far short in their Estimation, and love of him, as that if I were not assured they were greatly addict­ed to him, I would suspect they envyed his praises. He is deceived in my [...]pinion, whosoever he be, that counts Plato not something more than a Man, or truely not of the best and rarest so [...]t of Men.’ Thus Lud. Vives. So again, in Aug. Civi [...]. l. 22. c. 28. ‘There are three things (saies he) which gained not only Greece, but the whole World to Plato; namely, his Integritie of Life, his Holie P [...]ecepts, and his Eloquence. Seneca, Epist. 44. gives Plato this concise Character, Platonem non accepit nobilem Philosophia, sed fecit. Philosophie found not Plato noble, but made him so. Eusebius lib. 10. praep. c. 3. saies, that Plato excelled all that went before him in Philosophie, also in Elo­quence, and in Prudence. The usual Title they gave him, was the Di­vine, which was the highest Honour. Others there are, who de­presse him as much. But it is most certain, Plato was a Person of vast [Page 246] Naturals: he had a Spirit sublime, penetrant, and comprehensive, e­ven to marvel: a Phancie most luxuriant, and pregnant; a Concepti­on readie, and vivid; a Discourse mature, yet weightie; a Reason harmonious, and masculine; a Pen polite, and flourishing. In brief, his Natural Capacitie seems cloathed with many eminent Qualities, seemingly opposite with great Lights and heats, force and stabilitie, moderation and promptitude, extention and profoundnes, &c. Yet was he not, as to Morals, without great Blemishes, which stained all the Glorie of his Intellectuals. Pride, which is the Philosophers Ori­ginal Sin, had a great predominancie on his Spirit: whence Antisthe­nes, seeing a Vessel wherein Plato's Vomit lay, said, I see Plato's bile here, but I see not his pride; meaning, that his pride stuck too close to him to be vomited up. So Diogenes the Cynick coming into Plato's Schole, tramples upon his Bed, saying, here I trample on Plato's vain­glory &c. He seemed also addicted to covetousnes, which he is accus­ed of for receiving 80 talents from King Dionysius (contrary to the practice of his Master Socrates) which occasioned that question [...] whether a wise man should study gain? &c.

Plato's Works.§. 8. Touching Plato's works they are common, and well known. There are ten Dialogues in which the whole of his Philosophie is thought to be comprehended. In which we must distinguish bewixt Plato's proper opinion, and the opinion of others. His own he layes down in the person of Socrates, Timaeus &c. other mens opinions he layes down in the person of Gorgias, Protagoras &c. Amongst these Dialogues some are Logical, as his Gorgias, and Eutydemus. Some are Ethical, as his Memnon, Eutyphro, Philebus, Crito: some are Poli­tical, as his Laws, and Common-wealth: some are Physical, as his Ti­maeus: some are Metaphysical, as his Parmenides, and Sophista, which yet are not without somewhat of Logick. His Epistles are by some thought spurious. The Platonick Definitions, adjoyned to his Works, are supposed to be compiled by his Successor Pseusippus: of which hereafter.

CHAP. IV. Of the Academicks, and New Platonicks of Alexandria.

The difference 'twixt the Old, and New Academicks, as to their [...]. Plato's [...] limited to matters only doubtful. Whether Plato Dogmatized? The New Academies, and their [...], and [...]. The difference betwixt the New Academicks, and the Scepticks, &c. The Original of the New Platonists, and their famous Schole at Alexandria. Of Potamon, Ammonius, Plu­tarch, and Philo the Jew. Of the great Ammonius, the head of the sacred Succession at Alexandria. How he borrowed the choicest of his Platonick Notions from the Scriptures, and the ad­vantages he had for such a design. Of Plotinus, Porphyrie, Iam­blichus, Syrianus, Proclus, Johannes Grammaticus. These New Platonists chose out the best of all Sects, & were thence called Ele­cticks. The general design of these New Platonists to reforme Phi­losophie. Ammonius the head of these Reforming Platonists. The defects of this Platonick Reformation, with its evil Effects. 1. In delivering Scriptural Mysteries, as the [...], &c. under a con­celed Forme of Platonick Traditions. 2. Too great Idolizing Platonick Philosophie more particularly. The sad Effects of this Platonick Reformation. 1. As to the strengthning of Paganism. 2. As to the corrupting of Christianitie.

§. 1. HAving given some relation of Plato's Travels,Of the old A­cademie, and its difference from the new in point of Suspension. and the vari­ous waies by which he informed himself touching the Jewish Wisdom, and Mysteries; we now proceed to his Schole, Disciples, and Suc­cessors, and the waies by which they gained further information in the Jewish Doctrine, and Institutes. The Schole where Plato Philosophized, was, (as we have observed) stiled [...], the Academie; whence his Sect was called Academicks: amongst whom there was a consider­able difference, which arose from the firmnes of their Assent, or Sus­pension, as to the truth of things. The Original of this difference was laid in Socrates's Schole, who out of his modestie, pretending to know nothing, would not in matters dubio [...] assert any thing perem­ptorily, [Page 248] but left his Scholars to dispute pro or contra, as they listed. This Problematick mode of Philosophizing, was followed by Plato in his Academie; yet with a considerable difference from the New Aca­demicks. For in Plato's Academie they affected not an universal [...], suspension, but limited the same to things disputable, and dubious. Plato (and the Old Academists) held [...]. That Being was always one and the same without generation, and that therefore it was truly [...], knowable. In which rank he placed all notions of God, of happiness, of the other Life, wherein there is a discrimination of good from evil Men. Of these matters Plato allowed not a libertie of Disputing pro and contra; but either laies them down peremptorily as certain, and indubitable Principles, or else from infallible Principles proves the same infallibly, whence he draws down true and eternal Conclusions. But as for things natural, and sen­sible, wherein there was little Certaintie, or Evidence, he taketh, and alloweth his Scholars a Latitude of asserting, and denying things; which laid the foundation of the Academick [...], or suspension. And that Plato made this difference betwixt assent to things certain, and things dubious, is evident from his distinction, [...], of Opinionative, and Demonstrative Character. He held, that all things were not to be believed, not all things to be dis­believed; but that things certain were certainly to be believed, and things dubious to be left [...], undetermined; wherein he allow­ed [...], a Problematick Libertie of disputing pro or contra. This gives us a good decision of that great question amongst the An­cients:Whether Plato D [...]gmatized? Whether Plato Dogmatized? By [...] they mean to im­pose a Dogme, as [...], to impose a Law: in which sense 'tis used, Col. 2.20. where it signifies not only a Dogme decreed, but the De­cree it self, and its imposition. Laertius lib. 3. gives us a good solu­tion hereof. [...], those things Plato comprehend­ed, he asserts; those things which are false, he refuted; and about those things which are uncertain, he suspended. We find much the same mention'd by Sextus Empericus the Sceptick, cap. 31. ‘Some saies he) hold Plato to be Dogmatick: others conceive him to be Aporematick, or suspensive: others think him in some things Dogma­tick, in some things Aporematick: For in his Gymnastick Discourses, where Socrates is brought in disputing with the Sophists, they af­firme, [Page 249] he has a Gymnastick, or Aporematick Character; but when he declareth his own opinion, he is Dogmatick, &c. We have this more particularly expressed by Diogenes Laertius lib. 3. where he distinguisheth betwixt what Plato asserted as true; and what he left un­certain by the persons whom he brings in disputing [...], &c. ‘Concern­ing the things, which he asserted, he produced his opinion by four persons, Socrates, Timaeus, his Aethenian Host, and his Eleatick Host. But in the refuting of falshood he introduceth Trasymachus, Callicles, Polus, Gorgias, and Protagaras: adde moreover Hippias, and Euthy­demus, &c. By all which we see, how far the Academick [...] sus­pension was allowed in the Old Aecademie instituted by Plato, who was succeeded therein by Speusippus his Sister Potona's son, who taught in the Academie 8 years, but for Hire, contrarie to the practice of Socrates, and Plato, for which he was upbraided. This Speusippus is supposed to be the compiler of the Platonick Definitions subjoyned to, and (as I gather by comparing them) abstracted from Plato's Works. After Speusippus succeeded Xenocrates the Chalcedonian, who was of a dull wit, wherefore Laertius tells, that Plato should say, Xenocrates wanted Spurs, but Aeristotle a bridle. Unto Xenocrates succeeded Polemo, who was followed by his Disciples Crates the Aethenian, and Crantor, who is said to be the first, that Commented on Plato: so Proclus in Timaeus l. 1. [...]. And thus far continued the Old Aecademists, who insisting on Plato's steps, neither asserted, not denyed all things; but what they comprehended, they affirmed, and what they found uncertain, they left so, without any peremptorie definition.

§. 2. After Crantor succeeded Arcesilaus, The New Aca­demicks, and their [...], or [...], with it's original. or (as the Latines) Ar­cesilas who founded the second Academie, wherein they maintained an universal [...] incomprehension, and suspension. The ground, which Arcesilas proceeds upon to defend his [...], or co­hibition of assent, was indeed originally laid in Socrates's Schole, and therefore he makes use of Socrates's Authoritie to defend himself, who affirmed he knew nothing, that so by this his modest concession, he might refute the immodest, and proud assumings of his Adversaries, who pretended to know all things. So Lud. Vives in August. de Civit. lib. 8. cap. 12. This (saies he) ‘is the old Academie which by Pole­mon the disciple of Xenocrates was delivered over to Arcesilas, who [Page 250] essayed to reduce the mode of disputing to the Socratick manner, to affirme nothing himself, but to confute what others maintained: which was called the New Academie; whence the name Academick was appropriated to Arcesilas, &c. It cannot be denyed, but that Socrates (and Plato after him) especially in his Gymnastick disputes u­sed, and allowed a [...] a probationarie mode of diputing, for, and against both parts; but yet his designe was not to introduce an universal suspension in things certain, but only to beat out Truth in things uncertain. For it is most certain that Socrates, and Plato both asserted, and determin'd many things, whence they are generally accounted Dogmatick, though in things doubtful they used to suspend, and allow a Libertie, as before. But now these New Academicks Arcesilas, and his adherents asserted, that all things were [...] incomprehensible, and therefore, that there was no room for a firme assent, but that we ought [...] to suspend in all things; wherein they differed greatly from the old Academicks instituted by Plato: though it must be still confessed, they received their original from them, as it is well observed by Serranus in his Preface to Plato. ‘There is no doubt, saies he, but that the [...], and dubitations of the New Academicks were [...], and corruptions of the old opi­nion, &c. This Old Opinion he elsewhere acquaints us withall, shewing how it was the mode in Plato's Academie, in matters sensible, such as were only probable, and doubtful, to give, and take a Libertie of disputing for either part, the Affirmative, or Negative, so that the Position was still left [...] undetermined, whence by these, and such like Quodlibetick Disputes, or Sceptick Questionings of every thing, men at last began to believe nothing: for nothing is more natural, saith Jansenius, than for men from Peripateticks (i. e. contentious di­sputers) to become Academicks. This is but that one Do­ctors Opinion. But that which superadded much strength to this Academick [...], or suspension, was the [...] Eristick Logick, founded in the Eleatick Schole, and assumed by the New Academicks, of which before. Unto Arcesilas succeeded Laeys his Disciple, who had for his successors, Telecles, Evander, and Hegesip­pus, the last of this second Academie. For Carneades the Cyrenean, who succeeded, is made the Institutor of a Third Academie, which differed from the Second Instituted by Arcesilas in two Points: 1. In that Carneades, acknowledged something true and something fals, only he affirmed there was not in us a [...], or skill to difference the truth from falshood. 2. Carneades though he asserted an [...] [Page 251] and [...], yet he denyed not, but somewhat was probable, or not. Others there be, who adde a Fourth, and Fift Academie. We have a good account of all in Sextus Empiricus Pyrrhon. Hypotyp. lib. 1. cap. 33. There were Academies, as they say, more than Three. ‘The first, and most Ancient of Plato: the second, and middle of Ar­cesilas: the third, and new of Carneades, and Clitomachus. There are who adde a fourth of Philo, and Charmidas, and a fifth of Antiochus, &c. As for Philo's Academie, it came near the old, in that it allowed a Wise man to Opine or Entertain some opinions, which Carneades de­nyed. And Antiochus Philo's hearer, who lived about Cicero's time, seemed wholly to restore the old Academie save only in this, that as to the [...], or facultie of Judging, he enclined to the Stoicks. But these four last Academies are usually comprized all under the stile of the New Academie (though some came nearer to, and some were more remote from the old) which some confound with the Scepticks: but Sextus Empiricus (cap. 13.) gives us this difference.The difference 'twixt the New Acade­micks, and Scepticks. ‘Those of the New Academies (saies he) though they affirme all things are In­comprehensible, yet they differ from the Scepticks, perhaps in saying, that all things are Incomprehensible; for they assert this: but the Sce­pticks admit it possible, that they may be Comprehended. We differ also from the New Academie as to what belongs to the end. They use in the course of life what is credible: we following Laws, Customes, and Natural affections, live without engaging our opinion, &c.

§. 3. After various transformations of the Academie, The original of the New Pla­tonicks, and their chief Seat, or Schole at Alexandria those who adher'd to Plato's Dogmes, rejected the name of Academicks, and espoused that of Platonicks, so that the stile of Academicks was confined to the Secta­tors of Arcesilas, who maintained [...], and [...], an Incompre­hension, and Suspension: thus Lud. Vives on August. Civ. l. 8. c. 12. Arcesilas who attained to bring in the Socratick mode of disputing, to affirme nothing, but to refute the affirmations of others,Arcesilas recte aliorum sustulit disciplinas, sed non recte fun­davit suam— Quid ergo promovit Ar­c [...]silas nisi quod confectis omnibus Phi­losophis seipsū quo (que) eodem mucrone confixit? Gladium igitur habebat, non scutum. Lact. de Ira Dei l. 3. c. 3.4. constituted the New Academie. Hence they, who illustrated things, and assert­ed certain Dogmes which they conceived to be the opinions of Plato, these were called Platonicks, not Academicks; for I conceive, the name Academick stuck too fast in the Schole of Arcesilas: thus Lud. Vives. The first revivings of the old Academie, or Platonick Philoso­phie seems to owe it's original to the famous Schole of Alexandria in Egypt, instituted by Ptolomaeus Philadelphus, who out of his great zeal for the advancing of Learning, caused the Egyptian Wisdom, which had [Page 252] been before confined to the Egyptian Priests, and Language, to be translated into the Greek tongue, to which he added the Greek ver­sion of the sacred Scriptures, commonly called the LXX, which rendred this Schole of Alexandria most renowned. He also called hither Learned Men from all parts, as well Jews, as Grecians, erected a fa­mous Librarie; searched farre and near for Learned Records to adorne the same withall, and instituted Colleges for the encouragement of the Learned Professors, & Students. This same design was carried on by his Son Euergetes, who gave great encouragement to the Jews, and others to resort hither, to this famous Schole of Alexandria which proved the most flourishing, that ever was before or since, especially for Plato­nick Philosophie, which revived, and flourished here for many gene­rations, as has been before observed, Book 1. chap. 3. §. 10, 11. of this second part.

Potamon. Ammonius. Plutarch. & Philo Judaeus.§. 4. The first famous Platonist (according to what observation we have made) that flourished in this Schole of Aelexandria was Pota­mon, who lived in the times of Caesar Aeugustus, and Tiberius; as Laertius in his Preface: So Suidas [...] 'Potamon the Alexandrine Philosopher, who was before, and after Aeugustus, &c. The same Suidas tells us that he left behind him [...], a Commen­tarie on Plato's books of Common-wealth; and we may presume he writ other pieces, though he has nothing extant at present. To Potamon, we may adde Ammonius (not the famous Master of Origen, and Ploti­nus but) the famous Master of Plutarch, who lived in the time of Nero, and Vespasian. Yea Plutarch himself, who had his education in this Schole of Alexandria, and flourished under Domitian, was not only famous for Philologie, and Historie, but also for Philosophie, and principally the Platonick, as appears by his Writings, &c. To whom we may subjoyn Philo the Jew, who was of this Schole of Alexandria and drencht in Platonick Philosophie, as it appeares by his works: So Lud. Vives in August. Civ. lib. 17. cap. 20. ‘This book (saies he speaking of that Apocryphous Book called the Wisdom of Solomon) is thought to have been composed by Philo the Alexandrine Jew, who lived in the times of the Apostles, and was a Friend to them, and was so much adorned with the Greek speech and Eloquence, as that the Greeks said of him [...], either Philo doth Platonize, or Plato doth Philonize.’

[Page 253]§. 5.Ammonius the Platonist. But Platonick Philosophie never flourished more than under Ammonius, that famous head [...] of the sacred succession of this Schole of Alexandria, continued by Origen, Herennius, and [...]lo­tinus, &c. This Ammonius is supposed to be different from Ammo­nius the Praeceptor of Plutarch, as well as from Ammonius the Monk, Disciple of Proclus, and Interpreter of Aristotle, as Vossius de philos. sect. cap. 21. §. 6. There was a great Controversie betwixt the Learned Christians, and the latter Platonists, whether this g [...]eat Am­monius dyed a Pagan, or Christian. Eusebius Eccles. Hist. l. 6. c. 19. and Jerom. assure us he was a Christian, though Porphyrie denies the same. Thus much is generally confessed, that he borrowed the choicest of his Contemplations from the sacred Scriptures, which he mixt with his Platonick Philosophizings. And indeed he had a mighty advantage to informe himself, not only in the sacred Scriptures,His borrowing the choicest of his Notions from Scripture. of the Old Testa­ment translated by the LXX, but also in the New Testament Records, and Doctrines propagated by the Disciples, and Apostles of Christ. For without doubt Philo, that learned Jew bred up in this Schole of Alexandria (& as Lud. Vives tells us, a friend to the Apostles) with the rest of the Jews there, could not but have a full relation of Christ, his Acts, and Doctrine. Besides there was in this Town of Alexan­dria a famous Christian Church, and Schole setled by Mark the E­vangelist, and continued by Panthenus, Clemens Alexandrinus, &c. whose Doctrine, Discipline, and sacred Mysteries, we cannot conceive such a person as Ammonius would let passe unexamined. Yea far­ther, so glorious, and ravishing were the first dawnings of Gospel light, which brought such glad tidings of Salvation to Mankind, as that not only the Jews, but also some sober minded, inquisitive Gentiles rejoy­ced in this Light for a season (according to that Observation John 5.35.) who yet never had a through work of Conversion on their hearts: amongst this number we may reckon Seneca (whom some think to have had conference by Paper with Paul) Epictetus, Plinie the younger (who Apologized unto Trajan in the behalf of the Christians) & this famous Ammonius of Alexandria with some others. Yea I see no reason to the contrarie, but that we may allow these, and some other unprejudiced Noble Gentiles, as well as the unbelieving Jews, to have had some common irradiations, and illuminations of the Spirit over and above that objective Light, and Revelation of the Gospel, which shone so brightly round about them. He that shall read the Works of Seneca, Epictetus, Hierocles, and these latter Platonists of Alexand [...]ia, who had [Page 254] the glorious beams of Gospel Light waiting on them, will find their Philosophizings about Divine Mysteries to be of a much higher Ele­vation, and Raisure, than any of their Predecessors; which we may impute not only to the objective Revelation of Gospel light external­ly communicated to them, but also to some internal subjective, though but common, and transient irradiation of the Spirit, which usually at­tends in some degree the external Revelation of the Gospel, especially at the first publication thereof in any place. That it was thus with many carnal Jews at the first publication of the Gospel by John, & Christ, is most evident: and why may we not affirme the same of many Gentiles, who being of more raised, and generous spirits, could not but make some inquisition into those stupendious Miracles, and Reports, touching Christ, and that Redemption brought to light by him; which Enqui­ries of theirs, being attended with some Common Light, and Heat of the Spirit, raised their Spirits, and Philosophick Contemplations to some higher Elevation, than what their Predecessors attain'd unto. And that which might animate the latter Platonists to such Enquiries, into those Divine, and Sacred Mysteries, was their correspondence, and agreement with the choicest of their Master Plato's Contemplations, who treated much (though without understanding rightly the matters he treated of) concerning [...], &c. The very Being, Self-Being, Word, Mind, Idea of the choicest Good, Soul of the World, Chaos, &c. And the latter Plato­nists Ammonius, &c. finding these their Masters Notions so fully, and clearly explicated in sacred Revelations, both of the Law, and Gospel; this made them more affectionately inquisitive thereinto, and after their curious inquisitions, finding a great Symbolization, and Harmonie betwixt many of their Platonick Principles, and the Divine Scriptures, they made what use they could of the Latter to Reforme, Refine, and Strengthen the Former. This designe was first set on foot by Ammonius the chief of that Sacred Succession, who if he were not a real Christian, yet he seems to have had, with Agrippa, some almost persuasions, and affectionate inclinations to the Christian Religion; the Principles whereof he does incorporate so far as he durst with his Phi­losophick Notions, with endeavours to infuse the same into his Scholars, Origen, Herennius Plotinus, with the rest. Some conceive that Am­monius imparted those more divine Mysteries, which he collected out of Sacred Revelations into his Platonick Philosophizings, with an ad­juration of Secrecie to his Scholars. How far this design of Ammoni­us [Page 255] to reforme Platonick Philosophie by mixing Divine Revelations therewith took place, and what emprovement Platonisme received hence, together with the poysonous influences it has had on the the Christian faith, we shall hereafter shew. What we have alreadie mentioned sufficeth to prove, that Platonick Philosophie received a mightie elevation, and advance in this Schole of Alexandria under Ammonius, by virtue of his affectionate searches into, and Collections from the Sacred Scriptures, attended with some common illuminations, though perhaps without any saving light of Life from the Spirit of God. Whence also his Scholars, Origen, Herennius, and Plotinus together with their Successors in this sacred Schole of Alexandria, Porphyrie, Iamblichus, &c. received their choicer, and more sub­lime contemplations, albeit they concele the same, pretending, these more refined Notions to have been derived to them from the Pythago­rean, and Platonick source; whereas they were indeed no other than derivations from the sacred fountain of Divine Revelation, communi­cated by the hands of Ammonius the chief of that Sacred Succession, as they call it.

§. 6. To Ammonius Succeeded Plotinus, Of Plotinus his Character. born at Lycop [...]lis a Citie of Egypt, and instituted in the Platonick Philosophie at Alex­andria under Ammonius. He left behind him, besides other things, 54 Books divided into Enneades, which though obscure, In Plotino privatum quic­quam non est quod admire­ris, qui se un­dique praebet admirandum, quem de D [...]vi­nis divine, de Humanis hu­mane longe super hominem docta sermonis obliquitate lo­quentem su­dantes Plato­nici vix intel­ligunt, Pic. Mirandul. in Apol. 90. thes. and cloudie according to the Platonick mode, yet are they esteemed the most exact­est model of Platonick Philosophie extant: so Aeugust. de Civit. l. 9. c. 10. ‘Truly Plotinus who lived near to the times of our memorie, is extolled for his understanding Plato more excellently than others, &c. So agen, Austin lib. 3. Acad. writes, that Plato seemed to be revived in Plotinus. Thus was he Plato's most refined, and lucid Mouth in Philosophie, and abstracting the Clouds of error, Macro­bius makes him the Prince of Platonick Philosophers, next Plato, as Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ. lib. 9. cap. 10.’ Plotinus had for his Disciples Amelius, and Porphyrie. He lived under the Emperours Galienus, and Probus. His Life is writ by his Disciple Porphyrie, and premised to his works. Porphyrie gives him this Character. ‘Who, saies he, expounded the principles of Pythagorick, and Platonick Philosophie, more clearly, as it seems, than all [...]hat went before him: neither do the Writings of Numenius, Cronius, Moderatus, and Thrasyllus come near unto the accurate diligence of Plotinus, &c.

[Page 256] Of Porphyrie.§. 7. Porphyrie Disciple first of Plotinus, and then of Amelius, was Born at Tyre, and according to the Language of the Tyrians was called Malchus after his Fathers name, which signifies a Prince, or King: so Suidas: [...]. Porphyrie was properly called Basileus. He was a Tyrian Philosopher, Disci­ple of Amelius the Scholar of Plotinus, but the Master of Iamblichus. He lived in the times of Aurelianus, and reached even to the times of Diocletian the Emperor.’ Suidas here rightly translates Porphyrie's Phenician name Malchus [...] a King, for so in the Hebrew, (from which the Phenecian Language differs only in some Dialect) [...] sig­nifies, as Vossius. Yea Porphyrie himself in the Life of Plotinus gives us the reason, why he was called a King. Amelius, saies he Dedica­ted his Book to me, and in the Inscription named me [...] King: for that was my Name: and in the Language of my countrie I was called Malchus, by which Name my Father was also called. And Malchus translated into Greek signifies a King: thus he.’ Eunapius in the Life of Porphyrie gives us an account, how his name came to be changed. [...], &c. ‘Accord­ing to the Syrian tongue, he was first called Malchus, which word signifies a King, but afterward Longinus named him [...], Por­phyrie. He was called Porphyrie, from Purple, which is the colour of Kings, as Vossius; or perhaps because Purple was the great Commodi­tie which Tyre afforded. Austin de Civit. Dei hints, That this Porphyrie was first a Christian, but afterwards apostatized, and a bitter Enemie of the Christians. He was a great admirer of Apollonius, Tyanaeus, that Pythagorean Sorcerer, and endeavours to make him equal in point of Miracles unto Christ; wherein he was refuted by Eusebius. Ludov. Vives in August. lib. 8. cap. 12. doth thus Characterize him. Porphyrie was a person of an unsound bodie, and minde, of a judgment uncon­stant, and of an hatred sharpe, and cruel, even unto madnes.’ He had notwithstanding the name of a great Philosopher, or Sophist, as well as Historian. He writ the Lives of the Philosophers, whereof there is extant only the Life of Pythagoras, which was at first published under the Name [...], which Book Cyril cites against Julian, and ascribes to Porphyrie. Concerning Porphyrie see more largely Lucas Ho [...]stenius, and Vossius de Histor. Gracis lib. 2. cap. 16. Edit. 2. pag. 244.

[Page 257]§. 8. After Porphyrie, succeeded Iamblichus his Disciple,Iamblichus. who was born at Chalcis in Syria, and flourished in the times of Constantine the Great, and his Sons; as also in Julian's time: ‘He was,Lud. Vives, on Aug. de Civi [...]. l. 8. c. 12. saith Lud. Vives ▪ of a better natural Disposition, and Manners, than his Ma­ster Porphyrie. Vossius calls him a Platonick Philosopher, though Lud. Vives saies (according to Jerom) he was not so much a Platonick, Voss. de script. Graec. lib. 2. c. 10. p. 208. as a Pythagorean: Yet he confesseth, that as ‘to Divine matters, all the Platonists did Pythagorize. There are extant two of his Protre­ptick Orations for Philosophie; also his Historie of Pythagoras's Life, wherein he follows his Master Porphyrie, [...]; out of whose Book he transcribes many things with very little, if any alteration of the words. There are three Epistles of Julian the Apostate to Iamblichus yet extant, which argues a Friendship betwixt them, and 'tis likely the same continued even whilst Julian made some profession of the Christian Religion. Suidas tells us out of Damascius, that Isidorus esteemed Iamblichus the most excellent of Writers after Plato. We have Iamblichus's Life described by Eunapius, also by Vossius, Hist. Graec. l. 2. c. 10. p. 208. August. de Civit. l. 8. c. 12. saies, that ‘a­mongst the Platonists the Grecians, Plotinus, Iamblichus, and Porphyrie, were greatly noble, &c.

§. 9. Syrianus Alexandrinus, Syrianus. Fellow-Citizen, and Sectator of Iam­blichus, follows next in this Sacred succession of Platonick Philoso­phers. He lived about the Year, 470. and writ four Books on Plato's Common-wealth; also on all Homer, with other things, as Suidas relates. Isidorus the Philosopher had a great esteem for him, who after Plato, next to Iamblichus, placeth Syrianus his Sectator as the most ex­cellent of Writers. So Suidas out of Damascius.

§. 10. Proclus Lysius, Disciple of Syrianus, succeeded him in this famous Platonick Schole. This Proclus flourished about the Year 500.Proclus his succession. as 'tis evident, though some, upon a great mistake, make him to have lived almost 300 Years before. Suidas calls him, [...], the Platonick Philosopher. He was usually called [...] Dia­dochus, [...], by reason of his succession in the Platonick Schole. He writ many things; as ten Books of the Agreement betwixt Or­pheus, Pythagoras, and Plato in Oracles; also six Books of Platonick Philosophie, which are yet extant: likewise a Commentarie on Plato's Timaeus, and on his Books of Common-wealth, yet extant also; with other Pieces lost, of which Suidas makes mention. Proclus's Life was writ [Page 258] by his Scholar, and successor Marinus, who tells us, that he had some taste of Aristotle's Philosophie from Olympiodorus, which he cursorily ran thorough in two Years space. The same Marinus tells us also, ‘that he was accurately skilled in Grammar, Historie, and Poesie, in the Mathematicks perfect, and well versed in Platonick Philosophie.’ His Mode in Philosophizing is cloudie, and obscure; as that of Plo­tinus, and the rest of the New Platonists: He endeavours, according to the Symbolick mystical manner of Platonists, to reduce all things to their [...], Trinities. He took (as Vossius thinks) the occasion of heaping up so many Trinities, from Plato's lib. 2. de Repub. where he treats of those three Types of God, Bonitie, Immutabilitie, (or Unitie) and Veritie. Whence Aristotle also received his three affections of Eus, Bonitie, Unitie, and Veritie. This Proclus was a bitter enemie to the Christians, and the first after Porphyrie, that turned his Pen dipt in Gall against the Christians. He is answered by that great Christian Philosopher,See Suidas. Johannes Grammaticus, as hereafter. Proclus in his Pla­tonick Theologie, lib. 1. cap. 1. gives us some account of this Sacred Succession in this Platonizing Theologick Schole; how that after many Ages, Plotinus the Egyptian succeeded therein, who was followed by A­melius, and Porphyrie his Disciples; as also these by Iamblichus, and Theodorus their Successors, &c.

Johan. Gram­maticus.§. 11. We may not omit here the mention of Johannes Gramma­ticus, alias Philoponus, that famous Christian Philosopher, who, though the most of his Works extant are Commentaries on Aristotle's Text, yet it's evident, that his Spirit was deep drencht in Platonick Philo­sophie, especially as it was refined by Ammonius that famous Head of the sacred succession at Alexandria: For so the Title of his Commen­taries runs, Extracts out of Ammonius, &c. Indeed most of those Greek Philosophers, who take Aristotle's Text for their subject; namely, Porphyrie, Proclus, with his Scholar Ammonius, and Simplicius, were in their Spirits Platonists. For Aristotle came not in to be Master in the Schole, till Abenroes, and the rest of the Arabians advanced him in Plato's Chair. Such was this Johannes Grammaticus, who for his unwearied Studies, was called [...], Philoponus. He follows ex­actly the Design of Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Eusebius, and more particularly of the great Ammonius (whom he owns as the source of his Philosophie) in endeavouring to prove, that Plato borrowed his choicest Notions touching the Origine of the World, &c. out of [Page 259] Moses, and the Prophets: he gives sundry Instances herein, as that of Plato's calling the World a visible Image of the invisible God, ‘which, saies he, was but a mistaken Tradition of Gen. 1.27.’ Also he makes Plato's Discourse of God's beholding the Works of his hands as very perfect, and rejoycing therein, &c. to be taken from Gen. 1.31. This Johannes Grammaticus, in his excellent Treatise of the Soul (proaem. ad Arist. de anima) endeavours to prove, that Aristotle asserted God to be the first Mover, and Cause of all things, &c. Also he proves out of Aristotle's Canons touching the Soul, its immaterialitie, spiritu­alitie in operation, and immortalitie, &c. Proaem. fol. 6. &c. In his choice Piece of the Creation, he proves the World's Origine by God out of Plato, &c. And whereas Proclus endeavours to reconcile Plato with Aristotle, shewing how Plato, when he treats of the World's Origine, meant it not as to time, but Causalitie, &c. This Learned Philoponus writes two Books against Proclus, confuting these his false Impositions on Plato, &c.

§. 12. To the fore-mentioned Greek Platonists, we may adde Ma­ximus Tyrius, Maximus Ty­rius. who flourished in the time of Commodus the Empe­rour, as Suidas, and was well versed in Platonick Philosophie, as it appears by his Writings, wherein we have many of Plato's choicest Notions delivered to us more clearly, and nakedly, than in other Pla­tonists of greater vogue.

§. 13. Neither must we let passe Alcinous, Alcinous. another Greek Platonist, who hath left us a short Abstract of Platonick Philosophie, on which Jacobus Carpentarius, that Claromontane Professor (an inveterate Ene­mie of Ramus, and, as it's said, the Original of his being Massacred) hath given us a good Commentarie. In what Age this Alcinous lived, it's not certain. Eusebius de Praeparat. Evang. lib. 11. cites a good part of this Alcinous's Epitome, under the name of Didymus: whence it is conjectured, that Didymus Alexandrinus was the Author of this Book; or that he transcribed that place quoted by Eusebius out of Al­cinous: so Vossius de Philos. sect. cap. 16. §. 5.

§. 14. Amongst the Latin Platonists, we may reckon Apuleius, Apuleius. whose Book de Dogmate Platonis, is yet extant, August. de Civit. Dei, l. 8. c. 12. tells us, that Apuleius the African Platonist, grew very fa­mous in both Tongues, &c. Augustin often quotes him, and makes much use of his Notions, and Testimonie to confirm the Christian Religion. To him we may adde Chalcidius, Chalcidias. another Latin Platonist, [Page 260] whose Commentarie on Plato's Timaeus is yet extant. Neither should we forget Marsilius Ficinus, Mars. Ficinus. who though but a Moderne Author, and Roman Catholick, yet deserves praise for his elaborate Studies, and endeavours to explicate Platonick Philosophie, especially for his Treatise de Immortalitate Animae, of the Soul's Immortalitie, which he proves by strong convictive Arguments, wherein he takes occasion to illustrate the chief Points of Plato's Philosophie.

These New Platonists cal­led Electicks, because they chose out the best of all Sects.§. 15. Thus we see how the Old Academie or Platonick Philoso­phie was revived by the New Platonists, especially those of the Sa­cred Succession in the Schole of Alexandria, where the Platonick Phi­losophie was mostly in vogue, though not exclusively, as to the other Sects. For we must know these New Platonists did not, at least the most of them, wholly devote themselves to Plato, so as to exclude all other Sects; but made it their busines to choose what they found ex­cellent in any other Sect: whence they were called, [...], an Elective Sect; also [...], Electicks, because, saies Suidas, [...], They chose out their Placites from every Sect. Thence Festus Pompeius calls them Miscelliones. Po­tamon Alexandrinus is said to be the first of this Sect. So Diogenes La­ertius in his Preface, There is, saies he, of late an Elective Sect, intro­duced by Potamon Alexandrinus, who chose what he pleas'd out of every Sect. Sotion, Seneca's Preceptor, was of this Sect, who, though he past under the name of a Stoick, yet was he a great Admirer of Pythago­ras, &c. as Seneca, Epist. 58. I am not ashamed to confesse, what a love of Pythagoras Sotion infused into me, saies seneca, who was also of this Sect. The like may be said of Hierocles, who though mostly Stoick, yet was he a great esteemer of Pythagorean Philosophie, as appears by his Commentarie on Lysis's Golden Verses, which passe un­der the name of Pythagoras. Ammonius, Plutarch's Master, is said to be of this Elective Sect. That Plotinus affected an universal mixture of all Philosophie, is evident, partly by what was before mentioned, §. 6. how he mixed Platonick, and Pythagorick Philosophie, &c. as also by what is mentioned of him by Porphyrie in his Life, That he mixed in his Writings the secret Dogmes of the Stoicks, and Peripateticks. So Iamblichus mixeth Pythagorean, and Platonick Philosophie. Por­phyrie, Proclus, Johannes Grammaticus, and Symplicius, mix Platonick, and Aristotelian Philosophie. And it is an Assertion generally owned by the Learned, that all those New Platonists of this Alexandrine [Page 261] Schole, did, as to Theologie, Pythagorize; wherein they did no more than their Master Plato: for Proclus spends ten Books in drawing a parallel betwixt Plato, Pythagoras, and Orpheus, as to Divine Ora­cles, &c. This Elective Sect of Philosophers, is mostly approved by Clemens Alexandrinus, lib. 1. [...]. I call Philosophie not the Stoick, neither the Platonick, or the Epicurean, and Aristotelick, but whatever is said to be taken from each of these Sects rightly, teaching righteousnes with pious Science, this altogether select­ed, I call Philosophie. Origen also seems to have been of this same perswasion: And that, which made these generous Spirits to keep themselves disengaged from any particular Sect, was their [...], love to Truth, commended so much by Plato. So Ammonius on Arist. Categor. pag. 4. [...]. It was Plato's Speech: Socrates truly is dear, but truth is dearer to us: And elsewhere, we must regard Socrates in some things, but Truth much more. Thence Porphyrie in the Life of Pythagoras, tells us, [...], that Truth only can make men near to God. So Iamblichus, ex­pressing the mind of the Pythagoreans, saies, that next to God, Tru [...]h is to be worshipped, which alone makes men next to God. Yet in as much as they thought Truth was no where so fully, so lively represented to them, as in Plato's Works, they judged it their interest, and honour to be [...], Philoplatonists; wherefore they usually passe under the name of the New Platonists, though indeed their Principles were not so clung, but that they could embrace Truth, where ever they found it amongst any of the other Sects; especially the Pythagoreans, with whom they ever held an intimate Fraternitie, or Consociation. See more of this Elective Sect in Vossius de Philos. sect. cap. 21.

§. 16.The general design of these New Plato­nists to re­forme Philo­sophie. What has been mentioned gives us some discoverie of the general Designe of these New Platonists; which was not to espouse any particular Sect so far as to exclude all the rest, but to make an uni­versal Inquisition into all Opinions, which carried a shew of Wisdom. This Noble Design, had it been as nobly managed as they pretended, without prejudice, and private affection, it had led them into higher [Page 262] discoveries of Truth, than ever they attained unto. For they had the greatest Advantages that might be (as before §. 5.) to informe themselves fully touching the great Doctrines, and Mysteries of Sacred Philosophie, or Wisdom, that shone so brightly in the Christian Churches: but this was too glorious, and dazling an object, for their carnal and weak mindes to gaze long upon: only some of the more Noble, and Ingenuous of that Sacred Succession at Alexandria, seem­ed pretty willing to be dis-abused from some of those grosser Conce­ptions they had sucked in together with their Platonick Infusions: in order whereto, after enquirie made in the Sanctuarie of Sacred Scri­ptures, they find a necessitie of Reformation. The head of these Re­forming Platonists was that great Ammonius, Master of Plotinus, and Origen, who if he were not really, and altogether a Christian, yet cer­tainly he had a great kindness for those of the Profession, and a parti­cular affection for their Sacred Oracles; which put him not only upon the studie of the same, but also on this great designe of Collecting what he could out of these Holy Scriptures, and incorporating, or con­tempering the same Collections with the Systeme, or Bodie of his Platonick Philosophizings. And certainly these endeavours of his could not but give a great sublimation, refinement, and advance to Pla­tonick Philosophie, though all proved but a bitter, yea poisonous root of those dangerous Errors, and Apostacies, which have ever since befell the Churches of Christ; besides the advantages, which those of that Alexandrine Succession, who continued Pagans, got hence to refine, and strengthen Paganisme. The evidence both of the one, and the other, will follow upon some particular reflections on this Platonick Reformation.

The defects of this Platonick Reformation begun by Am­monius.§. 17. First, Ammonius the great Promoter of this Platonick Re­formation, if he were really a Christian (as Eusebius, and Jerome af­firme him to be) was in this greatly blameable.

1. That he durst not make open Profession of the Christian Religion, which he believed to be the true. But more particularly,

2. For bringing the Sacred Scriptures into one, and the same con­temperament, or composition with Platonick Philosophie, whereby the for­mer was greatly adulterated, though the latter received a great em­provement. This Tertullian takes special notice of, with complaints, that such stript Christianitie of her mantle, to cloath Philosophie therewith­all; or plundered Divine Truth, to maintain, and enrich Philosophie; with such like Expressions.

[Page 263]3. But Ammonius was yet farther blameable, in that he following Plato's steps, conceled, at least from his Pagan Disciples, and Succes­sors, the Sacred Fountain, and Original from whence he derived his more sublime, and choicer Notions, which he delivered over unto them as Platonick Derivations; whereas they indeed owed their Ori­ginal to the Divine Scriptures. 'Tis possible, his designe in thus con­celing the Sacred source of his Philosophizings, if it proceeded not from carnal fear, might be pretty tolerable, though the effects of it were very sad. For hereby, First, Many of those more sublime, and mysterious Revelations, which he got from the Sacred Scriptures, 1. In Concele­ing the Origi­nal of these Scriptural Notions. and foisted into his Philosophie, passed for Platonick Contemplations. In this series, I presume, we may rank the Platonick [...], Trinitie, on which Plotinus his Scholar, and Proclus after him, spend such Mysti­cal, and sublime Discourses. It's confest, that Plato gave some foun­dation for such an imaginarie Trinitie: for he makes mention of, [...]: The Father, the Word, or Mind, and the Universal Spirit, or Soul. Also in his Rep. l. 2. he speaks of Bonitie, Immutabilitie, and Virtue, as before; which Mystical Contemplations I have elsewhere proved were traduced to him originally from the Jewish Church. But yet I cannot remember, that I ever met with, in any part of Plato's Works, any particular express mention of a [...], Trinitie, in such a sense as Plotinus, and the rest of the New Platonists Philosophize thereon; and therefore we have ground sufficient to conclude, that this Platonick Trinitie was traduced to these latter Pla­tonists, not from Plato, but from Ammonius their more immediate Master, who had it from the Sacred Scriptures; though conceling the same, and finding some imaginarie Conceptions thereof in Plato, he delivers it over to his Disciples as a Platonick Tradition. The like may be said of many other of those more refined, and raised Noti­ons, which we find amongst the New Platonists, which were commu­nicated to them by Ammonius under the forme of Platonick Deriva­tions, though they were Originally Christian Traditions. 2.2. The too great extolling of Platonick Philosophie. Whence followed another general Evil of this Concelement, which Ammo­nius made touching the Sacred Fountain of his choicest Notions; namely, hereby Platonick Philosophie, being cloathed in the beauti­ful dresse of Divine Revelations, and Mysteries, grows more de­sirable in the eyes, not only of Pagans, but also of some carnal Chri­stians, than her Mistress the Divine Scriptures, cloathed only in her [Page 264] own naked garb of Gospel simplicitie. And in truth, this Idolizing humour of crying up Platonick Philosophie, and making it equal to, if not above the Scripture, did not only diffuse it self amongst the Pagan Platonists, but had too great influence on many of those whom we count Christian Fathers, especially Origen; and does continue to this very day among many Platonists, who finding many excellent No­tions amongst those Alexandrine Platonists, Plotinus, &c. and some af­finitie betwixt their Philosophick Contemplations, and Scripture Reve­lations, are very apt, at least in their inward esteem, to equalize, if not prefer their Platonick Philosophie to the Sacred Scriptures, as it has been excellently well observed by Learned Stilling fleet, Origin Sacr. Book 3. Chap. 3. §. 13.

Particular E­vils, that fol­lowed upon that Platonick Reformation. 1. As to Pa­gans.§. 18. We have shewen what are the general Evils, that attended this Platonick Reformation, begun by Ammonius in the Schole of A­lexandria: we shall proceed to Particulars, with endeavours to de­monstrate what sad Effects this mixture of Divine Revelation, with Platonick Philosophie, had both on Pagans, and Christians. First, as for Pagans, Plotinus, Amelius, Porphyrie, Iamblichus, Hierocles, Syri­anus, Proclus, Marinus, Damascius, and the rest of that Sacred Succession in the Schole of Alexandria, all the use they make of this Platonick Reformation begun by Ammonius, is, First to enhance, and greaten the value of Platonick Philosophie. 2. To cast the greater slur, and contempt on the Christian Religion, and Scriptures, as want­ing those Flourishes which their Philosophie was adorned withall. 3. Following Ammonius's steps, they pick out of the Christian Faith what ever might suit with their Platonick Contemplations, or any way serve their turnes: and to concele their stealth, they artificially dis­guise their stol'n Notions, by wrapping them up in a cloudie Sym­bolick Forme, after the Platonick mode; as also by professing invete­rate prejudices against, and opposition to the Christian Religion. 4. But the worst use they made of this their Platonick Reformation, was there­by to refine, and reforme their [...]. Natural Theologie, commended to them by Pythagoras, and Plato; especially their [...], or Daemon Worship. For these New Platonists of the Ale­xandrine Schole, observing upon daylie contests with the Christians, many things in their Natural Theologie grosly absurd, and contradi­ctorie to the remainders of Natures Light, they endeavour to remove these prejudices by some gradual refinement, or partial reformation of [Page 265] their Daemon-Worship, which carried in it the Spirit of their Natural Theologie. Hence they contract the infinitie of their fictitious Gods unto a small number; asserting but one supreme God, whom they make to be the Sun; which seemed to them the most glorious Being, and that which influenced all lower affairs, as it appears by Julian's Oration to the Sun. As for all other Gods, they esteemed them no o­ther, than the Papists do their Saints, Daemons, or Mediators betwixt them, and the Supreme God, &c. Thus they pare off many luxuriant branches, which their Natural worship had in the course of time pro­duced, and reduce it to a more natural, and as they conceive, rational account, and all this by virtue of that Platonick Reformation begun by Ammonius, &c.

§. 19. Neither did the noxious influences of this Platonick Re­formation seize on Paganisme only, but also on the whole bodie, The sad effect. of this Plato­nich Reforma­tion in the Christian Churches. yea (may we not say) on the vitals of Christianitie. For Origen, Scholar to this famous Ammonius, though a professed Christian, yet he followes his Master's steps, in mixing Platonick Philosophie, and the Doctrines of the Gospel together, hoping thereby to gain credit to the Christi­an Religion, though indeed it proved only the sophistication thereof, and an effectual door to let in all the great errours, and Antichristian Abominations, which have layen in the bosome of the Church ever since. For so long as the Christian Religion kept her self in her own native beautie, and virgine Simplicitie, she was not troubled, with these great errours, which befell her upon this cursed mixture of Pla­tonick Philosophie with Christianitie. Had these Christian Platonists Origen, and his followers, made it their designe to reduce their Plato­nick Notions unto, and reforme them by Scriptures, they might have proved useful; but on the contrarie they rather affected to reduce the Scriptures, and make them stoop to Plato's Dogmes, and Schole, which proved a mighty honour, and emprovement to Platonisme, but a reproach, and corruption to Christianisme, of which see Stillingfleet's Orig. Sac. book 3. c. 3. sect. 13. The full demonstration hereof is a main subject of the following book, where we endeavour to prove, First that the great corruptions amongst the Fathers, had their original from this Platonick Schole at Alexandria, as Book 5. chap. 5. sect. 8. 2. That Samosetanus received his poison from Plotinus's Philosophizings in this Schole about the [...], as Arrius his. Book 5. chap. 5. sect. 9. 3. That all Pelagianisme had it's rise from this Schole. Book. 5. c. 5. §. 10. [Page 266] 4. That all Antichristianisme received it's rise from this Schole, as c. 6. 1. Monastick Life, and Institutes, as chap. 6. §. 1.15. 2. All their Mystical Theologie Ib. 3. All Antichrists [...], Daemon, or Saint-worship. chap. 6. §. 4, &c. 4. All Popish Abstinences, Satis­factions, Merits, &c. chap. 6. §. 16. 5. Purgatorie. chap. 6. §. 17. 6. All Papal Hierarchie had it's foundation here. chap. 6. §. 18. By all which we see, what cursed fruits followed this un-Christian design, of drawing the Christian Religion into one Systeme with Platonick Philosophie.

CHAP. V. Plato's Pythagorick, and Socratick mode of Philo­sophizing, with the Original of both from the Jewish Church.

Plato's Pythagorick, and Symbolick mode of Philosophizing: The advantages of Symbols, as well for the illustration of truth, as for the delighting of phansie, and fixing the memorie. The regular use of Symbols, not so much for pleasure, as truth. Plato's Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Jews. How far Plato affected the Socra­tick mode of Philosophizing, with his differen [...]e there-from. 1. Plato was more Dogmatick than Socrates. 2. Plato's mode of Dialogi­zing was more Symbolick, and Metaphorick than that of Socrates. Plato's mode of Philosophizing by Dialogues of Jewish original. Luke 5.21.22. [...] Luke 6.8. [...]. Luke 11.35. [...], to dispute by Questions. Luke 22.68 [...] if I propose any Arguments, &c.

§. 1. HAving given some Historical account of the Platonists, both Old, and New, with the particular advantages they had to acquaint themselves with Jewish, and Christian Mysteries, we now proceed to the Essential parts of Platonick Philosophie, and their tradu­ction from the sacred Scriptures. Plato's Symbo­lick mode of Philosophi­zing. First, as for the Forme, or Mode of Plato's Philosophizings, it is partly Pythagorick, or Symbolick; partly Socratick, with somewhat peculiar, and proper to himself: Of each [Page 267] distinctly. 1. That Plato abounded much in the Pythagorick, or Symbolick mode of Philosophizing, is evident to any, that is verst in his Philosophie. So Vossius de philos. sect. cap. 12. §. 16.. Plato ac­cording to the Pythagorean mode, very oft abounds in Symbolick Philoso­phie. The like Cael. Rodig. lib. 9. cap. 12. He is no Platonist, who thinks that Plato must not be understood Allegorically, unless he will with Aristotle triumph over Plato's words, and not regard his profound sense. So Serranus on Plato's [...] symposium, or Dialogue of Love. ‘It was (saies he) the mode of the Ancient Philosophers to represent Truth by certain [...] Symbols, and hidden Images. That Plato followed these, is put beyond doubt by this his Symposiack Disputa­tion, in which he makes express mention of Hesiod, and Homer, with whom we find the first true rudiments of Ancient Philosophie. And truly this mode of Philosophizing was accurately polished by the Pythagoreans, the whole of whose Philosophie was wrapped up in the covert of Symbols, or Allegories. The like he mentions in his Preface to Plato, where he also gives us the advantages of this Symbo­lick mode of Philosophizing. ‘It was (saies he) the Ancient man­ner of Philosophers, to set forth Truth by Symbolick Images. That Plato followed this custome is no way to be doubted, whilst he discourseth of Learning received from them. Neither are there want­ing reasons which encline unto such a method of teaching: For [...], such a Symbolick Image of things, is exceeding efficatious to strike mens minds, who are greatly moved with such Images. For seeing the truth of things lies wrapt up in much obscuritie, we more compendiously, and safely arrive unto it by such Corporeal gradati­ons; she lying couched under these shadows, does more powerfully insinuate into mens minds. Neither is there wanting pleasure (the guide, and promotor of Disquisition) in such Symbolick studies, and indagations. These Corporeal Images, and designations of things by their Notes, doe very much conduce in like manner to Memorie, which being excited by the Novitie, Beautie, and matter of admira­tion which it finds in these Symbols, receives a more deep, firme, and constant impression of these things wrapped up therein.’ The like he mentions again in Plato's Symposium, fol. 167. shewing how this [...], or Image-coyning Philosophie, leads men gradually, and sweetly, yet most powerfully towards the contemplation of the [...] First Being, &c. And indeed Plato himself gives us the [Page 268] best account of the many excellent advantages,How Symbo­lick Philoso­phie ought to be regulated. which accrew by this Symbolick imitation, if duely regulated, and managed: so Plato Phaedr. fol. 229. tells us, ‘that under the covert of his Fables, Ttuth lay wrap'd up, and therefore we must not acquiesce in the Symbol, or Fable, but make enquirie after that truth, which lay hid under it. So in his Repub. 6. fol. 510. Plato, admonisheth us so to read his [...], or Allegorick Images, as not to terminate in the Images them­selves, but to penetrate unto the things couched under, and repre­sented by these Symbolick Images. But more fully in his Repub. 10. fol. 598, &c. he acquaints us that this his [...]ymbolick imitation did only represent the Image, or Shadow of the thing which is far remote from the truth, as a Limner gives the Picture of a man; and therefore he, that would get the true knowledge of the thing, must not acquiesce in the Symbolick Image, but search after the thing it self.’ The same he inculcates often; as in his de Legib. 2. fol. 669. where he laies down, and insists much upon, this general Principle, that in ‘such Symbolick Imitations, Truth, not pleasure, or delight must be the measure of our disquisitions, &c. [...], All Imitation must be judged not by pleasure, or o­pinion, but by Truth. So in his de Legib. 5. as elsewhere, &c.

Plato's Symbo­lick mode of Philosophizing from the Jews.§. 2. That Plato, as Pythagoras before him, traduced this Symbo­lick mode of Philosophizing from the Jewish Church originally, is a ge­neral presumpion of the Learned. So Serranus, in his Preface to Pla­to's Images, addes: ‘All which Plato uttered not from himself, or his own humane reason, but from the more happie doctrine of Moses, and of the Prophets, &c. And more particularly he concludes thus; That Plato drew these Symbols from the doctrine of the Jews, i. e. from Moses, and the Prophets, all Antiquitie of Christian Doctors hath judged. But that he absteined industriously from nameing the Jews, because their name was odious among other Nations. Although he sometimes makes mention [...], and [...] of a Syrian, and Phenician fable, or [...] of an ineffectual Mysterie, to shew, that he designed not the Egyptians only, but also their neighbours the Jews. Truely Plato might, when he was in Egypt, have conversation with the Jews, of whom there were great numbers in Egypt after their dissipa­tion, and transmigration-. Lastly, whereas in those [...] ineffable Mysteries he recites, there lies some footsteps of truth mixt with many trifles, who would not judge, he derived them immediately from the [Page 269] Egyptians rather than from the Jewish Monuments? But that the Egyptians retained many things received by tradition from the Pa­triarchs, Moses's most ancient Historie demonstrates. Neither is it to be doubted, but that they drew many things also from the clear foun­tains of the Sacred Bible, which yet they Contaminated with their own muddie mixtures. Hence Plato acquired the name of the Al­legorick Philosopher, because he used that peculiar way of teaching by [...] Symbols, or [...] Idols, and from their more abstruse doctrine asserts many Paradoxes.’ Thus Serranus: wherein he fully grants, that Plato's Symbolick mode of Philosophizing came original­ly from the Jews, though immediately from the Egyptians. And the rea­son he gives, why Plato could not derive them immediately from the Jews, is because the Scriptures were not translated into Greek 'till after Alexander's time. But this being granted (which Lud. Vives de­nies) why might not Plato by reason of his skill in the Egyptian, and Phenician tongues understand the Scriptures, as well as the Egyptians? or else might he not understand them by an Interpreter, as Austin seems to grant, as before chap. 3. §. 4. That Plato, as Pythagoras, re­ceived this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing from the Oriental parts, is well observed by Cudworth, Union of Christ pag. 28. ‘The Oriental Nations were wont to couch their greatest Mysteries, and pieces of Wisdom, which they conveighed by tradition one to the other, in the covert of some Fables, & thence Pythagoras, & Plato afterward brought that manner of Philosophizing into Europe, &c.’ And the same Cud­worth elsewhere gives some particular Fables, which Plato traduced from the Jews, as that of his Androgynon, or Conjunction of man and woman, as one flesh, which he makes to be but an imitation of Eve's being taken out of Adam's side, and joyned to him in Marri­age, &c. Yea Serranus is enclined to think that Plato's whole [...], or Love Dialogue, was but an imitation of Solomons's Song. So Serranus on Plato's Symposium fol. 176. ‘Hence (saies he) as the holie Writer had his Epithalamium, namely his Canticles, so Plato his [...], or Love Dialogue, not that I would seem willing to compare Plato's [...], Love Songs with Sacred [...], or Love Songs, but I am only willing to shew, that this manner of Teaching things otherwise true, and certain by Symbols, and Mysteries, was not unusual, &c. See more of this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing, and it's traduction from the Jewish Church, Book 2. chap. 9. §. 2. [Page 270] touching Pythagoras's Symbolick Philosophie, &c. Only there lay this difference betwixt Pythagoras and Plato, as to their use of Symbols. Pythagoras's Symbols were for the most part Enigmatical, answerable to the Egyptian Hierogliphicks, and the Jewish Enigmes, or Riddles: But Plato's Symbols are not so Enigmatick, and obscure as those of Py­thagoras; but only Metaphorick, and Allegorick, answerable to the Jewish Types, and Parables. See more of this difference Book 2. chap. 2. §. 6, 7.

Plato affects the Socratick mode of Phi­losophizing yet with some superaddition of his own.§. 3. Plato abounds also much, yea mostly in the Socratick mode of Philosophizing. So August. de Civit. l. 8. c. 4. ‘And because Pla­to loved his Master Socrates with such a singular affection, he brings him in speaking almost in all his Discourses: yea those very things, which he had learnt from others, or had acquired by his own intelli­gence, he tempers with, or wraps up under his Master Socrates's Iro­nick mode, &c. Thus Austin; and more particularly, some few lines after he addes; And seeing he affects an observation of his Master Socrates's known mode of dissembling his own knowledge, and opinion, because this manner pleased him so much, hence it comes to passe, that it is very difficult to perceive Plato's opinion even concerning the most Weightie matters.’ Touching Socrates's Dissimulation in conceleing his own sentiments, without positive affir­mation, or Negation, under pretence of knowing nothing, thereby to draw forth (in an inductive way) and to confute the opinions of his oponents, see what precedeth touching the Socratick Philosophie, chap. 1. §. 6.

Wherein Plato differed from Socrates, as to his mode of Philosophiz­ing.This Mode of Discourse Plato very much affected, as it appears in his Dialogues, where he brings in Socrates discoursing after his o [...]n forme, yet not without a considerable difference from, or superaddition to his Masters Method: For first Socrates in his own Schole very seldome, or never asserts any thing Dogmatically; but under a modest pretension of ig­norance he conceles his own judgment, with endeavours to evince, and confirme the Hypotheses he designes to prove from the concessions of his Opponents, 1 Socrates was more Aporema­tick, but Plato more Dogma­tick. which he draws forth by a powerful Induction. Hence Arcesilas the founder of the New Academie defends his [...], and [...] by the Authoritie of Socrates, as before chap. 4. §. 2. But now Plato, though he allowed in many natural, and abstruse Questions, an [...], or suspension, and thence [...] a probationarie mode of disputing pro, & con. yet he greatly asserted some things, and [Page 271] strongly proved others, as necessarily true; whence the New Acade­micks, and the Scepticks ever reputed Plato, and his Successors of the old Academie, as Dogmatists, as before chap. 4. §. 1, 2. Yea Am­monius on Aristot. Categor. tells us, that Plato himself confuted this Sceptick [...] as that, which was most irrational, and absurd:Plato's mode of Philoso­phizing dif­ferent from Socrates i [...] point of Sym­bols, and Alle­gories. of which else where. Secondly, Socrates's mode of Philosophizing was more plain, and familiar. 'Tis true, it had much of Ironie mixed with it, especially as to moral conversation, yet it did not render it cloudie, and obscure. But now Plato, though he imitates his Ma­ster in Dialogizing, yet he mixeth therewith so many dark Symbols and Poetick Metaphors, as that he seems to act the part of a Poet, or Orator, rather than of a Philosopher. 'Tis confest, such Poetick, and Metaphorick flourishes, wherewith Plato's Dialogues so much a­bound, are extream useful to illustrate, and brighten Truth, yet it cannot be denyed but that Aristotle's Syllogistick, naked, and closer mode of Disputing more conduceth to the Conviction, and Demonstra­tion of Truth. Whence that old saying, Plato Teacheth, and Aristotle Proves. Hence also the Greeks usually stiled Plato [...], Divine, and Aristotle [...], a Daemon. And they say, if Jupiter had been minded to discourse in Greek, he would have used Plato's tongue; so eloquently, and floridly is he conceived to have Philosophized. Yet learned Vossius de philos. sect. cap. 12. §. 15. gives him this dash. ‘Mean while (saies he) the discourse of Plato is lesse proper for Philosophie, For he fails in this (some [...] must pardon me) that he much delights in Metaphors, and those not beseeming, but presumptuous, and altogether Poetical, whereas a discourse more proper, or Metaphors more received, and common, agree better with Philosophie, &c. But to give a just Character of Plato's mode of Philosophizing. It's evident, he had a most prodigious, and luxuriant Phansie, which could not confine it self to the severe Rules of artifici­al Logick, and method; neither indeed was it the mode, or fashion of those times to dispute in Mode, and Figure; for this Forme of Syllo­gizing owes it's original to his Scholar Aristotle, that great artificial Methodist. Before Aristotle, the great Logicians were those of the Ele­atick Schole, Zeno the Eleatick, and his successors, whose mode of Disputing was by Dialogues, or Interrogations, and Answers, as it is evi­dent by the Dialogues, which Zeno the Eleatick writ. This mode of Disputing was followed by Plato (who derived much of his Logick [Page 272] from the Eleatick Schole) only to render his Philosophie more Beau­tiful, and grateful, he clotheth her after the Oriental fashion, with many Metaphorick Images, and Symbolick shaddows. For that this Symbolick way of Philosophizing was most in fashion amongst all the Oriental Philosophers, especially the Jews, Egyptians, and Phenicians has been before proved. This garbe Plato (as Pythagoras) most affect­ed, as that, which suited best with his [...], Pregnant Mimetick Phancie, which greatly recreated it self in those Jewish Mysteries, he had gleaned up in his Oriental travels, but not through­ly understanding the same, he wraps them up under Symbolick, and Metaphorick shadows, thereby to render them more intelligible, and delightful. That, which made Aristotle reject this Symbolick mode of Philosophizing, was the humour of rejecting all Oriental Jewish Tradi­tions, which his discursive reason could not comprehend. To conclude, we have a full, though but brief Character of Plato's Philosophick mode given us by Jerom. lib. 1. advers. Jovin. where he stiles Plato's works ‘Divine, Profound, yet not easily to be understood by Raw, young wits, &c. Though Plato's Mythologick, Symbolick, and Alle­gorick Images render his Notions to such, as do not understand them, more cloudie, and dark; yet when they are understood, they give a very beautiful glosse, or amiable face unto Truth: answerable to Christ's Parables, which to the unbelieving Jews were but Riddles, yet as he explained them to his own Disciples, they were very lively, and signi­ficant.

This Platonick mode of rea­soning by Di­alogues of Jewish origin.§. 4. That this Socratick, Platonick mode of Philosophizing by Dialogues, or Interrogations, and Answers was exactly the same with, and, as we may presume, originally from the Jewish mode of Ratiocinati­on, is evident by what footsteps we find hereof in the sacred Scriptures, where we find the words [...], and [...] frequently used to express the Jewish mode of Disputation: so Luke 5. 21. Luke (who was exactly skilled in the Greek Dialect) expresseth the Scribes, and Pharisees their disputings against Christ by [...] to Dialogize, or to reason by Interrogations, and Answers. So agen v. 22. 'Tis said that Jesus knowing their [...] Reasonings by Dialogues, he said [...], why doe you Dialogize, or rea­son by Dialogues, &c. The like we find Luke 6.8. He knew that thoughts [...], their reasonings, or conferences, &c. We might produce Multitudes of Scriptures of the same import, which [Page 273] clearly discover, that the Jewish mode of Disputing was by Dia­logues, or by Interrogations, and Answers. This is farther confirm­ed, not only from the import of words, but also from the thing it self. For we find those Disputes which were betwixt Christ, and the Jewish Doctors, to be carryed on by way of Dialogue, or conference, by questions, and replies. So in that famous Disputation betwixt Christ, and the Pharisees, Luke 11.53. 'tis said the Scribes and Pha­risees began to urge him vehemently, [...], i. e. to urge him vehemently for an extemporarie replie to their interrogations. Thence it follows [and to provoke him to speak.] [...]. ‘This word, saies Grotius, is one of those wherein Luke discovers his intimate skill in the Greek: for [...] is a word evidently taken from the Scholes, where the Masters mere wont to place their riper Di­sciples over the younger, that so the former might pose the latter by Interrogations, which was stiled [...], and [...]. There­fore Luke does Learnedly use this word to shew, that the Pharisees used all endeavours to draw from Christ's Mouth many replies. The Syriack does rightly express the sense by a word that signifies to En­snare, and the Arabick by a word that imports to make one Dispute. What they designed thereby is evident by what follows, verse 54. Laying wait for him, and seeking to catch ( [...]) something out of his mouth. By which it's apparent, this their dispute was managed by Interrogations. So agen Luke 22.68. saies Christ, If I ask you, &c, [ [...]] which Grotius renders [If I pro­pose any argument] ‘For (addes he) the Hebrews, as well as the Greeks, were wont to dispute by Interrogations. But more of this, when we come to Plato's Logick.

CHAP. VI. The several Distributions of Platonick Philosophie.

Platonick Philosophie, as to it's Matter distributed into 1. Pytha­gorick. 2. Heraclitick. 3. Socratick. 2. Into Contemplative, and Active. 3. Into Moral, Natural, and Rational. 4. Into Theoretick, and Practick. This distribution suits not with Plato's Philosophie. 5. The Adequate division of Platonick Philosophie, 1. Into Organical, which is Logick, and 2. Essential, which is 1. Natural, wherein is comprized 1. Physicks, both Contemplative, and Active, and 2. Mathematicks. 2. Moral, which is either Ethick, Oeconomick, or 3. Politick. 3. Supernatural, or The­ologick.

The distributi­on of Platonick Philosophie as to its Matter into 1. Pythagorick.2. Heraclitick.3. Socratick.§. 1. HAving discoursed of Plato's Forme, or Mode of Philoso­phizing; we now proceed to the Matter of his Philoso­phie, with it's traduction from the Jewish Church, and sacred Scri­ptures. Plato's Philosophie, as to it's Matter in general, admits of sundrie distributions. 1. As to it's Original, it was reduced by the Anci­ents unto the Pythagorick, Heraclitick, and Socratick. So Laertius in the Life of Plato, [...]. ‘He mixed the Discourses, or Reasons of the Heracliticks, Pythagoricks, and Socraticks. For in sensibles he fol­lows Heraclitus, in Intelligibles Pythagoras in Politicks, Socrates. 1.1. Plato as to Theologicks Pythagorizeth. That Plato collected the choicest materials of his Philosophie, e­specially of his Theologie, out of the Pythagorean, has been before de­monstrated chap. 3. sect. 3. where we have shewn, how he was instru­cted by Archytas the Tarentine, Timaeus the Locrian, Epicarmus, and other Pythagoreans, whilst he had his [...]bo [...]e in Italie; besides the In­structions he gain'd from Pythagorean Books. Aristotle in his Metaph. lib. 1. cap. 6. stiles the Platonick Philosophie, [...], in many things conformable to the Pythagoreans. And Lud. Vives tells us, that the Platonists, as to Theologicks, doe generally Py­thagorize. [Page 275] More particularly; Plato Symbolizeth with, and there­fore seems to have derived from Pythagoras these following Notions: namely, 1. That God is [...], &c. according to his de­scription, Gen. 3.14. 2. That God is [...], Ʋnitie, &c. 3. That God is [...], One, and many; One in Divine Essence, and many as to his Divine Ideas, or Decrees. 4. That all things are made, Go­verned, and Ordered by God. 5. Plato follow's Pythagoras exactly, as to the constitution of Divine Worship, and its Regulation by the Divine Will, and Rites, against all Images, Superstition, or Will-worship. 6. Plato Symbolizeth with Pythagoras in Daemons, and Daemon-worship. 7. Plato held also with Pythagoras the Soul's Immortalitie, Metempsychosis, with other opinions, of which see Book 2. chap. 8. Now that all these Py­thagorick Principles were of Jewish origination has been sufficiently proved. 2. As to Sensibles Plato is said to follow Heraclitus, whose Philosophie, as we may presume, he suckt in from Cratylus, 2. Plato as to Sensibles fol­lows Heraclit. Hera­clitus's Disciple, whom Plato after Socrates's death heard. The maine Principles, that Plato imbibed from the Heraclitick Philosophie, re­ferred to the first Principles of the Universe, especially touching Fire, which Heraclitus made to be the first great principle of all things: wherein Plato very far Symbolized with him, asserting, that the Hea­vens were Fire; of which hereafter. Now that Heraclitus was (ac­cording to Aristotle's Character of those Ancient Philosophers) [...], one that greatly affected, and admired Oriental, Jewish Tra­ditions, touching the first Origine of the Universe, is evident by what Plutarch in the Life of Coriolanus reports of him; where, having di­scoursed of Gods Omnipotencie, and man's Incredulitie thereof, he addes [...], ‘Many of the Divine operations, or traditions, accord­ing to Heraclitus, flie from our notice by reason of unbelief.’ By which it seems evident, that Heraclitus had some notices of, and great reverence for the Oriental Jewish Traditions, which I suppose he received, if not immediately from these Oriental parts, or persons, from the Pythagoreans; for he was but a branch of the Italick Sect, with whom he Symbolized in many principles, especially in that of Fire to be the great principle of all things: as before chap. 7. sect. 10.3. Laertius tells us, that as to Politicks, 3. As to Mo­rals Plato fol­lows Socrates. Plato followed his Master Socrates. Apuleius de dogm. Plat. addes, that Plato received not only Moral, but also Rational Philosophie from Socrates's fountain. Yea [Page 276] Plato himself in his Dialogues, attributes unto Socrates some of his Na­tural Philosophie. By which it's evident, that this Distribution of Plato's Philosophie is not to be taken strictly, but [...]: for it's evident, that he received also from the Pythagoreans not only Theolo­gick, but also some Politick, and Natural Principles, as his Commu­nitie from the Pythagorean Schole; his Notions about the Origine of the Universe from Timaeus Locrus, of which more hereafter. Yea in all these, both Sensibles, Intelligibles, and Morals, Plato received much emprovement from Egypt, &c. as before.

2. Division of Platonick Phi­losophie into Contemplative and Active.§. 2. A Second Distribution of Platonick Philosophie is into Con­templative, and Active: so Austin de Civit. Dei. lib. 8. cap. 4. There­fore (saies he) ‘seeing the studie of Wisdom consists in Action, and Contemplation, hence one part thereof may be said to be Active, the other Contemplative, whereof the Active appertains to the govern­ment of Life, i. e. the institution of Manners, but the Contemplative to the inspection of Natures causes, and the most sincere Truth. So­crates is reported to have excelled in the Active, but Pythagoras to have insisted, so far as his Intelligence would reach, on the Contem­plative. Thence Plato joyning both together, is commended for having perfected Philosophie: thus Austin. Indeed this Division of Philosophie into Contemplative, and Active, seems to have had it's foundation in the Jewish Scholes under their Babylonian transmigration, especially amongst the Essenes, who seeme to bave been the first, that addicted themselves to Monastick life (occasioned from their persecu­tion) which drew on this distribution of their life into Active, and Con­templative, whence Pythagoras traduced the same; as before Book 2. chap. 6. §. 7.8. Though we must confesse that none of the Ancients treat so fully, and distinctly of Contemplative, and Active Philosophie as Plato. So in his de Repub. 2. he distributes Discipline into [...] Gymnastick, or Active, and [...] Musick, whereby he ex­presseth Contemplative Sciences. Under the Gymnastick, or Active Discipline he rangeth such virtues, as conduce to practice, or moralitie; as Temperance, Fortitude, Justice, &c. Unto Musick, or Contempla­tive Discipline he reduceth the [...] Musical Theoretick virtues, which consist [...] in Contemplation; and the Queen of all he makes to be Religion, whence he calls the Contemplation [...] of the Idea of the chiefest good, [...], the highest Discipline, &c. Philo Judaus that great Platonist discourseth at large [Page 277] partly on Jewish, partly on Platonick principles, touching Contempla­tive, and Active Philosophie: Aristotle also seems to approve of the same distribution, though under different termes of [...], Practick, and Theoretick Philosophie. The Ori­ginal of this distinction came from the different products, and objects of the one, and other, according to that famous Maxime, [...]. Practick philosophie is effective of Virtue, but Theoretick of Truth. As for the subdivisions of this distribution, they are comprehended in what follows.

§. 3. But the chief Distribution of Platonick Philosophie in regard of it's matter, is into Moral, Natural, and Rational:Plato's 3d di­stribution into Moral, Natu­ral, and Ra­tional. which also comprehends the foregoing, of Contemplative, and Active: so Austin de Civit. lib. 8. cap. 4. Having spoken of Contemplative, and Active Philosophie. ‘Thence (saies he) Plato by joyning both together, is said to have perfected Philosophie, which he distributes into three parts; One Moral, which chiefly consists in action, another Natural, which is deputed to contemplation, and a third Rational, whereby Truth is differenced from falshood; which though it be uncessary both for Contemplation, and Action, yet Contemplation chiefly ap­propriates to her self the consideration of Truth, wherefore this threefold partition of Philosophie is not contrarie to the foregoing, whereby it is distinguished into Contemplative, and Active:This division of Jewish ex­tract. thus Austin. That this partition of Platonick Philosophie was of Jewish o­rigination, is affirmed by Eusebius, l. praeparat. Evang. where he tells us, ‘That this Section of Plato's Philosophie had it's derivation from the Hebrews; for the proof whereof, he brings the opinion of Atti­cus a Philosopher, who opens this division more fully, and shews how Plato connected all the parts of Philosophie into one bodie, which lay before dispersed, like Pentheus's Members. For Thales, and his Disciples addicted themselves wholly to Physicks: the Six other Wise men to Ethicks, Zeno the Eleatick, and all his adherents, to Logick. Plato collected all these together, and brought forth to men a Philosophie not broken, but intire, and absolute. Whereunto accords Aristotle himself, lib. philos. Laertius in Plato. Philosophie in times past was employed only about Physicks: Socrates came, and added Ethicks; Plato added a third part to Philosophie, namely Logick, whereby he gave a full consummation thereto. Apuleius (in [Page 278] Dogmate Platonis) speaking of Plato, saies, wherefore he exactly enqui­red into the inventions of Parmenides, and Zeno: thus he filled his Books with whatever was singular, and admirable, so that he was the first, who connected a threefold Philosophie, & shewed that these parts, so mutually necessarie each to other, did not only not differ a­mongst themselves, but also afforded mutual assistance each to other.’ Thus he; as Lud. Vives in Aug. Civ. l. 8. c. 4. after him. This distribution of Plato's Philosophie seems very natural, and comprehensive of all parts of Philosophie, as it is easie to demonstrate: for Natural Philo­sophie takes in Physicks, and Mathematicks, (or else we may reduce the Mathematicks to Rational Philosophie) Moral Philosophie compre­hends Ethicks, Oeconomicks, and Politicks, Rational Philosophie accord­ing to Plato takes in, not only Logick, but Metaphysicks, or the Con­templation of the first truth, and principle, &c.

Ammonius's distribution of Philosophie in­to Organick, Theoretick, & Practick.§. 4. Ammonius (the Disciple of Proclus) in his Comment on Aristotle's Categories pag. 11. distributes Philosophie in general into Organick, and Essential, or Principal. By Organick Philosophie, he understands Logick, or (as he stiles it from the principal part) De­monstration, which he calls [...],, a Diacritick, or di­scretive Organ, whereby Truth is severed from Falshood in Contempla­tives, and Good from Evil in Actives, As for the Essential, or princi­pal Members of Philosophie, he divides it first into [...], Theoretick, or Contemplative; and Practick, or Active. Theoretick Philosophie he makes to be that, which regards Truth, and Falshood; Practick that which considers Good, and Evil. 1. Theore­tick Philosophie he subdivides into Physiologick, which is the Contem­plation of Sensibles, not in their Individuals, but as they lye in their ab­stract specifick Idea, or univocal common nature, and principles. 2 Ma­thematick, which is the Contemplation of Sensibles in their Quantitie chiefly, and as abstracted from their Materialitie. 3. Theologick, which is the Contemplation of Beings Metaphysical, and purely abstracted from all Corporeitie, and Matter. 2. As for Practick, or Active Philoso­phie; he subdivides it into, 1. Ethicks, which respects men in their single capacities,The imperfe­ction of this distribution as to Plato's no­tion of Philo­sophie. or personal Morals. 2. Oeconomicks, which respects mens Morals, as in Familie consociation, or capacitie. 3. Po­liticks, which considers men under Citie, or National confederation. This Distribution of Philosophie, though it seem more Comprehen­sive, and Artificial, yet it suits not so well with Plato's Philosophie, [Page 279] as the forementioned, but seems rather to be calculated for Aristotle's method as hereafter. For Plato though he makes use of this Distri­bution of Philosophie into Contemplative, and Active, yet he seems to make these members, thus distributed to be as Disparates only, not as diametrically opposites, i. e. he makes Contemplation though differ­ent from, yet not opposite unto Action. Yea following the designe of his Master Socrates (of which before chap. 1. §. 5.) he reduceth all Contemplative Sciences unto a subordination, and subserviencie unto Active: he accounts no speculation regular, but what ends in practice; no Contemplation legitimate, but what ends in the admiration, affecti­on, and imitation of God: whence he calls the knowledge of God, [...], the supreme Discipline, and his Logick he stiles the In­troduction of the Soul, from it's night ignorance to the knowledge of the first Being, as Repub. 7. Hence also he makes the end of his Philo­sophie to be [...] assimilation to God, so far as 'tis possible: This he makes the Forme, Spirit, Soul, and Measure of his Philosophie, which ought to informe, and influence all matters, parts, and things, as the Soul the Bodie. So Ammonius in Arist. Cat. pag. 7. [...]. The Matter of Philosophie is things, but the end is assimilation to God. By which it's evident, that the common distribution of Philosophie into Theoretick, and Practick, as understood by Aristotle, and the Scholes for a division of the whole into opposite parts, is no way agreeable to Plato's Philosophie, who following Socrates herein, makes Contempla­tive Philosophie subservient unto Active, especially to Divine affecti­on, and assimilation to God. And thus indeed Grotius in Epist. 16. ad Gallos pag. 39. giving his advice about the studie of Philosophie, addes this caution: ‘Whereas Philosophie is divided into Contempla­tive, and Active, you ought chiefly to studie the latter; and the for­mer no farther than it subserves this latter. The common Instrument of both is Logick, with which you are to begin, &c. A Golden Rule indeed for young students.

§. 5. Having laid down these Four Distributions of Philosophie,The Distribu­tion of Plato­nick Philoso­phie. we shall take up the Fifth, which seems most Platonick, and native, as the frame of this discourse, yet not without some addition from the [...]est, so far as it may conduce to our more methodical procedure. For whereas Plato seems to reduce the contemplation of God, &c. to Dialoctick, or Rational Philosophie, we shall give it a distinct place of [Page 280] it's own, confining rational Philosophie unto Logick. And so Pla­tonick Philosophie may be distributed into Organick, or Rational, and Essential, or Real. 1. Organick Philosophie is Logick, 1. Logick. which Plato calls [...] Dialoctick (from [...] to dialogize, which was his mode of disputing) and sometimes [...], the manuduction of the Soul, as also [...] a way, or method, with other such expressi­ons; which supposes it to be a rational organ, or Key to all other parts of Philosophie, whence it is rightly stiled by Aristotle [...], and [...], a Logick, Diacritick, or discretive organ. 2. As for Essential, or Real Philosophie, it may be according to Plato's mind, di­stributed into Natural, Moral, and Supernatural.

2. Natural Philosophie.§. 6. As for Natural Philosophie, it either regards things Natural, as Natural, under that reduplication, or mode of consideration; or else it regards things natural, as abstracted from their naturalitie, materia­litie, or sensibilitie, with respect only to their Quantitie. 1. Natural Philosophie, that considers things Natural as natural, i. e. under that reduplication [...], or mode of considering, it may be subdivided into Contemplative, 1. Philosophie, 1. Contempla­tive. and Active. 1. Contemplative Natural Philosophie is commonly stiled in the Scholes Physicks, or Physiologie (from the Greek [...] Nature) whereof they constitute two parts, one General, which treates of Natural Bodies in general, their first Principles, Affe­ctions, Generations, and Corruptions ▪ another particular; which di­scourseth of particulars, as 1. touching the Heavens. 2. The Inferi­or World. 3. The Meteors. 4. Inanimates, as Minerals, &c. 5. Ani­mates, or Vegetables, which have a growing Life, but no sense, as Plants, &c. 6. Animals, which have not only growth, but also Sense, and Motion, though without Reason. 7. The Rational Soul, and hu­mane Bodie, their nature, parts, affections, and operations. There are the particulars which come under Contemplation in Physiologie. Though Plato seems to make the main of his Physicks to be no other than a Na­tural Historie of the Creation, or Origine of the Ʋniverse, as it appear­eth by his Timaeus, which is the seat of his Physiological Philosophizings. As for the Humane Soul, that is reduced to his Metaphysicks, or Super­natural Philosophie. Active, 2. Active. or Operative Natural Philosophie (which is the end of Contemplative) refers either to Plants, and Animals, and thence is stiled [...] Agriculture, &c. or else to the Humane bodie, and so 'tis stiled Medicine, whereof Plato does much Philosophize. 2. Natural Philosophie, as it considers Naturals, under an Abstraction [Page 281] from their Naturalitie, and Materialitie, with respect only to their Quantitie, is commonly stiled [...], Mathematicks, which re­gard, 1. either the corporeitie, Dimensions, and Figures of Bodies, and so 'tis called [...], Geometrie, from the measuring of Grounds at first in Egypt: 2. or the description of Countries and Places, and so 'tis named [...], Geographie: 3. or the account of Numbers, and so 'tis [...], Arithmetick: 4. or the Situations, Constella­tions, Motions, Conjunctions, Influences, and Effects of Celestial Bodies; and so they call it Astronomie, or Astrologie. 5. Opticks, which regards Vision. 6. Musick, which refers to sounds. 7. Navigation. 8. Tac­ticks, or Militarie Discipline. 9. Architecture, with other Mathe­matick Sciences: Plato studied the Mathematicks under Euclid, and Theodorus, &c.

§. 7. Moral Philosophie respects Men:Moral Philo­sophie. 1. in their individual, per­sonal capacitie, in relation to their Morals, and so 'tis termed [...], Ethicks: or 2. it considers Men in their Familie-relation, and thence 'tis stiled [...], Oeconomicks: or 3. it refers to Mens Politick capacitie, as under civil combination, and confederation, and so they call it [...], Politicks. Plato discourseth of each, but most large­ly of Politicks.

§. 8. As for Supernatural Philosophie, commonly called Metaphysicks, Plato's Meta­physicks. or Natural Theologie, Plato abounds mostly herein. 1. He treats very Metaphysically of God, whom he termes, 1. [...], &c. according to Exod. 3.14. 2. He asserts also the Unitie, Simplicitie, and Immutabilitie of God. 3. He proves likewise the Eternitie of God from this, that he was the first Principle of all things. 4. He demonstrates the All-sufficiencie of God from his being [...]. 5. Whence also he stiles God, [...], Superessential; and [...], Infinite. 6. Hence also he demonstrates the Incomprehensi­bilitie, and Omnipresence of God. 7. He also clearly proves the Holy­nesse, Justice, and Faithfulnesse of God. 8. He makes some mention of God's Omnipotencie, as also of his Goodnes, &c. 9. He treats very largely, and Metaphysically of the Divine Ideas, and Decrees of God, with his prevision of all things resulting thence. 10. He dis­courseth very Divinely of God's production of, and Providence over all things; as also of his particular regard to good Men. 2. Plato seems to have had very great notices of Religion, and Divine worship, accord­ing to the Scripture notion. He positively affirmes, 1. That the Di­vine [Page 282] Will ▪ and Pleasure, is the only rule and measure of Divine Wor­ship. 2. Hence that an [...], or Worshiping of God accordingly is more acceptable to God than all the pompous inventions of Men, whereby the superstitious (Heathen) endeavoured to pacifie the angry Deitie. 3. That none can worship God aright but the pure, and holie. So in his Book de Legibus, Parmen. &c. 3. Plato Philosophizeth very Metaphy­sically of the humane Soul, its resemblance to God, immaterialitie, in­finite capacitie, immortalitie, and perfection: likewise of its faculties, offices, objects, acts, &c. 4. Plato in like manner seems to discourse, though imperfectly, and under Symbolick Images, of the state of In­nocencie; the fall of Adam; the restauration of Mankind by Daemon Mediators; the infusion of Divine knowledge, and Grace, against Free­will, &c. 5. Yea, Plato seems to give some hints of the Divine Scri­ptures, which he expresseth by Divine Oracles, Enthusiasmes, Traditi­ons. 6. Lastly, Plato is supposed also to discourse of the last Judge­ment, and future state, which he expresseth under Symbols.

CHAP. VII. General Ideas of Platonick Philosophie, and Philosophers.

Plato's Ideas of Natural Philosophie. 1. Its Genus [...]. 2. The object 1. Complex Science. 1. Intelligence, 2. Science, 3. Faith, 4. Imitation. 2 Simple. 3. The Act [...]. 4. The End, Truth. 2. Of Moral Philosophie. 1. Its Genus, [...], which connotes Prudence: wherein consider, its Objects, Offices, and Acts, which are, 1. [...], 2. [...] Dexteritie, [...] Saga­citie, [...], 3. [...]. 2. The subject of Moral Prudence, [...], and particularly the Conscience: Plato's [...], Law of Conscience. 1. In the [...], which is a seat of Princi­ples. 2. In Syneidesis, which is a reflective Light, and springs from [...], sensation. 3. The Rule of Moral Prudence is [...], which is either subjective, or objective, [...], what Rom. 2.14, 15. James [...].8. 3. Plato's Idea of Divine Philosophie, in the contemplation of [Page 283] God, &c. which he stiles, 1. [...], 2. [...], 3. [...], 4. [...]: which is, 1. The supreme, 2. most ravishing, 3. genu­ine, 4. affective, 5. transformative. Characters of a Philosopher. 1. [...], 2. good institution, 3. [...], 4. devotion to Phi­losophie, 5. Liberal. 6. Musick, &c.

§. 1. BEfore we enter upon the Severals of Platonick Philosophie, we shall give some general Characters of Philosophie, and Philo­sophers, according to what we find laid down in Plato. Philosophie, according to Plato's mind, has not one and the same Idea, but may be distributed according to its object into Natural, Moral, and Divine. The Idea of Natural Philosophie,Plato's Idea of Natural Philosophie▪ is thus given us in the Platonick De­finitions: [...]. ‘Philosophie is the appetition of the Science of Beings always the same, Theoretick (or contemplative) of Truth, as Truth.’ In which Definition we find as Considerables, a Generick Notion, an object, a Specifick Act, and a Terme, or End. 1.The Generick notion of Phi­losophie is Ap­petition. The Generick notion of Philosophie is an appetition, &c. and so much the very Notion [...] imports; as also that other Terme [...], whereby Plato expresseth it. This Plato in his Parmen. stiles a Divine impetus, or im­pulse, towards the studie of Sciences, [...]· There is a beautiful, and Divine impulse, by which men are impelled towards reasonings. This [...], appetition, is well de­fined by Simplicius, in Epict. cap. 1. [...], the extension of the Soul towards its object desired; which, as applyed to our present purpose, implies the natural inclination of the mind to know­ledge. For the mind, as 'tis observed, has it's [...], extension, or inclination to its object, as well as the Will: Yea, as Aquinas notes, ‘every Forme has some inclination appendent to it; and by how much the more perfect the Forme is, by so much the more impetuous, and strong is the inclination: whence the mind, which is a Rational Forme, must needs have a very strong impulse, or inclination to its object, which is the knowledge of things.’

§. 2. The object of this appetition appendent to Philosophie,Knowledge of things, object of the inclina­tion of the mind, know­ledge of things invariable. is [the Science, or knowledge of things always the same] wherein we have somewhat complex, or notional; and somewhat simple, and real. The complex notional object of Philosophie, and its appetition, is expressed in that notion [...], of Science, or Knowledge. Now the Sci­ences, [Page 284] which Philosophie is conversant about, are either contemplative, or active. So Plato acquaints us, that the mind's [...], chiefest incorruptible beautie consists [...], in Theorie, and Practice, Theoretick, or contemplative Sciences are such, as properly refer to Truth: whereof Plato, de Repub. 6. fol. 511. gives us these four Species, [...]. ‘And take from me these four affections in the Soul: give to Intelligence the supreme place: the second to Dis­course or Science (properly so termed) the third to Faith: and the last to Imitation. 1. The first piece of Knowledge Plato here mentions, is Intelligence, which in the Platonick Definitions is defined [...],1. Intelligence the knowledge of first Prin­ciples. the beginning of Science, i. e. (as Aristotle interprets his Master's mind) The Knowledge of first Principles: These first Princi­ples are called by Plato, [...], Hypotheses, which he makes to be certain indemonstrable Principles, on which Sciences are founded: So in Platon: desini [...]. [...]. ‘An Hypothesis is an indemonstrable Principle, or the summe of an argument,’ i. e. it is a first Principle, which gives evidence to all following Conclusions, but receives evidence from none, being in its self most evident,2. Discourse, or Science de­monstrative. &c. 2. Next after [...], according to Plato's order, follows [...], Discourse, or Science, properly so called, which he thus describes, de Repub. 6. fol. 510. [...], &c. Science is that, which pro­ceeds from simple Principles, &c. Plato here makes Science, or Dis­course, to be [...], Demonstrative Philosophie, which proceeds from firme, and immobile Principles, to the first [...], indemonstrable principle, which no way depends on the fore­going Hypotheses, &c. This is well explained by Johan. Grammaticus, in Arist. Anim. proaem. [...]. ‘Dis­course is a progress from Principles to Conclusions, whence the ve­ry name, [...], q. d. [...], passing through the understanding.’ Then he gives us the office of this Discourse, [...]. ‘By this Discourse our Soul is raised up to the contemplation of In­ [...]ligibles, which is the Souls perfection.’ 3. Next to [...], Plato [Page 285] adds [...], Faith, [...] Faith which is an assent to a Conclusion upon the Testi­monie, and Authoritie of some person; whereby 'tis differenced from the fore-going Science, which is an Assent to a Conclusion, as grounded on some certain immobile Principles. 4. Lastly, after Faith follows [...], fantastick▪ Imagination (which elsewhere Plato calls [...], Imitation) which is nothing else,4. Imitation. but the lively representation of notions, or things, by sensible Formes, visible Images, or any other Symbolick shadows, whereof Plato discourseth at large in his de Re­pub. 6.510, &c. also de Legib. 2. fol. 669, &c. as elsewhere. But so much for the complex Object of Natural Philosophie. 2. As for its simple real Object, The simple Ob­ject. 'tis expressed under the notion [ [...]] of things always the same: whereby we must understand, 1. That Phi­losophie is employed not only about the shadows of things, but about the things themselves. This Plato every where inculcates; namely, that the Object of true Philosophie, is [...], that which truely is: wherefore he stiles those, who are verst only, [...], about that, which is not, or the shadows of things, [...], false Philoso­phers. 2. Whereas these real Beings, as the object of Philosophie are said to be [always the same.] Hereby we must understand them as exi­sting in their specifick Nature, not as subsisting in their Individuals, for so they are variable.

§. 3. Having finisht the Generick Notion, 3. The Speci­fick Act. Theo­retick, or Con­templative. and Object of Philoso­phie, we now proceed to its Specifick Act, expressed under the noti­on [ [...]] Theoretick, or Contemplative: [...], to contemplate, according to its native origination, imports steadfastly to behold. Plato discourseth very much of Contemplation, which he makes to be the proper Motion, as Truth is the proper food of the Soul: so in his de Repub. 2. he divides Disciplines into [...], Gymnastick, or A­ctive; and [...], Musical, or Contemplative. These Musical Di­sciplines, he calls [...], Theoretick, whereof he makes Reli­gion the head; whence he affirmes, that the Contemplation [...], of the chiefest Idea of Good is [...], the supreme Di­scipline. Agen he tells us, that God is the first Beautie, the Contem­plation whereof makes us, [...], friends to God. Yea, he saies, that by Contemplation a man makes God familiar to, and in-dwelling in him. And lastly, he saies, the best Exemplar of Contemplation is in Heaven. As for the Qualities of this Contemplation, it must be according to Plato's Doctrine, and mind. 1. Congenial, and Natural, [Page 286] not forced, or strained: whence he stiles a Philosopher, [...],The Qualities of his Contem­plation. one akin to Truth: ‘for (saith he) as there is in our Eyes a congenial kind of cognation, or similitude to the Light, which ren­ders the Contemplation thereof very pleasing; so 'twixt the Mind, and Truth, &c. 2. This Contemplation of Truth must be distinct, and evident: so in his Rep. 6. fol. 504. Plato tells us, that a dark ad­umbration of things may not suffice, but there must be a perfect [...], or exact Forme, and Image of the thing impressed on the mind. 3. This Contemplation must be firme, and stedfast. This fol­lows upon the former: for what is pleasing, and distinct, is not soon worn off. Thence, saies Plato, Rep. 4. [...], a Science forced upon the Soul is no way permanent. Hence also in his Meno, fol. 98. Plato makes this difference 'twixt Scientifick, and Opinionative Contemplation; that the former is fixed, and perma­nent, whereas the later is only fluid, and transient. Fourthly, This Contemplation must be intuitive, and not only abstractive, i. e. a true Philosopher contemplates the things themselves in their proper exi­stences, not only their abstract Species, Formes, or Images.

4. The Terme, or effect of Philosophers Truth.§. 4. As for the terme, end, and effect of this Contemplation, it is Truth, as Truth [ [...]] under that reduplication where­by 'tis differenced from active Philosophie, which also contemplateth Truth, yet not as Truth, but as conducing to Action. That the great scope and designe of Philosophie is to discover, and contemplate Truth, is evident from the whole of Plato's Philosophizings. So in his de Repub. 6. fol. 490. Plato tells us, [...], by Truth the mind truly lives, and is nourished: whence he calls Philosophie, [...], a love of Truth; and a Philosopher [...], a friend and kinsman of Truth: also he makes this the main office of a Philosopher, [...], to serve Truth. Hence also Plato Timaeus, fol. 9. calls [...], a Philomathist, or Philosopher, ‘one that burnes with impetuous desire after Truth, having this pettie god indwelling in him, which renders him happie.’ Whence he concludes, [...]. ‘The universal Medicine of eve­ry thing is only this, to render to all their proper foods, and moti­ons: the proper food and motion of the soul, whereby it most re­sembles the Divine Being, is the contemplation of Truth, &c. [Page 287] This (addes he) we lost in our Head (I suppose he means Adam) but we have it restored by Intelligence, or Divine Wisdom, [...], according to our old nature. Yea Plato (de Repub. 5. fol. 475. affirmes, ‘that those only are true Philosophers, who are versed about the contemplation of the highest Truth, [...]. Thence he makes the mind to labour under an infinite thirst after Truth, which is never satisfied till it arrive to the con­templation [...], of very Being, or the supreme Truth: as in his Phaedr. fol. 251. and in his Sympos. fol. 206, &c. Thus much for the Definition of Philosophie, as it regards natural contem­plative Sciences.

§. 5. We find another Idea of Philosophie, as it relates to Morals, The Idea of Moral Philo­sophie. and active Sciences in the Platonick Definitions, fol. 414. thus [...], Philosophie is a prudent, or stu­dious consideration of the Soul according to right reason: wherein we may consider. 1. The Genus. 2. The Subject. 3. The Measure, or Rule.

1. The Genus in this Platonick Definition of Moral Philosophie,1. Its Genus. Moral Pru­dence. is [...], which signifies a prudent Inspection, studious Considerati­on, or sollicitous Care, commonly stiled by Plato, [...], Pru­dence, or Moral Wisdom, which we have thus copiously described in the Platonick Definitions: [...]· Prudence is a facultie of it self effective of humane happines. Wherein we have, 1. The Specifick reason, Prudence what? whereby it is differenced from Contemplative Science, expressed by that notion Ef­fective. 2. Its Ʋltimate End, which is to make men happie. Again, Prudence is defined in the same Platonick Definitions, [...], a Science of Good, and Evil. Agen, [...], a Disposition whereby we judge what is to be done, and what is not to be done. In all which Definitions laid to­gether, we have these Considerables.

1. The Ʋltimate End, and supreme object of moral Prudence, Its Objects. or Philosophie, namely humane Happines, which is the measure of all moral Acts, and the first thing treated of in moral Philosophie, ac­cording to that of Aquinas: The end of moral Virtues, is the chief prin­ciple of Prudence, as Luke 10.41.

2. We have here the intermediate Objects of moral Prudence, which are in general all Agibles, or Practicables; that is, 1. Singulars. [Page 288] 2. Things present. 3. Things in our power. 4. Things good, or evil. 5. The subjects of good, and evil; the Affections.

Its Offices.3. Here is also considerable the proper Exercises, or Offices of Pru­dence, which are according to Plato (in his Charm.) 1. [...], to do what belongs unto us. 2. [...], to understand a mans self. 3. [...], to use all things well, i. e. with respect to our supreme end. 4. Rightly to di­stinguish 'twixt good and evil. 5. To conserve the rectitude of the will. 6. To moderate the Affections. 7. To governe the whole Life.

The parts of Prudence.4. This moral Prudence may be considered in its Integrals, which are according to the Platonick account three; [...]. 1. [...], Providence, 1. [...], Providence. which in the Platonick Definitions, fol. 414. is thus described, [...]. Pro­vidence is a preparation (or provision) for somewhat future: which im­plies, 1. An universal Comprehension of all Circumstances, means, difficulties, encouragements, which may make for, or against our End. 2. Serious consultation about, and prudent determination of what is to be done. 3. Prudent precaution of what may impede, &c. this is termed [...], caution, according to that of the Stoicks, [...], a wise man ought never to fear, but always to use caution, &c. 2. Another part of moral Prudence, is [...], a dexteritie, 2. [...], Dexteritie. or sagacitie in judging things, which in the Platonick Definitions, fol. 413. is thus defined, [...], facilitie of judgement is a connate abilitie of reasoning, or discerning. And Plato, de Repub. 4. fol. 428. saies, [...], facilitie of judgement is certainly some kind of Science, &c. This perspicacitie of finding out things, Plato makes to be an excellent kind of Prudence, or a natural Invention, which directs the Reason to find out things wrapt up in Nature: which he elsewhere calls a saga­citie of Nature: so in his Epino. fol. 976. ‘There remains (saies Plato) a marvellous facultie, whereby we easily, and expeditely learne any thing; and having learnt it, can faithfully commend it to memorie, and, as occasion serves, by an happie celeritie recall it, which some call Wisdome, others good Nature; but others, [...], a sagacitie of Nature. [...], Sagacitie. This [...], or natural sagacitie, Plato makes to be the same with his [...], good nature: So Plato, Defin fol 412. [...] [Page 289] [...], Sagacitie is a natural generositie of mind, whereby a per­son is enabled happily to conjecture what ought to be done: agen 'tis stiled [...], an acumen of Judgement. This Natural Sagacitie, Plato Repub. 2. fol. 376. makes very essential to a Magistrate, in order to his more exact judging of persons, and things, and final decision of Controversies. Solomon we know was endowed with this Natural sa­gacitie, even to admiration; which discovered it self in the decision of that arduous case between the two Harlots, 1 Kings 3.23, 24, &c. as also in resolving the Queen of Sheba's Questions, 2 Chron. 9 1. which kind of sagacitie Politicians call King-Craft. This Natural sa­gacitie is elsewhere stiled [...], a facilitie of Judgement, which in the Platon. Definit. fol. 414. is defined [...], [...]. a good judgement apprehensive of what is most eligible. Agen, this Na­tural sagacitie passeth sometimes under the notion of [...], which is defined (Platon. Defin. fol. 412.) [...], an habit elective of what is best. One great office of this Natural sa­gacitie, consists in the knowledge of Men their several Humours, In­clinations, Designes, Interests, and Combinations, &c. 3. Another part of Moral Prudence is Experience, which Plato calls [...], [...], Experience, its use as to the production of Prudence. and makes very essential to a true Philosopher. So Plato, Rep. 9. fol. 582. [...], The expe­rienced person, endowed with Prudence, is the only true Philosopher: then he addes, [...]. Thence (in the same Book, Rep. 9.) he joyns Prudence, and Experience toge­ther with reason, which he makes the best Judges of humane Affairs, [...], We rightly judge by Experience joyned with Prudence, and Reason. And Plato in his Gorgias gives us the reason, why Experience is so essential to Prudence, [...], Experience makes our life to passe away according to rules of Art, whereas inexperience makes us live casually. Then again; [...], There are many Arts experimentally found out among men, from several Experiments, &c. And because Experimental Prudence is gained by sense, and sensible observation: thence Plato Timaeus, fol. 103. defineth it a subtiltie of sense, or good sensation of the Soul, [...], Ex­perience is indeed the main Seminarie of humane Prudence. 1. In that it furnisheth us with the choicest Observations of past and present [Page 290] times, whereby we are capacitated to make some prudent conjecture of what is likely to succeed. 2. Experience draws down general Rules, and Precepts of Wisdom, to particular, and proper use. 3. Experi­ence gives men a more inward feeling, and lively apprehension of themselves, and others. Thence Plato makes this self-knowledge the highest piece of Prudence, which he calls [...], a good sensation. 4. Experience does much greaten, and adde to the quantitie of our knowledge, by furnishing the mind with fresh Observations; whence Plato brings in Solon speaking thus ( [...]) [...], The longer I live, the more I know, and teach. 5. Expe­rience addes not only to the quantitie, but also to the qualitie of our knowledge, by rendring it more clear, and distinct. For experience reduceth particular Observations in themselves confused unto a re­gular Series, and Order, whence general Rules are framed, which makes our knowledge more distinct, and certain. 6. Experience great­ly fixeth, and confirmeth our Notions of things.

2. The subject of Moral Prudence the Soul, and par­ticularly the Conscience.§. 6. Having finished the Generick Notion, [...], which con­notes Moral Prudence, we now proceed to the subject thereof, ex­pressed in the Platonick Definition by [...], the Soul: for indeed Moral Prudence moveth, and influenceth the whole Soul, and there­fore it is not unjustly seated therein; though the proper seat thereof be the Practick Judgement, which Divines terme Conscience, which is as a Pettie God, or God's Vice-gerent, and Vicar in the Soul, to com­mand, or threaten; to accuse, or excuse; to justifie, or condemne. This Vicarious Divine office of Conscience, Plato seems to have had some Traditional Notices of, whence he termes Conscience [...], Fame, and makes it to be a kind of Daemon, or Pettie God in Men. So Plato, de Leg. 8. [...]. ‘This Law of Fame partakes of a marvellous facultie, seeing no one durst to breath other­wise, than according to the Dictates of her Law.’ Serranus here ac­quaints us,Plato's [...], Conscience's Law. ‘that Plato calls [...], his Law of Fame, that Im­perial power of Conscience well known to all; which comprehends those common Principles, that God is to be feared, &c. This Law of Conscience he saies is unwritten, yet notwithstanding there is in all Mens minds, [...], a Sacred Law, whose force, and efficacie tames ev'ry Soul, and compels it by few to obey positive Laws. From the authoritie of this Law it is, as the Philosopher [Page 291] teacheth, that Men come to understand the difference of good, and evil.’ Again Serranus addes, ‘Our Philosopher calls this Divine Law of Conscience, [...], the Law of Fame; and saies, that it is connate in all Men, it being a Science that teacheth the difference of good, and evil; and the conservator, and vindictor of all Laws; and the [...], or Praecursor of that most excellent Chorus of Virtues: whose admirable faculties, and actions, slow from no other Fountain, then the sparks of this [...], &c. This Law, or Light of Conscience is twofold.

1. Habitual, which is called in the Scholes [...], Synteresis.

2. Actual, which is termed [...], Syneidesis.

1. The Synteresis, or habitual Light of Conscience,1. Synteresis, or habit of principles is defined in the Scholes a natural habit of active Principles. For as speculative Rea­son discourseth of Speculatives, so Practick Reason of Practicks: as therefore there are naturally implanted in us certain speculative Princi­ples, which appertain to Intelligence, so also are there certain active Principles, which belong to that natural habit of Conscience, called [...], Synteresis, as Aquinas, Part. 1. Q. 79. And this habitual Light, or Law of Conscience, is the same with Plato's [...], a Law of fame, which is elsewhere by him termed [...], Right reason, as anon. 2. The Actual Light, 2. The Synei­desis, self re­flexion. or Law of Conscience called by the Ancients [...], is Conscience strictly taken. So So Aquinas part 1. Quaest.. 79. Art. 13. ‘Conscience taken properly is not a power, but an Act, whereby we applie our Science to what we undertake; which application is followed by Testification, or Ligation, or Excusation, and Accusation.’ By which it appears, that the proper office of this Syneidesis is self reflection, whence follows ac­cusation, or excusation, &c. as Rom. 2.15. And because this Re­flexive Light of Conscience does necessarily suppose inward sense, hence 'tis oft called [...] sensation, also [...] synesis, or sensate judg­ment: So Aquinas, Synesis, or sensate judgment imports a right judg­ment about particular operables.’ So Plato in his Th [...]aet. makes all true Science to be a kind of Sensation, [...]; and more particularly (in his Timaeus fol. 103) he calls [...] Pru­dence [...] a good sensation: which exactly answers to the Scripture Phraseologie, which sets forth this reflexive act of Conscience by [...], as Phil. 1. [...]. [...]: and thence Heb. 5.14. we read of [...], &c. The life of the new Creature, as well as of the old,, consists in these self-reflective Acts of Conscience which [Page 292] spring from inward sense, and feeling. And Plato in his Alcibiad. fol. 133, 134. tells us ‘That he, that reflects upon himself, his own Soul, and Wisdom, thereby becomes as it were omniscient; where­as they, who know not themselves, know not what is good, or evil for them, nor yet what belongs to themselves, or to other men: such therefore can never make good Politicians, or Oeconomicans, &c. In brief; Self-reflexions, or our actions upon our selves, are of all the highest, and noblest, and those by which we live, and work as men, and perfect that part of the Soul called Conscience, which directs all we doe according to Right Reason, &c. Thus much for the Subject of Pru­dence.

The Rule of Prudence, [...] Right Reason.§. 7. As for the Measure, or rule of Moral Prudence, we find it expressed in the forementioned Platonick definition under this notion [ [...]] according to right Reason. This Platonick [...] (which is asserted in like manner by the Stoicks, and others) right Reason is the same with the Light, or Law of Nature, which is two­fold. 1. Subjective. 2. Objective.

Right Reason is 1. Subjective.1. As for Subjective Right reason, Light, or Law of Nature, it is no other, than those common Principles of Moralitie seated in that part of Conscience, which they call Synteresis, of which in the fore­going §. 6. This seminarie of engrafted active notions, or moral Principles is stiled by the Stoicks [...] the Common Law, also [...] right Reason, against which, say they, nothing is to be done; As Diog. Laert. in Zeno. 'tis termed by Plato [...], the Law of Being: so Plato Minos fol. 315. [ [...]] where saies Serranus, by this appellation [...], Plato understands ‘the Eternal law of Nature, which amidst the various laws of Nations, and their vic [...]ssitudes continues uniforme, and the same; and thence is truely termed [...] Being; therefore he calls it [...] the right Reason of the Eternal Law: and because our actions are to be measured by the Rule of these common notions, therefore Plato names this Law [...], the Royal Law. So agen, Serranus in Plato de Legib. 8. ‘The [...] delineation of this Eternal Law is this. There is in the minds of all, as soon as they are borne, a cer­tain [...] Sacred Law.

2. He, that consecrates this law in his mind as a certain sacred, is thereby furnished with an excellent remedie aganst the insolence, and impotence of human lusts, as it was said of the Tyrant [...] [Page 293] [...]. These Active principles, contained in this internal law of conscience, are generally stiled [...] common notions: [...]. they were named by Zeno [...], Comprehensions, because they com­prehended the first seeds, or principles of knowledge. Cicero tells us, that Epicurus called them [...], Anticipations (as he translates the word) because they supposed a Previous formation of things in the soul. The Stoicks used the same terme likewise. Chrysippus defined this natural law, or conservatorie of common principles, a natural Intel­ligence of those things, which vniversally are. Cicero stiles these com­mon notions, Inchoate Intelligences, of which see Lud. Vives in August. Civ. lib. 8. cap. 7. The Scripture also stiles these Common principles fixed in Conscience, a Law; so Rom. 2.14, 15. where the Gentiles are said to be a Law to themselves, &c. And indeed these common seeds of natural light are a private Law, which God has deeply engra­ven on mens Consciences, and is vniversally extensive unto all, though with a latitude of degrees; it being in some more, in some lesse, but in all in great measure obliterated, and defaced since the fall. It is al­so by Divines generally termed the Light, or Law of Nature, because it slows in, and with, and from Human Nature, either immediately, or mediately.

2. As for the Objective [...],2. The Object. [...] Law of Na­ture. Right Reason (which Plato seems to have had some traditional notices of) it contains those broken traditions of the Moral Law, which were scattered up and down amongst the Gentiles. That Plato had received some fragments of Gods Law; and that by his [...], Right Reason, he does im­port the same, seems very probable, both from that expression in his Minos fol. 315. [...], the Law of Being, i. e. of the first Be­ing, as he usually stiles God: as also from that other expression of his, Minos 317 [...] This Right Reason is the Royal Law, i. e. Gods Divine Law, which is so stiled Jam. 2 8. In this sense Right Reason may be said (as the Scholes will have it) to give [...] esse morale, or moralitie to human Acts: so Stobaeus de Virtu Sera. fol. 9. [...]: ‘Virtue is a conformitie according to Right Reason, and Sin is a transgression against Right Reason. Where by Right Reason we must understand not the subjective light, or Law of Consci­ence, which is imperfect, but the objective light of Nature comprized in the Moral Law. In this sense we must understand that Principle [Page 294] in the Scholes, that Right reason gives the esse morale to moral Beings. Thus much for the Platonick Definition of Philosophie relating to Morals.

3. Plato's Divine Philosophie in the contempla­tion, affecti­on, imitation, of God.§. 8. But if we will have the Genius, and Spirit of Plato's Philo­sophie, it seems evidently resolved into the Contemplation, Affection, and Imitation of God: for saies Plato to Philosophize, is to know, to love, to imitate God. This affectionate active knowledge of God Pla­to calls [...] the Idea of the chiefest Good, also [...], the supreme Science: and more particularly he stiles it [...], the genuine Philosophie, which he thus describes, Plato Repub. 7. fol. 521. [...], The traduction of the soul from a kind of twilight (or natural darknesse) to the true knowledge of the first Being (or God.) This genu­ine Divine Philosophie Plato supposeth to be affective, effective, and transformative of the Soul into the image of God, which renders men [...] Theophilos, or friends to God, and so 'tis opposed to the [...], Je [...]ne, emptie Speculations, as also to the [...] twilight Philosophie of the [...]. This Divine Philosophie Plato sometimes stiles [...] Dialectick, because it does by a Divine kind of Ratiocination, [...]. or Discourse reason men out of their dreaming ideas, or apprehensions into clear discoveries of God: So in his Book de Repub. 7. fol. 521. Plato tels, that ‘those, who are bound in the chains of their native ignorance, contemplate only the sha­dows of things, whereas his Dialectick is a Science, that leads men from their night dreaming knowledge, to the contemplation of the First Being.’ Agen, Plato sometimes terms this his Divine Philosophie, [...] Intelligence. [...]. So in his Book de Repub. 7. fol. 513. he makes [...] Intelligence, to be the supreme Science, which is conversant [...], about the First Being, and [...] namely from firme, and eternal principles, [...] having banished the Ministrie [...] of Idols, it quits not it's contemplation, until [...] it graspe by its Intelligence the chiefest Good.’ Serranus on this place observes, ‘that Plato makes [...] Intelligence [...] the most perfect, and supreme Science, which is conversant [...], about Being it self, and all other Arts, even [...] Science it self, are but [...] subservient thereto.’ Hence Definit. Platon. fol. 513. [...] Intelligence is the Principle of Science. Agen, some­times [Page 295] Plato makes his Divine Philosophie the same with [...] Pru­dence; so Plato Repub. 7. [...]. [...]. ‘This Art of Pru­dence has of all the most Divine nature, which never loseth it's effi­cacie.’ But the most proper notion, whereby Plato expresseth his Di­vine Philophie, is [...] Wisdome, which in the general is thus defined. [...]. Defin. Plato [...], Wisdom is an indemonstrable Science: agen, [...], a Science of things alwaies the same, and Lastly 'tis desined [...], a Theoretick Science of the causes of Beings, i. e. of God. And Plato treating of the One Infinite Being, tells us, [...], &c. He that once has tasted of this one Infinite Being, having got a Treasurie of Sapience, is filled with joy. Hence also de Rep. 5. fol. 475. Plato defines a Philosopher [...], one that thirsts after Sa­pience, i. e. addes he, not of any particular, but of Vniversal Sapience, which he makes chiefly to consist in the Contemplation of God, which (saies he Phileb. 16.) gives light, and evidence to all other Arts, and Sciences. Agen, [...]. Plato termes his Divine Philosophie [...], the knowledge of the First Being, i. e. God, as he explains it, Thaeet. 176. [...], The knowledge of this first Being God is Sapience, and Virtue, &c. And he gives this reason why true Philosophie is most conversant about God, [...], as very Being, because [...], that which alwaies is, is alwaies most knowable; and therefore addes he, they who contemplate [...] Many Beauties, but not this first Beautie, or supreme Being, they can be said only [...], to dream about all things, but to know nothing; whereas a true Philosopher contemplates [...], the first Being, [...] not by opinion only, as other Arts, [...] but essentially; that his Soul may be converted to, yea transformed in­to [...] the Idea of chiefest good. This Divine Wisdom,This Divine Philosophie is 1. The Supreme Science. con­sisting in the contemplation of God, Plato calls, 1. [...], the supream Science. 2. Agen, [...], the best of all Exstacies. 3. Farther he calls it [...], that genuine law, which leads the Soul to true Felicitie. 4. Agen,2. Affective and sweet. Plato Repub. 9. fol. 586 acquaints us, that this contemplation of God brings [...], &c. the proper, best, and truest pleasures. 5. Lastly he affirmes, that this Divine Philosophie makes men not only [...] [Page 296] Theophilos, lovers of God, but also one, and the same Idea with God so Rep. 6. [...] The Philosopher contemplating on this Divine Beautie, becomes, so far as man is capable, Divine, and Beautiful. And then he addes, [...], he becomes an imitator of, and alike to those things Divine. whence Ammonius in Arist. Categ. pag. 7. [...] The matter of Philosophie is things, but the end is assimilation to God.

Plato's Cha­racters of a true Philoso­pher.§. 9. Having given some general account of Platonick Philosophie, in regard of its Natural, Moral, and Divine Idea's; we now proceed to Plato's Character of a True Philosopher, his Qualities, and Of­fices.

1. Philosopher. must be [...].1. Plato requires, that a Philosopher have [...], a good natural ingenie, which in the Platonick Definitions is thus defined [...], Good nature is a quicknesse in learning: agen, [...] a na­tural virtue, which is also stiled [...], a facilitie in learning, which is defined thus [...]. So Plato Rep. 6. fol. 486. tells us, that a Philosopher must not be [...], un [...] but prompt to learn. This good natural ingenie, or promptitude of nature to learn, Plato makes to consist in a natural acumen, or sagacitie of judgment, & a good memorie. So Plato Epino. fol. 976. ‘There remaines an admirable facultie, which some call [...] nature, others [...] Sapience, which consists in this, that a man learns with facilitie and expedition, faith­fully committing to memorie what he has learned, and as occasion serves recalling it again with an happie promptitude; all which some call wisdom, some nature, others [...] Sagacitie of nature. This [...], sagacitie is defined, defin Plat. [...], a good nature of Soul, &c. also [...], an acumen of judgment. And touching the pregnancie of memorie requisite to a Philosopher, Plato tells us, Repub. 6. fol. 547. [...].

2. Plato requires in a Philosopher good Institution. So de Repub. 6. reckoning up the causes whence Philosophie comes to be corrupted,2. Well insti­tuted. he mentions this as the maine, viz. evil Institution of youth ‘For (saith he) by how much the more generous their naturals are, by so much the worse Philosophers are they, if ill instituted, [...], may we not therefore say that the best natur'd Souls by reason of ill institution become most wicked?’

[Page 297]3. Plato will have his Philosopher to be [...] Philalethes, 3. A lover of Truth. a lover of truth. So Rep. 6. fol. 485. This (saith he) is the nature of Philosophers, that they hate falshood, but love Truth [...]. And it being natural to him that loves, to love all that is [...] akin, & proper to what he loves; and because nothing is more proper to wisdom than Truth, it is therefore impossible, that the same should be [...], a Philosopher & yet a lover of falshood. [...]. He therefore, who will be a true Philosopher, ought even from his youth greatly to thirst after all truth. And Plato in what precedes Rep. 6. fol. 484. limits this love of Truth to such Truths as are invariable, [...]. True Philosophers are conversant about things alwaies the same. i. e. about first truths. whence Plato makes his [...] Phi­lalethia to consist not in any lower Acts, or Contemplations, but [...]. in Contemplating very Being, and the first Beautie. Thence, saies he, they who contemplate beautiful Pictures, and shadows of truth, but delight not in Beautie, and Truth it self, such are [...] lovers of opinion, [...] lovers of pleasure, and [...] Pseudophilosophers, not true Philosophers.

4. Plato requires in a Philosopher, that he devote himself to the studie of Philosophie, so Rep. 6. fol. 485.4. Wholly de­voted to Phi­losophie. [...]. ‘He that wholly gives up himself to discipline, and is conversant about the pure pleasures of the soul, being abstracted from corporeal pleasures, he is truely a Philosopher, &c.

5. Another Character of a Philosopher is, that he be not cove­tous, &c. so Plato Rep. 6. fol. 485.5. Not Cove­tous. [...], for addes he, when the affections are vehe­mently carryed to one thing, they are more infirme in other.

6. Plato will have his Philosopher to be of a Noble, not Sordid, Servile disposition: so Rep. 6. fol. 486.6. Nobly di [...] posed. [...], Servilitie, and Sordidness is contrarie to the Soul, that would contemplate, &c.

[Page 298] 7. Courageous.7. Plato requires in a Philosopher Courage; that he be not ti­morous, or fearful of Death, &c. so de Rep. 6. fol. 486. [...]. Therefore this Philosopher must not count death terrible; for a timorous, and servile nature never, as it seems, partakes of true Philosophie, whence Philosophie is made a Contemplation of Death.

8. Not Morose.8. Plato in the same place requires that a Philosopher be not mo­rose unsociable, unjust, &c. [...], &c.

9. Of an Har­monious Na­ture.9. Plato will have his Philosopher to be a good Musician, of a Musical, Harmonious nature, thereby to allure men to the contempla­tion of the first Being, &c. so Rep. 6. fol. 486. [...]. He must not be of an Immusical, in [...]e [...]ent nature, and he gives the reason because [...], Truth is akin to [...]mmetrie; whence he concludes, [...]. ‘We seek for one, that is harmonious, and compleasant to win others to the contemplation of the first being.’ This he explaines more fully in his Timeus, fol. 104. where he makes Philosophie to be ‘the Musick, and Harmonie of the soul, appointed by God for its emendation, which sweetly compels the irrational part to obey the rational, so that the affection; neither move, nor stand still, but according to the dictates of reason, whence follows a Di­vine Chorus of Philosophie, and Virtues.’ Hence [...], the soul's traction, &c.

10. Virtuous.10. Lastly, Plato makes this an essential Character of a Philo­sopher, that he be Virtuous: so de Repub. 6. fol. 489, &c. Plato exa­mining the ground, why Philosophie proved so uselesse, and even [...]n­xious, resolves all into some defect, not of Philosophie, but of the Phi­losopher. Wherefore fol. 490. Plato requires, that a Philosopher be pious, and good: [...], ‘Truth must first lead the way, which the Philosopher must follow step by step, till he arrive to goodness: for he that is vain, and futile can never be partaker of true Philosophie. Whence he addes; that every one, who is [...] a true Philosopher, must affectionately as­pire to the knowledge of the first Being; neither must he acquiesce [Page 299] in mere opinions, but with a courageous mind pursue truth it self; neither must he desist from such a famous enterprize, until he has ar­rived to the same, &c. Whence he concludes: [...]. ‘Truth leading the way, we cannot conceive, that the Chorus of evils will follow, but wholesome regular manners, &c. And fol. 492. he makes Virtue requisite to true Philo­sophie [...] (sc. [...]) [...]. Whence he concludes, fol. 494. that there are very few, who are conversant in Philosophie, as they ought.

CHAP. VIII. Of Plato's Logick, and it's derivation from the Jews.

Plato's forme of Logick consisting in Dialogues: their use in the Ele­atick Schole, but their original use amongst the Jews. Scripture Logick in Dialogizing, as in Job, the Prophets, Mark 8.11. Luke 22.68. Rom. 11.1. Luke 11.53, 54. Logick an Organ, or key to all Sciences. Plato's Logick precepts. 1. A Logicia [...] must be grave, and moderate, not contentious. Conten­tious Disputes the cause of Scepticisme. 2. The Matter of Di­sputes must be weighty. 3. To lay down good principles. 4. To proceed Methodically from particulars to generals, &c. 5. To illustrate by examples. 6. To distinguish duelie 'twixt Truth, and falshood. 7. To State will the affirmative. 8. Not to ex­pect more exactnesse, than matters will bear. 9. To keep the Judgment free. 10. To make Reason, not Authoritie the mea­sure of Truth. 11. Modestie, and Candor in Disputes. 12. In refuting Errors to reduce to absurditie. 13. To shew the rise of Error. Alcinous of Plato's Logick.

§. 1.Plato's mode, or Forme of Logick consist­ing in Dia­logues. PHilosophie may be considered in it's Essential constitutive par­ticulars; or else in its introductorie universal Organ· The Introductorie universal organ, or key to all Philosophie is Logick; [Page 300] which Plato makes much use of in all his Philosophizings, though not according to the mode, as now it is in use in our Scholes. For Plato imitating his master Socrates; and those of the Eleatick Schole, Par­menides, and Zeno (who are supposed to be the first Inventors of Lo­gick) affect a natural, plain, and familiar mode of Disputing by Di­alogues, or Interrogations, and Responsions, much like the Scriptural, and Jewish way of Disputation. That the Mode, or Forme of Di­sputing in Plato's Academie, was not by way of Syllogisme (which A­ristotle brought in) but by Interrogations, and Answers, is apparent to any vers'd in Plato's Philosophie, which is wrapt up in Dialogues beginning with [...], or such like Interrogations. This is farther evident from the Origination of the name [...] (which Plato useth for the most part, if not altogether, to expresse Logick by) Dialectick, which is apparently derived from [...], the primarie notation whereof is to Conferre, or Dispute by Dialogues, or Colloquies. Thus Alexander [...], Dialectick makes discourses consisting of Interrogations, and Responses: for from these it wholly derived it's name. So Laertius l. 3. saies, That a Dialogue is an Oration composed of Interrogation, and Responsion, concerning matters relating to Philosophie, or Republick Affairs.

The original of this Dialogi­zing mode, from the Elea­tick Schole of Zeno.As for the Original of this Dialogizing Mode, 'tis not certainly de­termined whence Plato had it. Some say he himself was the Author of it; others derive it from Zeno the Eleatick, others from others. So Lud. Vives on August. Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 7. ‘There are some, who refer this kind of Dialectick oration to Plato, as the Inventor thereof; as Favorinus: others to Alexamenus Teius, as Aristotle: there are not wanting some, who refer it to Zeno the Eleatick. Truly it is evident, that Plato polished, and adorned this mode of Dialo­gizing (or arguing by Dialogues) which he fils with all kind of neat­nesses, and learning, wherein if the artificial formules of Diale­ctick (or Logick) are not delivered, yet all the precepts of this Art are really expressed, as also the method, how to use them. Plato gives us Demonstration in his Timaeus: the specimens of Sophistrie are delivered in his Eutydemus; whence Aristotle translated not a few of his Sophistick Elenches, or Fallacies: Plato's Socratick In­duction is of all most potent, &c. Thus Lud. Vives: wherein he gives us a good account of Plato's Logick, and its original; which as it seems most probable, was by him, or by his Master Socrates deri­ved [Page 301] immediately from the Eleatick Schole, from Parmenides, and Zeno: for the same Lud. Vives (in August. Civit. Dei lib. 8. cap. 4.) tells us, that Plato diligently examined the Inventions of Parmenides, and Zeno the Eleaticks. And Aristotle in Sophista, as also Laer­tius in Zeno acquaints us, that Logick was first found out by Zeno the Eleatick. So Vossius de Histor. Graec. lib. 4. cap. 2. agen, Vossius de Philosoph. Sect. lib. 2. cap. 11. §. 2, 3. And Hornius who succeeded him in his Professorship, agrees with him in his Opinion hereabout: ‘Plato primus Dialogos introduxit non quod ipse primus invenerit, (ante eum enim Zeno scripsit) sed quod expoliverit. Hornius Histor. Philos. l. 7. c. 8. ‘Dialogues are said to have been first introduced by Plato, not as if he had been the first Inventor of them (for Zeno writ in that way before him) but because he very much po­lished, and perfected that way of Arguing: to this purpose Hornius. But whence ever Plato derived this Dialogizing mode of Logick, that it came originally from the Jewish Church, and Sacred Scriptures, we shall endeavour to demonstrate both by Artificial, and Inartificial arguments.

§. 2. First, Suppose we grant, that Plato, Plato's Dia­logizing Lo­gick original­ly from the Jews. and Socrates received this forme of Dialogizing Logick from Parmenides, or Zeno the Elea­tick; yet that these had their choicest notions from the Jews, we have afore, in our discourse of the Eleatick Philosophie, endeavoured to prove: and particularly that Zeno the Eleatick (who is supposed to be the Inventor of Dialectick Logick) was originally of Tarsis, or as o­thers of Sidon, and so a Phenician, and borderer on the Jews, &c.

2. But to come to Plato's own confession: In his Thaeetetus, fol. 210. Plato brings in Socrates stiling this Art of disputing by Dialogues a playing the Midwife: ‘The true way of teaching (saith he) is by apt Interrogations, and Answers to bring forth the faetus, i. e. the sense of our minds into light: which is in regard of Discipline a commo­dious [...], obstetrication, or doing the office of a Midwife. This art of playing the Midwife, or Dialectick Logick, Socrates (in the same place confesseth) that he received from God, his words are, [...], This Midwife art I, and my Mother received from God. i. e. the true God of Israel (of whom he seems to have had some notices) by some Jewish Tradition, as we may presume.’

[Page 302] The Scripture mode of dispu­ting by Dia­logues.3. That this Platonick mode of Disputing by dialogues, or inter­rogations, and answers, exactly answers to (and therefore as we may justly presume was derived from) the Jewish mode of disputing, will be more than probable to such, as shall consider such disputes as are mentioned in Scripture. We find in the book of Job (one of the most ancient pieces of Scripture) several Disputes 'twixt Job, and his Friends carried on in a Dialectick mode, by questions, and answers. So in like manner, in the Prophets, God (condescending to the Jewish manner of reasoning) frequently argues, and debates matters with his people in a way of dialogue, or interrogation, &c. Yea this manner of disputing, or debating matters, continued amongst the Jews 'till our Saviour's time, as appears by his Disputes with the Jewish Doctors, Scribes, and Pharisees, as also their reasonings with him, which were for the most part, if not altogether, managed by questions, and answers; not by Syllogismes. So Mark 8.11. The Pharisees are said to dispute with Chri [...]: where Grotius on [...] observes, ‘that the most ancient mode of Disputation was by Interrogations. Thus in like manner on Luke 22.68. Grotius renders [...], [if I shall propose any argu­ments.] for addes he, the Hebrews, no lesse th [...]n the Grecians were wont to dispute by Interrogations. So agen, on Rom. 11.1. He with whom Paul disputes proposeth a question, to which Paul a [...]swers, &c. as Grotius. So on Luke 11.53, 54. Grotius observes, that the wo [...]d [...] is taken from the Scholes, & signifies to pose by questions, &c. as before in Socrates's mode of Philosophizing.

Lastly, That the Ancients generally, before Aristotle, disputed by Interrogations is evident by what is observed by Aristotle in his So­phistick Elenches, where he makes mention of a Fallacie amongst the Ancients called a Fallacie of many Interrogations. By all [...]hich it ma­nifestly appears, that the mode of disputing amongst the An [...]ients, particularly in Plato's Schole, was by Interrogations, and Responsions, conformable unto, and therefore, as we may justly presume▪ in deri­vation from the Jews their mode of [...]ialogizing. Thus was Logick a­mongst the Ancients clothed in a more natural, familiar, simple dresse, suitable to things, without those cloudie Niceties, and dark crabbed Termes, which serve only to breed needlesse, and endlesse conten­tions, as it has been well observed by Jackson on the Scripture, fol. 57. ‘as all the principal heads of the Grecian invention were derived for the most part from the Hebrews; although by successive artifici­al [Page] imitation, their varietie grows greater, and their resemblance of Divine Truth lesse, so likewise were Logical conceits first clothed like Natures Children, &c. Thus much for the Forme of Plato's Logick, and it's cognation with that in use amongst the Jews.

§. 3. We shall proceed to make a more particular distinct inquisi­tion into Plato's Logick, which he makes to be a key,Logick a Key, Organ, or Me­thod for the disquisition of Truth. or induction to all Philosophie: so in Repub. lib. 7. fol. 518. Plato calls his Dialectick [...], an introductorie Art. So agen fol. 532. he calls it [...], the way to other Sciences: & fol. 533. he stiles it a method, wherein by certain steps we at last ascend to the highest principles. Whence Plato makes his Dialectick but a gradation to his Metaphysicks, and therefore he oft confounds them, and mixeth them together in his Discourses. So in his Pa [...]menides, and Sophista he mixeth [...], his Me­taphysicks, and Dialectick discourses together, as 'tis well observed by Lud. Vives [...]n August. Civit. lib. 8. cap. 4o. And herein Plato is fol­lo [...]ed by his Scholar Aristotle, who calls his Logick also [...], an Organ, or Instrument for the discoverie of other Sciences; only with this difference, whereas Aristotle seems to make Logick an organ, but no part of Philosophie, Plato [...] it to be both. So Ammonius on Aristotle's Categor. pag. 8 [...]. ‘Amongst the ancient Philosophers, some made Logick to be a part of Philosophie as the whole Chorus of the Stoa: o­thers made it an Organ, as all those of the Paripatum: but Plato makes Logick both a part, and organ of Philosophie, &c. The Anci­ents were wont to distribute their Sciences into three parts, [...], the Dogme, or Principle, the Method, the Praxis. The Method of all Sciences belongs to Logick, for so Ari­stotle, as well as Plato defines Logick [...], ‘a Method for the right disposing of every Probleme proposed:’ only Aristotle calls this Method [...] Syllogistick, whereas Plato makes it to be Dialectick. So then we may according to Plato's mind, define Logick, an organ, meanes, way, or method for the disquisition, and finding out of the Truth. This fully agrees with the definition Plato gives of a good Logician. Plat. Repub. 7 fol. 537. [Page 304] [...] ‘Thou callest a Logician him who penetrates the essence of things. For a Logician is a very accurate Inquisitor, or Inspector. This being the nature of Logick, and office of a Logician to make a serious Inquisition into the nature of things, in order to the disquisition of Truth, we shall endeavour to pick up such Methodical precepts, and Rules as lye scattered here and there in Plato's Philosophie, and seem to comprize the chief of his Logick, Plato's Lo­gick Precepts for the disqui­sition of Truth. 1. A Logician must be of ripe age, Grave, Moderate, not vain glorious, or contentious. or Method for the finding out of Truth.

§. 4. First, as to the qualification of Logicians, and their regular procedure in Logical studies, and debates. Plato requireth, that a Lo­gician be of a mature, and ripe judgment, moderate, and calme as to his passions, modest, candid, and ingenuous in all his disputes; not vain glorious, not contentious, but grave, and moderate in the whole of his deportment. Thus Plato de Repub. 7. (fol. 539. Edit. Stephan.) ‘That the miserable issue of vain contention may be avoided, be it provided that no one under 30 years of age shall taste of Dialectick Ratiocination; and then not without great caution, and circumspe­ction. Thus Plato; who in what follows gives his reason of such his Institute: Because young men, when engaged in Dialetick disputes doe rather aime at Victorie, and vain glory, than the discoverie of Truth; and thence abusing this Art of Logick unto needlesse con­tradictions [...], using it alwaies for con­tradiction, they like young Puppies often overcome, and are oft o­vercome again, so long 'till at last they come to believe nothing at all.’ But (addes Plato) your grave person of mature judgment [...] &c. ‘would not willingly be partaker of this madnesse, be­cause in his disputing he seeks rather Truth, than Victorie, or Glo­rie, which is the proper effect of Childish Contentious Disputes. Agen he addes [...], The Ancient Person is more moderate, or regular, and so adorneth his Province with gravitie, candor, and moderation, &c.

How far the old Academie was guiltie of contentious Disputes, which gave rise to the new Academick [...].Albeit Plato is thus severe against Contentious wrangling Logick, yet it cannot be denyed, but that there were, at least after his death, many vexatious questions, and contentious disputes in his Old Acade­mie, which laid the foundation of that [...], or suspension of judgement [Page 305] in the New Academie. For we must remember there was allowed by Plato in his Academie, [...], a peirastick, or probatio­nal mode of disputing: the Laws whereof allowed, that in some dubious points it was free for any to dispute pro, or contra, for, or a­gainst the position, and at last to leave it [...], undefin'd, See more of this Acade­mick [...] in what pre­cedes of Pla­to's Academie. or undetermined. And that which gave an occasion to this Sceptick mode of disputing was this, that although Plato held some things certain, and infallibly true, which ought to be certainly assented to, as the Existence of God &c. yet he held also many other points, especially in Physicks, to be very dubious, and uncertain, wherein he presumed there might be a Libertie granted of disputing pro, or contra, without prejudice to Truth: whence sprang many contentious disputes, which at last determined in the New Academick [...] suspension, or disbe­lief of every thing. So Serranus in his Preface to Plato: It is no way ‘to be doubted, but that the [...], and dubitations of the New A­cademicks were the [...], and corruptions of the old opinion: for Plato in some Arguments disputes both waies, &c. And indeed nothing is more natural than that from disputes, & contentions pro, and contra, if not well mannag'd, Assent to Truth should be much weaken'd. This contentious kind of Logick made the Stoicks, & Cynicks ('twixt whom there was a great [...], or symbolization) reject ratio­nal, & natural Philosophie, because it was man's [...], and chief end, [...] to live virtuously, as Diog. Laertius.

§. 5. Secondly, Another Logick Precept laid down by Plato, is this; ‘That the matter of Logical discussions be weightie, and useful,2. R. The mat­ter of Logick debates must be momentous and useful. not frivolous, or unnecessarie:’ So in his Phaedrus fol. 277. Plato compares a Logician to a skilful Seedsman, who soweth such Dialectick artificial notions, and discourses, as will bring forth the best fruit for use and advantage. This is the more diligently to be heeded, be­cause in Dialectick Debates nothing is more easie to be found, than an occasion of disputing about Chimera's, &c. This Rule follows on the foregoing, and therefore needs not farther illustration.

3. A Third Rule given by Plato, 3. Rule for the laying good foundation Principles. in order to a Logical disquisition of Truth is ‘that we be sure to lay down sound, and substantial Prin­ciples, as the foundation of all following discourse, and conclusions.’ Thus Plato in his Philebus, being about to dispute, he will have them first lay down by common consent some few foundation Principles: His own words are fol. 20. these, [...], Let us lay down a few confessed principles before us: and then [Page 306] addes the reason [...], Principles fairly granted are immoveable. So agen Plato in Cratylus fol. 436. [...], every man ought about the first Principle of any undertaking to discourse much, and to consider much whether it be rightly laid or not. This is of great moment, because according to that measure of strength, or weaknes which is in the Principles, such will be the strength, or weaknes of the Conclusions. Whence that old max­ime quoted by Aristotle, The Principle is half the whole. i. e. Lay a good Principle, and your work is half done. The first Principle gives light to all following Principles, but receives none from them.

4. R. A metho­dical proce­dure from par­ticulars to ge­nerals, from part to the whole.4. Rule for Dialectick discourse is this, That there be a methodick procedure from certain plain Hypotheses, or evident concessions, to those things, which are more general, obscure, and of an higher con­templation. Thus Plato Repub. 7. fol. 533. [...], where Plato makes Logick to be nothing else than ‘a Method, whereby we proceed from some cer­tain, and plain Hypotheses, by certain medium's or assents, to the high­est, and first Principle, or Truth.’ This Method which Plato commends, whereby we proceed from the particular to the general, from the effect, to the cause, and from the end to the beginning, is usually stiled in the Scholes Analytick method, whereof (as 'tis said) Plato was the first In­ventor. Certainly such a procedure from effects to their causes, and from particulars to generals must be of great use for the discoverie of Truth. For there is nothing can be rightly known, 'till the first cau­ses, whence it sprang, be made manifest. Particulars receive strength and certainty from generals, out of which they grow, and generals re­ceive light, and evidence from particulars. In all parts of knowledge things most general are most firme, on which the certaintie of particulars depends. See les conferences par beaux Esprits. Tom. 1. Conf. 1. This also is commended by Ammonius in Arist. Categ. pag. 13. [...], He that will exactly understand the nature of the whole, must exactly consider its parts.

5. R. The use of Examples.5. Rule. Plato prescribeth the use of Examples, and clear illustrati­ons, as necessarie in Logick discourse for the evidencing of Truth. So in his Politicus fol. 277. ‘It is very hard (saies he) to demonstrate a­ny thing, that is great, or transcendent without Examples:’ for every [Page 307] ones knowledge seems to be but dreaming: we are indeed ignorant of every thing. And Serranus on this place Comments thus, Plato wils, that in our inquisitions into the natures of things more obscure, we place before our understanding [...], or [...], the exemplars, and adumbrations of things more known, thereby to make our investigation more facile, and speedie. Therefore in search­ing into the natures of great things we are to make use of the exam­ples of the least things.’ Neither was this Plato's advice only, but his practice also. For none of the Ancients (yea may not we say of the Moderns also?) may be compared with him as to the use of proper, and accurate examples, and instances for the illustration of Truth. Whence that Proverbial speech, Plato teacheth, Aristotle proveth:

§. 6. Rule for Logical disquisitions is this;6. R. To distin­guish rightly 'twixt Truth, and Falshood. 'To distinguish well be­twixt Truth, and Falshood. So Plato in his Gorgias, fol. 507 tels us, that we must be exceeding exact in severing Truth from Falshood; for the better performing whereof, he acquaints us (Repub. 7. fol. 537.) that a Logician must be [...] an accurate Inquisitor: and elsewhere he laies down this as requisite for one, that would exactly difference Truth from Falshood, that he have Sagacitie, good Disposition, and libertie of Judgment. Calvin tells us, ‘this is the best method for avoiding Er­rour, to consider well the danger imminent on both sides.’ And Be­za in the life of Calvin gives him this Character: ‘That amongst o­ther excellent graces these Two shined most brightly in him;’ viz. 1. A singular vivacitie to discover where the difficultie of matters lay: and 2. A marvellous dexteritie to couch his responses without losing one word.

7. Rule, In order to the right distinguishing 'twixt Truth and Falshood, it's necessarie to state the affirmative well in some Theses, 7. R. To state well the Affir­mative, and Truth. or Suppositions. So Plato tells us, 'tis but one and the same labour [...], to establish the Truth, and revince the Errour: So agen, in his Sophist. Plato acquaints us, ‘that he who will understand [...], the Negative, must well understand [...], the Affirmative. And the reason is evident: Because no Ne­gative hath in it self the cause of it's Truth, but it is so by the Truth of the Affirmative; neither was there ever any proposition false, but be­cause some other was true: nor can the falsitie of the one be known, but by the Truth of the other.

8. Rule. ‘In the Definition, or Description of things we may not expect more certainty, or exactnes than the matter affordeth,8. R. We may not expect more exactnes than the mat­ter will afford or re­quireth.’ [Page 308] So Plato (in Critias, fol. 107.) ‘When Painters (saith he) endeavour to Limne forth to us Divine things, we find our selves abundantly satisfied, if they expresse but some small image of those things.’ So Arist. Ethick. lib. 1. cap. 3. [...], ‘It is the office of a learner to seek after so much exactnes in every kind, as the nature of the thing admits. For (addes he) you must not put an Orator to demonstrate by Logick, or a Mathe­matician to persuade by Oratorie, &c. in Divinis, & maximis mini­mum investigare maximum est, In great, and Divine matters to find out the least apex of Truth is of greatest moment:’ as Plato. ‘It is a Ridiculous superstition (saith Cunaeus) to be alwaies sollicitous about definitions: for some things will not admit them.’

9. R. Libertie of judgment.9. Rule. ‘In the examination of things there must be used Liber­tie of judgment, without partialitie or prejudice:’ So Plato de Re­pub. 6. fol. 494, ‘Truth is acquired by none [...], but such as, give themselves up as slaves to be possessed thereby.’ Hence that great saying; it becomes a searcher after Truth [...], to sacrifice to Truth, not to be enslaved to an opinion. Whence Aristotle gives this good Character of a true Philosopher, ‘That he must yeeld himself up a captive to Truth, [...], to the extirpation of his own Phaenomena. Li­bertie (saith Cunaeus) is an inestimable treasure, which some make to be the Soul of a true [...]udgment. Indifferencie of judgment (saith Mede) without prejudice is sufficient to discover much Truth with little diligence, and without much Learning. but the miserie is, the world loves to be deceived, rather than to be taught; addes another: and yet another, Cujus animo semel sedet pervicax opinio, definit res vere discernere, he, whose mind is prepossest with a pertina­cious Opinion, ceaseth to be in a Capacitie for discerning of Truth.’

10. R. Reason more to be va­lued than Au­thoritie.10. Whence it follows, ‘that the Authoritie of Persons is not so much to be valued, as the weight of their Reasons: So Plato Phaed. 91. brings in Socrates advising his friends Simia, and Cebes, not to give credit to him with the losse of Truth. But doe ye (saith So­crates) give credit to me only thus far, as to be sure ye make very much account of Truth,Non inventio­num acumen, sed rerū pon­de [...]a am [...]mus. but very little of Socrates. Agen, Plato tells us, that a man is soon deceived by Authoritie of others: there is but one good Authoritie, and that is of Reason.’

[Page 309]11. Disputes must be managed with Modestie, Candor, 11. R. Modestie, Candor, and Moderation to be used in Di­sputes. and Mo­deration. So Plato Protag. fol. 337. They must debate things with an amicable familiaritie: the opinions, and reasons of Adversaries must be related bona fide: neither [...], must they rail, &c. There must be modestie used, which Plato defines thus, [...], a voluntarie yeelding to what is best.

12. For refuting Errors Plato gives this Rule (Hippias, fol. 362.12. R. Of the manner of con­futing Errors, See Hoonrb. Sum. Controv. p. 30, 31.54.56.13. R.) ‘This is a commodious way of refelling Sophisters, to reduce them to absurd Consequences, whence the falsitie of their Antecedents will appear.’

13. To which adde this. In confuting Errors, we must shew [...], the first rise, and spring of the Error.

§. 7. If any one expects, or desires a more artificial account of Plato's Dialectick, the best, that I have met with,Plato's Dia­lectick accord­ing to Alcino­us, cap. 5. is that of Alcinous (a great Platonick Philosopher) in his Institution to Plato's Doctrine, where hav­ing (cap. 3.) distributed Philosophie (according to Plato's mind) into Con­templative, Active, and Rational; and (cap. 4.) explicated the founda­tion of Dialectick which has it's seat in Nature, he proceeds (cap. 5.) to discourse of the proper Elements of Dialectick, which he reduceth to these 5. heads; Definition, Division, Analysis, or Method, Induction, The Elements of Dialectick 5 or Di­judication, & Ratiocination. ‘In the Elements of Dialectick (saith Alci­nous) this was principally Plato's sentiment; that Firstly the nature of every thing should be considered, and then it's Accidents. What the Nature of every thing is, he searcheth out either from Superiors, by Division, and Definition: or from Inferiors, by Analysis, or resolu­tion. As for Accidents, which inhere in Essences, he seeks them out, either from the Contents by Induction, or from the Continents by Ra­tiocination. So that Dialectick Reasons are deservedly comprehended under Division, Definition, Analysis, Dijudication, and Raciocination. Division it is either the Distribution of the Genus into it's Species, Division. or the Section of the whole into it's parts, or the partition of the word into it's significates. Agen, Division is either of the Accidents into their Subjects, or of the Subjects into their Accidents. The Division of Genus into it's Species is useful for the finding out the Nature of e­very thing, which belongs to Definition. Definition. Now Definition springs from Division thus. The Genus of the thing to be Defined must be taken, as Animal of Homo. Hence this Genus must be divided by it's next difference, 'till we descend to the Species. And then by adding the [Page 310] next difference to the Genus, the Definition of the Species is constituted, as Homo est Animal Rationale. Analysis has Three Species:Analysis. the one whereby we ascend from Sensibles to first Intelligibles: another where­by we proceed from Demonstrates, and Sub-demonstrates to first Propositions, which want a Medium: the Third whereby we passe from a Supposition to those Principles, which are taken for granted, without a Supposition. The First kind of Analysis is thus exemplified: as when we passe from the beautie of the Bodie to that of the Mind: from this, to that which appears in men's Morals, or conversations; and from this to that, which shines in Politick constitutions, and Ad­ministrations: from which at last we arrive to that immense Ocean of the first Beautie. See the other Two Species of Analysis in Alci­nous.

Induction of judgment.§. 8. Thence Alcinous proceeds to Induction ‘which (saies he) is a rational procedure from Like to Like, or from Singulars to Vniversals. This is most advantageous to excite Notions implanted by Nature herself.Proposition Affirmative, or Negative, Universal, or Particular. As for that piece of Oration which we call Proposition, it has Two Species: the one is Affirmation, the other is Negation. In Affirmations, and Negations some are Universal, as All evil is base, &c. some are Particular, as Some pleasure is not good. Of Propositions some are Categorical, some Hypothetical, or conditionate. The Art of Ratiocination is used by Plato in Arguing, Ratiocination. and Demonstrating. He Argues, and Confutes what is false by Interrogations: but he Demon­strates by teaching what is true. Ratiocination is an Oration in which some Propositions being laid down a conclusion by force of those Pro­positions is drawn. Of Ratiocinations some are Categorical, some are Hypothetical, some Mixt, which have a complexion of both. Plato useth Demonstrative Ratiocinations in those Dialogues, wherein he ex­plicates his own opinion: but against Sophisters, and young men he makes use of probable arguments: and against those, who were properly contentious, he useth Eristick argumentation; as against Euthydemus, and Hippias. As for Categorical Ratiocination (which has Three Figures) Plato Interrogates in each Figure. As in the First Figure thus,Ratiocination Categorick. (in Alcibiades) Just things are they not beautiful? and beautiful things, are they not good? therefore are not just things good? So in the [...]econd, and Third Figure Plato Interrogates in his Parmenides, &c. Touching Hypothetical Ratiocinations, Hypothetick. we find many delivered by Plato, though by Interrogations, especially, in his Par­menides. [Page 311] He also gives some hints of Mixt Ratiocination— If we look for some account of Sophismes, Mixt. and Fallacies, we shall find it in Plato's Euthydemus. Also he has given us some adumbration of the Ten Categories in his Parmenides, Categories. as in like manner in his Dia­logues. He has comprehended the universal Forme of Notation in his Cratylus. Notation. And truely this man was admirably perfect in defi [...]ing, and dividing: which declareth that he had the chiefest force, or spirit of Dialectick. In his Cratylus he queries, whether names signifie from Nature, or from Institution? And he determineth, that what is right in names comes from Institution, yet not casually, but so as such In­stitution must be consentaneous to the nature of the thing it self. For the rectitude of names is nothing else but an Institution convenient to the Nature of the things. This also belongs to Logick to use names aright:’ Thus Alcinous. Albeit we may allow this learned Platonist, that some vestigia of these several parts of Dialectick are to be found in Plato's writings, yet 'tis most certain, that Plato never in­tended to deliver over to posteritie any such artificial mode, or forme of Logick. All that he designes is, to give us some general Canons for a more methodical Inquisition into the nature of things, and for regular Disputation, or Ratiocination. The first, that gave us an artificial Systeme of Logick separate from the Praexis, was Aristotle (as hereafter) Plato affected a more natural, familiar, and simple method of Ratiocina­tion (as before) yea so far is he from delivering any exact artificial forme of Logick, as that he confounds his Dialectick with Metaphy­sicks, and other contemplations (as else where) Yet as to the Praxis of Dialectick, Plato abounds with accurate Definitions, and Divisions: also he gives an excellent Idea of Analytick method, whereof he is said to be the first Inventor. And as to Dijudication, and Argumentati­on, he seems very potent in the use of the Socratick Induction. And all this with much harmonie, simplicitie, and plainnesse, without that Arti­fice which Aristotle introduced. Amongst our Moderne Writers, no one seems to have made a better emprovement of Plato's Dialectick Precepts, and Praxis, than Peter Ramus, who (notwithstanding the contumelies cast upon him by his bloudie Adversarie Carpenter) seems to have had a thorough insight into Plato's mind, and to have reduced his principles to the best method for the Disquisition of Truth. The Abstract of his Logick we intend to give, when we come to Treat of Aristotle's Logick.

CHAP. IX. Of Plato's Physicks, and their Traduction from Sacred Storie.

Plato's Storie of the Origine of the Universe, from Gen. 1.1. &c. Plato asserted the Eternitie of the world, only in regard to Di­vine Idea's. Plato own's God as the first efficient, according to Gen. 1.1. Gods Ideal efficiencie.. Plato's intelligible World. God's energetick efficiencie. Of Plato's Universal Spirit, or Spi­rit of the Universe, from [...]en. 1.2. [Spirit.] It's various regards. The bodie of the Universe, and its first matter, from Gen. 1.2. The Parallel 'twixt Moses, and Plato's first matter in Six parti­culars. Of the Four Elements which immediately constitute the Ʋniverse, and their traduction from Moses. Gen. 1.1. with it's analysis. Plato's Forme of the Universe consists in Harmonie, and Order. Plato's [...] of the Universe. 1. Perfection, from Gen. 1.31. How Plato calls the Universe the Image of God, from Gen. 1.27. 2. The Unitie of the Universe. 3. Finitenes. 4. Figure, Round. 5. Colour. 6. Time. 7. Mobilitie. 8. Generations. 9. Duration, &c. 2. Of the Parts of the Universe 1. Angels. 2. The Heavens their substance: Fire, or Air, or Water. That the Sun, and Stars are fire, from Gen. 1.3. [...] signifies Fire, as well as Light. Arguments proving the Sun to be Fire. Of Light, and Darknes. 3. Of the inferiour world, Wind, Air, Water. Gen. 1.9. Meteors, &c. Of Active Physicks, Plants, Animals, &c. Of man's Original, and Formation according to the Image of God, Gen. 1.26.27. Of the humane Soul, it's Original, Nature, [...]apacitie, Jmmortalitie, Perfection, and Faculties; the Understanding, &c. Medicinal Canons. 1. [...]. 1. For conservation of health. 1. The causes of diseases. 2. The exercises of Nature. 3. Rules for Diet. 2. [...], or curative Medicine, with Plato's Canons, and Character of a Physician.

[Page 313]§. 1.Plato's Phy­sicks, a storie of the worlds Origine. The first great piece of Philosophie in vogue amongst the Ancient Grecians, especially such as were of the Ionick sect, was Physicks, or Physiologie, commonly called Natural Philosophie. For Thales and his Successors wholly busied themselves in Natural Inquisitions, and Disputes. Though Socrates perceiving the vanitie of such Physiologick speculations, wholly addicts himself to Morals; Plato affecting an universal perfection in Philosophie joyns both Con­templatives, and Actives together. And thence his Physicks may be distributed into Contemplative, and Active. Plato's Contemplative Physick, or Physiologie is nothing else, but a Natural Historie, or Hi­storical account of Nature, i. e. the Vniverse, it's Origine, Principles, Constitution, Affections, and parts; of all which he discourseth most amply, and Philosophically in his Timaeus (the chief seat of his Physio­logick Philosophisings) and that in imitation of, and by tradition from Moses's Historical Narration of the Creation, as we no way doubt it will manifestly appear by these following Demonstrations, as well arti­ficial, as inartificial.

§. 2. That Plato derived his Physiologick Philosophizings,That Plato had his Storie con­cerning the O­rigine of the Universe from Moses's Histo­rie of the Cre­ation Gen. 1. touch­ing the Worlds Origine, &c. from Moses's Historie of the Creati [...]n seem very probable by his own confession: for in Timaeus, fol. 29. being about to treat of the Worlds Origine &c. he makes this Prologue, ‘It is meet (saies he) that we remember that both I who discourse, and ye, who judge [...], That we have human nature, so that having received some probable Fable, or Traditi­on concerning these things, it becomes us not to enquire farther.’ Here Plato acknowledgeth, that concerning the Origine of the Ʋniverse, all the Notices they had were but some probable Fables, or Traditions; which without all peradventure were derived to them, if not immedi­ately, yet originally from the Sacred Historie. This is farther con­firmed by what we find in Johannes Grammaticus, alias Philoponus, of the Worlds Creat. lib. 1. cap. 2. pag. 4. ‘It is no wonder (saies he) that Moses, who was most ancient being about to draw men to the know­ledge of God, institutes a discourse touching the Creation of the World, in this manner. [...], whereas Plato discoursing concerning the production of the Universe by God, imitates him in this, as also in many other things, &c. Thus Philoponus: who frequently [Page 314] inculcates the same, as hereafter. Thus also Ludovicus Vives, de Ves rita [...]e fid. pag. 157. The Genesis, or production of the world (saies he) is so described by Moses, that thence the greatest wits have both ad­mired the profunditie thereof, and also embraced the truth of the Narration. The Pythagoreans, and their follower Plato in his Timae­us have imitated that Mosaick Description of the Worlds procreati­on, sometimes almost in the same words.’ So in like manner that great French Divine Mestrezat in his excellent Treatise de la vertu, de la foy on Heb. 11.3. [Through faith we understand that the worlds were made] ‘observes thus, Those extravagancies of the Philosophers, even of the principal of them, Aristotle, and the Stoicks concerning an eter­nal first matter, give us sufficiently to understand, that they, who have spoken more Orthodoxly of the Creation, as Plato did, took what they knew thereof from those raies, which Di­vine Revelation had scattered in the world, by the Children of Noah, or by Abraham, and his posteritie, amongst the Syrians, and Egyptians. Thus Mestrezat; where he also gives us some artificial De­m [...]stration of the [...], or manner how Plato received these his tra­ditions of the Worlds Origine from Sacred Revelation; to which we may adde those Notices Plato received hereof from the Pythagore­ans; especially Timaeus the Locrian, who writ of the Origine of the Ʋniverse; from whom we need no way doubt, Plato received many of his Philosophick traditions delivered in his Timaeus, as before chap. 3. §. 3. Now the Pythagoreans were generally [...] ▪ affecters of Oriental, Jewish traditions. The same may be said for such Physiologick traditions, as Plato derived from Heraclitus, who was also [...], as before chap. 6. §. 1. Yea 'tis not without probabilitie, that Plato might have a sight of Moses's own Historie, and read the same by vertue of his skill in the Egyptian, or Phenician tongue, or at least that he might understand the same by an Enterpreter as before, chap. 3. §. 4. That Plato's Physiologick discourses touching the Ʋniverse, it's Principles, Affections, and Parts, were really deductions from, and imitations of Moses's Historie of the Creation, will more evidently appear from the following enumeration, and explication of particulars, and the parallel 'twixt the one and the other resulting thence.

Plato follows Moses, Gen. 1.1 in asserting the Worlds begin­ing.§. 3. First that Plato followed Moses, Gen. 1.1. [In the Beginning] in asserting the beginning of the World, &c. is most evident to any that reads his Timaeus, fol. 28. &c. where he, (according to the So­cratick mode of disputing by Interrogations) puts this question, whe­ther [Page 315] the World had [...] a beginning of Genesis, or creation, yea or no? To which he reply's that the World [...] was made; and he gives the reason thereof, [...], for it is Visible, tangible, and Corporeal. And he afterwards saies more Catego­rically, that the World was made by God, &c. And that this was Plato's mind is evident by Aristotle (who knew well his masters sense in this particular) his warme disputes against him, for the Eternitie of matter. I am not ignorant, that many of the New Platonists, namely Ploti­nus, Porphyrie, Iamblichus, Apuleius, Alcinous, and more particularly Taurus, and Proclus in their Commentaries on Plato's Timaeus, did all endeavour to prove with Aristotle, an Eternitie of Matter, there­by to disprove the Christians Historie of the Creation. And being urged with these, and such like expresse quotations out of Plato for the Origine of the Universe; they replie, that when Plato discourseth of the Worlds [...] Genesis, or beginning, he meant it not of a Principle of Duration, but of causalitie. So that the world though eternal, might be said to be from God by Emanation, as light from the Sun. Thus they endeavour to reconcile Plato with Aristotle, for the defence of the worlds Eternitie, wherein they are learnedly refuted by Johannes Grammaticus in his defence for the Christians a­gainst Proclus; as also in his Book of the Worlds Creation. And where­as Vossius de Philosoph. sect. c. 12. §. 7. ‘blames Plato for asserting, that the World was made by God out of a coeternal matter,’ it seems evi­dent, that Plato by his Eternal Matter, or World understands only that eternal [...] Exemplar, Idea, or Platforme in the Divine Decrees, How Plato af­firmes the world to be e­ternal. which he calls [...], the intelligible world, which he opposeth to the [...], sensible. So in his Timaeus, fol. 97. Plato tells us, ‘that this Sensible Universe was created according to the patterne of the Intelligible, as time according to the exemplar of Eternitie.’ By which it's evident that he calls the world eternal only [...] accord­ing to some proportion, or relation to the Divine exemplar, or De­crees, not absolutely, and simply, as hereafter. Yea it seems evident by Aristotle's own confession, that all the Philosophers before him held the world to have had a beginning; his words are, [...], they all say, that it was made. Johannes Grammaticus of the Creation peremptorily asserts, that all the Philosophers before Aristotle held the beginning, and framing of all things to be from God. Mr. Bochart asserted the same in a Sermon at Caen, March 2. 1664. That which made Aristotle oppose this generally received tradition [Page 316] was his Philosophick humour of opposing everie thing, that would not lye level with his Reason.

God the first cause of all.§. 4. Hence Plato asserted God to be the first Effector, Composer, or Creator of the Vniverse, according to Moses's description, Gen. 1, 1. God Created. So in his Timaeus, fol. 28. [...]. ‘We say, that whatever is made, must necessarily have some cause: but here lies the diffi­cultie to find out, who this Creator, and Father of the Universe is; and having found him out, to discover him to vulgar capacities, is altogether impossible. So in his Sophista, fol. 215. he saies, that natural things could not spring up of themselves, but that they were [...], The products of Gods efficiencie, whence he makes God to be [...], the most Sovereign cause, and [...], the cause of causes. But to treat somewhat more distinctly of this Divine Efficiencie; which according to Plato's mind may be di­stributed into Ideal, or immanent, and executive, [...] [...]a [...]sient. As for

Gods Ideal Efficiencie.1. Gods Ideal efficiencie, it's well known, that none treats more professedly, and fully thereof then Plato. I shall not enter into a di­scourse of Platonick Idea's in general, because they properly appertain to Metaphysicks, and are therefore more amplie treated or by Plato in his Parmenides, which is the seat of his Metaphysick Philosophizings. I shall at present discourse of these Idea's, only as they relate unto Di­vine Efficiencie, exerting it self in the worlds Creation, according to what I find of them in Plato's Timaeus, where he discourseth more particularly of these Idea's, as they are the great exemplar, according to which God framed the Universe. So Plato in his Timaeus, fol. 49. Having discoursed of the Universe, he distributes it thus: [...], ‘There are two sorts of Worlds; one that has the forme of a Paradeigme, or Exemplar, which is an intelligible subject, and alwaies the same in Being.’ But the second, which is the imitate of the exem­plar had a Genesis, or beginning, and is visible: where it's evident, Plato distinguisheth the Intelligible world, which he calls the exemplar subsisting in the Divine mind,Of Plato's In­telligible World. from the sensible, which is but the imi­tate of the former. And it seems evident that Plato by his [...] Intelligible World, which he here calls [...] an Exemplar, as else where [...], the Ideal, self-living, [Page 317] alwaies-living world (I say by these he) meant no other, than that Di­vine Idea, Image, or Exemplar inherent in the Divine Essence, accord­ing to which the whole Universe was delineated, and fashioned. For the more full understanding whereof, take these propositions.

1. Plato supposeth, that God, who is the most wise Agent, acted not rashly, but as a skilful Artificer, had [...] some most beautiful End, or Design, which was the measure, rule, or square in this great work of Creating the World.

2. Hence the infinite Wisdome of God, which the Scholes call His Simple Intelligence, having a full comprehension of all possible meanes, which might any way conduce to the promotion of Divine Glorie, the supreme end of this undertaking, and the Divine Sovereign Will, or Pleasure Decreeing what it judged most expedient in order hereto, seems to pass according to Plato's mind, under the Forme, or Notion of Divine Ideas, which he makes to be [...], im­material, Eternal, Immixed, and the original Prototype of the Uni­verse.

3. These original Idea's which comprehend the Divine Wisdome, The Difference 'twixt Plato's Ideas, and Exemplar. and Decrees, Plato makes to be productive of a Secondarie Idea (yet still immanent in the Divine Essence) which he calls sometimes [...], an Exemplar, sometimes [...], an Image. The origi­nal Idea he supposeth to be [...], the self-subsistent, indivisible, and eternal efficient of the Second Idea, or Exem­plar, which he makes to be the more immediate Delineation, or I­mage of the whole work. For thus his words run, [...], making use of this Exemplar he frames the Idea, and Power, i. e. the sensible World. So that 'tis evident he distinguisheth his original Idea from his Ex­emplar, making the forme [...] to be first more Noble, and Causative of the l [...]tter: this seems to be much the same with that, which the Scholes call Gods Science of Vision, whereby he contemplates things Future, which is the result of his Decrees, and so differing from his Simple Intelligence, whereby he contemplates things Possible. I find all this excellently explicated to us by Learned Serranus in his Com­ment on Plato's Timaeus, fol. 12. ‘whence, saies he, the first, and [...] Sovereign cause of this whole worke, which existed in the Di­vine mind, was his supreme End. For the effecting this end, there was an Idea, i. e. an Eternal Decree: This Idea delineated to it self [Page 318] [...], an Exemplar of the future work, which was various ac­cording to the varietie of the work.’ Or else we may, if we please re­fer this Original Idea of Plato to Gods Simple Intelligence, and his Ex­emplar to Gods Science of Vision, of which see Book 2. chap. 8. §. 8. of Pythagorick Idea's. This gives us a more full account what Plato meant by his Intelligible, Ideal, and Eternal World, which he so stiled analo­gically only with relation to Divine Decrees. The foundation of these Divine Idea's Plato seems to have taken from Moses, Gen. 1.31. And God saw every thing, that he had made, and behold it was very good.] i. e. answerable to his own Divine Exemplar, or Platforme. Plato in his Timaeus, fol. 37. speaks almost in Moses's words, thus. ‘After the Father of the Universe had beheld his workmanship, the framed image of the Eternal Gods, he recreated himself, and rejoyced therein.’ That Plato herein imitated Moses, see Joannes Grammati­cus of Creation, lib. 7. cap. 11, 12. of which more hereafter. This gives to understand how unjustly Aristotle, and his followers, have with so great heat contended against Plato's Universal Idea's, as though they were but Brain-sick figments, no where existing, but in Plato's vain imagination: whereas it seems evident that Plato by these Ʋni­versal Idea's, understood no other (though more darkly) than what our Divines generally understand by the Ʋniversal Idea's inherent in the mind of God as the Exemplar of all things created. Thus much for Gods Ideal Efficiencie.

Gods Energe­tick Efforma­tive Efficien­cie.2. As for Gods Executive, or Productive Efficiencie; according to Plato's Philosophizing, he is in general stiled [...], the supreme Fabricator, Perfecter, and Es­sentializer of things. The notions, by which Plato sets forth this Di­vine Efficiencie, are these, [...], He adorned, ordered, figured, constituted, framed all things, &c. And more particularly as to the mode, or manner how God framed all things, we are told [...], ev'ry thing was Essentialized by certain Prolifick, or Efformative words. This seems exactly to answer to that of the Psalmist, Psal. 33.6. By the word of the Lord were the Heavens made, and all the Host of them by the breath of his Mouth: which the Author to the Hebrews, chap. 11.3. more fully explains [The worlds were framed by the Word of God] i. e. Gods Fiat, or word was the Seminal prolifick principle of all beings, as Gen. 1.3. So the Stoicks reducing the whole of the Universe to two [Page 319] principles [...] the efficient, and [...] the matter: as to the for­mer, they say [...], this being the Spermatick, or Seminal Word of the Universe, which formes, and shapes it, as the Seed the Faetus. Which suits well with the Scripture account hereof: or else we may reduce this [...] Sper­matick Word, which the Platonists, and Stoicks speak so much of, to Christ, who is by Solomon stiled Wisdom, Prov. 8.27, 28. and by John 1.1. [...]. The Essential word, and made Coeffector with God the Father in the Creation of the Universe, though the former seems more adequate to the Platonick mind.

§. 5. We may reduce also to the foregoing Divine Efficiencie, Of Plato's Anima Mundi or Universal Spirit. that which Plato stiles [...] the soul of the Ʋniverse, or the Ʋni­versal spirit, which is so much spoken of, but as little understood in the Scholes. For the full understanding whereof, we must remember that Plato, according to his Allegorick humour, fancies the Universe to be [...] a living, and intelligent creature, composed of bodie, and soul. As for the bodie of the Ʋniverse, what he means there­by is evident, for he calls it [...] the visible, Nunquam fu­turus est Pla­tonicus, qui allegoricè Pla­tonem non pu­tat intelligen­dum: nisi for­te Aristotelico more in Plato­nis verba, non in sensum o­pertum, & pro­fundiorem figna inferre velit. Cael. Rho­dig. l. 9. c. 12. and tractable matter. All the difficultie lies in stating what he intends by the soul of the World. For the understanding whereof we are to remember (which is a general Clavis to Plato's Philosophie) that Plato affected an Allegorick mode of Philosophizing; wherefore his sense is more to be attended, than his words, as Caelius Rhodig. l. 9. c. 40. hath well ob­served. And this discovers the great injustice of Aristotle, and his Ad­herents in their Disputes against Plato in that quarelling with, and triumphing over his words, they regard not his sense, or mind wrap­ped up under those Symbolick, and Metaphorick Notions. Thus here when Plato Philosophizeth of the soul of the Universe, or the Uni­versal spirit, that animates this Universe, no [...] minding his hidden sense they cavil against his Notion, as if he did indeed make the Universe a Monstre. But to come to the right understanding of this Notion: We shall endeavour to draw forth Plato's mind in these Propositions.

1. The original, and primarie notion,Plato's Uni­versal Spirit exactly an­swers to the Spirit's Effor­mative Virtue, Gen. 1.2. Moved, &c. or mind of Plato's [...] Ʋniversal spirit, or soul of the Universe, seems to be but a broken Tradition from Gen. 1.2. And the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the Waters; and so an imperfect reference to the third person in the Trinitie, whom Moses makes to be the more immediate fomenter, and influencer of all things. Hence the Platonists in their [...], Trinitie, make [...] their Universal spirit to be the third [...], or [Page 320] person. That Plato by his Spirit of the Ʋniverse, or Ʋniversal spirit, meant the Spirit of God, or God, is evident by his description thereof in his de Legib. lib. 10. fol. 896. [...], ‘The Soul, or Spirit of all things is most ancient, and the principle of motion, and of all good: this Soul also is the cause of all things, honest, and evil, of all things just, and unjust; and of all contraries.’ This is a full description of the spirit's operation, and influx on all things both good and evil mate­rially considered. But Plato discourseth more fully, & particularly con­cerning this Universal Divine Spirit, his Prolifick Seminal Efformati­on of the Universe in what precedes, fol. 395. [...]. The Soul or Spirit perme [...]ting, and en­habiting all things, &c. Plato here proves, that God is the Soul of the World, from the Analogie, or Proportion he bears to the living Soul. For look as the Sensitive Soul conveighed from the Pa [...]ent, together with, and in the Seed, does by its Prolifick Efformative Virtue forme, and shape the faetus, till it be perfected: So God, whom he here stiles the Ʋniversal soul permeating, and enhabiting all things, is the [...], and (as before) [...], and [...], the first fashi [...]n­er, or the Efformative, and Spermatick principle of the Ʋniverse. Or look as the humane spirit, though precedent to, and no way depend­ing on the bodie, is notwithstanding [...] (as Aristotle phras­eth it) the perfection, or perfective principle of the man; so Plato's U­niversal Spirit, or Spirit of the Ʋniverse, though it be precedent to, and independent on the said Universe, yet is it [...] the Effor­mative, and perfective principle thereof. This Plato's indwelling soul of the Universe is the same with that [...], Plastick, Effor­mative, Power, Spirit, or Principle, which our Chymists take to be the Ʋniversal spirit, informing all things. And that all these Platonick [...]o­tions of this Soul, or Spirit of the Ʋniverse were but broken traditions derived originally from Gen. 1.2. The Spirit of God moved, &c. will I think, be evident to any, that shall consider, how parallel they are. For whereas 'tis said Gen. 1.2. the Spirit moved;’ some will have the Hebrew [...] to imply such a motion, or agitation as carries with it an Efformative fomentation, like to that of a Broodie Hen, fomenting her Egges; The Spirit of God as it were (to speake with Reverence) set abrood upon the Waters, till it be Hat [...]hed, and brought forth the Ʋ ­niverse. To which Plato's Spermatick, Efformativs spirit of the Uni­verse [Page] exactly answers, as also to that Psal. 33.6. By the breath of his mouth [...] Hebrew [...], by the Spirit of his Mouth. Neither is this only a Novel Observation: for Ludovicus Vives, who was well veri [...] in Plato, is fully of this persuasion, as he layes it down in his Comment on August. Civit. lib. 10. cap. 23. If we will (saies he) more ‘exactly follow Plato, its easie to defend, that the Soul of the world is that spirit which moved upon the Waters, Gen. 1.2. which they seem to make imparting life, and essence to all things through the masse of the Universe. Thus he; who gives us a good explication of Plato's [...], &c.

2.Plato's Uni­versal spirit refers to the spirit's preser­vation, and Providence. Plato's Soul of the Universe seems to refer sometimes to the Di­vine Spirit, his Providential influence on, and concurse with all things. This indeed follows upon, and differs not really from the foregoing notion of Plato's Universal spirit. For look as the spirit of God was the first Fomenter, Framer, and Perfectioner of the Universe, so does he still continue the supreme Governour, Orderer, and Influencer of it, and of all its motions, &c. Parallel hereto does Plato make his Universal spirit to be not only the first Composer, but also the Disposer, and Or­derer of the Universe, and all its Motions: so in his de Legib. lib. 10. fol. 897. [...]; ‘It's manifest, that we must con­fesse, the supreme soul provides for the whole world, and acts it, &c. This is another reason, why Plato stiles the Universe a living Creature, as he himself acquaints us in his Timaeus, fol. 30. [...], ‘we ought to say, that this world is truly a Living, and Intelligent Crea­ture, because it comes under the Providence of God. Hence Plato stiles this Universal Divine spirit, [...], for that he does most wisely, and methodically dispose, and order all Providential occurrences, and natural affairs. So in his Phileb. [...]. ‘All wise men agree that [...] the Divine mind is King to us, both of Heaven and Earth.’ So agen Phaedo, fol. 97. [...]: ‘And we judge, if it be so, that the Divine Mind adorning adorneth all things, and placeth ev'ry thing in the best forme, and station that may be, which is more briefly, yet fully, in the Platonick Definitions thus, [...], The Divine Mind is that, which adornes, and is the cause [Page 322] of all things: we have all this fully expressed by the Stoicks according to the relation of Laertius in Zeno, thus, [...];’ ‘The world is enhabited by the [...], Divine Mind, and Providence; the Mind dispensing, administrating, or ordering every part thereof, as the Soul in you, which is a full Explication of Plato's Universal spirit, and doth exactly answer to the Scripture's relation of the Spirit of God, his preservation of, and providence over all things, as Psal. 104.30.’ Thou sendest forth thy spirit, &c. So that we need no way doubt, but that Plato traduced this second Notion of his Universal spirit from the Sacred fountain.

3. Plato' Soul of the world taken for its Harmonie, and Order.3. Plato seems also sometimes under the Notion of his Universal spirit, or Soul, to comprehend that Universal Symmetrie, Harmonie, Order, Beautie, and Form [...] which appears in the Universe. So in his Timaeus, fol. 32. [...], &c. ‘The bodie of the Vniverse is framed by proportion, and friendship of the Four Elements, &c. where he makes [...], ana­logie, or [...] symmetrie, the bond of Union, Universal spirit, or forme by which all the parts of the Ʋniverse, in themselves opposite, & contrarie, by a friendly kind of discord are conjoyned, and agree to­gether.’ This piece of Plato's Ʋniversal Spirit is but the result of the former. For the Spirit of God having at first framed, and still order­ing the Ʋniverse, and all its parts according to Eternal Wisdome, Law, and Contrivement, hence flows the most exact Order, Beautie, and Har­monie, of all parts (though never so contrarie) mutually conspiring, and moving according to that Law of Nature imprest upon their be­ings, and the particular conduct, or disposition of the Divine Provi­dence to their appointed ends; so that Plato here puts the Effect for the Cause, namely Order for the Divine Spirit who is the great [...], Orderer, Collector, and Conjoyner of all these parts in the Ʋni­verse. But of this more, when we come to Plato's Forme of the Ʋni­verse.

4. Plato's igni­fick virtue how far it may be [...]ited the Uni­versal spirit.4. Some by Plato's Universal Spirit understand that Ignifick virtue, or Vivifick natural heat, which in the first Creation was infused into the Chaos, and afterward diffused through ev'ry part of the Universe for the fomenting, and nourishing thereof. This say they, Plato cals [...], Fire, or an Ignifick Spirit, which fashion­eth [Page 323] divers Effects, which Moses calls the Spirit of God, Gen, 1.2. Thus Beza, and out of him Serranus on Plato's Timaeus, fol. 10. But though Plato seems to own such a prolifick fire, or ignifick spirit diffu­sed through the Ʋniverse, yet his Universal spirit, or chief Soul of the Universe seems distinct here-from, as much as the cause from its ef­fect. Of this more hereafter.

§. 6. Having endeavoured to explicate Plato's Universal Spirit, The Bodie of the Universe, and its origi­nal matter. or the Spirit of the Universe, we are now to proceed to its bodie, and ma­terial Principle. The proper bodie of the Universe, according to the mind of Plato, is composed of the Four Elements, Fire, Water, Earth, Air: but the original matter of these Elements he makes to be the Chaos, which being first in order of Nature, and existence, ought firstly to be discoursed of. It was a [...], or principle universally granted by all the Ancient Philosophers before Aristotle, that the Universe had an origine; and that this Origine was from God: So that the great [...], or question was, what the material principle, or first matter of the Universe was? We find the several persuasions touching this mat­ter distinctly, though concisely, given us by Clemens Romanus Recog­nitionum lib 8o Pythagoras said, that the Elements, or principles of all things were Numbers; Callistratus Qualities; Alcmaeon Contrarieties; Anaximandrus Immensitie; Anaxagoras Similarie of parts; Epicurus Atomes; Diodorus [...], i. e. Impartibles, or Indivisibles; Asclepias [...], which we call Tumors, or Elations; Geometers Fines, i. e. Bounds; Democritus Idea's; Thales Water; Parmenides Earth; Plato Fire, Water, Air, Earth; Aristotle also a fifth Element, which he named [...], Unnameable. Thus Vossius de Philos. part. 1. cap. 5. §. 13. Although this relation needs some emendation, yet 'tis the best I have met with in this kind, and therefore it must passe. Only as to Plato, we must know, that though he made the Four Ele­ments before named, the compleat bodie, yet he made them not the first original matter of the Universe. For Plato in his Timaeus describes his [...], or first matter thus: ‘It is, saies he, [...], or [...], The Genus, or Species out of which ev'ry thing is composed; and he expresly saies that it is neither Fire, nor Water, nor Earth, nor Air, but the Common Mother, and Nurse of all these, which effuseth its seed, and virtue [...], Watrie, Firie, and receptive of the formes of Air, and Earth. And indeed this Plato's [...] first matter, [Page 324] or [...], Chaos seems exactly the same with, and we need no way doubt but was originally traduced from that of Moses, Gen. 1.2. And the Earth was without forme, and void. Thus Richardson in the Exposi­tion on his Divinitie Tables, Table 5. MSS. Materia] ‘This the Philosophers did find,The Parallel 'twixt Moses and Plato in description of the First Mat­ter of the Uni­verse. stumbling upon it, but mistaking it very much. Aristotle had it from Plato; he had it from the Egyptians, they from the Jews. This will easily appear by parallelizing the affections of the one and the other: which we shall endeavour in these following Pro­positions.

1. In it's Cre­ation.1. Moses makes Divine Creation the original of his First Matter, or Chaos, Gen. 1.1. So does Plato, as before, §. 4. answerable to that of Hesiod, [...], First of all the Chaos was made, That Peripatetick dream of an Eternal first matter never came into Pla­to's head, though some impute it to him, as before §. 3.

1. Moses's [...] the same with Plato's [...].2. Moses calls his First Matter, Gen. 1.2. [...] without forme, which P. Fagius renders out of Kimchi [...], the very same word, which Plato useth to expresse his First Matter by; and little differ­ent in sound, but lesse, or nothing at all, in sense from Sanchonia­thon's [...], slime, which Philo Byblius stiles [...], as Great Bochart conceives from the Phenician, and Hebrew [...] Mod, which signifies Matter, as before, Book 1. chap. 3. §. 13, 14. Aquila on Deut. 32.10. renders this [...] by [...] confused, or without or­der, and Plato describes his first matter by the same word, calling it [...], confused, [...], namely because it was without any substantial forme, order, or perfection: yea Plato expresly stiles his first matter [...], without forme, as Moses. Hence those Peripatetick descriptions of this first matter, that it is nec quid, nec quale, nec quantum, indefinite, and informe, yet capable of any forme, which have caused so much dispute in the Scholes.

Moses's [...] the origine of Plato's [...].3. Moses makes his First Matter to be Gen. 1.2. [...] and void, whence some conceive, that Plato with the rest of the Greeks tradu­ced their [...]: for by an usual change of ב into ב, [...] is turned into [...], which Bochart makes the original of [...], Chaos. But if we can­not argue fully from the Names, yet as to Things we may draw an exact Parallel 'twixt Moses, and Plato as to this particular. For Plato, as well as Moses, makes his first Matter to be void of any Forme, or per­fect principles, but yet the Seminarie, or Masse, out of which all [Page] things were framed: So Plato tells us, that this Chaos was [...], The receptacle, and as it were the nurse of all generations, though it were nothing perfectly. So again in the same Ti­maeus he acquaints us, that it was [...], agen, [...], i.e. ‘that it was a kind of anomalous thing, not clothed with Essence, yea little better than nothing, yet the common subject out of which all things were formed.’ In summe, this first matter is according to Plato stiled [...], The Seat, Receptacle, Mo­ther, and Nurse of the Universe, proportionable to that of Sanchonia­thon (quoted by Eusebius) who treating of the Chaos, saies,Euseb. l. 1. c. 10. [...], ‘out of this came all the seed of the Creation; and the Generation of the whole.’ So Plato in his Timaeus, fol. 95. saies [...]. Matter is as the Female, and Mo­ther, and Nurse; but the Forme, is as the Male, and Father of the Uni­verse. Thus we see how Plato in imitation of Moses describes the first matter as void of all substantial forme, and perfection; yet the seed, and receptacle of all things. Hence also we learne, whence Aristotle had his Physical Privation, which he makes one of his Principles ne­cessarily antecedent to the production of Bodies. Hence also he calls his first matter a passive power, or Principle void of all formes, but inclinable to, or receptive of any forme. These Peripatetick notions, which make so great noise in our Scholes, were evidently but frag­ments of Plato's Mosaick traditions.

4. Moses describes his First Matter, or Confused Masse to be,Plato's [...] from Moses, Gen. 1.25. Gen. 1.2. Darknesse, &c. Hence Plato, in imitation of him, stiles his first Matter [...], tenebrous, obscuritie. The like we find mentioned in He­siod, and by him applyed to the Chaos, [...]. From the Chaos sprang the Erebo, and the dark night. And indeed both Plato, and Hesiod seeme to have traduced this affection of the Chaos from Sanchoniathon, who calls it [...] the tene­brous Chaos, which Learned Bochart supposeth to bave been in the Phenician tongue (in which Sanchoniathon writ) [...], Evening darknesse, which he proves was taken from Gen. 1.2. but the word [...] from Gen. 1.5. [...], and it was Eber, or Evening: this (saies he) Varro thus imitates; Erebo creata fuscis crinibus nox te in­voco: So Bochart Can. lib. 2. cap. 2. fol. 783.

[Page 326] 5. Gen. 1.2. Face of the deep.5. Whereas Moses saies Gen. 1.2. [Darkness was upon the face of deep] Plato also seems to comprehend the same under his [...], or first matter, which, as we have before mentioned, is the same with San­choniathon's [...] waterie mistion, or slime: so Orpheus [...], Hilus, or slime was made out of water. This slime, or fluid wa­trie matter the seed of all Creatures, is the same with Thales's [...], water, which he made the first principle, or matter of all things: and all but broken traditions of Moses's description, Gen. 1.2. as we have proved at large, Book 2. chap. 3. §. 4.

6. Gen. 1.2. Moved on the face of the waters.6. Lastly, Moses saies, Gen. 1.2. [The Spirit of God moved up­on the face of the Waters] i. e. The Spirit of God by a Divine fomenta­tion, agitation, or motion on this fluid matter, commonly called the Chaos, formed, and shaped every Creature, and brought it to that forme, and perfection as was appointed for it, by the Sovereign Eter­nal Idea, Wisdome, and Pleasure. And does not Plato also give us a description hereof much to the same purpose? when he saies as in his Timaeus, [...], that is (as some render it) by an importune motion fluctuating, and not quiescing. This Divine fomentation, and agitation of the spirit on this fluid mat­ter in order to the formation of every Creature, is by Sanchoniathon stiled [...], the spirit of dark air, or a blustering wind. To conclude; Plato in his Timaeus tells us, that God out of this first matter [...], disorderly, and irregularly indigested, [...], beautified, ordered, and configured, or formed the Universe. Yea he undertakes to expound the mode, or method, which the Divine Spirit took in thus fashioning, and reducing every Creature to it's proper Forme. ‘The matter, saies he, of all things being substracted, the mind of the Divine Opisicer by a prudent kind of persuasion compelled the same, which otherwise was tenebrous, fluid, inordinate, and informe, to passe into light, and order, &c. of which see Serranus on Plato's Timaeus, fol. 12.’ By all which laid together, I think 'tis very probable, that Plato traduced these his Physiologick Philosophisings touching the First Matter, or Material Principle of the Universe, The bodie of the Universe, and its consti­tutive parts the 4. Elemen. if not immediately, yet originally, from Moses's description of the Creation, Gen. 1.2.

§. 7. Having dispatched the Original, and First Matter of the Uni­verse, we now proceed to it's compleat Bodie, which Plato stiles [...] the visible, and tangible. This bodie of the world he [Page 327] makes to consist of the four Elements, Fire, Water, Air, Earth conjoyned together by a friendly proportion, or harmonie. So in his Timaeus, fol. 32. saies Plato [...] [sc. [...]] [...]. ‘By these, and of these Four Ele­ments the bodie of the Universe is composed with an harmonious proportionable friendship, &c. Yea Plato undertaketh to give us some account of the necessitie, and mutual combination of these four Elements. 1. He tells us, that the Earth is the most ponderous, least mobile, and the most impertransmutable of all the Elements, and therefore the basis of the rest. So in his Timaeus, fol. 98. [...]. The earth is most ponderous, and leastly mobile, & a bodie impertransmutable into others, by reason of its being incommunicable, &c. Then he addes, [...]. ‘Fire, by reason of its tenuitie, penetrates through every thing: Air through every thing save Fire: Water through the Earth: by means whereof all things being filled there is nothing left vacuous.’ Whence Plato in the same Timaeus, fol. 99. concludes [...], ‘Of these Ele­ments God composed the world, which is tangible by reason of the Earth; but visible by Fire; which two extreams are connected toge­ther by Air, and Water, with Proportion, that excellent bond. Tullie interprets Plato's words thus. It's necessarie, that the world should be corporeal, and visible, as also touchable: Moreover Fire pene­trates all things, and nothing can be touched, which wants a solid ba­sis. Now nothing is solid but what partakes of Earth: wherefore God being about to make the world, first joyned Fire, and Earth together, &c. Lud. Vives in August. Civit. lib. 8. cap. 11. gives us Plato's mind touching the Combination, and Proportion betwixt these Elements thus. ‘To make a coherence 'twixt Earth, and Fire there is necessarily required a Bond; wherefore they needed two o­ther Elements, which of themselves, and of the other Elements, they connected, might make up one Composite, or Bodie. Such are [Page 328] Air, and Water, 'twixt Fire, and Earth. For the same Analogie, or Proportion that Water has to Earth, Air has to Fire: the same also Water, and Air have amongst themselves; which as [...]onds doe so copulate the extreme Elements, Earth, and Fire, that by the almost imperceptible variations of Nature, either ascendent, or de­scendent, there may be supposed to be one bodie, which waxeth hard in Earth, or is rarifyed in Fire.’ Plato also makes each of these Four E­lements to have various [...]pecies, and properties. So Timaeus, fol. 99. he saies [...], &c. Fire has flame, light, and splendor, by reason of the inequalitie of the Triangles which are in each of these. Air is partly pure and drie, partly humid, and cloudie. Water also is either fluid, or congeled, as Snow, Hail, Ice. Humor is either fluid, or compact: Fluid as Honey, Oil: Compact, as Pitch, Wax. Compact humor, is either fusile, as Gold, Silver, Brasse, Tinne, Led, Iron; or fragile, as Sulphur, Bitumen, Nitre, Salt, Alume, and [ [...]] Stones Homogeneous. Also in the same Timaeus, fol. 99. Plato acquaints us that heat has [...], a disgregative fa­culty of the most tenuous parts, but [...], frigid is constrictive, and complicative of the Pores. Lastly Plato informes us that the more Noble parts of the Universe, as the Sun, &c. are composed of Fire, of which hereafter.

Plato received this distributi­on of the bodie of the Universe into 4. Ele­ments from Moses, Gen. 1.1. &c.§. 8. That Plato received this distribution of the Ʋniverse it's bo­die composed of the 4. Elements from the Jewish Church, and parti­cularly from Moses's description of the Creation, Gen. 1.1. &c. is acknowledged, both by Ancient, and Modern Writers. So Austin de Civit. Dei, lib. 8. cap. 11. Plato (saies he) in his Timaeus affirmes, that God in the first Creation, first joyned Fire, and earth together. It's manifest that he gives to Fire the place of Heaven. Therefore this opinion has similitude with that, which is said Gen. 1.1. that In the Beginning God made Heaven, and Earth. Thence those two middle Elements by the interposure whereof these extremes are co­pulated, he calls Water, and Air: whereby he is conceived to un­derstand what is written, Gen. 1.2. And the Spirit of God moved upon the Waters. For little heeding in what manner the Scripture stiled the Spirit of God, because the Air is also called a Spirit, he imagined the Four Elements might he commemorated in that Place.’ Thus Austin. That Moses in this Gen. 1.1, 2. describes the Creation of the Four Elements, and that Plato speaks conformable thereto, is af­firmed [Page 329] by learned Serranus in his Notes on Plato his Timaeus, fol. 10. thus. ‘This is the common opinion of our Divines, that Moses in verse 1. of Gen. 1. teacheth, that the first matter was created by God: and that in verse 2. he describeth the same by certain Notes.Serranus his Analysis of Gen. 1.1, 2. out of Beza. Yet as to the genuine, and plain interpretation of this place, the opini­on of Theodore Beza my most Reverend Parent and Praeceptor doth mostly please me, who supposeth, that Moses in this place doth not treat of the first matter, but simply teacheth, that the Four Elements, viz. Earth, Water, Fire, Air, were in their order Created of God: and he gives these Reasons of this his opinion: First that Moses was wont so to propose things Physical, that he might wholly accommodate his speech to the Vulgar Capacitie: neither does he treat of them subtily, but [...] sensibly, that they might be more comprehen­ded by the ruder sort; wherefore the plain, and true sense of this place seemed to him this. In verse 1. Moses proposeth after this manner, a summe of the whole Historie of the Worlds Creation, and that in an Analytick order, which truly is a forme of Demonstration most apt for the teaching of Sciences. Moses therefore teacheth [...] summarily, that in the beginning God created the Heaven, and the Earth, i.e. Gen. 1.1. When yet nothing existed God created this Universe, and what ever is comprehended in its compasse: which ac­cording to the common manner of speech is understood by the termes of Heaven, and Earth. Moses having laid this summary Substratum of his whole discourse, he then proceeds to persue each part thereof, and Firstly to treat of the Elements: because they are the basis of the Universe, and the Matter which the Vulgar might comprehend as being discovered by certain ef­fects. Therefore he affirmes that Moses in verse 2. teacheth the Creation of the Elements Earth, Water, Fire: but the Creation of the Air in verse 6. These Elements he describeth as Created [...] by themselves, before their entering into the composition of Animants. Thus therefore Moses explains those first bodies, as that he first treats of the Earth; affirming that the Earth was in­forme, &c. Therefore there was not yet extant any certain Dispo­sition of things; neither was there any certain forme in that tenebrous Masse of the Elements: which notwithstanding God conserved by an infused natural heat, which was as it were the Seminarie of all things, and nothing else but the Element of Fire. For the Element [Page 330] of Fire in this first Creation was nothing else but that ignifick force, and efficacie, which is variously diffused in the symmetry of the Ʋniverse for the fomenting, and nourishing of things according to their nature. This Natural, and Vivifick heat dispersed in things after their mode, even in Animants themselves, is by Moses properly called the Spirit of God, Gen. 1.2. Truly Plato calls this Natural heat [...], i. e. the Opificer of various effects. Thus, saies Beza, Moses shews, how the Earth, Water, Fire, were E­lements Created by God the first day. That therefore the Air was Created the second day, which Moses calls [...] Expansion. Truly Plato makes mention of [...] expansion, as I conceive, in the same sense; which word is well accommodated to express the na­ture of the Air which is most liquid, and expansive, &c. thus Serra­nus. Which accurate Analysis of the first Creation, though it has something novel, and disputable, yet it gives us a good account of the Cognation betwixt Moses, and Plato, in their description of the first Elements, which constitute the Systeme or bodie of the Ʋniverse.

§. 9. As Plato makes the bodie of the Universe to be composed of the Four Elements,The Forme of the Universe, its Harmonie, Order, and Beautie. so also the Forme thereof, according to his per­suasion, is no other than the [...], Analogie, and Sym­metrie, or harmonious contexture, and friendly conjuncture of these E­lements, whence results the Order, Beautie, and Perfection of the U­niverse. So in his Timaeus, fol. 32. Plato saies, that the Bodie of the Universe is constituted [...], by the Friend­ship, and Analogie 'twixt these Elements, &c. Plato here in pursuit of his former Allegorie supposeth, the Universe to be [...] a living intelligent thing consisting of bodie and soul: the Bodie he calls [...], the visible, and tractable part, or the Ele­ments themselves; but the Soul he stiles [...], that Analogie, and Symmetrie by which things in themselves contra­rie are friendly; and by a kind of agreeable discord conjoyned together in the masse of the Universe. This Harmonie, Proportion, and Consent, which is found amongst the parts of the Universe, Plato makes to be the effect of the Divine Spirit, his Disposition, & Providence, which is by him on the same account, but in a more eminent manner stiled [...], the Soul of the World (as before §. 5.) But here we are to take notice, that Plato make a twofold Forme of the Ʋni­verse, the first Intelligible, inhering in the Divine mind: the second [Page 331] Sensible, infused into singulars consisting in their proportion, order, &c. So in his Timaeus, fol. 49. [...]. Plato here asserts a Twofold Forme of the Ʋni­verse; the One Intelligible, which is that Idea, or Paradeigme subsisting in the Divine mind proportionable whereto all things were framed: the other, Sensible, consisting in that Proportion, Harmonie, and Or­der, which God has put into every Creature, and their mutual com­binations. This he more fully expresseth in the same Timaeus, fol. 69. [...]. ‘These Elements lying confusedly together, God inspired into each of them, both in regard to themselves, and to other things a Symme­trie, so that they are so far as 'tis possible Analogous, and Symme­trous. These Platonick notions of the Forme of the Ʋniverse seem very proportionable unto, and therefore but derivations from Gen. 1.31. where 'tis said, that God saw all things that they were good, i. e. Har­monious, and proportionable amongst themselves, as also exactly pro­portionable to their Divine Idea, and Exemplar. So Austin de Civ. Dei, lib. 12. cap. 5. ‘All Natures, saies he, because they are, there­fore also have they their Measure, Beautie, or Forme, and a certain peace amongst themselves, wherefore also they are good, &c. Hence the Ancients made Love to be the bond of the Ʋniverse, namely be­cause it's Perfection, and Goodness proceeded from the Harmonie Order, and Beautie of the parts.’ All which is fully comprehended under Plato's Forme of the Ʋniverse, whereby he understood no other, than the Harmonie, Beautie, Order, and Perfection of the Universe, and its parts, though never so contrarie amongst themselves, answer­able to Gen. 1.31. which is also Essentially couched under the notion of Forme: for [...], by an easie transposition of φ, and μ, is the same with [...], which signifies Beautie, &c. Plato never dreamed of that essential Forme which Aristotle introduced as educible out of the passive power of the first matter, &c. No; he conforming himself to Moses's stile by Forme understands nothing but that Beautie, Per­fection, and Goodness, which was in things resulting from their Order, Proportion, and Harmonie amongst themselves; as also from their conformitie to the Divine Exemplar, and original Idea. The Affections of the Uni­verse

§. 10. Having discoursed of the Principles of Natural bodies, both [Page 332] Effective, and Constitutive; we now proceed to their Adjuncts, or Af­fections, which essentially, and naturally flow from their Principles And the first great [...], or Affection which Plato attributes to the U­niverse, and it's parts, is Perfection, 1. Perfection. So in his Timaeus, fol. 32. discours­ing of the [...], Affections of the Universe he saies, [...] ‘The first is that the whole Universe, because it is an animal greatly perfect, consists of per­fect parts.’ This Perfection of the Ʋniverse he had before given some intimation of under the notion of Goodness: So Timaeus, fol. 30. [...]. ‘God would, that all things should be good, and nothing evil: For 'twas never, neither is it now lawfull for him, who is the best Good, to make any thing but what is most beautiful, and perfect.’ Plato here sheweth, how God of the first confused matter, and Elements efformed a most Beautiful World; the words he expresses this by is [...], he beautifi'd, adorn'd the world; whence 'twas called by the Ancients [...]. Agen he saie [...] [...], he shaped, configured, or conformed the Universe, i. e. made it conformable to the Eternal, and most perfect Exemplar of his own Decrees: whence we read 1. Cor. 7.31. of [...], the Scene, Figure, or Forme of this World. Farther, Plato saies, that God did [...] accurately dispose, order, or methodize the Ʋniverse, placing each part in it's proper place, and rank, [...], reducing every Creature from that Ataxie, or disorder it lay un­der in the confused Chaos, unto an admirable order, and goodness, which he elsewhere stiles [...], the good order, or right disposition of every thing. Lastly, he saies, that God [...] constituted, or gathered into one Systeme each part of the Creation: whence Aristotle (his Scho­lar following his Master herein) defines the World [...] &c. a Sy­steme, or ordinate compages of natural bodies, &c. By all these ex­pressions Plato sets forth to the life the incomparable Structure, and ad­mirable perfection of the Universe, as it came forth of the hands of God, and that exactly conformable unto, and, as we have reason enough to judge, by traduction from Moses's description thereof, Gen. 1.31. And God saw every thing, that he had made, and behold it was very good: i. e. most perfect. Indeed Plato gives us an excellent comment on these words of Moses, wherein we have Moses his sense fully, and that almost in his own words laid open to us: So in his Timaeus, fol. 37. ‘Therefore (saies Plato) after the Father of the Universe had animad­verted, [Page 333] or considered his work [ [...]] the made image of the Eternal Gods (or Trinitie) he rejoyced, and recreated himself therein.’ Thus Plato, who does here, as the Learned conclude, speak by tradition from Moses. So Jo. Grammaticus Of Creation, lib. 7. cap. 11, 12. ‘Rightly therefore does that great Moses concluding the Creation of the world say Gen. 1.31. And God saw every thing, &c. And Plato here agen does imitate him, who speaking of Gods making the Universe, saies, that when the Father beheld this Mobile Animal, the image of the Eternal Gods, which he had begotten, he rejoyced, and was recreated. [...]] and by so much the more, when he considered that it was made exactly conformable to it's Paradeigme, or Eternal exemplar.’ Thus Jo. Grammaticus touch­ing the parallel betwixt Moses, and Plato. Austin de Civit. Dei. lib. 11. cap. 21. enterprets Moses in the same manner, that Plato does. ‘In that (saies he) 'tis said Gen. 1.31. God saw all things that they were good. We must understand the approbation of his work made accord­ing to Art, which is the Wisdom of God, &c. God's seeing all things to be Good implies their Conformitie to that Original Idea, or Eternal Platforme of Divine Wisdome, and Decrees: Whence also Plato stiles the Universe a visible image of the invisible God; namely by reason of it's exact conformitie to it's Original Forme, or Idea in Di­vine Decrees: So in his Timaeus, fol. 92. [...] [others, [...]] [...]. ‘Taking Ani­mals both Mortal, and Immortal, and commixing them together, this world, thus constituted, becomes a Visible Animal comprehen­ding things Visible, a Sensible image of the Intelligible God the greatest, and best, and most beautiful, and most perfect, &c. Plato here calls the Universe a Sensible Image of the Intelligible God, in that it was made exactly conformable to Gods Eternal Exemplar, which in his Timaeus, fol. 69. he calls [...] the Intel­ligible Forme, or Exemplar, as elsewhere [...] the Intelligible Ideal World: according to which Exemplar, or Platforme he reacheth this sensible world was made, whence it became a re­flex image thereof, and so a sensible image of the insensible Deitie: Or else we may refer this Platonick description of the Universe to Moses's [Page 334] Character of Man, Gen. 1.27. And God created him in his own I­mage, &c. So Johan: Grammaticus of the Worlds Creation, lib. 6. cap. 21. pag. 249. [...], &c. ‘whereas Moses spake properly of Man, that he was made after the Image of God, and according to his likeness: Plato translates this to all things in the World. Thus Philoponus. And indeed it's evident, that Plato comprehendeth under his notion of the Universe, as well Rationals, as Sensibles; and therefore from Man its more noble part he stiles the whole, the Image of God according to, and in derivation from Moses's description, Gen. 1.27. We may take it either way, and yet no way doubt, but that Plato had this, as the former Notions touching the perfection, goodness, order, beautie, and exact proportion, or conformitie of the Universe, from the Mo­saick description. This perfection of the Universe Plato makes to be the immediate product, and first issue of its formal constitution; namely, the result of that friendly proportion, sweet harmonie, and beau­tiful order, which is between all the parts of the Universe, though in themselves never so disagreeing. This is fully expounded by Austin, (who did mostly Platonize) de Civit. lib. 11. c. 18. the Antitheta, or opposites (saies he) are accounted most decent in the ornaments of Elocution: as therefore those Contraries do give a beautie to Speeches, so the Beautie of the Universe is composed of a certain E­loquence not of Words, but of Things resulting from the opposition of Contraries.’ Thus much for the perfection of the Universe.

2. Affecti [...]n of the Uni­verse is its U­nitie.§. 11. The second [...], or affection, which Plato gives the Uni­verse, is Unitie: So in his Timaeus, fol. 33. having discoursed of its perfection, he addes [...]. To these we may adde that 'tis one. So in his Parmenides, fol. 144. Plato having distinguished [...] one, into infinite, and finite: As for finite unitie, he makes it to be a proper affe­ction of his sensible Idea, whereby he means the Universe. And the reason he gives why the Universe should be one, is this; because [...], the singulars conteined therein are all determinately re­duced to their proper Classe. Aristotle also asserted the same.

3. Finitenes.3. Another [...], or affection, which Plato gives the Universe is Finitenes; so in his Parmenides, fol. 145. having spoken of his sensible Idea, and its Unitie, he addes [...] [Page 335] [...]. ‘Must not one be universally finite; or must not the parts be comprehended of the whole? Yes certainly. Therefore what is comprehended must be finite: (though infinite in multitude) and because finite, therefore it has extremes: If it be a whole, it must have a beginning, and mid­dle, and end, &c. Thus also Aristotle, &c.

4. Thence follows another affection of the Universe, 4. The Uni­verse has a Figure round. which Plato calls Figure. So in his fore-cited Parmenides, fol. 145. [...]. And this one being such, must also partake of Figure. And in his Timaeus, fol. 33. he speaks more par­ticularly, and fully, thus, [...], &c. ‘And he has given to it (i. e. the Universe) a Figure most becoming, and most congenial. For it is meet, that he should shape it into such a Forme, or Figure, as might comprehend all other Fi­gures. For which c [...]use the World is made [...], round, so that its whole circum [...]rence is touched with Rayes equally distant from the Centre: [...].’ This being the most perfect, and most like to it self, of all Fi­gures. Thus Plato, wherein he fully informes us touching the Worlds Rotunditie, and the reasons thereof: namely, because it ought to comprehend all Animals. Now a round Figure is, (saies he) of all 1. most capacious, and perfect, 2. most like to it self, or uniforme: 3. most content with it self, and without need of other. Aristotle also follows him, in asserting the Worlds Rotunditie.

5. Another [...], or attribute, which Plato gives natural Bodies, is Color, 5. Color. which in his Timaeus, fol. 67. he thus describes, [...]. ‘We call Colors a flame, diffusing it self from par­ticular Bodies, having parts symmetrous to the sense.’ By Flame he means Light, which he elsewhere termes a Flame: and so Plato is herein followed by the New Philosophers, who make Colors to be no­thing but the various mixture of Light, and Darkness. He does far­ther in his Timaeus, fol. 101. give some distribution of Colors, with their proper effects, thus, [...]. ‘White Color disgregates the sight, whereas black does congregate it.’ To which the Peripateticks assent, &c.

[Page 336] 6. Time, an­other Affecti­on of Bodies.6. Plato also makes Time another special propertie, or Affection of the Universe, and all natural Bodies. So in his Parmenides, fol. 151. treat­ing of the Universe under the notion of [...], One, he saies, [...], &c. ‘One partakes of Time, and it is younger, and elder than it self; and than other things, and it is, and it was, &c. His meaning is, that all natural Bodies admit of variations, and differences of time, &c. And in his Timaeus, fol. 13. he describes time to be [...], a moveable Image of Eter­nitie. Agen, [...], the definition, or boundarie of day, and night. So agen in his Timaeus, fol. 97. he saies, [...], &c. ‘God has framed Time together with the World: for it is an Image of the ingenerable time called Eternitie: for look as this Universe is created according to the exemplar of the Intelligi­ble Ideal World, so is this Time composed in some sort according to the exemplar of Eternitie. Thus Plato. Lastly, as to the formal measure, and product of Time, we find a good description thereof in the Platonick Definitions, fol. 411. thus, [...], Time is the motion of the Sun, and the measure of motion; which agrees well with Moses's description in Gen. 1.14 for seasons, and for days, and years, &c.

7. Mobilitie.7. Hence follows another Affection, which Plato attributes to the Universe, and natural Bodies, namely Mobilitie. So in his Parmenides, fol. 145. [...]. ‘Thus therefore is it not necessarie, that One (i. e. the Universe) be capable both of Motion, and Rest, &c. Herein also Aristotle follows him, making Motion, and Rest, affections of natural Bodies.

8. Generation.8. Hence also follows Generation, which may be ranked amongst the Affections, which Plato gives to natural Bodies, and is thus described, Platon. definit. fol. 411. [...]. Generation is a motion to Essence. Agen 'tis called, [...], a participation of Essence, &c.

9. Daration.9. Whence lastly follows Duration, which Plato makes another [...], or affection of the Universe. So in his Timaeus, fol. 32. having spoken of the Worlds perfection, and unitie, he addes, [...]. It must also continue without old age, and sickness, &c. He persues his Allegorie, wherein he stiles the World a Living Crea­ture, [Page 337] which (saies he) must continue in youthful vigor, and healthie. His meaning is, that though Individuals, and Singulars decay daily, yet the Species, and whole of the Ʋniverse is continued durable, and vigorous, by means of successive generations. For they are Individuals on­ly, not the Species, that dye: thus according to Aristotle's Maxime, the Corruption of one is but the Generation of another. Thus much of the affections of the Ʋniverse.

§. 12. The parts of Physiologie are either General, or Particular:Second part of Physiologie, of the parts of the Universe. the General part of Physiologie treats of the first Principles, and Affe­ctions of Nature, which we have dispatched. Physiologie in particu­lar discourseth of the Severals, or Particulars of the Ʋniverse, which make up the whole of Nature. Now of these in their order, so far as they come under Plato's Philosophizings. 1. The Creati­on of the An­gels. And here we may begin with Angelick Beings, who are called the first-born Sons of God, and are indeed the most noble Pieces of the Universe, which Plato makes the first-fruits of Gods Creation. So Lud. Vives, in August. Civit. Dei, lib. 11. c. 9. ‘The Greek Divines (saies he) will, that Spiritual Be­ings precede Corporeal, and that the great Parent of the Ʋniverse u­sed them, i. e. Angels, as Ministers for the procreation of other things: which Opinion Plato follows in his Origine of the Universe. So Sanchoniathon sets forth the Creation of the Angels under the [...] Contemplators of the Heavens. Whence also A­ristotle's conceit of the Heavens being moved by Intelligences, seems to have had its origination. All which Contemplations about Ange­lick natures, and their production, seem to have been but corrupt De­rivations from Job 38.7. When the morning Stars sang together, &c. But, because the Discourse of Angels belongs not properly to Physicks, but to Metaphysicks, we shall engage no farther on it at present.2. The Crea­tion of the Heavens, their matter Fire. To descend therefore to the material, and more natural parts of the Uni­verse: and first to the Heavens, which Plato in his Timaeus, fol. 36. describes after his Metaphorick mode, thus, [...]. ‘The Bodie of the Heavens is visible, but the Soul of these Intelligences partakes of invisible reason, and harmonie.’ Thus Plato: whence, I presume, Aristotle derived his Celestial Intelli­gences, which he presumed to be the first movers of the Celestial Spheres. But as to the Matter, and Nature of the Heavens what Plato's Opinion was, is somewhat difficult to conjecture. Austin af­firmes [Page 338] peremptorily, that Plato made the Heavens to be of an igni­fick, or fierie nature, and that herein he followed Moses, Gen. 1.1. So Aust. de Civit. Dei, lib. 8. c. 11. Plato in his Timaeus affirmes, (saith he) that God in the first Creation joyned the Earth, and Fire together. It's manifest that he attributes to Fire the place of Hea­ven. This Opinion therefore has some similitude with what is said Gen. 1.1.’ In the beginning God made heaven, and earth. Thus Au­stin. And Ludo. Vives on these Words addes, that Plato thought the Heavens to be fierie, (though the Stars to be composed of the four Elements, because they seemed more solid) Not that the Heavens were of the same nature with our Culinarie fire, for he supposeth there are several sorts of Fire.’ So Lud. Vives. And indeed that these Ce­lestial Bodies (at least the more lightsome, and glorious, namely the Sun, &c.) are of an ignite, or fierie nature, seems probable from the very origination of the name [...], Heaven, which is apparently derived from the Hebrew [...] Our, or Ur, which signifies both Light, and Fire, as hereafter. I am not ignorant, that some make the Heavens to be of a fluid, waterie (as others of an aerial) nature. So Paulus Fagius on Gen. 1. tells us, ‘that amongst the Hebrews the Heaven is called from its extension, [...] the Firmament, and from its Waterie matter, [...] Waters there, which he also gathers from Gen. 1.6. a Firmament in the midst of the Waters, &c. But this be­ing granted, that the Firmament is of a waterie, or fluid matter see Wendeline, de Coelo; (which is also the Opinion of some New Philoso­phers) yet it followeth not hence, but that the Sun, and those other more lightsome, and glorious Celestial Bodies; may be composed of a fierie substance; which seemeth to have been the Opinion of the Jews, whence Plato, and other of the Greeks derived the same, and that on these Probabilities.

That the Sun and Stars are Fire, Gen. 1.3. [...], Fire as well as Light.1. That the Sun, and Stars are composed of Fire, appears first from the very Text, Gen. 1.3. Let there be Light: where the Hebrew [...] Our, whereby the Sun is expressed, Job 31.26. signifies as well Fire, as Light. This we have proved at large out of Richardson, and others, in our former part of Philologie, Book 3. C. 3. §. 9. So Amesius, in his Medulla Theol. lib. 1. cap. 8. Thes. 50. treating of the Creation of this Light, saies that ‘Light, namely lightsome Fire, was made out of the most subtile part of this Mass taken up, &c, So Grotius in his Annotations on 2 Pet. 3.7. ‘The Fire (saies he) was not in that [Page 339] first humid Mass, but afterward created by God, which Moses calls Light, because Light, and Heat are one, and the same. Out of this Light compacted were the Stars composed, whence they diffuse Fires upon the Earth, whence also Fires are generated under the Earth. From these Celestial, and subterraneous Fires meeting together, shall that great, and last fatal conflagration of the World arise, as the former Deluge from the conjunction of the Celestial Waters with those of the deep. Caecilius in Minutius Foelix affirmes, that these Fires threaten conflagration to the whole World, yea to the Stars themselves.’ Thus Grotius, who in what precedes, tells us, that besides the Sibylles, Sophocles, Seneca, and Lucanus; the Astrolo­gers (particularly Copernicus, Revolut. lib. 3. cap. 16.) have observed the same, and that from the daily appropinquation, or nearer approaches of the Sun towards the Earth. Indeed I find this to have been the firme perswasion of the Pythagoreans, as before in the Pythagorean Philosophie, Ch. 7. §. 10. Heraclitus also received the same by Tradi­tion from the Pythagoreans, affirming, that the World, as it was made of Fire, so it should again [...], be burnt by fire. It was the common perswasion of the Platonists, that the more noble parts of the Universe, namely the Sun, and Stars, were Celestial Fires; whence also they asserted the last conflagration of the World by fire, which they called [...]. Plato's own Words are, [...]. In a short time there shall be a destruction of all things on the Earth by much fire. The Stoicks held the same, calling it [...]. And Grotius in the fore-cited place, on 2 Pet. 3.7. saies, ‘That these Traditions came originally from the Jews. For there is mention made hereof in the Book called Cedrus Libani, that as God in times past let loose the reins to the Waters, so he shall again to the Fire, &c. But to returne to our Ar­gument.

2. That the Hebrew [...] Gen. 1.3.Gen. 1.3. [...], the same with Ur, Gen. 11.28. may be rendred Fire as well as Light, is evident from the use of the word else where. So in Gen. 11.28, 31. we read of Ʋr of the Chaldees, which is of the same origination, and signification: this place being (as 'tis conceived by the Learned) called Ʋr, from their Sacred Fire [ [...]] worshipt here, as a Symbol of the Sun: of which see more of the Chaldee Philosophie, Book 1. Chap. 4. §. 6. Hence also we may adde.

[Page 340] [...], Fire, the same with [...], Gen. 1.3.3. That the Greek [...], which signifies Fire, owes its origination to the Hebrew [...] Ʋr; for cast away only π, and [...] (or as it was perhaps at first [...]) is the same with [...]. And indeed, I find Plato making use of the Word [...] promiscuously to express Light as well Fire by; so in his Timaeus he saies, the World was [...], visible, or lightsome by fire, or light: and in what follows he expresly saies, that [...], Fire has flame, and light, and splendor, which is every way as applicable to the Celestial, as Terrestrial Fires; especially if that be true which some New Philo­sophers, and those of greatest repute, affirme, that Light is but a flame, &c. yea indeed Plato calls the Sun in express termes [...], Fire (as hereafter.)

4. The Greek [...], Heaven, seems also to owe its derivation to the Hebrew [...] Our, whence [...], as before.

5. Whereas 'tis said Psal. 104.2. God covered himself with Light, [...], 'tis elsewhere expressed by Fire.

6. But to argue not only from Names, but from the thing it self, we find frequent mention in Scripture of Fire coming down from Heaven. So in the burning of Sodom, but more particularly in that saying of the Disciples, Luke 9.54. That we command fire from hea­ven: which though it implie a Miracle, yet it argues they conceived the heavens to be the proper seat of fire, the like Revel. 20.6. fire out of heaven. It seems to have been a fixed opinion amongst the Jews, that the heavens were the Seat of fire.

7. Yea, Mark 14.54. Fire is expresly termed [...], which pro­perly signifies Light of the Sun, whereby it seems evident that Mark, with the rest of the Jews (as well as the ancient Grecians) judged Fire, and Light equipollent, or convertible, and therefore promiscuously used those termes.

8. Farther the Scripture, and Hebrews call the Sun [...] which properly signifies Fire, whence we read, Lev. 26.30. of [...] which properly denotes those Hearths whereon these Idolaters pre­served their Sacred Fire as a Symbol of the Sun, which they worship­ped after the Zabian mode: whence the Greek [...], and the La­tin Caminus, a Chimney, or Hearth: as before, Book 1. cap. 4. §. 8.

9. That Plato held the Sun to be a Celestial Fire is evident from his Definitions (Collected by his Successor) where we find the Sun thus defined, [...], &c. The Sun is an Heavenly Fire. [Page 341] So also Xenophanes (the Founder of the Eleatick sect) held the Sun to be a collection of little Fires: the like was asserted by Heraclitus, who both had these traditions from the Pythagoreans, as these derived them from the Jews, according to Grotius, &c. Neither are there want­ing some of great vogue amongst the New Philosophers, who defend this Platonick persuasion; that the Sun is Fire, &c. So Dr. Willis in his Treatise de Febribus saies, Light seems nothing else but a flame kindled into a greater dimension, &c. And Comenius in his Physicks makes the first Light, Gen. 1.3. to be no other than Fire.

10. That the Sun, and the Stars are of a fierie nature was the com­mon persuasion of the Ancient Philosophers, so Stobaeus Eclog. Phys. lib. 1. cap. 25. gives us a large account, touching the Ignite nature of the Stars. He saies, [...], Thales supposed the Stars to be Terrene, but Ignite. And he addes the same of Empedocles, [...], Empedocles also held the Stars to be Ignite, &c. Empedocles also affirmed that the Heaven was compacted of Air, and Fire, i. e. Air in regard of the Firmament, and of Fire, as to the Celestial Lights, as Stobaeus Eclog. Phys. p. 52, 53. [...], &c. The like is said of Anaximander, [...], Anaximander said, that the Stars were Globes of Air full of Fire, breathing out flames on one side; and that the Sun was seated in the supreme place; The same is said of Parmenides, and Heraclitus, [...], &c. And Posidonius defined a Star [...], a Bodie Divine, Ethereous, Splendid, and Ignite, &c. But more particularly touching the Ignite Nature of the Sun, Anaxime­nes affirmed [...], that the Sun is Ignite, or Fierie. Anaxagoras, [...], that the Sun was an Ignite Iron, or Stone. The same was affirmed by Democritus. Zeno also held, [...], that the Sun, and Moon, and each of the Stars were an Intelligent, Wise, and Ignite Fire. The like Chrysippus asserted. Neither was this the persuasion only of the Wiser Philosophers, but also of many of the Ancient Greek Poets; Euripides, in Phaenissis saies,

[Page 342]
[...]
[...]

And Homer though he saies not positively that the Sun is Fire, yet he makes it to be of like nature, as Stobaus Eclog. Phys. fol. 57.

11. Thus also Shepherd in his parable of the Ten Virgins, chap. 8. §. 2. ‘It is (saies he) a question whether the beams of the Sun are Fire which some demonstrate thus.’ Take a Glasse, and gather together the beams and it burnes: and indeed this argument from the Ignifick vir­tue of Beams contracted in a Burning-glasse gives us a great probabi­litie of the Ignite nature of the Sun: at least, it may suffice to bal­lance all the seeming probabilities of other opinions. Neither may we expect in matters of this nature more than conjectures, and probabi­lities. But to return to, and conclude this with Plato; he frequently calls Light, Of Light, and Darkness, Gen. 1.5. Fire. So in his de Repub. 6. speaking of the Natural Cog­nation which is 'twixt the Eye and Light, he addes, that ‘when the Eye comes into darkness it looseth, or falls from [...], it's cognate Fire, Light. Hence Night is defined in the Platonick definitions thus, [...], ‘Night is darkness, con­trarie to the day: the privation of the Sun.’ As also Light is defined [...]. Light is contrarie to darkness, which answers unto Moses's description, Gen. 1.5. And God called the Light Day, and Darkness Night.

Of the Lower World.§. 13. As for Plato's sentiments touching this Lower World I find little therein but what is common, and therefore not worthie of any particular remark, only he seems somewhat to differ from the com­monly received opinion about the Nature of the Wind, Wind. which in the Platonick Definitions, fol. 411. is thus described, [...]. The Wind is a motion of the Air round about the Earth. As for the Air,Air. Serranus (on Plato's Timaeus, fol. 10.) supposeth, that Plato made it the same with Moses's [...] Firmament, Gen. 1.6. which he expressed by [...], a word most proper to expresse the Nature of the Air by, which is most liquid, and expansive. Plato's contemplations about the Waters, Water. and Sea, with those miraculous bounds given there­to by Divine Providence, I no way doubt, had their original from the Sacred Storie ▪ This we find well set forth by Paulus Fagius on Gen. 1.9. [...] Let the Waters be gathered. The Ancients (saies he) have ‘derived this word from the Noun [...] which signifies a Perpendicule, Square, or Rule used by Masons, &c. As if God should have said [Page 343] Let the Waters be gathered together unto one certain place, as by Measure, and Rule, according to the manner of Architects, who in the building of Houses, to the intent that they may bring the parts to a close, and firme consistence, and uniformitie, measure all by their Perpendicule, or Directorie. Therefore Moses seems not without great Emphasis to make use of this word, thereby to expresse the Infinite power of God, whereby he compels that fluid, and boundlesse Ele­ment, possessing the whole superficies of the Earth, even as it were by a Measure, or Rule into one place. This the Scripture alludes un­to Job. 26.10. He hath compassed the Waters with bounds, &c. Psal. 104.5, 6, 7, 8, 9. Thou hast set a bound. Psal. 33.7. He gathereth the Waters as an he [...]p, &c. so Job 12.15. Behold he withholdeth the Waters, &c. which certainly is matter of infinite admiration, that an Element so ponderous, and boundlesse, should be confined against its proper Nature, within such exact bounds, and measures.’ Farther what Plato's apprehensions were about Exhalations, such as received some accidental impression, or Forme, are commonly called Meteors, Of Meteors. namely concerning Comets, Thunder, Lightening, Clouds, Rain, Snow, Hail Earthquakes, &c. is uncertain; yet we need no way doubt he might have (if he had not) the best information, he could expect, con­cerning these Mysteries of Nature, from Job, or Solomon, or such like Jewish Philosophers.

§. 14. Another, and indeed the most Noble,Of Active Physiologie touching Plants, and Animals. because most experi­mental, part of Physiologie, or Natural Philosophie regardeth Plants and Animals, wherein Plato seemeth to have had very good skill, which we have reason enough to induce us to believe he received, by traditi­on from the Jewish Church, especially from Solomon's Writings. For its very evident by Sacred Relation, that Solomon was the prime, and best Philosopher, after Adam's fall, that engaged in those Philosophick contemplations, as before in the Jewish Philosophie, book [...]. chap. 1. §. 11. And I think it is also evident that the choicest parts of Democritus's Natural Experiments: of Hippocrates's Medicinal Aphorismes, and Observations; together with Plato's Physiologick Experiments: Aristo­tle's Historie of Animals, and Theophrastus his Scholar's of Plants, owe their original, and first Idea's to Solomon his Natural Experiments, and Philosophizings on Plants, Animals, and Humane Nature. And because this is the most noble, and useful part of Natural Philosophie, we shall endeavour to produce some of the choicer Experiments, Observations, and Principles laid down by Plato, with others, for the Conservation [Page 344] of Humane Nature in health, & vigour; which indeed is the main end, and emprovement of Physiologie commonly called Physick, or Medicine: But before we engage herein we shall give some Historical account of Mans Original, & that according to Plato's traditions originally Jewish.

Of Man's Ori­ginal & For­mation accor­ding to the I­mage of God.§. 15. The Chiefest, though last part of Natural Philosophie re­spects Man his two constitutive parts, Bodie, and Soul. Plato Philo­sophizeth on both, and that as well apart, as in Composition, and Conjun­ction. As for the Original of Man, Plato tells us in positive termes, That he made Man after the Image of God. So in his lib. 7. de Legib. Plato saith, [...], Man is a kind of imitation of God, and his master-piece. So in his Timaeus what he mentions in general of the whole Ʋniverse, he, without doubt, more properly understood of Man, namely that he was [...], the best, and greatest image of the intelligible God, which description of Man, without all peradventure, was originally tradu­ced from Gen. 1.26. Let us make man after our Image, &c. v. 27. Yea Plato seems to have had some Scriptural notices of Adam's first Cre­ation, and Eves formation out of his side; which in his Symposiack Dialogue he expresseth under his Cabalistick [...], or Man woman, which answereth unto Gen. 2.21, 22, 23. Yea farther Plato seems to have had very considerable hints, and traductions touching Adams happie state in Innocencie, which he describes under his Mythologick Cabale of the Golden Age, and Saturne's Reign therein: thus in his Politicus, fol. 272. where he saies our First Parents lived in the Golden Age partaking of the fruits of the Earth without toyl, or labour, or Apparel, having conference with the beasts, &c. All which were but Fables, or traditions he had received from the Ancients, whereby he means the Jews, or their neighbours the Phenicians, &c. For so Sanchoniathon expresseth the Creation of mankind to be, [...], i. e. saith Bochart according to the Phenician, and Hebrew ex­pression, [...] Col-ri-jah the breath of Gods mouth, as 'tis ex­pressely ment [...]oned Gen. 1.7. breath of life. As Plato had these great traditions or notices touching man's Creation, and happie Estate in ge­neral, so particularly touching the Soul of man its Divine original, im­material, infinite capacitie, activitie, immortalitie, and perfection. As to the souls Divine original, &c. he saies in his Phaedrus, fol. 245 [...], &c. ‘the Soul is ingenerable, im­mortal and living, &c. because it is a self-moving principle. In his [Page 345] Phaedo, he calls the soul [...], immortal. In his lib. 10. de Repub. he saies, the soul is [...] incomposite, or simple; and in his Epinom▪ he calls it, [...] incorporeal. As to the souls capacitie, Plato proves in h [...] Phaedo, fol. 79. ‘That it was infinite, or boundles [...], never satisfied with any thing but the first Truth, and chiefest good. The soul, saith he, contends towards that which is [...]ure, and alwaies the same, & most akin unto it: so in his Protag. fol 322. he makes the soul to be nearly allyed to God, the like in his Phaedo fol. 80.’ Plato saith, ‘It becomes the body to serve, but the soul to rule, because it is most like unto the Divine, Immortal, Intelligible, most uniform and first Being; he also proves the immortality of the soul, from its 1. incorruptibilitie, 2. sollicitude, 3. innate appetite, 4. uni­form self motion, 5. connate Idea of God. Thus Plato in his Phaedo fol. 55.81. speaking of the souls disunion with,The Souls perfection. and dislodging from the body, saies, ‘That it returns to that original [...] idea to which it is akin, i. e. to God, as elsewhere. Hence Plato concludes the dignitie and perfection of the soul; so in his Phaedo fol. 55. he gathers up this conclusion, ‘That the soul is [...], akin & homogene­ous, or alike in nature to God, and that it does in a sober sense par­ticipate of a self-goodness, and self-beautie with God.’ So again fol. 56. he saies, That the soul being allyed to God, becomes [...], a partner of the Divine Nature, whence it is, in its man­ner, and according to its capacity, as God, [...], incomposite, infinite, incorruptible, immortal; and thence de Leg. 5. fol. 726. Plato concludes, that of all possessions next to God, the soul is [...] most Divine and peculiar: Plato gives us also a good account of the Faculties of the Rational Soul: 1.The under­standing. he treats accurately of the humane understanding, which he stiles our [...] Daemon, whereby we are elevated from earth, to an heavenly alliance and conversation. He makes the mind to be [...], a plant of the supream Being, not earthly but heavenly. The proper object of the mind Plato makes to be Truth, which he calls the life, and food of the mind: so de Repub. 6. fol. 490. [...], by truth the mind truly lives, and is nourished. As for the manner, how truth is conveighed to the understanding, Plato tells us, 'tis by assimilation, i. e. there are certain Ideas, images, or notions imprest upon the understanding, conformable to those natu­ral Ideas, which exist in the things themselves which we know. He [Page 346] gives us also a particular account of the several sorts of knowledge. 1. [...] Wisdom is by him defined [...] a knowledge of Beings Eternal, &c. 2. Intelligence is a knowledge of first principles. 3. Science is [...] a demonstrative knowledge. 4. Opinion is intermedious 'twixt Science, and Ignorance; or a conjectural assent. 5. Imitation is an image-framing Art. 6. Faith is an assent grounded on Authority, &c. 7. [...], Prudence is a power effective of happiness, [...]he parts whereof are [...]. 8. Conscience he stiles [...] Fame. 9. [...] Art is [...], &c. 2. Plato also discourseth of the Will which Definit. Platon. fol. 413.The will. is thus defined: [...]. a rational desire, &c. That these Platonick contemplations about the Soul, its original, immortalitie, &c. were derived originally from the Scriptures, or Jewish Church, Plato's noti­ons about the Soul from Scripture. seems probable by Plato's own words in his Phaedo fol. 85. where having proved the Souls immortalitie by many de­monstrative arguments, he concludes [...], that we might proceed herein by a more firm & Divine word: what this more firm and Divine word should be, if not sacred Divine Scriptures traduced to him, we cannot imagine. Thus Plato received these, and such like divine contemplations, touching the Soul, by some Oriental tradition derived originally from the sacred Fountain, as he himself seems to acknowledge; and I conceive it cannot rationally be denyed; or if it should, 'twill not be difficult to prove the same in its proper place, when we come to treat of Plato's Metaphysicks, whereunto these speculations about the Soul, its original, &c. belong.

Physical Apho­risms for the conservation of mans body in health.§. 16. Having given these brief touches of mans original, & main constitutive part, his soul; its nature, &c. we now proceed to the humane bodies, to lay down such physick or medicinal Aphorisms and praescripts, as are given us by Plato and others, for the conservation thereof in an [...], a good temperament, and habitude of health and vigour. That the Ancients reduced Medicine to Physicks or Natural Philosophie, is evident both from name, and thing. Hippocrates the great Master of Medicinal Wisdom, stiles Medicine [...] the natural Science. And indeed there seems such an essential connexion 'twixt Medicine and Natural Philosophy, as that they cannot without violence offered to both, be disjoyned each from other, which Aristotle and others acknowledge. Whence [Page 347] it is, that those great Philosophers, Plato, Aristotle, & Theophrastus, with others, mix so many Medicinal Aphorisms with their Natural Philosophizings. Hence also, saies Apuleius in Apol. ‘Let men cease to wonder, if the Philosophers have in their very Doctrine, dis­coursed of the causes and remedies of diseases.’ To speak a little of Medicine in General; which is usually described a practick Art of conserving, or restoring health; whence it is distributed by some into [...], & [...], others add to these parts [...]: but I should rather close with that common distribution of Medicine in [...]o [...] conservative, and [...] curative. As for Prophylactick, or conservative Medicine, we have many excel­lent Praescripts and Rules given us by Plato, Hippocrates, and others, for the right management and improvement thereof.The advanta­ges of a good habitude of body. Plato informs us, that an [...], a good habitude and Crasis of bodie, is ex­treamly advantagious for the due motions and exercises, both of body and soul: So in his Timaeus fol. 88. he tells us, [...], ‘There is one preservation to both: for neither is the soul moved without the body, nor yet the bodie without the soul.’ So again in his Timaeus fol. 103. Plato assures us, ‘That the beginnings of all evils, are from inordinate Pleasures, Griefs, Desires, and Fears, which are kindled from the ill habitude and temperature of the bodie, [...], &c. the ill Crases of the bodie produce these, &c. but to descend to particulars.’

1. One Rule given us for the conservation of health,1. The cau­ses of di­seases to be avoided. 1. Dispropor­tion of first qualities. is to consi­der well, and diligently, to avoid the causes of diseases. Plato in his Timaeus, fol. 102. tells us, what are the principal causes of all di­seases. First, saies he, ‘The primarie and principal cause of all diseases is [...], an assymmetrie or disproportion of the first qualities; namely, if they are either redundant, or defective: This others term [...], &c.’

2. Hence follows another cause of diseases, which Plato calls, ‘The mutations, or alterations of the blood,2. Alterations by reason of some corruption, or preternatural fermentation: for hence, saies he, springs bile, and pituite or flegme, as all other sick humours.

3. The last cause of diseases he here mentions, is [...], an Ataxie, 3. Ataxie of humours. or disorder of humours; namely, when choler or bile, flegme or melancholie, admit any extravasasion, or flowing forth from their pro­per [Page 348] seats, into any other parts of the body, where fixing their seat, they cause a solution, and dissolution. To these causes of diseases, mentioned by Plato, we may add others, as

4. That of Hippocrates, Aphorism. 51. [...], all excess is destructive to nature. This regards all excesses in reple­tions, or evacuations; sleep, or watchings, &c.

5. Sudden mutations are apt to produce diseases. This is im [...]lyed in that Canon of Hippocrates, Aphoris. 51. Sect. 2. Nature makes no sudden changes, and every sudden change is dangerous.

6. Another cause of diseases, is an ill stomack, or concoction, ac­cord [...]ng to that Canon, an errour in the first concoction, is never cured in the rest.

Cruditie the Mother of diseases.7. Whence also follows another pregnant cause of diseases, namely cruditie, according to that great Aphorisme, Cruditie is the Mother of all diseases. For indeed almost all diseases, under which men labour, ordinarily spring from repletion, and indigestion; when more food is taken in than nature requires, or the stomack can digest: Yea, Phy­sitians say, That a Plethora, or full estate of bodie, even though it be without impurity of blood, is dangerous as to health, because na­ture, if weak, cannot weild it. But they make cruditie the seminarie of all diseases. For, say they, health consists in two things. 1. In the due proportion of the humours, as well in quantitie as qualitie. 2. In a certain spongious habitude of the whole body free from all obstru­ctions, that so the spirits and blood, may have a free circulation throughout all parts. Now cruditie obstructs both of these.

8. Hence follows Obstruction, which is reputed another seminal parent, or cause of Diseases; especially if the obstruction be seated in any principal part, as the head, heart, liver, spleen; whence flow Convulsions, Apoplexies, & Epilepsies, if the obstruction be in the head, Jandise, if in the liver, &c.

9. Catarrhes also are judged another fountain of diseases, &c.

10. A dislocation, or solution of parts, tends much to the im­pairment and affliction of the whole: according to that Physical Canon; all grief ariseth from the solution of the Continuum.

11. Lastly, the weakness of any part tendeth greatly to the decay of the whole: for as Physicians observe the stronger parts thrust their superfluities on the weaker. Thus much for the causes of Diseases.

[Page 349]§. 17.Nature is to be maintained in her due of­fices and mo­tions. Natura est morborum medicatrix: medicus na­turae minister eam (que) recte agentem im­itari debet Sennert. med. 1 Excretion. A second great Prophylactick Canon for the conservation of health, is this, To maintain nature in her due functions, exercises, and operations. This is laid down by Plato in his Timaeus fol. 90. where he tells us, that Medicine chiefly consists in this, [...], to render all their due operations. This is more fully exprest by Hippocrates 6. Epid. Comm. 5. Tit. 1. [...], Natures are the Physicians of diseases: whence Physitians are stued the Ministers of Nature, id est, to assist her in the exerting her proper offices, and exercises; which are these.

1. One great and proper exercise of Nature, is a natural excre­tion of humours, which is usually accomplished by perfective fermen­tation, or ebullition of the blood, whereby the excrementitious parts are severed, and the whole masse of blood purified: besides natural fl [...]xes of the haemorrhoides, and haemorrhages, &c.

2. Another great office, or exercise of Nature is Perspiration, 2 Perspiration (insensible, or sensible) which requires a spongious habitude of body, free from all obstructions. And indeed no one can duly apprehend the sovereign influence natural perspiration has, for the conservation of health, as also for the expelling all noxious humours and malignant vapours. That which assists nature herein, is the keeping the bodie under exercises, & motion in the open air, whereby the pores are kept open, &c.

3. Another office of Nature, is to keep the spirits,3 Spirits. both natural, vital, and animal, in their due vigour, activity, and exercises. For it's well known, that the spirits are the great fabricators, and opificers of whatever is transacted in the bodie. Now the spirits are fed, and conserved by a regular commixture of radical moisture, and congenial heat: for bodies frigid, have but a jejune and slender spirit; whereas things moderately hot, are spirituous. Also things grateful to the spirits, do most foment and emprove them.

4. Another exercise of Nature, consists in the due evacuation of excrements, which requires that the body be soluble, and laxe, not costive; for costiveness of bodie breeds many diseases, &c.

5. Another office of Nature, is to keep the bodie, and all parts thereof permeable, which is necessarie, in order to a due circulation of the blood.Bene vivere est, bene as­pirare, respi­rare, & per­spirare.

6. Another office of Nature, is to keep the Lungs in their due crasis and exercise; whence that Canon, to live well, is to breath well.

[Page 350]§. 18. A third Canon for the conservation of health regards the Non-naturalls, as they call them, namely Aliment, Air, Exercise, &c.

Rules for Ali­ment.1. As for Aliment or food, Plato (as Pythagoras before him) layes much stresse on a good regiment, or government in diet. Plato seems to make the whole of Medicine to consist in allowing [...] proper or due food. For the ordering whereof he tels us: 1. that by how much the more simple diet is by so much the better: so in his de Repub. 3. fol. 404. he saies [...] diet must be [...] simple, not of differing sorts. So agen he saies [...] ‘simple diet, & Exercise are of great moment, as to the conser­vation of health.’

2. In the ordering of diet there must be due regard had both to the quantitie and qualitie thereof, for saies Plato, many diseases, which are instigated, and provoked by Medicaments, are cured by or­derly diet.

Bene vivere est bene in­gerere, di­gerere; & egerere.3. In all alimentation, and nutrition there is required a due attracti­on, concoction, and Extrusion. For all aliment moving from the center to the circumference, requires a regular course in all these regards, Especially as to the first, viz. concoction; for as Sir Francis Bacon ob­serves, ‘the head (which is the source of animal spirits) is un­der the tuition of the stomack having a great Sympathie there with, and all crudities have their rise usually from too much re­pletion.’ Secondly, as for Air, and Exercise they greatly conduce to the conservation of health.

§. 19. 2 Plato also discourseth well of Therapeutick Physick in these particulars.Therapeutick Physick. 1 He makes a Physician to be but [...] a Minister of Nature to assist her in her proper offices, and operations. 2 Hence also he asserts that [...] Medicine by how much the more simple, and Connatural it tis, by so much the better and more commodious: For those are the best Medicaments, which work with, not against Nature; we are religiously to observe the footsteps of Nature. And therefore mild Catharticks, which relieve, are more eligible than violent. 3. Hence addes Plato (Timaeus 89.) [...]. ‘The best purga­tion is by Gymnastick exercise.’ 4. Hence also in the same Timaeus fol. 89. Plato addes ‘that Purgation by pharmaceutick, or purgative medicaments is only then Expedient, when necessarie, [...] [Page 351] [...]. Diseases are not to be irritated by Pharmaceutick medicaments, unless they are very dangerous; for all constitution of diseases is somewhat like to nature.’ So Hippocra­tes Sect. 2. Aphorism. 50. diseases contracted by long custome are oft better kept, than cured. 5. Whence also follows another excellent prescript of Plato wherein he Praefers a good diet, and exact regiment of the diseased, before all Cathartick or purgative medicaments. So in his Timaeus fol. 89. ‘If any (saies Plato) shall contend to hasten the cure of diseases before they have had their fatal course, there usu­ally follows of small, great, and of few, many diseases: [...].’ Wherefore all such diseases must be gently corrected by diet, neither must an infest ill be instigated or Exasperated by purging medicaments. Thus Plato. Hence that of Seneca. ‘In disea­ses nothing more dangerous, and pernicious then an unseasonable Medicine.’

6. But Plato's great and main Canon, which takes in the summe both of his Prophylactick, and Therapeutick medicine is laid down in his Timaeus fol. 90. thus [...] ‘all medicine for every disease is one, to ren­der to every one his proper diet, and motions.’ Hippocrates in his Aphorismes expresseth this medicinal canon thus, [...], healthfull exercise, moderation of diet, activity of la­bours. This great Physick Canon of Plato and Hippocrates is compre­hensive of all other medicinal Rules: but particularly of these. 1. That the best purgation is by exercitation, or natural motion. 2. That simple medicaments (which we call kitchin Physick) are best. 3. That strong, and violent catharticks or purging medicaments are seldome or never to be used, but in cases of absolute necessitie. 4. That diseases acquired by repletion or fulnesse are to be cured by evacuation. Hippocrates. Sect. 2. Aphor. 22. i. e. by fasting, perspiration, Sweating, &c. All this is comprized in the advice of Sir Theodore Myron a great French Physician on his death-bed to a Noble friend who de­manded his advice for the preservation of health, to whom he reply­ed Be moderate in your diet, use much Exercise, and but little Physick.

§. 20.The character of a good Phy­sician. Lastly because the cure of the patient depends much on the qualitie of the Physician, we shall give a brief character of an able, faithful physician, and that according to Plato's mind, with others.

[Page 352]1. Plato requires in a Physician great skill both speculative, and Experimental: and the reason hereof, he gives us in his Gorgias fol. 464. ‘Some (saies he) seem to have an [...] good habitude of bodie, who indeed have not. Which infirmitie none [...], but a skillful experienced Physician can discerne. He also Supposeth a great measure of skill as requisite to sever noxious hu­mours from what are good: so in his lib. 8. de repub. fol, 567. [...]. Physicians purging out what is worst leave what is best behind.

2. Besides habitual Skill Plato requires an actual application of the same to particular cases with an universal circumspection, and inspe­ction into all accidents though never so inconsiderable: so in his de Legib. lib. 10. fol. 902. ‘what (saies he) when a Physician is both able and willing to cure the whole bodie; if he only considers greater matters, but neglects smaller, will there be an happie suc­cesse of that cure?’ No, &c. This rule of Plato regards not only skill but also faithfulness, and diligence, which implies. 1. That Phy­sicians use not unknown remedies, when known and approved are a [...] hand; which is too common amongst many, thereby to make new ex­periments, or for some other ill end. 2. That Physicians may not cure one disease by causing a greater, which is too frequent. 3. That Phy­sicians are to endeavour the removal of the cause, and not only the curing of a symptom of the disease: not to imitate him who in an hectick bodie endeavoured to cure the itch. 4. A faithfull Phy­sician will endeavour to cure a disease, not to deferre it only: as many.

3. Another quality eminently requisite in a good Physician is meekness, tenderness, and condescension to the patients condition. So Seneca speaking of a good Physician saies, ‘that he will not re­fuse the most servile offices, nor yet be moved at the impatience of his patient for his good,’ i. e. he will not make his own humour or will, but his patients good the measure of his practice.

4. Lastly; every man of judgment, and experience might be his own best Physician would he heed it; for there are but 3 things made essentially requisite to a good Physician, that is, 1. Judgement 2. Institu­tion. 3▪ Experience, &c.

CHAP. X. A brief Abstract of Plato's Moral, and Metaphysical Philosophie.

I. Plato's Moral Philosophie: I. Ethicks; where 1. of the chiefest Good; 2. of Virtue; 3. of Sin; 4. of the Affections, and their Mo­deration; particularly the Affection of Love; the Virtue of Justice. II. Plato's Oeconomicks; where touching Imitation, Education. III. Plato's Politicks; where 1. of right Constitution, and Admini­stration; 2. Laws, the Rule of such Administration; 3. Magistrates, the Instruments of Administration according to Laws. II. Plato's Metaphysicks; 1. of God, and his Essence; 2. his Attributes; 1. Ʋnitie; 2. Simplicitie; 3. Immutabilitie; 4. Eternitie; 5. Omnipresence; 6. Justice; 7. Veracitie; 8. Puritie; 9. Bountie; 10. Omniscience; 11. Incomprehensibilitie; 12. the Divine Will the Cause of all things. 2. the Humane Soul, its Original, Immaterialitie, Capacitie, Im­mortalitie, &c.

§. 1. HAving dispatcht Plato's Rational, and Natural Philosophie;Plato's Moral and Metaphy­sick Philoso­phie. we should now proceed to that which is Moral, and Super­natural; wherein indeed his excellence seems to consist. But upon Reflection, considering that this undertakement would swell this di­scourse before us, beyond the bounds of an Historie, and especially make this third Book big, and bulkie, much beyond the proportion of the rest: I have waved it at present, though not without some thoughts of reassuming the same, in an intended Systeme of sound Philosophie. Only for the present take this abstract Idea of Plato's Moral, and Supernatural Philosophie. As for his Moral Philosophie, it may, according to the different [...], or regard it has to its object, be distributed into (1) Ethick, which respects personal Gubernation and Morals. (2) Oeconomick, which regards the Regiment of Fami­lies. (3) Politick, which comprehends the Government of Cities and Nations.

[Page 354] 1 Plato's Ethicks. 1. Of the chiefest good.As for Plato's Ethicks, we find in him excellent Contemplations and Discourses (1) of the chiefest Good, which he stiles (1) [...], altogether true. (Rep. 9.) i. e. most real▪ substanti [...]l, and so [...]. (2) [...], most proper, Rep. 9. (3) [...], self-sufficient (4) [...], [...]mply good. (5) [...], the cause of all good (6) [...], the most necessary good. (7. [...], the supream idea of all good. (8) [...], Infinite. (9) [...], eternal, and mo [...] living. (10) [...], uniform. (11) [...], pure, immixed, without sorrow. (12) [...], opp [...]r [...]unc. (13) [...], the Divine, and god-like good. All which contemplation of the chiefest Good, are applicable to none but God: neither may we presume, that Plato could receive them any way, save only by some scriptural Tradition of God.

2. Of Virtue.§. 2. Plato Philosophizeth very morally of Virtue, its Divine In­fusion, Nature, and Excellencie. (1) Touching the Divine Infusion of Virtue, Plato Meno [...], fol. 99. proves at large that Virtue came not by Institution, but [...], by a Divine Infusion; which he proves from this, that God oft useth the most unkilful instruments in the production of Virtue. (2) As for the Nature of Virtue, Plato stiles it [...], the Harmony of the s [...]ul; also [...], the Musick of the soul: And again, [...], the symmetrie, and good order of the soul, whereby every facultie keeps its due place and motion: whence (3) follows the Excellence of Virtue; which Plato placeth in this; that it gives Health, Amplitude, Libertie, Nobilitie, Firmitude, and perfection unto the humane So [...]l.

8. Of Sin.§. 3. Plato Philosophizeth very notably of Sin, both ingenite, and acquisite. He makes sin to be [...], an excess, or transgression of the Law: also [...], an acting against right reason: whence he makes it to be [...], (as Epinom. fol 978.) an irrational, confused, irregular motion, &c. And particularly, of irregular inordinate pleasures, he proves, Repub. 9. That they are the greatest Tyrants; for the more in­dulgent the mind is to them, the more tyrannick, and insolent they are.

4. Of the Affections, their Tempe­rance & Mo­deration.§. 4. Plato discourseth even to admiration, of that Temperance, and moderation, which ought to be in the Affections, and sensitive appetite. He makes Temperance to consist chiefly in [...], a certain Symphonie, and Harmonie of the Affections, as Rep. 4. whence he makes the temperate man to be [...], stronger than [Page 355] himself: whereas the intemperate man is [...], weaker and worse than himself, i. e. than his sensitive, animal part.

§. 5. Plato Philosophizeth very Divinely of Love, Particularly of Love. its soveraign Throne in, and Influence on the Soul, together with its proper Acts. This he discourseth of at large in his [...], which is wholly sper [...] in the Explication of this soveraign Affection. And more particularly, Plato hath admirable discourses of Amitie, or Friendship as in his Lysis; where he professedly sets himself to Philosophize on this Theme, which the Title of this Dialogism stiled, [...], of friendship, plain­ly enough imports.

§. 6. Lastly, Plato discourseth most accurately of Justice, Of Justice▪ in its Ʋniversal Idea and Notion; especially in his Repub. 4. where he explicates its nature, and influence in all affairs. So again in his de Leg. 12. We find many other great Ethick contemplation [...], and cha­racters, as in other his Dialogues.

§. 7. As for Plato's Oeconomicks, Plato's Oeconomicks. he philosophizeth incomparably of Imitation; which he makes to be the most efficacious principle of paternal Government. So in his de Leg. 5. as else where, he demon­strates, that the best institution of youth is by example, & conversa­tion. He treats also of Education more largely in his Repub. 4.7. De Leg. 1, 5, 7.

§. 8. But that which renders Plato most famous as to Morals, Plato's Politicks. is his Politick discourses, which may be reduced to these three Heads, 1. Such as relate to the constitution, and due Administration of a Re­publick. 2. Such as treat of Laws both humane and Divine. 3. Such as give us the Character of a good Magistrate, to administer accor­ding to such Laws. Of each of these he philosophizeth at large in his Books de Republica, and de Legibus, &c.

§. 9. Touching Plato's Metaphysicks, or Supernatural Philosophie, Plato's Metaphysicks. we are not without great notices thereof, 1 He seems to have had great notions, or rather Traditions (originally Judaick) of Gods Essence, 1. Of God, his Essence, and 2. Attributes. 1. Ʋnitie. as described, Exod. 3.14. whom, in imitation of Moses, he stiles [...], &c. 2. His Attributes, and 1. his Ʋnitie; that there is one, and but one true God: he demonstrates at large against the Atheists, and Polytheists of his Age, in his de Repub. 10. fol. 886. and that (1) From the nature of Visibles, and the most har­monious varietie of Times. (2) From Ʋniversal Consent. (3) From Motion, and the first Motor, (4) From the Soul of the Ʋniverse, or [Page 356] the providence of God Inspiring, and animating all things, fol. 895. 1. From that great innate Idea of God in the soul, 899, &c. 2. Plato discourseth very Divinely of the simplicitie of God, Of God's Simplicitie. whom he makes to be [...], without mixture, and [...], to remain simple in his own form. 3. He av [...]wedly owns Gods Immu­tabilitie.Gods Immu­tabilitie. So in his Parmenides, [...], the one first Be­ing is immobile, and the same. Again he saies, that God is [...], &c. 4. Plato also demonstrates the Eternitie of God.God's Eter­nitie. So Timaeo fol. 27. [...], that which is alwayes the same, can have no beginning. The same he insists on in his Phaedrus. 5. Plato Parmen. 1, 8. proves the omnipresence of God,God's Omni­presence. from his Sim­plicitie, and immensitie: for that which has no bounds, cannot be confined. 6. Plato vindicates the Justice of God. God's Justice. Parmen. 134. With God there is the most exact Government, &c. So de Leg. 3. He saies, That Justice follows God, as the vindicator of his Law, so de Leg. 10. 7. He philosophizeth also accurately of God's Fidelitie and Veracitie;Of God's Veracitie. he saith, God is [...], Truth it self, and [...], the first Truth. 8. He greatly defends the puritie of God,God's Puritie. Rep. 2. [...], &c. God can do no Evil, neither is he the Author of Evil. 9.God's Benig­nitie. God's Omni­science. God's incom­prehensibilitie God's Will the cause of all things. He makes mention of the Benignitie of God, [...], is not God good? &c. 10. He mentions also the Omniscience of God, and demonstrates the same at large, Parmen. fol. 134. &c. where he treats at large of Divine Ideas; as also in his Timaeus. 11. He dis­courseth also of God's incomprehensibilitie, Parmen. 134. [...], &c. 12. He makes God's will to be the Original, Ʋniversal, Soveraign, and first cause of all things, as also of their futurition, Repub. 6. [...], &c. 13. Farther Plato treats largely, and ac­curately of the providence of God, of Religion, of the puritie and simplicitie of divine Worship, &c. Lastly, Plato philosophizeth very sublimely of the Human Soul, 2. Of the Human Soul. its divine origination, immaterialitie, infinite capacitie, immortalitie, perfection, and Activity. These, with many other Metaphysick contemplations, Plato philosophizeth much of, which greatly demonstrate his acquaintance with, and derivations from Judaick Traditions, as it may hereafter farther appear.

BOOK IV. Of Peripatetick, Cynick, Stoick, Sceptick, and Epicurean Philosophie.

CHAP. I. Of Aristotelick, or Peripatetick Philosophie, it's Traduction from the Jews.

The traduction of Aristotle's Philosophie from the Jews, proved 1. By Testi­monies of Aristobulus, Clearchus, Clemens, Eusebius, Steuch. Eugub. Selden. 2. By rational Arguments; 1. Aristotle's converse with Jews, or, 2. with their books; 3. his chief notions from Plato. 1. His Phy­sicks: touching the first matter from Gen. 1.2. Gods being the first mover: the souls spirituality. 2. His Metaphysicks, object. Adequate ens, Principal God; Gods providence, and the Souls separate state, why Aristotle rejected some Traditions of Plato. His Ethicks, and Politicks Jewish. Aristotle's Life, and Character; his Parallel with Plato. His Doctrines Acroatick, and Exoterick. His Works, which genuine, &c. His Successor Theophrastus. His Interpreters, Aphrodiseus, &c. The Arabian Commentators followed by the Scholemen. The ge­neral idea of Aristotle's Philosophie, and particularly; 1. Of Ari­stotle's Logick. 2. His Ethicks. 1. of mans happiness, both objective and formal. 2. of the principles of humane Acts. 1. of the practick Judgment, or Prudence. 2. of Volition. 3. of Consultation. 4. Of Election. 3. Of Voluntariness and Liberty, their identitie and com­bination with voluntarie intrinsick necessitie, &c. 4. Of Moral Good or Virtue, its genus, habit; its form, mediocritie; its rule, [...], or the Law of Nature; its definition, &c. Of Sin, its [...] anomie, &c. 3. His Physicks. 4. His Metaphysicks.

[Page 358] The Traducti­on of Aristo­tle's Philoso­phie from the Jews proved, 1. By Testi­monies of Aristobulus.§. 1. NExt to the Platonick, we shall mention the Peripatetick, or Aristotelick Philosophie, which received no small ad­vantage, and improvement, from the Jewish Church, and Scripture; as we may both from Autoritative, and Rational Ar­guments justly conclude. As for Autorities, we have first that of Arist [...]bulus, a sectator of Aristotle's Philosophie, mentioned by Clemens Alexandr. [...]. 5. who brings in Aristobulus affirming, that Aristotle [...], ‘depended much upon Moses's Law, and the other Prophets. So again, Clemens Alexandrinus [...]. 1. and Eusebius Praep. Evang. lib 9. Make mention of one Cle­archus Solens [...]s, Of Clearchus a Disciple of Aristotle's, who testifieth, that he saw a certain Jew, with whom Aristotle had conversation. Eusebius's words are these, [...], &c. Clearchus a Peripatetick Philosopher, in his first Book of Sleep, &c.’ In what follows Eusebius, (quoting Clearchus's own words) shews us, ‘That whilst Aristotle lived in the maritime Regions of Asia, amongst other Students of Philosophie, there associated him­self to him a certain studious Inquisitive Jew, who conversing fami­liarly with Aristotle, and his Disciples, [...], (which according to Clearchus's relation, are Aristotle's words) he commu­nicated more than he received. Then Eusebius addes: Honored Clemens makes mention also hereof in [...] ▪ 1. concerning which, he thus speaks: [...].’ Clearchus the Peripatetick, saies he, knew a certain Jew, who had conversation with Aristotle. Thus Euseb. Praep. l. 9. f. 240. Edit. Paris 1544. August. Steuch. Eugub. abounds much in this argument;Aug. Steuch. Eugubinus. Namely, that the best parts of Aristotle's Philosophie were derived originally from the Mosaick Theologie. Thus de Perenni Philosoph. lib. 4. cap. 1. Eugubinus gives us Aristotle's confession, That there was one God, who overraled not only heavenly Motions, but also the whole world, answerable to Moses's Theologie. The same he confirms cap. 7.8.9. The like he proves of the Divine Beatitude, consisting in contempla­tion, as cap. 11.12.19. But more particularly cap. 20. he demon­strates, how Aristotle confessing, ‘that God created man and woman for the preservation of man-kind, marvellously accorded with Moses herein.’ For Aristotle in Oeconomicis, de Conjugio, shewing [Page 359] how necessarie Marriage is, saith, [...], ‘It was thus provided by the Divinitie itsel [...], or God, that there should be a Nature both of Male and Female for communion. Whence Eugubinus collects, That as Moses saith, He created them male and female: so thou hearest Aristotle in this place (which is a wonder) saying, That the Divinitie provided that there should be Male and Female for communion, to the intent that Nature, which cannot subsist in one Individual, might be propagated by the succession of species: Thou shalt see therefore in Aristotle, and wonder at the same, the same Theologie which is in Moses, touching the creation of man, &c.’ Thus Eugubinus; who lib. 9. cap. 7. thoroughout Demonstrates more fully, ‘That Aristotle marvellously accorded with the Mosaick Theologie, touching mans creation by God, the formation of the bodie, the difference of Sex, and the Infusion of the Soul from without.’ And in what follows cap. 8.9. He proves that Aristotle conceived the same, touching the immortalitie of the Soul. To which we may add the Testimony of Selden, (de Jure Nat. Gent. Hebraeor. lib. 1. cap. 2. fol 14.15.) where, having cited the Authoritie of Aristobulus, for Aristotle's traducing much of his Philosophie from the Jews, he addes: ‘And certainly there is yet extant an old com­ment of some Hebrews, affirming, That Aristotle being about to die, instructed his Disciples touching the immortalitie of the Soul, also of its punishment, and reward, according as he had been taught by the peculiar Posteritie of Shem, id est, by the Jews: al [...]o that having been admonished by Simeon the Just (High Priest) he changed his old Opinions, in all points, wherein he had formerly held against the Law, and Doctrine of the Hebrews, and was trans­formed into another man. MSS: in the Library at Oxford. But al­beit there is no ground, why we should believe these Figments; yet hence it is sufficiently evident, that there prevailed an opinion even amongst the Hebrews themsel [...]es, of a singular communion, and commerce 'twixt them and the ancient Greek Philosophers, as to the Traduction, and Reception of Sciences, whereunto the Christian Fathers, Clemens Alexandrinus, Justin, Theodoret, Am­brose, and others, are Consonous. Thus Selden; who fol. 23. addes more of like import.’

[Page 360] Rational Ar­guments. 1. From Ari­stotle's con­verse with Jews.§. 2. But to come to some rational conjectures, whence we may with great probabilitie conclude, that Aristotles Philosophie, as to its purer, and more Orthodox parts, was very much traduced from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures. If that prove true, which was even now mentioned, that Aristotle was in Asia, yea in Syria, and Judea, (as we may presume with Alexander) then we may easily be satis­fied, how he came to acquaint himself with the Jewish Learning, and Records. For if Aristotle attended Alexander unto Phenicia, and Judea, we cannot rationally conceive he would let pass such a people as the Jews were, so renowned for ancient Records and Wis­dom, without acquainting himself with their Principles and Doctrine, especially they being those, from whom his Master Plato received his choicest contemplations.2. Alexan­der's procu­ring him all Oriental Books. 2. But on supposition, that Aristotle was not in Judea with Alexander, yet 'tis credibly said, that Alexander furnished him with all the choicest Books (yea, whole Libraries) that he could meet with in his Eastern Expedition: amongst which, we may rationally conjecture the Jewish Records, and Books were not omitted: especially if that be true, which Josephus mentions of Alexander's coming to Jerusalem, and vouchsafing particular honours and favours to the Jewish Nation,3. Aristotle's Philosophie from Plato. &c. But 3. This is certain, that Aristotle received the more choice parts of his Philosophie from his Master Plato, as we could easily demonstrate, by multitudes of par­ticulars, both in his Physicks, Metaphysicks, Ethicks, and Politicks, wherein Aristotle follows Plato in many of his choicer Notions, [...], though he cloaths them in his own Method. Now that Plato received his Philosophie, both matter and form, for the chief­est part, from the Jews, and sacred Scriptures, has been proved in the former Book.

§. 4. But to give a more full Demonstration of the Traduction of Aristotles Philosophie from the Jewish Church, and Scriptures originally, we shall give some brief touches on some of the more principal materials thereof. As 1. whence sprang the choicer parts of Aristotle's Physicks, 1. Aristotle's Physicks from Plato, and both from Gen. 1.2. &c. Aristotle's first matter. but from some Traditions imparted to him by his Master Plato. Thus Aristotle's notions about the first matter of all things, and its affections are evidently nothing else but some broken fragments of those Traditions, which Plato had received originally from the Jewish Church, touching the first Chaos, or rude Mass, out of which all things were at first created, as Gen. 1, 2. Hence it was [Page 361] that Aristotle stiles his first matter Informe, yet capable of any form; indeterminate, and indigested, a meer passive power, &c. which are no­tions exactly conform to the Mosaick description, Gen. 1.2. as we have before demonstrated. The same may be said for Aristotle's two other principles, privation and Forme, Aristotle's first mover from Plato's description of God. of which we have before treated in Plato's Physicks. Again Aristotle in his Physicks lib. 1. cap. 1▪ 2.3.6.7. as lib. 8. cap. 6.7.10. is very copious in his Philoso [...]hizings on the first Mover; proving, that he is immoveable, one eternal indivi­sible Being, void of all quantity, &c. wherein he exactly follows Plato, and the Scripture Revelation of God, as Joh. Grammaticus in Ari­stot. de anima. As to the humane Soul, (which takes up a good part of Physicks) Diogenes Laertius, in the life of Aristotle, assures us, that he held with Plato, [...], that the soul was spiritual, Of the Soul its spirituality &c. The same is mentioned by Johan Grammaticus in his Preface to Arist. de Anima. This Plato received originally from the Jewish Church, as we have before proved, &c. Farther Aristotle seems to have had some Notices of the Soul's creation and infusion by God.Aristoteles mirifice con­sentit cum Theologia Mosaica, ho­minem à Deo conditum, formatum (que) corpus, da­tam (que) sexus varietatem▪ animam au­tem exterius inspiratam. Steuch. Eugu­bin. de Peren. Philos. l. 9. c. 7 Thus Steuch. Eugubinus de Pereu▪ Philosoph. lib. 4. cap. 24. As Moses said, God breathed into his Nostrils the breath of life, Gen. 2.7. So Aristotle, in libris de Generat. Animal. saies, that the mind came [...] from without.’ So Aristot. de Anima, having proved that it is imp [...]ssible that the sensitive Soul should come from without, because it is conteined in the seed: he concludes of the mind. [...], It remains that the mind alone be infused from without, and that it alone be Divine, whose operation communicates not with corpore­ous action. Whence the same Aristotle calls the mind [...], most [...]kin to God. Yea, de Anima, lib. 1▪ text. 4. He makes the soul, [...], to be impatible, and im [...]ixt, i. e. simple and incor­ruptible. So text 7. he saies, [...], but the mind is separable from the bodie, i e. incorporeous. See more Part. 1. B. 3. c. 7. §. 6. Yea, why may we not safely conjecture, that Aristotle received the chief Ideas of his Historie of Animals (which is his Master-piece) from Solomon's Books, which he writ of the Nature of Animals? 2.2. Aristotles Metaphysicks from Plato. But we pass on to Aristotle's Metaphysicks, which indeed seem nothing else but some fragments, or miscellaneous collections he had gathered up out of Plato's Philosophie. For the chief object of his Metaphysicks, he makes to be [...], &c. ens quatenus ens; which is the proper [Page 362] notion whereby Plato (as Pythagoras before him) expressed God,Principal ob­ject of Meta­physicks from Exod. 3.14. traduced originally from Exod. 3.14. as we have fully proved afore in Pythagoras's Metaphysicks, chap. 8. §. 4. The simple af­fections of this [...] Ens, Being, Aristotle makes to be Ʋnity, Verity, and Bonity, The Affections of Ens, Ʋnity, Veritie, and Bonitie. which are the Affections, which Plato attributes unto God, and that in imitation of Jewish and sacred Tradition as be­fore. B. 2. C. 8. §. 4.5. Farther, that Aristotle had much know­ledge of God, his spiritual Nature, and Providence, and that from his Master Plato's Philosophizings,Aristotle's knowledge of God. we are informed by Diogen [...]s Laertius in his Life; where he tells us, that Aristotle con­formable to Plato, defined God thus, [...], God is a spirit. He also tells us,Touching Ari­stotle's Noti­ons of God, and their con­formitie to Moses. See Steuch. Eu­gubinus de Peren. Philos. l. 4. c. 1.7.8.9. &c. that Aristotle held Gods Providence to reach [...], even to Celestials, [...], and that he was immoveable, b [...]t ordered earthly affairs, according to that sympathie, or congr [...]ence they had to Celestials. Another piece of Metaphysicks regards the Soul in its separate State, whereof some think Aristotle had some notices. So Sir Kenelm Digby, in his discourse of the Soul, fol. 431. first Edit. Eng.) ‘If we (saith he) had Aristotle's Book, which he wrote of the Soul, upon the Death of his Friend Eudemus, it's very likely we should there see his evident assertion of her immorta­litie, The Soul separated. &c.’ This some gather also from that passage, which is said to drop from him whilst he lay a dying, viz. O Being of Be­ings have mercy on me. A rational account why Aristotle re­jected some of the more sub­lime, and My­stick Traditi­ons of Plato. But to speak what seems to be the truth in this matter: Though Aristotle was ready to entertain such notions of God, and his Providence, as were agreeable to the model of his Reason, yet such as depended purely on Tradition he rejected, as not agreeable to a Philosopher. Hence, whereas Plato (as Pythagoras, and all the Philosophers before Aristotle) held the pro­duction of the first matter by God; he asserted an Eternitie of Matter: and whereas Plato asserted that all things were made conformable to the exemplar of Divine Ideas, or Decrees; Aristotle not fully comprehending what Plato imperfectly received, and imparted, touching those Divine Ideas, utterly expungeth them out of his Philosophie. This therefore seemeth to be the genuine reason why Aristotle embraced not more readily those greater, and more Divine mysteries of Jewish Wisdom, as well as his Ma­ster Plato, and Pythagoras; because they were matters of pure belief, [Page 363] above the reach of his natural Reason. Plato, as Pythagoras, conver­sing much in the Oriental parts, and (as we have endeavoured to prove) with many Jews in Aegypt, &c. They much recreated themselves with any ancient Records, Traditions, or Reports of Divine matters, though never so mysterious, and above their ca­pacities: But Aristotle giving himself up wholly to the govern­ment of his Reason, he confined himself to such Tradit [...]ons, as would suit therewith, rejecting all other, which his corrupt Reason could not comprehend, or reduce to demonstration. And he himself seems to give this as a reason, why he discoursed no more of things future, and Divine; because (saith he, Eth. lib. 1. cap. 10.) [...], what is future, is to us uncertain. He so much idolized his own Reason (which was indeed very Masculine and Nervous) as that he slighted all Traditions, which carried not with them evidence, and Notices of their Truth. (This made him either wholly to reject, or else miserably to adulterate the more sublime, and Divine of Plato's Traditions). But 3.3. Aristotle' [...] Ethicks. As to Aristotle's Ethicks, there seems to be more evident Characters of their Tra­duction from the sacred Jewish fountain originally, if not imme­diately, for all the Characters, he gives (Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 1.2. &c.) of the chiefest good, are the same, which Plato laies down: so also his Character of Friendship, Justice, Temperance, and other Virtues, are for the main (though not in the same method) derived from Plato, and we need not doubt, but originally from some sacred Author, Solomon, or some other. 4. As for Aristotle's Politicks, 4. His Poli­ticks from the Jews. great part of them seem to have much cognat [...]on with the Jewish In­stitutes, and we may rationally conjecture, had their derivation thence: So Cunaeus (de Repub. Hebr. p. 21.) tells us, ‘That Aristotle in his Books of Politicks, recites certain Edicts, composed by the most ancient Legislators, which are very like to the Mosaick In [...]ti­tutes. For Oxylus, King of the El [...]ans, forbids his Subjects to Mor­gage their Fields for mony And the Locrenses were forbid to sell the possessions of their Ancestors, &c.’ And in our former di­scourse of Philologi [...], touching the Original of Pagan Laws, we have proved their Traduction from the Institutes of Moses, &c.

§. 4.Aristotle's Life. But to proceed to somewhat a more general account of Aristotle, his Life, and Philosophie, which peradventure may add some strength to our particular Hypothesis. Aristotle was born at [Page 364] Stagira, (belonging sometimes to Thracia, but at Aristotle's birth under the Macedonian Empire) his Parents were Nicomachus, and Phaestis, according to that Greek Hexameter [...].’ This Nicomachus was Physician to King Amyntas, who was Father to Philip, and Grandfather to Alexander the Great. Aristotle in me­mory of his Father, called his Son Nicomachus, to whom he writes his Ethicks, which were thence called his Nicomachia, to difference them from his Eudemia, and Magna Moralia. For Ari­stotle left three sorts of Ethicks, as Vossius. Albeit Cicero doubts, whether these Ethicks were not writ by Nicomachus himself: that this Nicomachus writ Books of Ethick [...], is the affirmation of Suidas. Aristotle in the sevent [...]enth year of his age went to Plato, whom he heard twenty years. After Plato's death, which was in the first year of 108 Olympiad (Speusippus his Nephew succeeding in the Academy) Aristotle went to Hermias the Eunuch, King of Artana of Mysia, with whom he lived three years. After the death of Hermias, upon the request of Philip, Aristotle came to Macedon, where having lived eight years with Alexander, he returned to Athens; And the Academic being praepossessed by Xenocrates, Aristotle made choice of the Lycëum (a place in the Suburbs of Athens, Peripatetici a [...] nominati sectae suae conditorem & caput ag­noscunt Ari­stotelem, qui in Xysto seu horto ambu­lationi ac­commodato docebat. Laert. lib. 5. Hornius Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 15 built by Pericles for the exercising of Souldiers) where he taught Philosophie, walking constantly every day 'till the hour of Anointing, whence his Sect was called Peripatetick. Thus Laertius. So also Hesychius in Aristotle: [...] ‘The Peripatetick Philosophie was so termed from Aristotle, who began it in the Peripatum, or Ambulatorie. So Cicero Academ. 1. Those who were with Aristotle, were called Peripateticks, because they dispated walking in the Lycëum. Aristotle taught Philosophie in the Lycëum twelve years. But after the death of Alexander, who upheld him, some of his Emplators conspiring against his Life, he left Athens, and went to Chalcis. He lived after the death of Plato 26 years, and died 63 years aged: Whereof see more in Laertius of his life, &c.

Aristotle's Character.§. 5. As for Aristotle's Character, we find him greatly applaud­ed by the Ancients for his Ʋniversal skill in Sciences. Plato himself (who is sometimes invective against Aristotle) stiles him [...], the [Page 365] Intellect of his Schole; as also [...], the Philosopher of Truth. Laertius lib. 5. saies, That he was a person of great Study, and incre­dible Invention. It is said also, ‘That he was the first that colle­cted the dispersed members of Philosophie into one bodie, and Systeme: he prescribed in his Logick a certain form of Argu­mentation: he perfected Ethicks begun by Socrates: of Physicks he discoursed so accurately, as that he left all, even Plato him­self behind him: he bestowed most profitable indeavours in searching into the Historie of Animals, of which he writ almost 50 Volumns: as Pliny lib. 8. cap. 16.’ Quintil. lib. 12. cap. 11. & Hornius Hist. Philos. lib. 3. cap. 15. Quintilian lib. 10. cap. 1. makes this honourable mention of him: ‘Why should I mention Ari­stotle? whom I doubt, whether I should account more famous for his knowledge of things, or for his copiousness of writing, or for his s [...]avitie of speech, or for his Acumen of Invention, or for his variety of Works.’ Plinie stiles him the Co [...]yphaeus in all Sciences. Arnobius lib. 3. advers. Gent. tells us, ‘That Aristotle was a person of an excellent ingenie, and surpassing in Doctrine:’ Nay, is bold to stile him, One of an Ʋniversal knowledge; yea, the measure or end of humane understanding. Hieronymus in Reg. Monach cap. 11. saies, Aristotle was the Prince of the Wise men, a Prodigie, and the grand Miracle in all Nature, who seems to have had infused into him whatever the humane ingenie was naturally capable of. And in cap. 3. Ionae, he attests, that there w [...]re certain honorarie pieces of brass mony, stampt on the one side with Aristotle's Image, and on the other, with this Inscrip­tion, Naturae Miraculum, the Miracle of Nature, as Hornius Hist. Philos. lib. 3, cap. 15.’ See a more ample Character of Aristotle's glorie, that he was too invective, and invidious against such as differed from him, and not so candid in relating their opinion, as he ought to have been. This is evident from his smister treat­ing Democritus, Parmemdes, yea, and his own Master Plato, who felt the strokes of his censorious Rod, whence Laertius brings in Plato, complaining against Aristotle, that he was like a young Colt, that kicked against its Dam, &c. Indeed we have a just, and exact Character of Aristotle, in Cas [...] speculo Moral. Quaest. lib. 1. cap. 6. ‘I conceive (saies he) Aristotle to be in refuting others a Camel, in Philosophizing the Prince of all. I call him a Camel [Page 366] in refuting, because he strikes them with the heels of Envy, from whose dugs he sucked the Nectar of Philosophie. In Phi­losophizing, I call him a Prince, because he discourseth so of the secrets of Nature, as none more acutely, he demonstrates so, as none more accurately; he defends so, as none more stoutly. Wherefore, as in ref [...]ting others, he is scarcely to be saluted: so in his demonstrating of things, I would have him to be embraced with both arms. If he refels (if I mistake not) he doth either change the word, or invert the sense, or feign a new one: and as Hercules with the Pygmeys, so Aristotle with a shadow, contends de lana caprina.

A comparison 'twixt Plato, & Aristotle.§. 6. If we consider Aristotle, comparatively with Plato, we shall find the learned very differing in their comparisons 'twixt the one, and the other. Some there are, who place Aristotle in many degrees of Preeminence above Plato, as the Scholemen universally do: Others there are, who give the Precedence to Plato, as some Fathers did. But if any degree of comparison be lawful, I think that of Ludovicus Vives is most agreeable, who gives them each, though in different regards, a preeminence over the other. So Lud. Vives in August. Civ. lib. 8. cap. 12. ‘The Greeks stile Plato [...], the Divine, Aristotle [...], the Daemon, or Intelligent. Aristotle, I had almost said, excels Plato in the Science of Rhetorick, 1. As to Rhe­torick. albeit Plato, Plato omni­um Philoso­phorum prae­cipuus uberē, amplam, uno verbo Ulys [...]e­am orationē affectabat. Horn. Hist. Phil. l. 7. c. 14. without peradventure, surpasseth Aristotle in the exercitation and use thereof. For Aristotle alwaies loved brevity, both of things, and sentences: therefore his great care was to admit of no supervacaneous word, Plato said, that Xenocrates wanted spurs, but Aristotle his condisciple a bridle, &c.’ As for Plato's Eloquence, it is thus characterized by Quintilian, lib. 10. cap 1. Plato was invested with a kind of Divine, and Homerick facultie of Orating: He swells much beyond Prose, and that which the Greeks call Pedester Oration; so that he seems to me to be in­spired not with the ingenie of a man, but with a certain Del­phick Oracle. Aristotle used an elegant Oration, but acc [...]rate, nervous, strict, and next to an obscure mode of speech as Horn. Hi [...]t. Phil. lib 7. cap. 14’ If we compare Aristotle and Plato in point of Logick, 2 As to Logick. and method of Philosophizing, it is evident that Plato's Logick, or me [...]hod of Rat [...]cination, was more plain and fami­liar, mixed with many elegant illustrations and examples [Page 367] whereas Aristotle's method was more artificial, and accurate, con­sisting of more exact definitions, divisions, and demonstrations. Whence that Famous saying, Plato teacheth, Aristotle proves. Thus Keck. Tract. 2. praecogn. Logic. cap. 2. ‘God has honoured the Peri­patetick Sect only with this glory, that what Plato, and others handled, and delivered confusedly, and imperfectly, without Method, and order, under the shadows of Metaphors, and Fa­bles, the same things Aristotle first delivered unto mankind, un­der the form of a dext'rous Method well regulated, and whose parts are full, and complete.’ But if we compare them in re­gard of Metaphysicks, and divine contemplations, its evident, yea,3. As to Me­taphysicks. confest, that Aristotle was far inferiour to Plato herein: And the reason is as apparent; for Plato delighting himself much in Jewish Traditions, which he had imbibed partly from the Pytha­gorean Philosophie, and partly by means of his own personal conversation in the Oriental parts, he thereby obtained great notices of Divine Mysteries, especially of such as related to the origine of the Ʋniverse, the spiritual nature, and perfection of God, the Immortality of the Soul &c. But Aristotle, as Simplicius ob­serves of him, confining himself to the sphere of his own Rea­son, would needs examine Divine matters by Nature, and admit nothing but what was grounded on Natures Light, or rather on his own corrupt Reason. Whence he rejected all such Oriental Traditions, as would not stoop to his proud Ratiocination, Aristotle's Doctrines either Acroa­tick or Exote­rick. Aristoteles horis matu­tinis legebat ea, quae sub­tilioris erant indaginis, sive [...]; à me­ridie Exote­ricis dabat operam. Gell. l. 20. c. 4. Hor­nius hist. Phil. l. 7. c. 4. as before.

§. 7. Aristotle's Philosophizings were (as 'tis presumed) by him­self distributed into [...] or [...], Acroaticks, or Acroama­ticks, and [...] Exotericks ▪ his Acroatick Doctrines he taught in the morning wa [...]king in the Lycëum, whereunto he admitted none but the choicer wits, or genuine Disciples whence 'twas termed [...]; the Exotericks he taught in the evening, whence it was cal­led [...]: these were more common. His Acroaticks con­tain his more subtile Philosophie namely his Physicks, and Logick Dis­ceptations: his Exotericks comprehend his more vulgar Philosophi­zings, and other Discourses; as his Politicks, Ethicks, Rhetorick, and such like. Thus Gellius, lib. 20. cap. 4. Aristotle' [...] were those his Comments, which conduced to Rhetorick medita­tations, the Facultie of wrangling, and the knowledge of Politicks. [Page 368] His [...] were those, in which more remote, and subtile Phi­losophie, was agitated, and which appertained to Physick Contem­plations, and Dialectick Disceptations.’ His Acroamaticks he read in the morning to h [...]s more ripe and choice Wits, but Exotericks pro­miscuously without choice: whence the former were called [...] and [...]; also [...], as the latter [...] ▪ according to Horn. Hi [...]t. Philos. lib 7. cap. 9. Lucian in his Dialogue inscribed [...], divides Aristotle's Writings into [...] Exotericks, & Eso­tericks; whereof the latter are the same with his Acroaticks, which Am­m [...]nius (in Aristotelis Categ.) saies, were so called, [...] because he therein discoursed with his genuine and pro­per Disciples. These Acroaticks, he farther acquaints us, were [...], delivered in his own person, namely [...]. ‘In which he teacheth in his own proper person, his own Phaenomena, the which he endeavours to prove by the most exquisite arguments, beyond vulgar Capacities.’ Plutarch in the life of Alexander tells us, that ‘the Peripateticks called these more Mystick, and weightie Doctrines [...] Acroa­matick, and Epoptick: namely in allusion, unto the Eleusinian Sa­creds; wherein those who were initiated were for the first four years called [...] My [...]ticks: who stood on the threshold before the Sacrarie, Illud non est praetermit­tendum, cir­ca Aristote­lis tempora, Grammati­cam, quae vo­catur Me­thodica. Phi­losoph [...]ae ad­junctam esse. Horn. Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 15. but in the fifth year they had the privilege of being ad­mitted into the inner Sacracy, there to contemplate the hidden Sacreds, whence they were stiled [...] contemplators. So in like manner the Secrets of Philosophie which Aristotle delivered to his genuine Disciples were termed [...] Epopticks.’ As for Aristotle's Exotericks, we have them thus explicated by Clemens Alexandr. [...]. ‘His Dialogicks are such, as he writes not in his own person, but, as Plato, induceth other persons speaking; which are also called Exo­tericks because they were written for the benefit of the vulgar sort. See Vossius de Philos. Sect. cap. 17. §. 9.’

Aristotle's works what genuine, what not?§. 8. By what has been mention'd of Aristotle's Dialogicks as also by Laertius's Catalogue of his Works, we may judge how many of his books have perished. For amongst all Aristotle's Works we fi [...]d none written in a Dialogick Style, though it be generally confest, [Page 369] he writ many Dialogues: so Cicero to Lentulus saies, that ‘he had polished his 3 books of an Orator in a Dialogick Strain, after the Aristotelick mode. Such also were Aristotle's Sophista, & Menexe­nus, which treated of Morals, and are mentioned by Laertius; like­wise his Nerithus, and Gryllus which treated of the Oratorian Art: also his Eudemus or Dialogue of the Soul. All Which Dialogick Discourses, referred by Cicero, and others to Aristotle's [...] Exotericks are not now to be found.’ Yet we may not conclude with Caelio Eurio the Second, that there remain extant only three genuine pieces of Aristotle, viz his Historie of Animals, his book of the World, and his Rhetorick to Alexander: For there are many other pieces of Aristotle, which carry with them evident notices of his spirit; as his book [...], also his [...], both the one and the other; his books [...], and those of the Soul, &c. Yet 'tis very pro­bable, that the book of the Ʋniverse, reckoned amongst Aristotle's Works, was not his, because it has too orthodox sentiments of God, his Providence, and Gubernation, which Aristotle seems not to approve of. Also that other piece of Rhetorick to Alexander, men­tioned by Caelio Curio, is supposed not to be Aristotle's but Anaxa­mines Lampsacenus's who also was master to Alexander the Great, as Vossius de Philosoph. Sect. cap. 17. §. 13.

§. 9.Aristotele's books how conveighed to posteritie. Aristotle dying left his Librarie of books to Theophrastus his successor: Theophrastus leaves them to Neleus who was also Disciple of Aristotle, as Laertius tells us. Neleus sells them to Ptolomaeus Phila­delphus, who transferred them into his Alexandrine Librarie, as Athenaeus lib. 1. Thus Is. Casaubon. in Athen. lib. 1. cap. 2. Aristo­tle's Librarie was first possessed by Theophrastus: whence it by Testament descended to Neleus. The story is known out of Strabo, Plutarch, Diogenes. You may learn out of Strabo, how true it is, that Ptolomie bought the books of this Philosopher from Neleus, or his posteritie, &c.’ Thus Casaubon. we have the words of Strabo lib. 13. [...]. Aristotle was the first, that we know of, who colle­cted books, and taught the Kings of Egypt to erect a Librarie.’ That Aristotle was a great affector of books, appears by an observation of Gellius lib. 3. cap. 17. who tells us,Hornius Hi­stor. Phil. l. 3. c. 15. that Aristotle paid 3 Attick ta­lents for some few books of Speusippus the Philosopher, &c. What is said of Ptolemie's buying Aristotele's books of Neleus some understand of [Page 370] his Library onely: For those books, which Aristotle writ himself, 'tis reported, that Neleus retained them for himself, and trans­mitted them to his posteritie, who being not learned kept them under keys, without use. Hence Strabo calls them [...], books lockt up. Yea, 'tis said, that they, fearing least the Kings of Pergamus (who erected a great Librarie, which was afterwards by Cleopatra's means transferred to Alexandria) should take them away, hid them long under ground, which brought no small damage to these Books; for hereby they grew mouldy, worm-eaten, moth eaten, &c. After this Apellico Teius buyes them, who being as Atheneas characterizeth him [...], rather than [...]. more bookish then lear­ned, causeth these worm-eaten books of Aristotle to be transcribed and made publick, but without judgement, or fidelity. After his death Sylla (about 200. years after Aristotle's death) possessing Athens, takes these Books, and sends them to Rome (as Plutarch in Sylla) where Tyrannio Grammaticus, a great Student in Aristotle, obtained from the Keeper of the Librarie, the use of them. And the Bookselle [...]s got these books transcribed, but by unmeet Li­brarians, and such as would not so much as compare their Tran­scripts with the Original Exemplar. Whence Aristotle's Books re­ceived farther detriment.Plutarch. in Sylla. This Tyrannio delivered over these Books to And [...]onicus Rhod [...]us, who was the first that took care for the more exact transcribing of Aristotle's Books into many Exem­plars▪ in order to the publication of them. Thence men began to dispute more about Acroaticks, whereas in the foregoing time, even from the decease of Theophrastus (by reason of the scarcitie of Aristotle's choicest pieces) they were wont to dispute onely about Exotericks probably, &c. As Vossius de Philosoph. Sect. cap. 17. §. 11. Though indeed to speak the truth, Aristotle came not to be in so general repute till Alexander Aphrod seus began to enterpret him;Aristotle's Successors, Theophra­stus, &c. Apud Theo­phrastum graviter ela­borata est Philosophia. Pic. Mirandul. in Apol. 90. Thes. as hereafter.

§. 10. Aristotle's Successor was Theophrastus Eresius, who was first called Tyrtamus, but afterward, by reason of his (as they phrased it) Divine Eloquence, was by his Master Aristotle named Theophra­stus. Thus Strabo lib. 13. [...]. Theophrastus was first called Tyr­tamus; [Page 371] for Aristotle first called him Theophrastus, both to avoid the asperity of his former name, as also to signifie the excel­lence of his eloquence: for Aristotle made all his disciples elo­quent, but Theophrastus most eloquent.’ See the same in Diogenes Laertius, Hesychius Illustris, and Suidas. Theophrastus being a person greatly esteemed for his Learning, and Eloquence, had a huge confluence of Disciples, at least Auditors, to the number of 2000, as Laertius, and Hesychius. He does in some things differ from his Master Aristotle: as in Meteors, touching the efficient cause of the Rains; also concerning the cause of the Oblique Winds, the matter of hot and dry Exhalations, the original of the saltness of the Sea, &c. Theophrastus seems to write of some things more exactly than Aristotle; as of other things, which are not mentioned by Aristotle. He has excellent Physick discourses of Plants, of the Winds, of Fire, besides many choice Moral characters. The greatnesse of his worth, is sufficiently discovered in Aristotle's choice of him for his [...]uccessor. For Gellius lib. 13. cap. 5. tells us, ‘That Aristotle about the time of his departure, being demanded whom he would have for his Successor, whether Theophrastus Lesbius, or E [...]demus Rhodius? commanded them to bring him two sorts of Wi [...]e, the Rhodi [...], and Lesbian; and having tasted of both, he replye [...] the Rhodian wine was very good, but the Lesbian was sweeter: by which lepid, and pleasant answer, he discovered his pre [...] on of Lesbius Theophrastus, before Eudemus Rhodius. The Auditors of Theophrastus were Strato Lampsacenus, and Demetrius Phalereus. Strato was succeeded by Lycon Troadensis, Lycon by Aristo Ceius, Aristo by Critolaus Phasilites, Critolaus by Diodorus, and he by Neleus.

§. 11. Amongst the Commentators on Aristotle, Alexander Aphrodiseus the chief com­mentator on Aristotle. Alexander Aphro­diseus has the precellence given him by the Learned, and that both for his Antiquity, th [...]re being none of Aristotle's Enterpre­ters more ancient (save Herminus, whose Commentaries are all, except a few fragments, lost) as also for his intimate acquain­tance with Aristotle's mind, and firm adherence thereto. For as for the other Commentators, they either take part with Plato, wherein he differs from Aristotle, as Simplicius; or else they en­deavour to reconcile Aristotle with Plato, as Ammonito, &c. where­as Alexander Aphrosideus follows Aristotle [...], and defends h [...]m [Page 372] stoutly against the Stoicks, and other Sects. Whence it was, that Plotinus was wont for the understanding of Aristotle, to consult Alexander, as Porphyrie in his Life: and the Greeks call him, [...], the great Enterpreter. Cyril also against Julian, stiles him the Lover of Aristotle, and the most diligent, and most acute of all the Philosophers. Whence also the Arabian Commenta­tors, Averroes, Avicenna, &c. make most use of him in their Illu­strations, and Commentaries on Aristotle: Yea, to give him his just praise, Aristotle came not upon the Stage to be Master of the Scholes, till this Alexander, by his learned Commentaries, advanced him into the Chair, as it is well observed by Lud. Vives in August. Civit. lib. 8. cap. 10. ‘From the times of Plato and Aristotle, even to Alexander Aprodiseus, who lived under the Emperors, Severus, and his Son (about 210 years after Christ) Aristotle was named, rather than read, or understood by the Learned. This Alexander was the first that attempted to enucleate, and enterpret Ari­stotle, who greatly promoted others in their Studies of, and Inquisitions into Aristotle. Yet all this while Plato continued more frequent in the hands, and more understood by the minds of men.’ But here we must know, that many of those Commen­taries, that pass under Alexander's name, are spurious. His genuine Comments are on Aristotle's Meteors, &c.

Greek Com­mentators.§. 12. There were also amongst the Greeks others, who Com­mented on Aristotle: as (not to mention Porphyrie his [...] on Aristotle, because he was a Platonist) 1. Themistius Sirnamed by reason of his Eloquence,Themistius. Euphrades: who lived in the times of Constance, Jovinian, Valens, and Valentinian the Emperors, to whom he dedicated several Orations yet extant (Augustin calls him his Master) 2. Olympiodorus the Alexandrian Philosopher, Olympiodo­rus. who flourished about the year 480, and was, according to Suidas, Praeceptor to Proclus Lycius, Proclus. and Auditor to Syrianus, &c. 3. Proclus Lycius Sir­named [...], who succeeded in the Platonick Schole, and was (as Porphyrie before him) a bitter Writer against the Christians. 4. Johannes Grammaticus Sirnamed Philoponus, Philoponus. who answered Pro­clus, and was a great propugnator of the Christian Religion, as well as an excellent Commentator on Aristotle. 5. AmmoniusAmmonius. who was a Disciple of Proclus Lycius, and a clear Commentator on Aristotle, though he does oft Platonize. 6. Simplicius, Simplicius. who flourished under [Page 373] Justinian the Emperour, and was very invective against Johannes Grammaticus, yet an excellent Interpreter of Aristotle, albeit he doth Platonize. We find a good, though concise character of these Commentators on Aristotle in Pici Mirandulani Apologia 90. Phi­losophie ‘among the Grecians remains very beautiful and chast; She is in Simplicius very rich, and copious; in Themistius elegant, and compendious; in Alexander, constant and learned; in Theo­phrastus greatly elaborate; in Ammonius clear, and gratious.’

§. 13. After the Grecians followed the Arabian Commentators on Aristotle;Arabians. amongst whom the principal place is given to Aven-rois, or Averroes, Averroes, &c. who flourished in Spa [...]n, an. 650. and had un­doubtedly proved a better Commentator on Aristotle, had he been better acquainted with the Greek Tongue. He was also a Famous Physician, as well as Philosopher, but no friend to the Chri­stians; yet have the Scholemen made his Comments on Aristotle, Which are followed by the Schole-men. the foundation of all their Schole-Divinity. Hornius Histor. Phi­losoph. lib. 5. cap. 10. gives us this account of these Arabian Com­mentators on Aristotle. ‘We will begin with Avicenna, who attain­ed unto so much by his labour, that he alone may carry the bell among Aristotle's Commentators: neither does any seem to reach the mind of the Philosopher, as Avicenna, whom his dili­gent translator Andr. Alpagus calls Ebeusina. He was so addicted to Aristotle, that many relate he got all his Metaphysicks by heart. He had for his Contemporarie Averroes the Arabian, who lived at Corduba in Spain, and had great contests with Avicenna, and albeit both professed themselves Sectators of Aristotle, yet they thought nothing true, which each other affirmed. Averroes writ of many parts of Aristotle, and that with so great an acu­men, that he hath obtained the repute of the most learned In­terpreter, and the title of Commentator, [...]. From whom the latter Scholemen have borrowed many things.’ That the Scholemen extracted the most of their Philosophick notions and di­stinctions (which they make the foundation of their Scholastick Theologie) not immediately out of Aristotle, but out of the Arabi­ans, Averroes, Avicenna, &c. his Commentators, is evident to any that acquaints himself with the original of Schole Divinity, which began in the Parisian Scholes about the twelfth and thirteen Cen­turies, by Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, &c. amongst [Page 374] whom Averroes was greatly in repute.Est Arabica gens, uti pa­trii soli, ita & linguae suae amans. Igitur cum incidis­sent in scrip­ta Aristotelis Graeca, jam pene apud ipsos Graecos ignota, caepe­runt inde qu [...]dam, mox plera (que) vertere in Patriam lin­guam. Horni­us. Hist. Phi­los. l. 5. c. 10. Verulam in his Novum Orga­num speaks truely; that these Schole-men, besides their reduction of Theo­logie into an order, and forme of Art, have over & above caused Aristotle's Eristick, and spinous Philosophie to have been, more than it ought, in­corporated into the bodie of Religion. And in all Aristotle's name is pretended, albeit they rather follow his corrupt Interpreters and Commen­tators. For the Arabians, from whom the Schole-men drew all their sub­tilties being wholly ignorant of the Greek, and well nigh of the Latin, were fain to make use of Versions very short of, and in many points quite differing from the original sense of Aristotle, &c.

§. 14. Having given this general Idea of Aristotle his Life, and successors, we shall now treat somewhat more distinctly and particu­larly of his Philosophie, according to that reduction and account we find thereof in Ammonius, Jo. Grammaticus, and others. Ammonius in Arisiot. Categor. pag. 6. treating of Aristotle saie [...] [...].A general Idea of Ari­stotle's Philo­sophie. Thus Ammonius which we may English thus. ‘This Aristotle was in his Morals exact even to an hyberbole; In Philosophie he exceed­ed humane Measures, leaving no part thereof untouched, but ad­ding much thereto from his own sagacitie, he reformed the whole of Philosophie, for he added unto Logick by differencing, or separa­ting the Canons from the things, as also by framing Demonstrative Method. For those, who preceded him, knew how to demonstrate, but how to frame Demonstrations they knew not; as it is with those, who cannot make shooes, yet can use them when made. To Physicks he added the fifth Essence. As for Theologie, albeit he added nothing thereto, yet left he nothing unattempted therein. For he knew not terrestial things only, as some conceit, but also supernaturals, as it appears by his fifth book of Physick Acroaticks, where he saies [Page 375] that the first Cause is not moveable either by it self, or by Accident: whence he demonstrates that the Divine Being is neither a bodie, nor passible. This last expression of Ammonius, touching Aristotle's owning God to be the first immobile cause of all things, is confirmed, and explicated more fully by Johannes Grammaticus in his Proaem. in Aristot. de Anima fol 10. as hereafter.

§. 15.The end of Aristotle's Philosophie the knowledge of God. Hence Ammonius makes this the supream end of Aristotle's Philosophie to lead men to the knowledge of the first cause, God, &c. so Ammon. in Arist. Categor. pag. 11. treating of Aristotle's Philoso­phie he demands [...]; what is the su­pream end of Aristotle's Philosophie. To which he replies [...], ‘we say, that the end of his philosophie is to know the principle of all things, the productive cause of all things, which is alwaies the same; for he demonstrates that the principle of all things is incorporeal, by which all things are produced. Thence Ammonius demands [...]; what are the means that conduce us to this end? to which he answers [...]. We say the means conducing to this end is the doctrine or knowledge of things existing in time and mutation: for by these things, together with the Mathematicks, we lead our selves into the knowledge of the first cause of all things.’

§ 16.Aristotle's mode of Phi­losophizing simple. Thence Ammonius passeth on to discourse of Aristotle's mode of Philosophizing. pag. 12. [...], &c. ‘The forme of Aristotle's writings is every way exact as to phrase. For the Philosopher ever avoids Rhetorical flourishes, and wholly endeavours to set forth the nature of things only. Aristotle being resolved to reduce Philosophie to rules of Art, and reason, utterly rejects that Mythologick, Sym­bolick mode of Philosophizing, which his Predecessors Thales, Pher [...] ­cydes, Pythagoras, and Plato had introduced; confining himself to a more succinct, and accurate method.’ Whence also he rejects all those more obscure Jewish Traditions, which Pythagoras, and Plato so much delighted themselves in, with resolution to admit nothing but what he could make stoop to evident reason, or clear Testi­mony. [Page 376] So in his Ethicks lib. 2. cap. 2. [...], we ought in matters doubtfull to use clear testimonies: where­by he cuts off all those obscure, and broken Traditions, which his predecessors admired, and together with their traditions their Sym­bolick mode of Philosophizing also.

The Chara­cter of a ge­nuine Auditor.§. 17. The same Ammonius gives us (pag. 12.) a good character of such, as are genuine Auditors, and Expositors of Aristotle [...]. ‘The genuine Auditors of Aristotle ought by how much the more obscure the things spoken are, by so much the more earnestly to contend, and search into the depth thereof. An Auditor ought to be just; of a good natural capa­citie for ratiocination; virtuous in his Discourses; Exact in his morals;The Chara­cter of a good Expositor. and in all things very well adorned. Thus Ammonius, who proceeds to give his character of a good Expositor of Aristotle: [...]. He, that will expound the things spoken by Aristotle, must not through too favo­rable inclination, undertake to commend things ill spoken, and re­ceive them as from a Tripos or Oracle; neither must he receive things good in an ill manner, after the Sceptick mode; but as to the things spoken he must carry himself as a Judge without Passion; and first of all he must explicate the mind of the Ancient, and ex­pound their proper sentiment: afterward he must bring his own judgement concerning the same.’

The Distribu­tion of Aristo­tle's Philoso­phie.§. 18. But to come to the Distribution of Aristotle's Philosophie; which Ammonius in Arist. Categ. pag. 11. gives us thus: [...]. [Page 377] Philosophie is divided into two parts, Theoretick, and Practick. As for Theoretick, that is such, wherein he inquires concerni [...]g Truth, and Falsehood: Practicks are such, wherein he considers concerning Good, and Evil. And because there is a great dispute amongst men touching Good, and Evil, as also touching Truth, and falsehood; it seemed good to him (viz. Aristotle) to give us a Diacritick or Discretive Instrument to measure these things by, which is Demon­stration. Now Demonstration is nothing else but a demonstrative Syl­logisme. For as the Carpenter useth his Rule as an Instrument, where­by to discerne what timber is crooked, and what streight, and as a Builder useth his Square, to discover what wals are right, what not: so Philosophers, make use of Demonstration as a Rule, whereby to discerne things.’ Ammonius having thus distributed Philosophie into its general parts, Theoretick and Practick, and laid down the Ʋniversal Instrument of both, which is Logical Demonstration, he thence pro­ceeds to distribute these Generals into their Severals thus [...]. ‘They di­stribute Theoreticks into Physiologicks, Mathematicks, and Theolo­gicks. As for his Theologicks, they are such, as he writ after his Phy­sick Exercitations, which he undertook after his Physicks, because it is proper to Theologie to teach things above Nature (whence his Theologicks are termed Metaphysicks) and these Natural Sciences are accordingly called Physicks. Mathematicks are of a middle na­ture being in some regard separate from matter, and in some regard inseparate. As for Practicks, they are distributed into Ethicks, Oeco­nomicks, and Politicks. Thus of the Parts of Philosophie.

§. 19. Having gone through the general Distribution of Aristotle's Philosophie, it may not be amisse to touch a little on the Severals, and such observables therein, as may deserve a more particular remark. We shall begin with Aristotle's Logick, Aristotle's Lo­gick and it's distribution by Ammonius. which he makes to be [...] a Discretive or differencing Organ to all the parts of Philoso­phie; so Ammonius in Arist. Categ. pag. 8. ‘The Stoicks, saies he, make Logick a part of Philosophie, whereas all those of the Peripate make it an Organ, &c.’ Aristotle in stiling his Logick an Organ, means no­thing else, but that it is a method, or a key to all Sciences: so Am­monius [Page 378] in Arist. Categ. pag. 13. [...]. Dialectick as Aristotle defines it, is a Syllogistick way of Procedure about what­ever Problem proposed, from probable Topicks. What Ammonius here appropriates to Dialectick, which the Peripateticks make but a Part of Logick, is equally applicable to the whole thereof.’ But we have a more full, though concise, account of Aristotle's Logick given us by Ammonius in Arist. Categor. pag. 15.16.17. Which, because the Book is very rarely to be found, and the Author scarcely known to young Students, we may not deem it lost labour to give them his own words, which are as follow [...]. ‘As the carpenter useth his Rule, and the Mason his Squares to distinguish what is right, and what is not: so the Philosopher useth Demonstration for distinguishing of Truth, and Falsehood, Good, and Evil. Now Demonstration is a Scientifick Syllogisme. But it is impossible to treat hereof, unlesse we first declare what a Syllogisme is; neither can we understand, what a Syllogisme is, unlesse we learne, what a proposition is: For Propositions are certain words; and of these words a Syllogisme is but a collection. So that it is im­possible to know, what a Syllogisme is, without understanding propo­sitions: for of these it is composed. So neither is the Proposition to be understood without understanding the names, and words of which every discourse consists. Neither are the Names, and words without simple voices: for each of these is a Significative voice. [Page 379] It is therefore necessary in the first place to treat of simple voices; of which Aristotle discourseth in the Categories. Thence of names and words, and propositions, as in Aristotle's book of Interpreta­tion. After this of Syllogism simply considered, as in his first Analy­ticks: then of Demonstration, as in his latter Analyticks. Now the order of this Disposition is manifest from the scope: for things simple ought to precede things compound: and the Doctrine of the Categories is of all most simple, because as 'tis said, it treats of simple voices, signifying simple things, by means of simple notions intervening.’ Thus Ammonius of Aristotle's Logick.

§. 20. We may reduce the whole to this Scheme. A Scheme of Logick. Logick may be considered, eith [...]r in regard of its object, or formal parts. As for the object of Logick, 'tis either material, or formal: The ma­terial object of Logick, is [...], every Intelligible, which is either simple, or complexe. The simple object of Logick, are all those No­tions, both first, and second, treated of by Aristotle in his Praedica­ments, and by Porphyrie in his Praedicabiles. The Complexe object of Logick is composed either of simple notions, and terms, as a Pro­position, or of Propositions as a Syllogisme. As for the formal object of Logick, or the mode under which it considers all Intelligibles, it is as they are means to direct the understanding in the disquisition of Truth, whence result the formal parts of Logick, The parts of Logick. which may be reduced to these four general Organs. 1. Definition, which takes away the obscuritie of our simple apprehension, by directing the un­derstanding to penetrate into the essences and natures of things. 2. Division, which removes that [...], or confusion, which our compound understanding labours under, by reducing all things to their proper Genus, species, and formal differences, &c. 3. Syllogisme, which clears the [...], or discurs [...]ve Intellect from those errours, and hesitations, which remain thereon. 4. Method, which directs and facilitates the understanding in all the foregoing parts; and therefore 'tis made by some of the Ancients to comprehend all Logick, &c. So Aristotle: 'tis not our work to discourse accurate­lie on these parts of Logick. It may suffice to give some glances, and that not from Aristotle's Organ (where he discourseth profes­sedly of these Logick Instruments) but from other of his Works, especially his Rhetorick, wherein we find some oblique reflecti­ons hereon. And to begin first with Definition; Aristotle Rhetor. [Page 380] lib. 2. cap. 13. (pag. 218.) tells us in general; [...], what is not defined, is fallacious, and in his Ethicks, lib. 1. cap. 7. [...], &c. ‘They must take care, that they define accu­rately, for this has a great influence on what follows.’ 2. The like Ammonius (in Arist. Categor. pag. 13.) teacheth us, as to Divisi­on. [...]. ‘He that will exactly understand the nature of the whole, must exactly examine it's parts by division, &c.’ As for Syllogisme, Aphrod [...]seus tells us, that Aristotle was the first, that reduced Syllogismes to mode, and figure, &c. But that which we shall chiefly fix our eye upon, is Aristotle's method; whereof we have some general account in his Rhetor. lib. 3. cap. 13. pag. 217. [...]. ‘A discourse has two parts; first it is necessarie to de­clare the matter, of which we discourse; and then we must de­monstrate the same.’ Thus Explication, and Demon [...]tration seem to take in the whole of method, according to Aristotle. 2. As for the kinds of method, we have an account thereof given by Aristotle in his Ethicks lib. 1. cap. 4. [...]. ‘Discourses begun from Principles, differ from such as tend to Principles.’ By discourses begun from Principles, he denotes Syn­thetick method, which begins with Principles: by discourses tending to principles he intends Analytick method, which proceeds from the end to Principles. This he seems to explain more fully in his Ethic. lib 3. cap. 5. [...], ‘What is last in the Analysis, is first in the Genesis; i. e. the Principle, which is first in the Synthetick method, is last in the Analytick. Thus for the kinds of method. 3. As for the Principles of a discourse, Ari­stotle tells us, Eth. lib. 1. cap. 4. [...]: We must begin with Principles most known, which are two-fold, either in regard of us, or simply. By things more known, in regard of us, he means such as we know by the effect, more obscurely: by things more known simply, he understands such as are known from their causes, which give a more distinct knowledge. 4. As to our methodical procedure in the handling of any Theme Aristotle (in his Eth. lib. 1.) gives us this good Canon, [...]. ‘We ought in the first place to give an Hypothesis, or obscure adumbration of [Page 381] the thing, and then a more lively delineation. His meaning is, that when we treat of a point of great moment, we may not presently fall upon the thing it self, but by little and little pre­pare the minds of the Auditors, thereby to render them more capable to attend unto, and receive the head of the matter. Hence in points of great moment, he allows of a Proeme, so Arist. Rhetor. lib. 3. cap. 14. pag. 220. [...]. ‘The most necessarie and proper work of a Proeme is this, to discover the end of a discouse: wherefore, if the matter be evident, or small, there is no need of a Proeme. 5. But one of the best rules, that I have observed in Aristotle, in order to a Me­thodical procedure in the handling of any point, is that in Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 7. [...].We may not expect the like exactnesse in all matters. ‘We must remember that in all things we may not seek after the same exactness; but in every thing we must content our selves with such a method, as the subject matter will bear. Neither may we in like manner search after the cause in all things, but in some things it may suffice, that we well demon­strate [...], that the thing is so; as in first principles; for the [...] is first, and a Principle, and of Principles, some are discovered by Induction, some by sense, some by some other usage and way, &c.’ This golden Rule strikes at the bold assumings of those, who expect the like certaintie, and fulness of demonstration in all subjects, though never so sublime. It gives also a sharpe rebuke to Scholemen, who generally bring all matters to their forme; whereas Aristotle here (as nature) teacheth us to suit our forme, or method to our matter. 6. But then Aristotle proceeds to another Canon, Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. [...]. ‘And we must take diligent care▪ that we define ex­actly: For accurate definitions give an huge advantage to what follows. This beginning therefore being well laid, it seems more than half of the whole work, and there is by it a great discovery made of the things we inquire into.’

[Page 370]21. If any expect a more full Scheme of Aristotle's Logick, the best, at least most useful, I meet with, is that of Ramus, who, albeit he does in many things oppose Aristotle, yet he seems to have done it not without grounds, but with designe to render Aristotle's Logick more useful. This will appear by the following Scheme of Ramus's Logick. ‘As Grammar (saith Ramus) has two parts,The parts of Dialectick. 1. Invention. Ram. Logic. lib. 1. Etymologie, which treats of single words, and Syntaxis, which is of words conjoyned: so Logick consists of two parts, Inven­tion, and Judgment. 1. Invention is a part of Logick which in­structs us in the mode of finding out Arguments. An Argument is that, which is affected, or assumed to argue somewhat by, which is Artificial, or Inartificial. An Artificial Argument is that, which argues from it self; which is either first, or secondarie; an Inar­tificial argument is that,2. Judgment. Ram. Logic. lib. 2. cap. 1. which argueth from Autoritie. 2. Judg­ment is the second part of Logick, which consists in the right disposement of Arguments, in order to a right judgment of things: for every thing is judged by a certain Rule of d [...]sposition, whence judgment, and disposition passe for the same. And as Invention treats of single Arguments, so Judgment of conjoynd. Now judgment is either Axiomatick, 1. Axiomatick Judgment. Cap. 2. or Dianoetick. 1. Axiomatick Judgment is the disposition of an Argument with an Argument, whereby we judge, that something is, or is not; which by the Latins is called an Enuntiate, Pronuntiate, Effate. 2 Hence fol­loweth Dianoetick judgment. 2. Dianoetick, or discursive judgment, which is, 1. Syllogisme, therein is, 1. The Antece­dent, wherein is, 1. A proposi­tion. 2. An Assum­tion. [...] discourse consists in the dedu­cing one Ax [...]ome from another, which is either Syllogisme, or Method. Syllogisme is [...], a discourse, wherein the Question is so disposed with the Argument, as that the Ante [...]edent being rightly placed, the conclusion necessarily follows. For when the Axiome is dubious, the Question is put, and to confirm the same, we make use of an Argument, which is collated with the Question. The Antecedent of a Syllogisme has two parts; a Pro­position, and Assumption. The Proposition is the first part of the Antecedent, wherein (at least) the consequent of the Question is disposed with the Argument. The Assumption is the second part of the Antecedent, 2. The conse­quent, or Con­clusion. Cap. 9. which is assumed out of the proposition. The consequent of a Syllogisme, is that part which comprehends the Question ▪ and concludes the same; whence 'tis called the Conclusion. If any part of the Syllogisme be wanting, 'tis called [Page 371] an Enthymeme. A Syllogisme is either simple, or Compound, &c.Cap. 10. Method is [...] a Discourse composed of various homogeneous Axiomes proposed according to the evidence of their Nature whence the convenience of all amongst themselves is judged,Method c. 17. and comprehended in memorie. And look, as in an Axiome Truth and Falsehood is regarded, and in a Syllogisme the Consequence and incon­sequence: so in Method it is considered, that what is more clear does precede, and what is more obscure follows; so that Order, and Confusion is wholly the object of this judgement: as Aristotle. By how much the more general any Rule is, by so much the more it ought to precede. The most general Rule must be first,Cap. 18. because it is first in regard of Light, and knowledge. Whence the most ge­neral Definition must be first, and then the Distribution must fol­low; which if it be various; the partition into Integral parts must precede, and then the Division into the species must follow. The Perfect Definition consists of Essential causes, namely of the Genus, and Form. Thus Ramus of Logick.

§. 22. Having finisht Aristotle's Logick, Aristotle's Ethicks. we now Proceed to his Ethicks; the first part of Practick Philosophie; wherein making use of an Analytick Method he begins with mans chief end, or happinesse:1. of human Happinesse. so Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 1. [...], &c. ‘Every soul desires some chief good, or last end, &c. Aristotle makes two chief parts of Human hap­pinesse, Objective, and Formal.1. Objective. Characters of the chiefest good which must be He begins with man's Objective happinesse, and proves first, that there is one chiefest Good, and then gives some Characters of this chiefest Good, which may be all redu­ced to these several particulars. 1 Aristotle makes the chiefest good to be that, which is most Ancient, or the first principal of all things.1. The first principle. So in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. treating of the degrees of goodnesse he saies [...]. ‘That which is the principle of all things is better than that, which is not the principle.’ 2.2. The last End. He placeth the chiefest Good in the last End of all things. Thus Arist. Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. [...]. ‘And the End is alwaies better than that, which is not the End: for this is alwaies for another's sake, whereas that is for its own sake. So agen he tels u [...] [...]. That which is nearest the end is best. 3. Hence it follows, that the Chiefest Good is that,3. desireabl [...] for it self. which is desired for it self. So Aristotle in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. defines the chiefest good, thus [...] [Page 384] [...]. ‘The chiefest good is that which is desired for it self, and for whose sake we desire all other things.’ Then he addes [...] what is most desireable for it self, is be [...]t. This he stile [...] in what followes the Last End. [...] the End is that, for whose sake we desire other things. 4. Hence it follows, that the chiefest good is simply,4. Simply good. absolutely, and necessarily good. [...] Arist. lib. 5. cap. 2. Thence Aristotle in his Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. saies, that tis [...] simply, and of it self desirable. 5. Whence he makes the Chiefest Good to be the measure, and Standard of all good. 5. The mea­sure of all good. Thus Arist. Ethic. lib 1. cap. 9. [...]. ‘Of other Goods some exist necessarily, but others are only naturally subservient to Happinesse.’ This necessarily fol­lows upon the former. For what is the Last End, and desireable for it self, must necessarily be the measure of all other goods, which are desirable only Servato ordine sinis. 6. Whence he makes the Chiefe [...]t Good, to be our most proper and connatural Good.6. Most pro­per, & con­natural. So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 5. [...] the chiefest good is proper. And in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. Aristotle making a comparison 'twixt lesser and greater goods, saies, [...] that which is con­natural, and proper is more Eligible, then that, which is adventitious. 7. The chiefest Good must be [...] communicative, 7. Most com­municative. and diffusive to all. Thence Aristotle addes Rhetor. lib. 1 cap. 7. [...] Those things are best, which are most usefull in our greatest need; as in old age, and Sicknesse. Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 1 [...] that is the chiefest good which all desire. The Chiefest good though it be proper to every one, yet is common, and diffusive to all: communitie with proprietie is peculiar to the chiefest Good, that is best which all need, and all may have Ʋniversal diffusiveness with Proprietie speaks the object Ʋniversally good, as God is. 8. That is the best Good, which is most Rare, 8. Most rare. and Choice: So Ari­stot. Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 7. [...] that which is more rare is better than that, which is more common, for its possession is better because of the difficulty in attaining it. 9. The chiefest Good, albeit it be rare, yet it must be possible: 9. Possible. So Arist. Rhetor. lib. 1, cap. 7. [...] that, which is possible, is better than that, which is impossible. 10. In Degrees of Goodnesse that is best, which is the most Real, 10. Real. Substantial Good. So Arist. Rhetor. [Page 385] lib. 1. cap. 7. [...]. Those things, which are re­ally good, are better than things which are so in opinion only. Again he addes [...]. 11.11. Most permanent. That is the choicest good, which is most immobile, stable, and durable. So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 5. [...], the chiefest good is immo­bile. Again in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. [...]. Things, that are more durable, are better than things lesse durable; and things more firm, than things lesse firm, &c. In the series of good things, that is best, which is most Influential, and Effective of Good.12. Most effe­ctive of Good. So Arist. lib. 1. cap. 7. [...]: that, which effects the greatest good, is best; and then [...]. 13. Aristotle saies that is our chiefest good, which admits of no excesse in the enjoyment thereof.13. Which ad­mits no excess. So Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 7. [...]that, which admits of no excesse, must needs be our chiefest good. Then he addes [...], that which may have somewhat more than it ought, that is evil. His meaning is, we can never exceed in the enjoyment of the chiefest good, though we may in others. 14. Aristotle's main Character of the chiefest Good, is, that it be perfect, and self-sufficient. 14. Self-suffi­cient, and per­fect. So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. [...], that which is best, is perfect, and simply desirable; that is perfect, which is desirable for it self. So again, [...], that, which is perfect, seems self-sufficient. Farther he saies, this chief­est good, [...], i [...] in nothing defective, [...], for whatsoever is added, is but superfluous. Again he saies, this only enjoyed, makes the man happy. So in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 7. [...]. That is best, which least needs one or other things; for this is most self-sufficient. So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 7. [...]; we call that self-sufficient which alone renders the life eligible, and defective in nothing. This Plato calls [...], a sufficient Good, (which he makes God to be) calling his chiefest good [...]: a good connatural, uniform, infinite, eternal, ever-being, and everliving, opportune, pure, immixed, and without sorrow. Yea, he saies, this his chiefest Good, is [...], the very Divine, and God­head [Page 386] Good, [...], the supream beautiae, [...], the only shining beautie, [...], very-self-good, &c.

Of Man's for­mal happi­ness.§. 23. As for Ari [...]totle's notions of formal happinesse, he tells us first, that it is the gift of God. So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 9. [...].1. Its original from God. If the Gods vouchsafe any other gift to men, it is c [...]ns [...]taneous to reason, that happiness should be a gift of God, and espe­cially because it is the highest of humane perfections: And he gives a far­ther reason hereof in what follows, [...]. To ascribe the greatest, and most beautiful gift to fortune, is no way rational. Having given this general account of the original of humane happinesse we now proceed to Aristotle's specifick Idea of mans Formal happinesse, which is thus defined by him,2. Its formal Idea, or defi­nition. Ethic. l. 1. c. 7. [...]. Beatitude is the operation of the rational Soul, according to the best virtue in a perfect life. In which definition there are four considerables. 1. The formal nature of humane happiness, which consists in Operation. 2. The proper subject of this operation, which is the rational Soul. 3. The qualification of this subject, which is perfect Virtue. 4. The state wherein this happinesse is to be en­joyed,1. The formal reason of for­mal happiness in operation. that is a perfect life. 1. The formal reason of man's formal happinesse, is by Aristotle placed in [...] energie, or operation. This Aristotle proveth at large in his following Chapter, Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 8. [...]. The goods of the Soul w [...] stile the highest, and most sovereigne, which are the Souls operations, and energies. This he explains more fully in what followeth in the same Chapter. [...]. To live well, and to act well, makes an happie man: for a good life is commonly stiled Eupraxie, or good action. Thence he proceeds to demonstrate that Beatitude, consists not in an habit, but action [...], &c. ‘There is a vast difference 'twixt having that which is best in [Page 387] possession, or use, in habit, or operation; for a good, so long as it exists in habit only, is never perfected, as it appears in him that sleepeth, but 'tis the exercise, that perfects, &c. Then he addes, Eth. lib. 1. cap. 10. That these Actions proceeding from Virtue, are proper to happinesse, as hereafter. This is well expli­cated by Stobaeus de virtute Serm. 1. fol. 12. [...]: Beatitude consists not in the possession of Virtue, but in the exercise thereof; for he that has sight does not alwayes see. So the Scholes tell us, that every Forme is per­fected by its Act; and every Facultie and Habit is ordained to its Act, as to its perfection. So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. [...]. All things are perfected by operation: the more active things are the more perfect. Whence again Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 8. tells us, that virtuous actions are of themselves sweet, and [...] self-sufficient; as in its place. 2. As for the proper subject of this operation,2. The proper subject, the whole Soul. Aristotle tells us, 'tis [...], the rational soul. Thence in his Eth. l. 1. c. 9. [...]: It seems we may not stile an Oxe, or Horse, or any other Animal happy; the reason is, because they are meerly passive, not active in their reducti­on to their la [...]t end. The two main acts of the soul, which formalize humane happiness, are Vision, and Fruition. The Scholes place formal happinesse chiefly in the Vision of the mind &c. 3. The qualification of the Soul, and its operation, in order to humane happinesse,3. The quali­fication of the Soul, and its act Virtue. is expressed under that notion [...], according to the best Virtue. This is excellently explicated by Aristotle, Eth. l. 1. c. 10. [...]Operati­ons according to Virtue, are proper to beatitude; but the contrarie (Vitious) actions to the contrarie, (Miserie) and then he addes the Reason, [...]. The reason he gives,4. The state of humane hap­pinesse is a perfect life, which conno­tes perfection. is because these Virtuous actions are more stable, and sweet so that a good man is truly [...], immoveable, &c. This is farther evident by what follows. 4. As for the state of humane happiness, it is said to be [...], in [Page 388] a perfect life. This connotes perfection both extensive, intensive, and protensive. 1. formal happinesse in a perfect state denotes perfection extensive, i. e. of parts, 1. Extensive, or of parts. or kinds; a perfect exemption from all evil, with a perfect enjoyment of all good. Thence Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 9. [...]. Neither can a child be happie, because he cannot by reason of his age practise such things. This is more fully explicated in definit. Platon. fol. 412. [...]. Beatitude is a good composed of all goods. Again 'tis defined [...], a facultie self-sufficient to live well. 2. This perfect life denotes a perfection Intensive, or of degrees, 2. Intensive, or of degrees. i. e. every part of this happie life, is in its highest degree of perfection, without the least mixture of any degree of miserie. So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap 12. [...]: Beatitude is of things precious, and perfect: for we all undertake every thing in order hereto; and that, which is the principle, and cause of all good, we account precious and Divine. Thence in the Platonick Definit. fol. 412. Beatitude is defined [...], a perfection according to virtue, a self-sufficient provision of life, &c. 3. This perfect life imports also a perfection protensive, or of duration. 3. Protensive, or of duration. So Arist. Eth, lib. 1. cap. 10. [...]. An happie man is not variable, or easily changeable. For he can­not easily be removed from his Beatitude. So again, [...], &c. A blessed man is not so for a short time only, but for a long and perfect time. Farther he saies, [...], &c. a blessed man can never become miserable. Thus much for Aristotle's definition of humane happinesse, which he himself, Ethic. lib. 1. cap. 7. thus explains: [...]. Humane happiness is the operation of the Soul, according to the best, and most perfect virtue: also in a perfect life; for one swallow makes not a summer. These his contemplations about humane happinesse, agree to no state of life, but that of the glorified Saints, which yet Aristotle seems to have had no belief of, at least he seems [...] to haesitate touching this future state of the Soul, as 'tis evident from what he laies down, Eth. lib. 1. cap. 10. where teaching that men should endeavour to live thus happily here, and die, according to reason; he gives this as a reason [...] [Page 389] [...], because what is future is to us very obscure, but Beatitude is alwaies the end, and alwaies perfect. Aristotle dreamed of enjoying this happinesse here, but Plato seems to refer it to the souls future state.

§. 24. Having done with Aristotle's first Ethick-head, The principles of humane Acts. touching humane happiness, we now proceed to his Philosophizings about the internal principles of humane Acts, which may be reduced to these four particulars: 1. Ʋniversal prudence, or practick knowledge in general.1. Practick knowledge. 2. Volition. 3. Consultation. 4. Election: Of each of which in the [...]r order, and place. The first great principle of hu­mane Acts laid down by Aristotle, is universal prudence, or practick knowledge in general. So Arist. Eth. lib. 1. cap. 3. [...]. It is very pro­fitable for such, as would mannage their affections, and actions, according to reason, to know what belongs to these things: and Aristotle farther informes us, that this knowledge of things practick, must be not only speculative, and apprehensive, but also practick, and causa­tive, whence saith he, Eth. lib. 2. cap. 4. [...]. ‘Many there are, who do not these things, yet flying to their reason, they would needs seem to philosophize, and so to ap­prove themselves virtuous. These act just like some sick peo­ple, who diligently hearken to their Physicians, but follow nothing of what they prescribe. As therefore those, who thus use the Physitians, never cure their bodies: so these who thus Philosophize, never cure their Souls.’ Hence that of Ammonius (in Arist. Categ. pag. 15.) [...], the end of contemplation, is the beginning of practice; and Plutarch. lib. 1. de Placit. Philos. tells us, that a blessed man ought [...]; ‘To have not only a Theoretick knowledge of beings, but also a Practick of what is needful.’ For speculative reason is only apprehensive of things, but practick is causative; according to that Philosophick distinction, [...]. Practick Philosophie is effective of Virtue, but Theoretick of Truth only. This practick knowledge is so termed, not because it immediately acts, but be­cause [Page 390] it is directive to action. Aristotle makes this practick dictate of the understanding to be a kind of practick [...] discourse, which he supposeth to precede either actually, or virtually every Act of the w [...]ll: as for example, he that will be happie must act virtu­ously: I would be happie, ergo. Therefore saies Aristotle Incon­tinent persons have knowledge only in the habit, not actually discursive: for albeit they assent to the major, which is universal; yet there is some defect in their assent to the minor, & thence they assent not practically to the conclusion, &c. This practick discourse, or knowledge, which necessarily precedes the wills motion, is in the general stiled [...], Prudence, which in the Platonick Defi­nitions, is thus defined, [...]. Prudence is a Science effective of Beatitude. So Plato Meno. fol. 88. [...]. Prudence conducting effects the duties of the soul, but folly the ills. We have a good account of this Moral Prudence, and its influence given by Alexand. Aphrodi­seus (the chiefest of Ari [...]totle's Commentators) as Stobaeus de Virtut. Ser. 1. fol. 17. [...]. Seeing moral vir­tue is effective of such things, as are determined by prudence, and right reason, it's necessar [...]e, that he who has prudence, has also moral Virtue: for it is the office of Prudence to enquire by what means it is possible to at­tain a right Intention, which to determine, is the office of moral Virtue: for it is the virtue of the elective facultie. And this is the difference 'twixt moral prudence, and craft. Prudence searcheth out, what things are most conducing to a right Intention, whereas craft relates to any, though false, &c. Aphrodiseus gives us here (besides other chara­cters) a full Idea of the proper office of moral Prudence, which is to direct the Intent [...]on of the Will as to its end, which follows.

Of Volition, or the will strictly taken.§. 25. The next principle of humane action is [...], Ʋolition, or Will, strictly so termed, which properly refers to the end, and so 'tis differenced from [...] Election, which respects the means. So Arist. Eth. lib 3. cap. 5. [...]: Ʋolition rather respects the end, whereas Election respects the means conducing to the end. So Plato in Gorg. [...], [Page 391] that is willed for the sake of which men act; whereby he intends the end. We have a more large explication of the difference 'twixt Ʋolition, and Election, given by Joh. Grammaticus in Arist. de Anima Proaem. fol. 3. [...]. The Gno [...]tick, or knowing faculties of Rationals being distribu­ted, the practick are Ʋolition, and Election. And Ʋolition is only of what is good (i. e. the end) but Election inclines both waies (i. e. to good, or ev [...]l as means) Again, Ʋolition belongs to the Rational Soul as such; whereas Election has some commixture with the irrational. The end, the proper object of Volition. By all which it's evident, that Ʋolition is an Act of the Will, whereby it is ex­tended, or carried forth to its object, beloved for it self, without respect to a farther end: so that the end, which is amiable for, and of it self, is the alone proper object of Ʋolition. Yea, Aristotle makes this extension of the Will towards its last end to be con­natural, or as he termes it, Physical; whereas its extension towards the means by Election, is with indifference. So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. c. 7. [...]. Where Lambinus on this notion [ [...]] thus Comments. We must know that in practicks, the end has the place of the principle; because on it depends the necessarie formation of all such things, as belong to the action. Therefore as in Mathematicks there are certain indemonstrable principles laid as the basis of all Demonstration: so in practicks, the end is fixed as a principle supposed not to be deliberated about; for a principle as well in practicks, as speculatives, admits not of Demonstration, but of supposition only. So again, Arist. Eth▪ lib. 3. cap. 5. [...]. The desire of the end is not elective, but natural, &c i. e. the Appetite of every thing does naturally tend to some end connatural thereto, which is the measure of all things conducing thereto So Arist. Eth lib. 3 cap. 10. [...]. Every thing is measured by its end. But Aristotle Eth. lib. 1. cap. 2. speaks more fully thus [...]. The end is of things practick, which we will for it self, but other things for it. Neither [Page 392] do we choose all things for some other (without some term) for so there would be an infinite progresse. It is manifest therefore, that this end is the Good, yea the best Good. Wherefore the knowledge hereof has great in­fluence on the life: and as Archers, who have the mark in their eye; we do hereby obtain, what is most needful. So again, Aristotle Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. [...], a virtuous man is naturally carried towards his end, but towards other things volun­tarily, or indifferently: then he addes, [...], such as every man is, such is his end. Whence that Maxime in the Scholes, as the forme is in Naturals, such is the end in Morals, By all which 'tis apparent, what the proper object of this Volition is, namely the end, to which it naturally extends it self, as the measure of all its acts, and lower ends. Hence also 2. we gather, that this [...], or volition of the will, is not distinct from that Act of the Will, which the Scholes call Intention. For they make Intention to be an efficacious willing of the end, together with the means conducing thereto: which is formally, or at least virtually deno­ted in [...], Volition, according to that common rule in Logick. He, that effectually wills the end, wills also the means. 'Tis true, there is an imperfect velleitie, or faint Volition, which respects the end, without means; but a compleat Ʋolition comprehends both. I know the Scholes make Ʋolition, and Intention, different Acts; and the former to relate to the end simply considered, but the latter to the end in connexion with the means. But I find no ground for this distinction in Aristotle, or Nature. 3. Hence also we may farther collect, that the end is first in Intention, though last in Execution; and therefore ought to be greatly heeded, and made the measure, or square of all. So Ammonius in Arist. Categ. pag. 12. [...]. ‘He that is ignorant of his mark, or end, is like a blind man, that shoots at randome; and he does in vain consider all things tending to his end. But the conside­ration of an useful end gives much diligence, and alacritie▪ For every one, that will undertake any designe ought first to learn its usefulnesse, &c.

3. [...] consultation.§. 26. We now proceed to the third principle of humane acts, [Page 393] called by Aristotle [...] consultation, which respects the means, and so is distinguished from [...] Prudence, or the practick Judge­ment in general, which respects both end, and means; and primarilie the end, and the means only in the second place. This Consulta­tion is stiled sometimes by Aristotle, but often by Plato [...], Counsel, which Plato in Cratyl [...] deduceth from [...], a ca [...]ting, so Lambinus in Arist. Eth. l. 3. c. 5 [...], a Metaphor taken from Archers, who are said to cast, or shoot their Arrow towards the scope, they aim at. This Consultation is stiled in the Platon. [...]finit. fol. 413. [...], good advice, which is defined [...], a connate virtue of reasoning. Again 'tis termed [...], Consulta­tion, which is defined [...], an exhortation to another, before he acts, how he ought to act. But there is no definition, that suits better with the nature of Consultati­on, than that Definit. Platon. fol. 414. [...], Consultation is a consideration of things future, so far as expedient, i. e. for our end. For a wise man first proposeth, and wills his end, and then makes use of Consultation, as an instrument to find out means expedient for this end. We are to take diligent heed, that things passe not suddenly from Imagination into Resolution, Affec­tion, and Action, without asking advice of the judgement, and serious consultation. A wise man, when he hath made a judge­ment about his end, weigheth exactly all,Quod in­consul to fe­cimus, con­sulto revo­camus. that followeth from such a Judgment, as also all the Antecedents, that lead to the obtaining of it. What men unadvisedly undertake, they advisedly recal. Con­sultation ought to be the door to all great resolutions, and undertak­ings. This Consultation is thus defined by Arist. Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 9. [...]. It is a virtue of the discursive facultie, whereby men are ena­bled to consult of good, and evil, in reference to happinesse. But the pro­per Seat of this discourse about Consultation, is Aristotle's Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 5. where he discourseth at large of the Object, Acts, The Object of Consultation. and Effects of Consultation. As to its Object, he laies down these Rules to judge it by. 1. Consultat [...]n is not of things speculative, but of practick. So Art. 21. [...]. Consultation is not about the first Elements of Sciences, &c. The same he addes Art. 27. [...]. Especially 'tis not about Arts, or Sciences. [Page 394] Yea, he saies expresly [...], Consultation is about practicks. 2. Consultation is not of things impossible, but of things in our power. So Art. 48. [...], if the thing be possible, men undertake it; and more expresly Art. 13. [...], we consult of Practicks in our power. This he ex­plains more fully in his Rhetorick, pag. 10. [...]. We consult about things, which appear to hap­pen either way, not of impossibilitie, &c. [...]. Consultation is not about the end, but the means, so Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. [...]. We consult not of ends, but of things condu­cing to their ends: for Physicians consult not whether they shall cure, but taking their end for granted, they consult how, and by what means to cure. So Art. 57. [...], &c. Consultation is about things to be done by us: Now our actions have respect to some end, wherefore the end comes not under consultation, but the means. 4. Consultation is not about an infinite, but finite number of means. So Art. 4. [...]. No man consults of things infinite, be­cause unmeasurable. 5. Consultation is of things permanent, not of things in continual motion, so Art. 7. [...]. We consult not of things in perpetual motion. The reason is, because such fluid things cannot be brought under any regular order, or subserviencie to our end, &c. 6. Consultation is of things contingent, not of necessaries. So Art. 29. [...]. Consultation is of things doubtful, contin­gent, and indefinite: For such the means usually are; whereas the end is definite, necessarie, and more evident, &c. 7. Yet Consultation is not of things fortuitous, or casual, but of things in our power, which come under the conduct of humane Prudence. So Art. 9. [...]. We consult not about the things of fortune, as touching the invention of a treasure, &c. 9. Amongst the means, the main work of Consultation is to find out such as are most conducible to the end. So Art. 39. [...]. If the means be many, the best are to be chosen out. This supposeth an universal comprehension of, and inspection into all the means; according to that of Stobaeus, [Page 395] [...], consider the whole: for qui ad pauea respicit facilè pronun­ciat, he that considers, but a few things rashly determines. 9. Consultation supposeth a methodical procedure from one to ano­ther 'till we come to the first cause: So Art. 40. [...], &c. The first cause is first in intention, but last in execution. 10 If the things we consult about, be arduous, and difficult, Aristo­tle requires consultation with others: So Art. 30. [...]. In great matters we must take unto us Counsellers, distrusting our selves as not sufficient to penetrate, or d [...]ve into the things. Thus much for the object. 2. As for the subject of Consultation Aristotle (Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 2.2. The Sub­ject of Consul­tation.) tells us, that none are fit to consult, but he [...], who has his wits about him; whence he excludes fools, and mad men from this work. And upon the same account in his Rhetor. lib. 2. cap. 14. he excludes young men from any competent abilitie for consulta­tion, because first they have great passions. 2. and are very uncon­stant. 3. and have strong wills. 4. also too credulous, and not cau­telous, for want of experience of evills. But (addes he) old men, having virtues contrarie to those vices of young men, viz. suspension of judgement, caution, experience, and command of passions, &c. are most fit for consultation. 3. As to the Act of Consultation, 3. The Act of Consultation. Ari­stotle (Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 42.) thus differenceth it from disqui­sition: [...]. ‘Every Disquisition is not Consultation, as it appears by the Mathematick Disquisitions; but every Consultation is a Disquisition: wh [...]re he makes Disquisition more generick, and Consultation to be a practick Disquisition, or Inquisition into means conducing to our end. 4. The main effect of Consultation, is Election, as it follows.

§. 27. Consultation being finisht▪ Election, which is the proper effect thereof, begins. So Arist. Eth lib 3. cap. 5. Art. 68.4 Of Election. first its diffe­rence from Consultation, and Volition. [...]. ‘The thing consulted a [...] out, and elected, is the same: for that which is prejudged by consultation, is elected. For every one ceaseth to enquire, how he shall act when reduced to his first principle, &c. As for the difference 'twixt Election, and [Page 396] Volition, we have it in Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. [...] ▪ &c. ‘The thing willed is the end, but things consulted about, and elected, are the means referring to the end, &c. So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 4. Art. 27. [...]. Volition is of the end, but Election of the means referring to the end.’ By which we see, that the proper object of Election is the means,2. Its object the means. not the end. 2. Aristotle tells us, that Election is not of Impossibles, but of things in our power. So Eth. lib 3. cap. 4. Art. [...]. ‘Election is not of things impossible: whereby he distinguisheth it from imperfect Volition, or Velleitie, which may be of things impossible. So again Art. 31. [...]. ‘It seems most likely, that Election is of things in our power.’ 3.3. The Sub­ject of Electi­on the ratio­nal Will. As for the subject, or seat of Election, it belongs to the rational Appetite: thence saies Aristotle, Eth. lib. 3. cap. 4. Art. 9. Election is not [...], of irrational appetites; whence 'tis differenced from Concupiscence, which belongs to the Irrational appetite. So Art. 13. [...]. Concupiscence is contrarie to Election, because 'tis common to Irrationals, as well as to Rationals, where­as Election is proper to Rationals. So that the proper seat of Election is the Will; whence Aristotle makes it inclusive of Volun­tarie ▪ though it be not sully extensive thereto: Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 4. [...]. Election seems to be Voluntarie, though with some difference’ 4. Hence follows the Act of Election, 4. The Act of Election. 1. 'Tis ratio­nal. which according to Aristotle, Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. is [...], ‘a consulted, or judicious appetition.’ Thence Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 4. Art. 32. [...]. ‘Election is not a meer opinion, or imagination; and more fully Art. 53. [...]. Election proceeds from reason, and discourse.’ Neither is it sufficient, that this act of Election be rational, but it must also be determined, and fixed;2. Fixed, and determined. whereby the object of Election seems somewhat differenced from that of Consul­tation, which leaves the determination of the object to Election: So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 63. [...]. ‘The thing consulted, and elected, is the same, but the thing elected is more determinate, or fixed: for what is judged by consulta­tion [Page 397] is elected, and so fixed. Lambinus here on this notion, [...], comments thus, [...] signifies to determine, and define: when we consult, we have as yet nothing certain, or determined: but the end of Consultation, is a definite, certain Election. As therefore in Theoreticks, Aphorismes are said to be certain determinate conclusions, or sentences, whose truth is both by reason, and long experience evident (as Hippocrates's Aphorismes) so in Practicks▪ Aphorismes may be stiled Counsels drawn forth after long consultat [...]on.’ Thus Lambinus, who yet hath not fully hit the mind of Aristotle, who by Aphorisme understands the object, or means determined by Election. Whence Aristotle tells us, that 'tis not a meer fluid volition, or Ʋel [...]itie, th [...]t will make a vit [...]ous man virtuous, but there must be a dete [...]mined Will, or Election of all means, &c. Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 43. [...]. ‘If an unrighteous person have some imperfect velleitie of righteousn [...]sse, he does not presently cease to be wicked, and become righteous: as a sick man is not presently healed, so soon as he is wills it, &c. 5. Hence we may collect w [...]th Aristotle, 5. Its diffi­cultie. that it is very difficult to make a right Election. So Arist. Eth. lib. 2. cap▪ 1. [...]. ‘It is very difficult to judge, what is to be chosen before another thing, and what is to be preferred be­fore another: and yet 'tis more difficult to cleave to what we know is best.’ 6.6. Its effect as to Virtue. Albeit it be very difficult to make a right Election, yet when 'tis made, it has a Sovereigne influence on Virtue: So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap 4. [...]. ‘It follows, that we passe on to Election, which seems to be most proper to Virtue, and that whereby moral actions are mostly measured, &c. 7. Hence we come to the definition of Election, 7. Its d [...]fini­tion. which is thus laid down by Ari [...]totle, Eth. lib. 3. cap. 5. Art. 68. [...]. ‘Election is a consulted, or judicious ap­petition or things in our power.’ And he [...]dde [...] this as the reason, [...], ‘for from consul­ting, judging, we choose according to that Consultation made.’ This Election is term [...]d by the Platonick [...], Heresie, which Platon. Definit. fol. 413. is defined thus, [...], [Page 398] Election is a right Probation. Approbation. Under Election is comprised Consent, (albeit the Scholes distinguish them) whence follows Ʋse, and Fruition. Consent, and use of the means, are called by the Platonicks [...], alacritie, which Platon definit. fol. 413. is defined [...], ‘A discoverie of a practick Election, &c. 2 Cor. 8.11. [...], v. 17. [...], v. 19. [...].

Of Voluntari­nesse, and Libertie.§. 28. Having go [...]e through the principles of human Acts, we now proceed to their main essential Attribute, or adjunct, which is Voluntarinesse, or Libertie; we make Voluntarinesse, and Libertie the same; because we find no rational ground either in Aristotle, or Nature, to distinguish them; for every human Act that is volun­tarie, is also free; and every Act that is free, is likewise Voluntarie. Farther, they both partake of one, and the same Essential Idea, or Definition. Thence Aristotle, Eth. lib. 3. cap. 1. Art. [...]0. [...].The definition of Voluntarie. ‘Those things are said to be Voluntarie, whose principle is in him, that does them, who has a (radical) power of acting, or not acting.’ This de­finition of voluntarie is the same, which the Scholes give to Libertie. But we have a more adequate, and proper definition of Voluntarie, given by Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 3. [...]. ‘Voluntarie seems to be that, which has its principle in him that acteth it, who also understandeth the particulars of what he acts.’ This definition of Voluntarie seemeth to connote nothing but a rational spontaneitie, which is the same with humane Libertie. Hence Ari [...]totle, Eth. lib. 3. cap. 1. makes Involuntarie Acts the same with forced, or not free: Art. 5. [...]. ‘Involuntarie acts seem to be such, as are done by force▪ or ignorance. A forc't act is that whose principle is Extrinsick, it being such, whereto he that suffers, or acts, confers nothing.’ Here Aristotle makes Involun­tarie the same with forced, or not free; and forced or not free, that which has not its principle in its s [...]lf: whence it necessarily fol­lows, 1. That Voluntarinesse is the same with Libertie. 2. That Voluntarinesse, and Libertie exclude not all kind of necessitie, but only such as is coactive. 3. That Voluntarinesse, and Libertie, include no more in their essent al Idea, but a rational spontaneitie. This is farther evident by Plato's Ideas of Voluntarines, and Li­bertie. [Page 399] Platon. defin. fol. 415. [...], &c. ‘Voluntarie is that which moves it self according to judgment, &c. which is the same with the following definition of what is free, [...], ‘That is free, which acts from it self.’ This rational Spont [...]neitie, or Libertie, is stiled by Plato sometimes [...]Soul-duction; sometimes [...], self-service, as also [...], self-action. Thus also Libertie is defined by the Stoicks, Laert. in Zeno [...]. ‘Libertie is a power of self-action.’ Whence the Greek Fathers, Basil, &c. call free-will [...], self-power, and the Scripture useth a word of the like import, [...], self-Election, 2 Cor. 8.27. This self-moving power, which is alone essential to Voluntarinesse, or Libertie, is expressed by Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 8. under this notion, [...]. ‘That is in our power which we use, so or so, for which we are said to be voluntarie, or free.’ This [...], which he makes only Essential to Libertie, and Voluntarinesse, is excellent­ly well expressed by Epictetus, and Simplicius, on him: Epict. Ench. cap. 1. [...]. ‘The things in our power are the conception, impetus, appeti­tion, and extension (of the Soul) and in one word, all our acts.’ Simplicius here speaks forth Aristotle's mind, as well as Epictetus's fully thus. [...], &c. ‘He saies those things are in our power, of which we are Ma­sters, and of which we have power. Such are the internal moti­ons of the Soul, proceeding from our own judgment, and Election.’ So again, [...]. ‘When the Soul acts according to its own nature, then it is moved freely, and voluntarily, internally from it self; and from this (spontaneitie) [...], what is free, may be well defined.’ Thus Simplicious, who makes here all the natural acts of the Soul to be free. 2. This freedom to consist in a rational spontaneitie, or voluntarie motion of the soul. Hence he proves at large in what follows (p 23.24. Edit. Salmas.) that all Necessitie is not contrarie to Libertie, Coactive ne­cessitie alone excludes Li­bertie. but only that, which is Extrinsick, Coactive and Compulsive, [...] [Page 400] [...]. ‘There­fore we are to say, that there is a twofold necessitie, one contrarie to Libertie, another consistent therewith. Wherefore external necessitie destroyes Libertie (for no one externally compelled, is said to do, or not to do any thing freely) but all internal necessitie, ne­cessitating to act according to their own nature, this does the more preserve Libertie. For a self-moved, according to the nature of a self-moved, is necessarily moved by it self: neither is it for this (said to be) moved by another; for the necessitie is not external, but complicated with the nature of the self-moved, yea preser­vative thereof, and conducing to its proper operations.’ Thus Simplicius, who gives us here an excellent description of humane Libertie, and its Combination with internal voluntarie necessitie, which, if well understood, and embraced, would put an end to all those Scholastick clamours of the Pelagians and Jesuites, against God's necessitating, determining, efficacious concurse, which puts only an internal voluntarie, not external coactive necessitie on the will; and therefore is no way destructive to its Libertie. But then Simpli­cius proceeds to demonstrate, that a Libertie of Contrarietie (as the Scholes term it) or an Indifferencie to this, or that, is not essential to humane Libertie. Libertie of contrarietie, or Indifferen­cie not Essen­tial to Free-will. Take his own words: [...]. ‘Neither must we needs say, that in all things free-will ▪ & Libertie supposeth a power of acting contraries: for Souls, which all­wa [...]es adhere to good, and choose good, have both Free-will, and Election (for Election is not forced) of that good, without Ind [...]ffe­rencie to the contrarie, &c.’ By which he fully proves, that actual Ind [...]fferencie is not Essential to Libertie. Thence he proceeds to prove, that Libertie is essential to the will, Libertie es­sential to the will. and an unseparable ad­junct of every vital humane Act. So pag. 28. [...]. ‘Wherefore they, that destroy Libertie destroy the na­tural extension and constitution of the Soul, &c. So that no­thing destroys Libertie, but what destroys the natural inclination, [Page 401] or Voluntarinesse of an human act. This is farther evident by the following definition he gives of a free act. Simp. in Epict. cap. 2. pag. 34. [...]. That is free, which has the self-power, and dominion of its own exercise. This he farther explains in the same page thus: [...]. ‘It is manifest, that the things in our power are our proper acts: and things not in our power, but in the power of others, are other mens acts.’ Whence it apparently follows; 1. That every human act of the Soul is in the Soul's own power, and so free, albeit it be necessarily predetermin'd, and act [...]ated by God's Efficacious concurse. 2. That this Libertie of human acts implies nothing more as essential thereto, but a Rational sponta­neitie, or voluntarie self-motion We have insisted the more largely on these notions of Simplicius about human Libertie and its identitie with Voluntarinesse; because he seems, of all Aristotle's commen­tators the best to understand his mind. Farther that Aristotle's [...], that which is in our power, whereby he expresseth Libertie, imports no more than voluntarinesse, or Rational spontaneitie, is evident from that excellent determination of Greg. Ariminensis in Sent. lib. 1. Dist. 17. Q. 1. ‘That an action be in the power of an Agent, it is not necessarie, that every principle be the forme of the Agent: for then no act of the will, whether good, or evil, would be in its power; because God is the productive princi­ple of every act. Therefore I say, that there is nothing more required to bespeak an action to be in the power of the Agent,Est in pote­state natura­li, quod cum volumus sa­cimus. Au­gust. than that the action flow from his own will. So also Austin: That is in our power which willing, we do.’ The contemperation, and consistence of God's Efficacious necessitating concurse with hu­man Libertie is excellently set forth by Plutarch, in the life of Coriolanus fol. 193. thus. ‘But in wondrous,God's necessi­tating con­curse destroyes not Libertie. and extraordinarie things, which are done by secret inspirations, and motions. Homer. [ [...]] Doth not make God to take away human Election, and Libertie, but to move it, and then he addes [...]. In which God makes not the action involuntarie, but openeth the way to the will, and addes thereto courage, and successe. For (addes he) ei­ther [Page 402] we must say, that the Gods meddle not with the causes, and beginnings of our actions, or else, that they have no other way to help, and further men by.’ Thus Plutarch. And whereas 'tis object [...]d that thus to ascribe unto God a predetermining, particular immediate Influence upon,God's prede­termining concurse to the wil's [...] makes h [...] not the Author of sin. and Concurse with the will, to every [...]ct thereof, is to make him the Author of Sin, &c. Plato Repub. 10. gives us a good solution to this objection, in saying. [...] [...]ll blamable Ca [...]salitie belongs to the particular Agen [...], which ch [...]seth [...] God is a blamelesse cause. Agen, [...]. In all Evils, God workes what is righteous, and good only. This is more fully explicated by Simplicius in Epict. En­chir. cap. 1.24. [...]. God is no way the cause of sin: for he being in himself good, Acts the Soul in sinning only according to its own nature (i. e. voluntarilie) out of the riches of his goodnesse: but he do [...]s not concurre to its sin otherwise, than as the Soul it self wills it. His meaning is, that God concurreth to sin, only as the Ʋniversal cause of Goodnesse; so that God's Concurse thereto does not at all hinder, but that the Soul voluntarilie chooseth it. Neither is the qualitie of the effect to be ascribed to the Ʋniversal cause, but to the particular, which is the alone Moral, and therefore cul­pable cause of Sin: whereas God's Ʋniversal causalitie thereto is only Physical, or natural, and therefore not morally Evil. That the Souls Voluntarie agencie is sufficient to render its act Morally good, or Evil (albeit we allow God a predetermining Influence, and Concurse thereto) is evident from that of Aristotle Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 3. [...] in things volun­tario praises, and dispraises have place, i. e. in virtues, and vices: so agen Eth. lib. 3. cap. 7. [...]. Virtue is voluntarie, and sin nothing lesse is likewise voluntarie. Where­by 'tis evident, that Aristotle requires nothing more on the part of the Soul to render its acts Morally good, or Evill, but that they be voluntarie.

§. 29. Having dispatcht Aristotle's contemplations about the Wil's Voluntarinesse, and Libertie, which is the Essential adjunct of every humane act;Touching the moralitie of human acts. we now proceed to his speculations about the Moralitie of humane Acts, or their mora clonstitution as good, or Evill. [Page 403] This moralitie of human acts in general according to Aristotle, has for its foundation, or basis [...], a voluntarie free agent (as be­fore) but the chief measures thereof are, 1. the End: so Aristotle Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 10. [...] every thing is defined or measured by its end, i. e. the End has the same place in morals as the forme in Naturals, or as the first principles in speculatives. 2. Not only the End, but also the Law of Nature, (which Aristotle stiles Right reason) has an essential influence on the moralitie of human Acts: according to which they are denominated morally good, or Evill: for by conformitie thereto they become morally good, and by difformitie morally Evill: so Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 8. stiles a Virtuous act, [...]. ‘That which moves ac­cording to the disposition, or order of Right reason, &c.’ We shall begin with Aristotle's notions about things, and Acts morally good, which he stiles Virtues, 1. Of Moral good or virtue. whereof we have this general account in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 9. [...]. ‘Virtue is, as it seems, a power conquisitive, and preservative of goods: also a power well-productive of many, and great matters, yea of all things, about all.’ But this definition of virtue being too ge­neral, & that which agrees as well to Natural, as moral Virtues, we proceed to that, which is more special. The great seat of Aristo­ [...]e discourse about moral virtue is his Ethicks lib. 2. cap. 3.4.5.6. cap. 3. he gives us this general Idea of Ethick or moral virtue [...]. ‘It is supposed therefore, that virtue is such, as be­ing conversant about pleasures, and griefs, is productive of that which is best.’ But sin is the contrarie. Aristotle Eth. l [...]b. 2. cap. 4. b [...]gins to discourse more distinctly of moral virtue, and its Genus, whether it be a Power, Affection, or Habit of the Soul, [...]. ‘Seing there are in the Soul these three; Affections, Powers, Habits; which of these must virtue be? so Plutar de Virtut Mor. [...]. There are these three in the Soul, a Facultie, an Affection, and an Habit: A Facultie is the Principle, and matter of an Affe­ction; an Affection is the motion of a Facultie; an Habit is the [Page 404] strength, and conformitie of a facultie gained by custome. Arist· demonstrates.’ 1. That Virtue cannot be an Affection, or Passion;1. Virtues are not Passi­ons. because Affections are good or bad only from good or bad Habits [...]. ‘Our passions are well, or ill disposed from those Habits, which possesse them: therefore our Passions are in themselves capable neither of virtues, nor of vices: whence it follows, that virtues, and vices, are habits.’ 2. He de­monstrates that Virtues are not Passions; because they are Elections, [...]. ‘Virtues are certain Ele­ctions; or at least not without Election.’ 3. He demonstrates the same from the different motions of Passion, and Virtue [...]. ‘To these we may adde, that we are not said to be moved, but to be disposed according to Virtues, or vices: but we are said to be moved according to passions.’ Lambinus on this text of Arist. Eth. lib. 2 cap. 4. [ [...]] Comments thus. ‘Every thing so far as it is moved, so far it is said (pati) to suffer. Thence amongst the Greeks our Affections are called [...], Passions; and so are opposed [...], to practice. For the very [...] Affection, which is moved, is moved by External objects: and the Passive power, as it is moveable, is called [...]. But in the Action of Virtue▪ albeit External objects concurr, yet a good man is not absolutely moved by them, as in the Affections, but ac­cording to the dictate of right reason. Therefore in the Affections the principle moving is External ▪ and the principle moved internal viz [...]. But in Virtues the object is External, which of it self has no efficacie, but as it is admitted by right reason. The principle moved is [...], the passive power: but the prin­ple Acting, and moving, is some good habit or Virtue. And for this cause we are said [...] not to be moved (for we consider not [...] the passive power in virtues, but by Accident) but we are said [...] to be disposed by Virtues, i. e. we are in some sort so framed,2. Virtue not a power. that we may with facilitie act Virtuously. 2. Hence Aristotle proceeds to prove, that Virtue is not a power [...]. ‘For the same reasons also virtues may not be said to be powers: [Page 405] for we are not said to be good, or Evill simplie because we have a power of suffering: neither are we praised, or dispraised. Again we are said to have a power by nature, but we cannot be said to be good, or Evil by nature: Lambinus on this saies, that [...] powers are here called [...] affective or passive qua­l [...]ties, i. e. qualities, wherein there is a certain affective efficacie.’ 3. Aristotle having proved, that virtue is neither a passion, nor a pow­er, he there proceeds to prove, that 'tis an Habit. 3. Virtue an habit. Thus Ethic. lib. 2. cap. 5. [...]. ‘We are to say therefore, that all virtue does perfect, and well habituate the subject, whereof it is a virtue; as also render its work good: as the Virtue of the eys renders the eye good, as likewise its work.’ Hence he concludes [...]. ‘If so; then humane virtue must be an habit by which a man is made good, and by which also he makes his work good.’ What an habit is,What an ha­bit is. and what is its difference from [...] a Disposition, we may learn more fully out of Aristotle's Commentators, Ammonius, and others. Ammonius in his Comment on Aristotle's Categories makes [...] an habit to be [...] more lasting, and more permanent than a disposition or [...] a disposition becomming by length of time, connatural, or implanted. Galen makes an habit to be [...] a lasting, and hard­ly d [...]ssoluble disposition. So Philo [...]. Qu [...]nt [...]lian termes an habit a firme facilitie, i. e. an habit is deeply radicated in its subject, whereby 'tis enabled to act with more facilitie. Aristotle Eth. lib 4. cap. 4. saies, [...]. An habit is defined by its act, and object. Agen Eth lib. 5. cap. 1. [...]. Oft times a contrarie habit is known by its contrarie, oft times also habits are known by their Subjects’ From which Aristotelick notions about habits we learn. 1. That an habit in Morals has much the same place, and influence as a forme in Naturals. For by how much the more noble▪ and perfect the habit is, by so much the more noble, and perfect will the subject, and facultie, which it in­forms, be. 2. That every habit (as a natural forme) is ordained for, and perfected by its proper Act. 3. That the Nature of an [Page 406] habit is very congruous to, or agreeable with the nature of its object; whence that determination in the Scholes: That Habits are known by their subjects, the mode of their in-being, their objects, and their Acts.

The formal nature of Vir­tue in Medio­critie.§. 30. Aristotle having discoursed of the generick nature of Virtue, and proved▪ that it is not a passion, or power, but an habit; he thence proceeds to discourse of its Formal nature, or reason, which he places in mediocritie; so Arist. Eth. l. 2. c. 5. [...]. ‘Vir­tue is imployed about the affections, and actions, wherein the excesse is sinfull, and the defect also blameable: but the mean is praised, and held Right.’ Therefore Virtue is a Mediocritie aiming at the mean, or middle. This Mediocritie of Virtue Aristo­tle (Eth. lib. 2. cap. 5.) applies to, and makes the measure of not only the matter of our actions, but also every circumstance. His words are [...]. This mediocritie of Virtue directs when we ought, and in what, & with whom, & for whose sake, and how we must act, &c. Whence he conlcudes, that sin being multiforme, and various is very easilie committed; but Virtue by reason of its mediocritie being uniforme is very di [...]ficult, [...]. ‘One may erre many waies (for sin has a kind of infinitie, whereas good is bounded) but what is right is Simple, or uniforme. Wherefore 'tis easie to erre, but difficult to hit the right, for 'tis easie to erre from the mark, but difficult to hit it.’ The like Aristot. Mag. Moral. lib. 1. cap. 25. [...]. Virtue is uniforme, but Vice is multiforme. That this uniformitie, or mediocritie is Essential to Virtue, and that which gives its for­mal constitution, Aristotle Eth. l [...]b. 2. cap. 6. demonstrates by com­paring it with A [...]t. For (saith he) if excesse, and defect do cor­rupt, but Mediocritie conserve the perfection of Arts, must not moral Virtue which is more excellent than any Art [...] collime, How Virtue consists in Me­diocritie. or aim at the Mean, as at its mark? But for the more full Explication of this mediocritie, we are told, that Virtue may be considered either [...], in regard of its Essence; and so 'tis [Page 407] [...] a Mean 'twixt defect, and excesse, which are the extreams: or else Virtue may be considered in regard of its perfection [...], as 'tis good, and best, and so it is an extream, which admits of no Excesse: for Virtue can never be too good, or perfect, as Ari [...]t. Eth. lib. 2. cap. 6. where we have also the matter, which this medi­ocritie refers unto, namely [...], or Affections, and [...], our actions; in all which there is [...] Excesse, defect, and equalitie. Now the mediocritie of Virtue consists in the latter viz. in observing that equalitie, or proportion, which is due to all our affections, and actions, to render them morally good. Whence this Equalitie, uniformitie, or mediocritie due to our acti­ons, and affections, is stiled [...] a symmetrie; as Eth. lib. 2. cap. 3. we find all this excellently explicated to us by Stob [...]eus Serm. 1. of Virtue, [...]. ‘Virtue is an habit, that keeps a decorum; a decorum is that, which be­comes us, and 'tis both an extream, and a medium, or mean: an ex­tream, as it admits neither of ablation, nor addition, but a medium or middle as 'tis betwixt excesse, and defect.’ Whence he con­cludes against the Stoicks [...].The mediocri­tie of Virtue harmonie. ‘We may not therefore cut off the affections of the Soul, but harmonize them accord­ing to the decorum, and measure of reason.’ Hence, else where he saies [...] that the Mean is be [...]. This symmetrie, or medi­ocritie of Virtue is stiled by Pythagoras, Harmonie. So Laertius tels us, that Pythagoras held [...] Virtue to be Harmonie; yea that all things consisted of harmonie. So Polus the Pythagorean in his definition of Justice [...]. Justice is the Harmonie, and peace of the whole Soul with unifor­mitie; as Stob. Serm. 9. which is thus explicated by Plato, Protag. 3. fol. 326. [...] the whole life of man should be composed of Ʋniformitie, and good harmon [...]e. Whence [...]e cals Virtue the Musick of the Soul, [...] ▪ and Temperance he stiles [...] the harmonie of the affections; and Justice [...] a consent of Virtues: and he gives this general Idea of Vice, and Virtue Phaedo [...]. Vice is a dishar­monie, but Virtue an harmonie. This harmonie, or mediocritie of [Page 408] Virtue he makes to be also [...], a good order, and [...], a Sym­metrie: yea he makes the Virtue, not only of the Soul, but also of the bodie and of every thing else to consist [...] in or­der, and rectitude; whence he supposeth Eutax [...]e, symmetrie, and har­mon [...]e to be the forme of the Ʋniverse; Socrates also expressed this mediocritie of Virtue by harmonie as Stobaeus Ser. 3. [...]. The life being like a musical In­strument harmonized, by intension and remission becomes sweet. So agen [...]. The harmonized life is most pleasant. These seve­ral Ideas of Virtue are all comprehended under, and expressed by Aristotle's [...] Mediocritie, which implies the Eutaxie, Symme­trie, Ʋniform [...]tie, and harmon [...]e of Virtuous affections, and acts: or if we would have all these notions of Virtue resolved into one, we may take that of Plato calling it [...] rectitude. For indeed the harmon [...]e or mediocritie of Virtue is nothing else, but a recti­tude of principles, and acts. This seems fully expressed by Aristotle Eth. lib. 4. cap. 5. [...]· all rectitude is from Virtue, and all Virtue implies a Rectitude as 'twill appear by and by.

The measure or rule of this mediocritie is Right Reason, or the Law of Nature.§. 31. As Aristotle placeth the forme, and essence of Virtue in the mediocritie, or Rectitude of principles, and Acts; so the formal measure or Rule, by which this mediocritie, and Rectitude must be regulated, he makes to be Right Reason, or the Law of Nature. For every Act is denominated good, from its conformitie to the Law of nature both in matter, End, measures, and all circum [...]tances. So Arist. Eth. lib. 3. cap. 8. speaking of Virtue and its mediocritie saies; [...] and so as right reason dictates, or regulates. So agen Eth. lib. 4. cap. 3. [...]. ‘Virtue is not only consentaneous to right reason, but also an habit measured by, and conjoyned with Right rea­son. So Stobaeus Serm. 1. de Virtut. [...]. Virtue is a Syntaxe, or regular disposition according to right Reason.’ So agen Arist. Eth. lib. 2. cap. 2. [...]. Whereby it's evident, Aristotle makes Right Reason the measure of Virtue, and its mediocritie: So Amyraldus in his The­ses Salmuriens [...]s expounds Aristotle's [...]; [...] est unicum [...] Virtutis. Right Reason (saies he) is the only ( [...]) Criterion of Virtue's mediocritie. So Par­ker Thes. 22. [...] Right Reason (as it is the same with the Law of Nature) gives the forme to a moral act. But now all the difficultie [Page 409] is to state what Aristotle meant by his [...] Right Reason. For the clearing whereof, we are to know, that Aristotle took up this notion from his Master Plato, who by Right Reason understood the Law of Nature, as we have proved in Plato's Philosophie, Chap. 7. §. 6. Whence this Right Reason is by him stiled the Royal Law. So Plato Minos fol. 317. [...] Right Reason is the Royal Law, i. e. The Law of Nature, which received a new edition by Moses, called the Moral Law, (i. e. as 'tis the measure of moral good, and Evill) whereof Plato received many notices, and traditions: as else where. This Right Reason is stiled by the Stoicks the com­mon Law. So Diog. Laert. in Zeno saith, that the Stoicks held no­thing should be done, but what was agreeable to the Common Law, which is Right Reason: [...]. The Common Law, which is Right Reason, yea Aristotle himself seems to Enter­pret his Right Reason so, as that it can be understood of nothing more properly, than of the Law of Nature Common to all men: So Arist. Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 14. [...]. &c. ‘There is a twofold Law, one private, another common. The Common Law is that, which is according to Nature, for it is that, whereby all men learn by Nature, what is just, and what is unjust, without any particular consociation, or covenant amongst themselves.’ Thus Aristotle: wherein he distinguisheth the private Laws of particular Nations, or Societies from the Common Law of Nature, which he makes the measure of Moral good, and Evil. This Common Law of Nature Aristotle makes the Source of all private Laws; and that which gives check unto them when in Excesse, or defect: so Arist. Eth. lib. 2. cap. 25. [...], all private Laws need to be corrected by the Ʋni­versal Law. Whence this Law of Nature is made the same with [...] the Law of Equitie, which is to give check to all private constitutions. And that Aristotle's [...] Right Reason is the same with his [...] Common Law of Nature, 'tis evident by the definition he gives of Justice, or Righteousnesse. Arist. Rbet. lib. 1. cap. 9. [...]. ‘Justice or Righteousnesse is a Virtue, by which every one has what is his own, and as the Law dictates to them, who are subject to it.’ Whereby he makes the Law the measure of what is Righteous. So in his Eth. lib. 5. cap. 2. [...] [Page 410] [...] a just man is he, that lives by Law, and Equitie, i. e. ac­cording to that Law of Equitie, or Nature, which is common to all. Whence Aristotle Rhet. lib. 3. cap. 17. [...] the Law is the standard, or measure in all Judicial proceedings, i. e. all moral good, and Evil is measured by some Law of Nature Com­mon to all, as civil good▪ and Evil by civil private Laws. Thence Aristotle Ethic. lib. 5. cap. 2. saies, [...]. That is just therefore, which is according to Law, and Equitie. What Aristotle attributes to Justice is by a paritie of reason applicable to all moral good, or virtue. By all which it's evident, that Aristotle's [...] Right Reason (which he makes the measure of moral good and Evil) is the same with his [...] Common Law of Na­ture, which gives the forme, and measure to Common Justice, and all other moral Virtues. Whence that of Plato Repub. 9. [...]; that is greatly distant from Right reason, which is distant from Law, and order. Hence again Plato, Gorg. 504. tells us. ‘That as health, beautie and other Virtues of the bodie proceed from the regular order or exact temperament thereof; so the health, beautie, and other virtues of the Soul from its regularitie [...], whence the Soul's actions are regular, and beautifull. Such is Righteousnesse, Temperance, &c. So that we may conclude that 'tis not any subjective Right Reason, or Light of Nature, which is the measure of moral good, and Evil; but an objective Right reason, or the Common Law of Nature, which is the same with God's Law called Moral, because it gives Forme and measure to all moral good. So that Aristotle's Right reason, which he makes the measure [...] of the rectitude, and mediocritie of Virtue, must be re­solved into God's moral Law (which is but a new promulgation of the Law of Nature) as the alone adequate Rule, and measure of all moral good and Evill. Thence the perfection, or defect of all good­nesse, or Virtue must be measured by its accesse, and conformitie to, or recesse and difformitie from this first moral Rule, or Law: for moral goodnesse being nothing else, but a relation or con­formitie to the Rule of moralitie, it necessarily follows, that every moral being is so far morally good, or Evil, as it conformes to, or difformes from this moral Rule, or Law. And albeit the least de­clen [...]ion, or aberration from this moral Law will denominate an [Page 411] humane act morally Evill; yet there is required a perfect concur­rence of all causes, or an entire conformitie to this Rule, to bespeak an act morally good: according to that approved maxime in the Scholes (founded on the light of nature,Bonum ex causis inte­gris malum ex quoliber defectu. and general consent) Good requires all its causes, but Evil springs from every defect. Hence also it follows, that this moral Law must necessarily be most per­fect: For otherwise it cannot be the first measure or Rule of moral goodnesse, according to that of Plato [...]. ‘A defective measure is not a measure: for what is imperfect cannot measure any thing.’ This perfection of the natural, or moral Law consisteth in two things. 1. In the perfection of its End. Plat. Legib. 1. [...], &c. All Laws must tend to the best End. 2. In its amplitude or Ex­tention to all objects: a [...]l Lawgiver, saies Plato, must regard all virtue as Psal. 119.96.

§. 32. Having gone thorough all the causes of moral virtue;The Idea o [...] definition of moral Virtue. which are first its subject [...] a voluntarie Agent, and Act. 2 its Genus, which is [...] an habit. 8. Its Forme, which is [...] medio­critie, or [...] Rectitude. 4 the Rule, and measure of this Forme, which is [...] Right Reason, called [...], the Com­mon Law of Nature; it is easie hence to forme a Definition of moral Virtue, which Aristotle has done to our hands. Arist. Eth. l. 2. c. 6. [...]. ‘Virtue is an Elective habit consisting in medio­critie of things relating to us, defined by reason, and so as a wise man defines.’ In which definition are these observables, 1. The Genus whis is [...] an habit not [...] a power, not [...] a passion. 2. The specifick difference, which is [...] Elective; where­by moral habits, or Virtues are distinguished from Intellectual Arts, and Sciences, which are also habits. 3. Here is the subject matter, or object of moral virtue expressed by [...] what relates to us, or is in our power, which is the same with [...], what is voluntarie. 4. Here is the Forme of Virtue, which consists [...] in mediocritie or re [...]itude ▪ 5. Here is the formal measure of this mediocritie, ex­pressed by [...] which is the same with [...] [...]ight [...]eason; (as before) We find the same repeated more particularlie though not so exactly, by Aristotle Eth. lib. 3. cap. 3. [...] [Page 412] [...]. ‘We have said of Virtues, that they are mediocrities; and that they are habits, and that they are of themselves desireable; and that they are of things in our power and voluntarie; and so as right reason prescribes’ Wherein we have all the several ingredients of Virtue enumerated. We find a definition of Virtue much the same for substance gi­ven by Plato Meno. [...]. ‘Virtue is an habit of the Soul, by the concurrence of the natural power, working that which is best, according to reason, and tending to the best End.1. Virtue con­sists of the best End and best work. From these Essential Ideas of Virtue we may draw these conclusions. 1. That true Virtue requires not only a good work, or matter, but the best End, which must informe this matter, as the Soul the bodie. 2. Hence also it follows, that all Virtues have one and the same uniforme, 2. All Virtues have one and the same Idea. harmonious, simple Idea; in that they pro­ceed all from the same divine habits, or principles, and tend to the same divine End. Thus Aristotle Eth. lib. 2. cap. 6. [...]. ‘Good men act simplie and uniformelie, but wicked men variously. Whence he addes [...]. For sin is infinite, but good is definite, and uniforme. So Plato Protag. fol 379. [...]. Virtue is one, but its parts are Righteousnesse, temperance, and holinesse.’ So Plato Rep. 4. fol. 445. [...] to me the face of Virtue seems to be one; whence virtue is stiled by him [...], Concent, and [...] symmetrie, and [...] harmonie. Whence also the Stoicks held [...] ‘all virtues are equal, or alike.’

What Vice is.§. 33. Having given a full Idea of Virtue, and that according to Aristotle's mind, we need not spend time in extracting his Idea of Vice or sin: for he himself acquaints us Ethic. lib. 5. cap. 1. [...] a contrarie habit is known by its contrarie. As in Logick the affirmative being well stated, the negative is easilie discovered; so in Morals, virtue being well explicated, the Idea or face of vice is soon unmask'd. Thus as virtue requires an inte­gritie of causes, and full concurrence of all circumstances: so Aristotle tels us, that vice proceeds from any defect of either moral cause, or circumstance, as Ethic. lib. 3. cap. 10. Art. 5. [...]. ‘Vices arise either [Page 413] when men do what they ought not, or as they ought not, or when they ought not, or the like, i. e. when there is any de­fect in matter, or forme and manner, or time, or such like.’ Agen, Aristot. Eth. lib. 2. cap. 5. tels us, as good is bounded by mediocritie, and Right Reason, and therefore uniforme; so Evil, is boundlesse and infinite [...]. Sin is various; for Evil is infinite. Agen, wh [...]eas he defines Virtue a mediocritie [...], according to Right Reason; he tels us Eth. lib. 1. cap. 13. that Vice is [...], somewhat besides, or beyond Reason. So Stobaeus Ser. 1. [...] Sin is a transgression be­sides right reason. Farther, Aristotle in his Eth. lib. 5. tels us, that [...]. ‘Just is lawfull, and equal, but unjust, illegal, and unequal;’ according to the Scriptural definition of sin, [...] sin is an Illegalitie, or a transgres­sion of the Law. This Aristotle Eth. lib. 5. cap. 2. cals [...] a trans­gression of the Law. So Art. 7. [...] an unjust man therefore seems to be a transgressor of the Law. The like Art. 13. [...] what is unjust is a transgressing of the Law, and unequal. Yea Ari [...]otle concludes Art. 24. [...]. ‘This Transgre [...]ion of the Law comprehends all injustice, and is common to all iniquitie.’ The like Aristotle layes down in his Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 9. where, having defined Righteousnesse to be a Virtue according to Law, he saies [...]. ‘Unrighteousnesse is that, whereby we invade other mens rights, against Law.’ So Arist. Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 10. [...] to act unjustly is Voluntarilie to hurt again [...] law And in his Eth. lib. 2. cap. 1. he saies [...]. ‘The Will of every Lawgiver is such as that they, who act not according to it, sin.’ Thus also sin is stiled by his master Plato [...] Ataxie, [...] asymmetrie, [...] Pleonexie, or Exor­bitancie, opposite to the Eutaxie, symmetrie, and mediocritie of Virtue. So Plato [...], Vice is an Exorbitancie, or intemperate Ex­cesse: a metaphor taken from the su [...]rabundance of any humour in the bodie called [...]. Thence defin. Plat. fol. 416. [...] Sin is a practice against right reason. So Agen, [...] injustice is an habit, overlooking or neglecting Laws. Whence sin also is held by Plato [...], &c. But thus much for Aristotle's Ethicks in general.

[Page 414] Aristotle's Physicks.§. 34. We now proceed to Aristotle's Physicks, wherein he as­serts, and demonstrates 1. God's universal Concurse the first mover in all motions;1. Of God's universal cau­salitie as the first mover. so Johan. Grammat. in Arist. de Anima proaem fol. 10. [...]. Aristotle in his Physicks about the End, disputing of Motion, & in quiring into its cause, elevated himself to the first cause, and pri­ple of motion. And he said, that the first mover ought to be im­mobile: for if he also should be moved, the things moved would not continue in motion, as if there were things alwayes mobile, it necessarily follows, that their mobile would be immobile. Thence Aristotle extolling the first mover, that he was incorpo­reous, eternal, and omnipotent saies, that on such a principle de­pends the heaven and world. For it behoveth a perfect Physiologist, after he has handled the natural causes, not to rest in these, but to ascend to the separate or supernatural: thus Aristotle has done in his book of Generation, and Corruption.’ The same is men­tioned by Ammon [...]us in Arist. Categ. as before §. 14. see Simplicius in his comment. on Arist. Phys. lib. 8.2. That the Soul is incor­poreous and immortal. large here about. 2. Aristotle asserts also in his Physicks the immortalitie, and immaterialitie of the humane Soul. So Joh. Gramm. in Arist. de anima proaem fol. 7. Ari­stotle, saith he, delivered a Canon proving the Soul to be immortal. The Canon is this [...]. ‘We ought, saies he, by the operation to judge of the Essence, because everie Essence has an operation suited to it. Agen another Canon is this every Essence, that has an operation separate from the bodie, must of necessitie be sepa­rate from the bodie; For otherwise the effect will be more noble than the cause’ Then he proves the minor, that the Soul has operations separate from, and independent on the bodie, as the contemplation of God, it self, and other spiritual objects. And [Page 415] Diogenes in Aristotle saies, that Aristotle held [...] that the Soul is incorporeous.

§. 35. As for Aristotle's Metaphysicks, Aristotle's Me­taphysicks. Ammonius stiles them his Theologicks. So Ammon in Arist. Categ. pag. 11. Aristotle's Theolo­logicks are those he writ after his Physick Exercitation, which he calls Metaphysicks, because it is proper to Theologie to treat of things above Nature.’ Hence Aristotle's Metaphysicks passe in the Scholes under the splendid title of Natural Theologie, though in­deed it contains nothing, but a few fragments, he procured from his master Plato, and the more ancient Philosophers (who traded much in Jewish traditions) ‘touching God, his Ʋnitie, Veritie, Bo­nitie, &c.’ also the Angels (which Aristotle cals Intelligen [...]es) and of the Soul in its separate state, concerning which Aristotle sometimes seems [...] to hesitate; saying [...] as before §. 3. But to come to the generick nature of Aristotle's Metaphysicks, which he makes to be Sapience, whereof he discourseth at large in the Proëme to his Metaphysicks as 'tis well observed by Stobaeus, Serm. 3.Aristotle's metaphysicks called by him the first Phi­losophie, or Theologie. of Wisdome [...]. ‘'Twas Aristotle's custome to call the same Science, both Wisdome and the first Philosophie, and Metaphysicks, and Theologie. Then (Aristotle addes) [...],A character of Aristotle's Sa­pience the ob­ject whereof is. 1. Things most universal. 2. Things most difficult. 3. The first causes. 4. Sapience is desireable for it self. 5. Sapience is architecto­nick and Principal. &c. First we conceive a wise man knows all things so far as 'tis possible yet so, as that he has not a particular (but only universal) knowledge of them. (2.) Thence we count him a wise man who is able to understand things difficult; not only such as are easie (3) farther we judge him most wise in all Science, who most exactly considers, and understands the first causes. (4.) And of Sciences, that which is eligible for it self, and for its own knowledge is rather Wisdome, than that, which is desireable for its effect. (5.) And that Science which is more principal comes nearer Sapience, than that which is subordinate: [Page 416] for it becomes not a wise man to take precepts from others, but to give precepts.6. Sapience is of things most universal and immaterial. (6.) And for the most part things most Uni­versal are most difficult to be known by men; for such things are most remote from sense. (7.) Those also are the most accu­rate of Sciences,7. Of things first, and most excellent. which are of things mostly first.’ Thus Aristotle in his proeme to his Metaphysicks, and Stobaeus out of him. Wherein we have a full character of Sapience or Metaphysicks, which is here described both in relation to its Object, and Nature. 1. As for the object of Sapience, Aristotle saies it is 1. of things most Ʋniversal, and remote from sense. 2. Of things most difficult, and excellent or rare. 3. Of the first principles, and causes of things, as of God, &c. 2. As for the Nature of Sapience, Aristotle tels us, it is 1. most desireable for it self, and for its own knowledge, not for any effect, that flows from it. 2. It is the Architectonick or principal Science, not ministerial, Sapience or Metaphysicks The most no­ble, divine, and excellent of all Sciences. or Subordinate, &c, Whence also Aristotle addes [...] ‘As we say a man is free, who is su [...]juris, for himself, and not for another: so this Sapience is the most free, and noble of all Scien­ces; for it alone is for it self, and not for any other Science, whence also it appeares to be divine, and the most excellent of all Sciences.Aristotle's Sa­pience appli­cable to none but God, and things Di­vine. These Characters, which Aristotle gives to his di­vine Sapience, or Metaphysicks, are applicable to no Science but the Contemplation of God, and things Divine. For God alone is the First, and most excellent being, the first principle, and cause of all things: and therefore the knowledge of him is the only true Sapience, desireable for it self, and most principal, divine, and excellent. This farther appears by the object of Metaphysicks; Now though Aristotle makes the Adequate Object of Metaphysicks to be [...] Ens, Being in its most Ʋinversal latitude; yet the Principal Object he makes to be the Prime Being and Universal cause of all other Beings, God himself, as did Plato his Master before him, cal­ling God sometimes [...] very being, sometimes [...] truely Be­ing, sometimes [...] the first Being, and most frequently [...] The Be [...]ng, clothed with Ʋnit [...]e, veritie, Goodnesse, &c. whence per­haps Aristotle also made Ʋnitie, Veritie, and Goodnesse Affections of his Ens, in Genere.

CHAP. II. Of the Cynicks, their Sect, and Philosophie.

I. Antisthenes the father of the Cynicks, and his Schole the Cynosar­ges. II. Whence they were called Cynicks? viz. from their severitie against vice, &c. III. The Professors of Cynicisme, Antisthenes, Diogenes, Crates, Demetrius, &c. IIII. The Genius of the Cynicks, and their affinitie which the Stoicks. V. Their principles. 1. To Live according to Virtue. 2. That External goods, as Riches, Pleasures, Honors, are not desireable, because a wise man enjoys all good in God. 3. They disliked flatterie, and bore reproaches with pa­tience. 4. They affected impudence. 5. They were great reprovers of Vice, especially of pride, yet guilty of the highest pride. 6. They rejected all conjectural Science, and Philosophie, Except moral. 7. They were Religious, but not so superstitious as others. 8. Their Justice, and Fidelitie. 9. Their prizing Libertie. The Cynick Philosophie origi­nally from the Jews.

§. 1. HAving discoursed at large of the Platonick, The original of the Cynicks from Anti­sthenes, and his Schole the Cynosarges. and Aristo­telick Philosophie, we now proceed to the Cynick, which had its foundation also from Socrates's Schole by Antisthenes the Disciple of Socrates, who being greatly pleased with those Dis­courses of his Master, which treated of Tolerance, and Labour, in­stituted this Sect; This Antisthenes the Head of the Cynicks (being by Countrie an Athenian, but by his Mothers side, a Phrygian) after the death of his Master Socrates made choice of the Cynosarges, a Schole at Athens, just without the Gates; as the fittest place to Philosophize in; so called from [...], the Temple of the White, or swift Dog. The origination of this name is well given us by Hesychius [...], &c. ‘The Cynosarges is a sacred place so called for this cause. They say when Diomus sacrificed to Her­cules, there came a Dog, and Snatching away a legge of the Sacrifice, ran away therewith; others following him; and the place was so called from the whitenesse, or Velocitie of [Page 418] the Dog.’ Suidas has much the same in [...].

Why called Cynicks.§. 2. From this Schole the Cynosarges some conceive Antisthe­nes, and his followers were called [...] Cynicks, and Antisthenes himself termed [...] the Sincere Dog. So Hesych us Illustris. Others, ill wishers to the Cynicks, will have them to be so called from their Doggish impudence. Empiricus (in Pyrrh. l. 1. c. 14.) suppo­seth them to be called Cynicks from their defending good men, but barking at the wicked. This is the most probable conjecture. So Ammonius in Categor. pag 9. [...]. ‘The Cynicks are so called for their Libertie in re­proving Vice, and encourageing Virtue: For they say a dogge has somewhat of a Philosophick sagacitie, or discretion disco­vered in his barking at strangers, and shaking his tail in a tawn­ing manner on Domesticks. So these Cynicks smile on, and sa­lute Virtues, and those, who live according to Virtue; but they avoid, and barke at passions, and those who live according to passion, albeit they be Kings.’ Thus Ammonius: The like Dioge­nes Laertius; who makes them to be so called, because they were sharpe reprovers of Vice, not regarding the taunts, and abuses put upon them; as hereafter.

The professors of Cynicisme. Antisthenes.§. 3. Theopompus commends Antisthenes above all the Disciples of Socrates, as one endowed with a great acumen of judgement, and sweetnesse of discourse; by means whereof he could lead any man to what he would. See his Character at large in Diogenes La­ertius, Diogenes. and Hesychius Illustris. Next unto Antisthenes, Diogenes Sino­pensis, his Auditor, is of most repute amongst the Cynicks; who was indeed a person of prodigious Wit, as will appear by his follow­ing sayings, and greatly admired by Alexander the Great, as also by Basil in his book Of reading Gentile books. Diogenes the Cynick had for his Disciples Monimus Syracusanus, Onesicritus, and Crates the Theban. Crates. This Crates had for his Auditors, his wife Hipparchia, her brother Metrocles, Menippus the Phenician, and Zeno the father of the Stoicks, whence sprang a great fraternitie and communion 'twixt the Cynicks, and Stoicks (as else where) The [...]e followed also De­metrius Cynicus, Demetrius. who flourished in the time of Domitian the Emperor, [Page 419] at Corinth; and drew into one Systeme all the Philosophie of the Cy­nicks. Philostratus of the life of Apollonius, lib. 4. cap. 8. saies of him; that for Learning's sake he followed Apollonius, as Antisthenes Socrates, &c. Seneca gives this Demetrius a very large Character: So lib. 7. de Benef. cap. 1. Demetrius, saies he, was very great, if com­pared with the greatest. Agen cap. 8. he was a man of exact Wisdome. Also Epist. 62. He was the best of men: I admire him, why should I not admire him? I have seen nothing wanting in him. Tacitus likewise Annal. 16. cap. 34. gives an honorable mention of him.

§. 4. As for the Genius of the Cynick Sect, The affinitie 'twixt the Cynicks, and Stoicks. it is greatly extolled by Arrianus in Epictet. lib. 3. Dissert. cap. 22. [...]; where he sets forth the Cynick Philosophie as masculine, and generous. And in­deed there was a very great Cognation betwixt the Cynicks, and Stoicks. So Laertius lib. 6. having mentioned the agreement 'twixt the Cynicks, and Stoicks as to their sentiments of the chiefest Good, he addes [...]. ‘There is a certain communion betwixt these two Sects, whence they (the Stoicks) said Cynicisme is a short way to Virtue.’ Laertius here points at Zeno, who honored the Cynick sect with this Elogie: And indeed no wonder, seeing he him­self, who was the head of the Stoicks, sucked in a main part of his Philosophie from Crates the Cynick. Yet the Stoicks differed from the Cynicks not only in external habit, but also in Modestie; which was the main motive, that enduced Zeno to quit the Cynick Sect: for being commanded by Crates to do some unbecoming acts, his modestie made him refuse, and quit Crates's Schole; as hereafter. The Affinitie betwixt the Cynicks, and Stoicks will farther appear by their Principles, and Practices.

§. 5. The first main principle of the Cynicks was,The principles of Cynicisme. 1. That Virtue is our chiefest End. that our Chief End is [...], to live according to Virtue; which was the [...], or first principle of the Stoicks also. And indeed th [...]re were scarce any of the Wiser Philosophers, but embraced this Principle; for they were all convinced of a vanitie, and vexation, that attended sensible enjoyments; as also of a more than ordi­narie beautie and sweetnesse, which was appendent unto Virtue; only herein they greatly abused this common principle; in that they made Virtue desireable for it self, and so their God.2. That Ex­ternal goods are not desireable.

§. 6.2. Hence also the Cynicks affected a mean obscure, yea in­indeed [Page 420] sordid kind of life. ‘Wherefore (saies Laertius in Antisthe­nes) they lived meanly, contemning Riches, Glorie, Nobilitie: Their Food was herbs, and cold Water, their houses obvious, and tubs, That a wise man enjoys all in God. &c.’ All which Cyn [...]ck Mortification was sounded on that Principle of Diogenes [...]. ‘Its proper to the Gods to want nothing, and to those, who are like to the Gods, to make use of but few things.’ Whence also they asserted, that a Wise man enjoys all th [...]ngs in God: so Diogenes the Cynick (as Laertius tels us) affirmed, that ‘Wise men enjoyed all things; because all things belonged to the Gods; and the Gods were friends to wise men: now among friends all things are common. Hence likewise they held, that Riches, Honors, Pleasures, and whatever the world admired should be contemned. Wherefore Crates Thebanus, a noble man of great wealth, sold his patrimonie, and betook himself to Cy­nick Philosophie upon the persuasion of Diogenes; and notwith­standing the importunitie of his friends to the contrarie, he abode fixed in that opinion of the Cynicks [...].’ That Philosophers have need of nothing. Hence also they delighted much in frugalitie, according to that of Greg. Nazianzen. Orat. 23. touching Hero Alexandrinus [...]. ‘In the Cynick Sect he accused their impietie, but praised their frugalitie.’ Lastly; upon the same account they disliked all publick Games, shews, or pass-times. So Diogenes the Cynick said [...], The Olympick games were but great miracles of fools.

3. Their ab­horring flatte­rie & bearing reproaches.§. 7.3. Hence also the Cynicks abhored flatterie, and bore reproaches with much patience, and constancie. Thence Antisthenes being commended, said [...]; what ill have I done? meaning it was an ill thing to be commended. Again being much applauded by a wicked man, he said, [...]. ‘I am in an Agonie, least I have done ill;’ And Diogenes being asked, what beast bit most perniciously? replyed [...] ‘Of wild beasts the Sycophant, and of tame beasts the flatterer bites worst.’ He had also [...] a flattering oration is but an honey snare. As for bearing of reproach­es, the Cynicks were very eminent, as Diogenes Laertius acquaints us. Orates was wont industriously to rail at whores, thereby to exer­cise [Page 421] himself for to bear railing: and when others Scoffed at the deformitie of his face, holding up his hands he was wont to say [...], &c. ‘Be confident, Crates, for thine eyes, and the rest of thy bodie, for thou shalt see Scof­fers punished, though now they blesse themselves.’ Diogenes the Cynick being told, that many mocked him, he replyed [...], I mock not aga [...]n.

§. 8.4. Hence the Cynicks affected a kind of impudence, 4. The Cynicks affected a kind of im­pudence. and immodestie even in things dishonest. So it's said of Crates, that he lay with his wife, and had to do with her in open place. So Diogenes the Cynick did many things very unbeseeming, which rendred him among many very ridiculous, but Diogenes Laertius gives this favorable interpretation of this his seeming excesse: Laert. lib. 6. [...]. Diogenes said, that he imi­tated the Masters of the chorus, who admitted some excesse in their tone, that so others might be reduced to a Concent.’ So that, according to Laertius, these extravagant excesses, and exor­bitant impudencies of the Cynicks were assumed only to shame others out of Vices; but this their designe being not under­stood by the vulgar, hence their Sect became contemptible, and exploded. Thence Cicero de Officiis 1o. saies, that, ‘The Nation of the Cynicks is wholly to be expelled, for it is an enemie to Modestie, without which nothing can be right, nothing honest.’ Whence Sidomus tels us, that in his age there scarce remained any of the Cynick Sect.

§. 9.5.5. Cynicks great repro­vers of Vice, especially of pride. The Cynicks were severe censors and reprovers of Vice; whence some will have them called [...], as before. And Diogenes the Cynick being sensible of this imputation, that he was esteemed of a currish biting disposition, said wittily [...], I bite only Evil men. And as they were great reprovers of vice in gene­ral; so in a more special manner of Pride. Thus Antisthenes see­ing a Vessel wherein Plato had vomited▪ said [...], I see his choler here, but I cannot see his pride: Diogenes La­ertius. meaning Plato had not vomited that up as yet. And Diogenes the Cynick coming into Plato's Schole, he goes and treads upon his bed, or Philosoph [...]zing seat, with this expression [...], I tread here on Plato's vain studie, or proud Philosophie; to which Plato [Page 422] replies [...]; ‘O Diogenes, how much of pride dost thou manifest, whilest thou seemest not to be proud?’ And indeed Plato spake truth: for Diogenes, and the rest of the Cyn [...]cks under their external, and seeming self-denial concealed much of real pride, and self-advancement. For the highest self-advancement is that, which ariseth from a pre­tended self-abasement. Thus the Cynicks in words cry down pride, though in deeds they cry it up. So Demetrius the Cyn [...]ck said; [...]. ‘The height of Pride should be taken away, but the sense of it left.’

6. They reje­cted all Phi­losophie, but moral.§. 10.6. The Cynicks rejected all conjectural Sciences; as Astro­logie, and Divination by dreams, &c. Whence Diogenes the Cynick blamed the Mathematicians, who looked into the Moon, and stars, but overlookt the things under their feet: He said farther to one discoursing about Meteors [...]; when camest thou out of hea­ven? Diogen. Laer­tius. Also to some affrighted at their dreams, he said ‘Those things you do waking, you consider not, but those things you imagine in your dreams you curiously inquire into.’ Yea they rejected all Learning and Philosophie, except moral; holding that our End is [...] to live according to Virtue. Hence they requir­ed in their Disciples pure, and Chast minds. So Anti [...]henes to a youth abused unto Sodomie, but willing to be instructed by him, and demanding what was needful for him in order thereto, re­plyed [...] a new book, a new pen, and a new table: meaning a new mind is necessarie for a Disciple: as Diogen. Laert. in Antisthenes.

7. Their Reli­gion without superstition.§. 11.7. The Cynicks were very religious towards the Gods, yet not so superstitious, as the Pythagoreans and othe [...] Sects. Thence Diogenes the Cynick supping in the Temple, the Offalls, that were left, he took away, saying, [...]. Nothing ‘that is sordid, must enter into the Temple.’ Yet were they not superstitiously conceited about ceremonies of Religion: where­fore Ant [...]sthenes, after he had initiated himself at the Orphean Ora­cle, to studie those my [...]teries, a Prie [...]t telling him, that those, who were initiated in those Rites should partake of many things [...] after death; he replyed [...]; why then dost thou not dye? intimating that those ceremonies, and outward formalities were not a good foundation to rely upon.

[Page 423]§. 12.8. The Cynicks were great admirers of Justice, Faithful­nesse, 8. Their ju­stice & faith­fulnesse. &c. So Diogenes was honored by Xeniades his Master, who had found him very faithful, with this Character [...]. a good Daemon has entred mine house. And the same Diogenes being upbraided by one for stamping money falsely, re­plyed, ‘Time was, when I was, as thou now art; but such as I now am, thou wilt never be.’ Meaning that he was now quite another man. Whence also he said touching living well [...]; ‘why livest thou, if thou hast no care to live well?’

§. 13.9. The Cynicks were great Esteemers of Libertie, 9. Esteem of libertie. as all the Philosophers generally were; whence that saying touching Diogenes the Cynick [...], ‘He preferred nothing more than Libertie.’

§. 14.10. The Cynicks held also with the Stoicks [...] that Virtue was teachable;10. Virtue teachable. wherein they differed from Socrates. More concerning the Cynicks, their Dogmes, and Institutions. See Diogen. Laert [...]us in Anti [...]henes; Augu [...]t. Civit. Dei. lib. 14. cap. 20. and lib. 19. cap. 1. with Lud. Vives thereon.

§. 15. That the Cynicks traduced the main of their Dogmes, The Cynick Philosophie from the Jew­ish Church ori­ginally. and Institutes originally from the Jewish Church may appear. 1. From what has been demonstrated touching Socrates, and his Philoso­phie being derived from the Jewish Church. 2. From the original of some of the Cynicks, who were of Phenician extract; as Menippus the Phenician, &c. 3. From the Cognation 'twixt the Cynicks, and Stoicks, who received their Philosophie originally from the Jews, as it will appear in the following Chapter. §. 8.

Chap.CHAP. III. Of the Stoick Sect, and Philosophie, its original, &c.

§. I. Of Zeno his Original, and Praeceptors. II. Zeno's Schole the Stoa; his institution of the Stoick Sect, his Charactor. III. Cleanthes his Character. IIII. Chrysippus his repute amongst the Stoicks. V. Dio­genes Babylonius, Antipater, Possidonius. VI. Roman Stoicks, Cato, Varro, Antoninus, Tullie, Seneca. VII. Christian Sto­icks. VIII Stoick Philosophie was but a corrupt derivation from the Jewish Theologie. IX. Of Stoicisme in general, and its combination with Socratick, and Cynick Philosophie, with its difference from the Peripatetick, and New Academick. X. Particular Dogmes of Stoi­cisme. 1. of the Stoick Comprehension. 2. The Stoick Metaphysicks; of God, his Names, Nature, and Attributes, of God's works of creation, and Providence, of fate, and God's providence over Mankind. 3. Of the Stoick Physicks, the Soul; the Stoick [...] 4. the Stoick Ethicks. 1. Appetition, and self-preservation, with tolerance, and ab­stinence. 2. That passions are irrational 3. that the wise are only free. 4. [...] 5. [...]. 6. Virtue desirable for it self. §. 15. The corrup­tions of Stoicisme, and its opposition to Christianitie.

Of Zeno his original, and Instructors.§. 1. NExt to the Cynicks follow the Stoicks, who received their original from them, by Zeno the founder of their Sect, who was sometimes Scholar to Crates. This Zeno was borne at Cittium, a Greek Sea-town in the Isle of Cyprus. So Strabo lib. 14. [...] Cittium has a port, which may be shut; hence sprang Zeno the prince of the Stoick Sect.’ This Cittium was planted, and enha­bited by a Colonie of the Phenicians, whence Zeno was by some stil­ed the Phenician; Thence Crates cals him the little Phenician; as Suidas in Zeno: Zeno being according to Laertius about 17. years of age (or as Persaeus 22.) took a voyage to Athens, whither he was inclined, as well by his particular propension to Philosophie, as by his businesse, which was to sell some purple, which he had [Page 425] brought out of Phenicia, as some will have it. Though Laertius seems to make the only ground of his voyage into Greece to be for traffick; but being robbed by Pirats, or shipwrackt, he thence took occasion of going to Athens; where consulting the oracle, how he might live best? answer was made, [...] ‘If he should joyn himself to the dead, &c.’ which understand­ing of studie, he betook himself with great diligence to read the books of the Ancients, and so came into familiaritie with Crates the Cynick, but being, as Laertius tels us, [...], too modest for the Cynick Impudence, leaving Cra­tes, he applied himself to Stilpo the Megarick Philosopher; From him he betook himself unto Zenocrates: He heard also Polemo the Academick as Cicero lib. 1. Quaest. Acad.

§. 2. Zeno having been long an hearer of others;Zeno's insti­tution of the Stoick Self, with his Cha­racter. endeavoured to correct what was amisse in them, and at length thought good to institute a new Sect: for which purpose he made choice of the [...], the painted Porch, so named from the Pictures of Po­lygnatus, otherwise called [...], where in the time of the 30 Tyrants near 1400. Citizens were put to death. So Laertius [...].Zeno in tant [...] apud Atheni­enses aestimie fuit, ut coronae aurea dona­rent: ipsi a­ram consecra­rent: dubiis (que) temporibus claves urbi [...] apud eum de­ponerent. Cer­tatim igitur undi (que) juven­tus non Artica solum, sed & totius Graeciae ad eum con­fluebat. Horni­us, Hist. Phil. l. 3. c. 16. ‘Here Zeno walked, and Philosophized, whither resorted many Disciples, who (as Laertius addes) were [...], from this Stoa called Stoicks. Zeno was indeed a person of great Intellectuals, and naturals; as it appears by the opposition made against him by Carneades, who was fain in his engagements against Zeno to purge his head with white Hellebore. And as his worth was great, so his reputation amongst the Athenians was not little: For by the Philoso­phie, which he taught, and by the practice of his Life conforma­ble to that Doctrine, Zeno gained so high an estimation amongst the Athenians, that they deposited the keys of their Citie in his hands, with their Liberties. His name was also much honored by his own Country-men, as well at Cyprus, as at Sidon. See Stanley of Stoick. Philosophie; and Diogenes Laertius of Zeno, who farther addes, that Zeno being sensible, what gain he had by Philosophie, was wont to say touching his losses at Sea, which were the oc­casion thereo, [...]. ‘I made a prosperous voi­age, when I suffered shipwrack, &c.’

[Page 426] Zeno's succes­sor Cleanthes his Character.§. 3. Zeno of Cittium was succeeded by Cleanthes Assius his Audi­tor, who by reason of his unwearied labour and indefatigable studie was termed another Hercules; also [...], because he imploy­ed himself in drawing water by night that so he might by day imploy himself in his studies. Thence that of Arrianus in Epictetum, lib. 3. cap. 17. [...]; ‘Where is Cleanthes, who together followed his studies, and drew water? Tullie gives him an high Character, calling him the father of the Stoicks, as lib. 3. de Natura Deorum. And Simplicius commentar. in Euchirid. Epicteti tells us, ‘that he was so far honored by the Roman Senat, that they appointed his Statue to be erected at Assum, a Citie of Eolis, where he was born. And certainly the Fragments of his Workes, which yet remain, argue him to have been a per­son of great worth as to Philosophie.’ We find 37. Heroick ver­ses with an Hemistich of his in Stobaeus's Physick Eclogues: also 5. Jambicks turned into Latin in Senecae Epist. 107. likewise 4. Heroicks in Clemens Alexandr. lib. 5. [...]. besides Proses in Sextus; and Jam­bicks in Plutarch, Of Chrysippus. Reliquit dis­cipulum Chrysippū, acutissimum omnium Phi­losophorum; unde Chry­sippeū acu­men, [...] qui tamen pri­mus corrupit virilem Se­ctam Spino­fo accumine Quaestionū. Lipsius l. 1. de Const. c. 10. Of Diogenes Babylonius. and Galen, with others.

§. 4. Cleanthes's Auditor, and successor was Chrysippus, who was borne at Sole, a Town of Cilicia (whence came the name Solaecisme) and of great repute amongst the Stoicks, according to that old saying of Laertius, [...] ‘unlesse there had been a Chrysippus, the Stoa had not subsisted. So Tul­lie lib. 1. de Finibus: Nothing▪ saies he▪ belonging to the Stoick Philosophie was pretermitted by Chrysippus. He writ an excellent Discourse of Providence, out of which Aulus Gellius (lib. 6. cap. 2.) has collected some heads, of which yet Laertius, who has writ his life, makes no mention.

§. 5. Chrysippus was heard, and succeded by Diogenes Babylonius: Diogenes by Antipater: and Antipater by Possidonius. We find all these mentioned together by Galen, or who ever else were the author [...], initio, [...]. ‘This man was heard by Zeno of Cit­tium, who invented the Philosophie of the Stoicks, whose mode of Philosophizing was followed by Cleanthes; of whom Chrysippus was an auditor, who followed the same Institution: of this [Page 427] man Diogenes Babylonius was Auditor, as also Master of Antipater; of whom Possidonius was Auditor. Diogenes Babylonius was he, who in the Second Punick War (P. Scipio and M. Marcellus being Con­suls) was together with Carneades the Academick, Antipater Si­donius. and Critolaus the Peripatetick sent by the Athenians to Rome on Publick Embas­sage, as Cicero lib. 4. Tuscul. Diogenes, Laertius (in Diogenes the Cy­nick) tels us, that he was borne at Seleucia, and called Babybonian from the vicinitie of Place. The Disciple of this Diogenes Baby­lonius was Antipater Sidonius, whom Cicero de Officiis lib. 3. cals the most acute person. Seneca Epist. 92. reckons him amongst the famous Heroes of the Stoick Sect. He was of Sidon, and thence termed Sido­nius. The Disciples of Antipater, were Panaetius, as also Possidonius. Possidonius. This Possidonius was Originally of Syria, though he chose ra­ther to passe for a Rhodian, as Strabo, and Athenaeus. Strabo lib. 16. saies he was [...] the most learned of his Age. Also lib. 14. that he had the Administration of the Rhodian Republick.

§. 6. Besides these there are several others amongst the Ro­mans, who may justly be reputed of the Stoick Sect, Roman Sto­icks. as Tubero, Cato, Varro; and after them Thraseus Paetus, Helvidius Priscus, Rubellius, Cato. Varro. Antoninus. Tullie. Seneca. Plautus, with M. Antoninus the Emperor, in whose time no Sect flourished so much as the Stoick, according to Sextus Empiricus: Tullie seems mostly in love with this Sect; as in Tuscul. 4. where he seems to make them almost the only laudable Sect. How far Seneca was enclined to this Sect is evident enough by his Epistles: Epistol. 83. he cals it the the most valiant and holie Sect; and de Const. Sap. cap. 1. he saies ‘There was so much difference 'twixt the Stoicks, and other Professors of Wisdom, as there was 'twixt men, and women.’ Seneca received the Principles of Stoick Philo­sophie from Sotion, whom he acknowledgeth to be his Praeceptors So Epist. 49. and 58.

§. 7. Yea not onely amongst the Gentiles, but even amongst Christians many were much drencht in Stoick Philosophie. Christian Sto­icks. So Pantae­nus Bishop of Alexandria, who as Jerom acquaints us, i [...] was sent to ‘the Indian Brachmans, to preach Christ among them, that so, if it might please God, this Christian Philosopher might convert those Pagan Philosophers.’ Disciple to this Pantaenus was Cle­mens Alexandrinus, who oft discovers his affection to the Stoick Philosophie. That which made this Sect so pleasing to many Chri­stians, [Page 428] as well as Pagans, was the gravitie of their conversation, their contempt of terrene good, their moderation in the use of crea­ture-comforts, and patience in the want of them: Hence Jerom on Esa. 10. saies, ‘the Stoicks do in many things agree with our Dogmes.

§. 8. And indeed no wonder, if the Stoicks agreed very far with the Chri [...]tian Religion as to morals;That the Sto­ick Philoso­phie was but a corrupt de­rivation from the Jewish Theologie. seeing the choicest of their notions were but corrupt derivations and traductions from the Sacred fountain of Israel: which will be evident from these particulars. 1. The Stoicks Morals were but rivulets streaming from the Socratick Philosophie, which, as we have before demon­strated, had its original from Jewish Morals delivered by Solomon and others. 2. Zeno the Founder of the Stoick Sect was (as we have before shewen §. 1.) Native of Cittium, a Phenician Town in Cyprus, and so of Phenician extract. Now (as we have else where demonstrated at large) the Phenicians had familiar conversation with the Jews, & great notices of their Doctrines, especially such as were moral. That Zeno traduced the choicest parts of his Philosophie from the Phenicians, and Jews is well observed by Hornius Hist. Philos. lib. 3. cap. 16. ‘It is easie for any to understand whence Zeno attained to so great Sapience. For seeing he had his original from Cittium, which received Phenician Colonies, we need no way doubt, but that he drew from their Monuments, and Myste­ries, those his contemplations, which do so much accord with Divine Veritie; Especially such things, as de delivered touch­ing Providence. Cyprus is near Palestine and Aegypt, yea enhabited by Colonies from both; &c.’ 3. Yea in Cyprus, where Zeno suck­ed in his first breath, and institution, there were many Jews, as Grotius on Math. 22.23. ‘In Cyprus (saies he) whence Zeno was, there were ever many Jews. 4. Antipater a great Master of the Stoick Philosophie was also of Sidon, a Phenician town bordering on Judea; and thence had great advantage for the acquainting himself with the Jewish Institutes, and Morals, as. §. 5. 5. Last­ly many of the Stoick Dogmes are apparently of Jewish origination; as the Stoick [...] Spermatick word, whereby the Ʋniverse was framed; which is evidently a derivation from Gen. 1.1. Also the Stoick [...], or final conflagration, and purification of all things by fire is evidently no other, than some broken tradition of [Page 429] Enoch's, or some Jewish prophecie of the last conflagration; as else where we may prove. The truth of this position will far­ther appear from the following Dogmes of Stoicisme.

§. 9.Of Stoicisme in general, and its com­bination with other Sects. First that Stoi [...]isme was but a branch of the Socratick Phi­losophie is sufficiently apparent both from their agreeme [...]t in mat­ter, and also from the assistance Zeno had from Socrates's Disci­ples. The Stoicks also held a very good correspondence and ac­cord with those of the old Academie. The Stoicks conspire with the Cynicks. But their chiefest commu­nion was with the [...]ynicks. For Zeno their founder was first insti­tuted in Cynicisme under Crates, whence there sprang a great fraternitie 'twixt the Cynicks and Stoicks, as in the former Chapter. §. 4. The Stoicks stood at a great di [...]tance from, and Contest with the Peripateticks about the agreement of Natural, and Moral good. The Stoicks held that things hone [...]t were disjoyned from things Commodious toto genere, in their whole Nature:Their diffe­rence with the Peripa­tetick. The Peripateticks h [...]ld their difference to be only gradual. Some thought this Contro­versie 'twixt the Stoicks, and Pe [...]ipateticks to be only verbal: So Antiochu [...], Varro's Praeceptor, who composed a book of the Concord 'twixt the Stoicks, and Peripateticks. But Cicero, lib. 1. de Nat. Deo­rum, contradicts him thus. ‘I wonder that Antiochus a person so greatly acute saw not, that there was an huge distance 'twixt the Stoicks, who disjoyned things hone [...] from things commodious, not only in name, but toto genere; and the Peripateticks, who com­pounded thi [...]gs hone [...]t w [...]th things commodious so as they should differ amongst themselves in magnitude, and degrees only, not in kind. For this is not a small dissension of words only, but a very great difference of things.’ Yet in some things the Stoicks and Peripateti [...]ks agreed; as that they both made [...], right reason, the measure of good, and [...]vil [...] they both made Virtue desirable for it self, &c. The Stoicks also differed much from those of the New Academie, who stiffely asserted an [...], or incompreh [...]nsion. For Zeno had sharp, and perpetual conflicts with Arcesilas, Their contests with the New Academicks. who instituted the Second Acad [...]mi [...], and the Academick [...]. Whence also Ca [...]n [...]ad [...]s, who was the In [...]itutor of the third, or New Acad [...]mie, writ sharpely aga [...]nst Zeno the Stoick his b [...]oks, as Aul. Gellius lib. 17. cap. 15.The particu­lar Dogmes of Stoicisme. 1. Comprehen­sion.

§. 10. As for the particular Dogmes of Stoicisme, the Stoicks held 1. That there are certain, common principles, or Ideas in men, [Page 430] which they called [...], Comprehensions, in opposition to the Academick [...], incomprehension, introduced by Arcesilas. [...] was first used in this sense by Leno; and that in a sense Meta­phorical, and borrowed from things apprehended by the hand, which allusion he expressed by action: for shewing his hand with the fingers stretched forth, this he made the image of fancie: then bending them a little, this he made a symbol of assent: then com­pressing them, and closing his fist, this he made to be comprehension; which according to the Stoicks is a firme, and certain knowledge. For, say they, whatsoever is understood, is comprehended by the mind one of these two waies: either 1. by evident incursion which Laertius stiles a knowledge by sense, or 2. by transition from Ev [...]dence, termed by Laertius collection by Demonstration, of which they make 3. kinds. 1. Assimilation: So a person is comprehended by his picture. 2. Composttion as of a Goat and an Hart is made Hirco-cer­vus. 3. Analogie, which is either by Augmentation, or Diminution. Thus of Stoick comprehension.

2. The Stoicks notions of God, and his nature.§. 11. 2. As to Metaphysicks; the Stoicks held, as Laertius tels us, 1. [...], &c. That God was but one called by several names viz. [...] the mind, [...] Fate, [...] Jupiter, &c. 2. They define God, [...], &c. ‘That God is a Living, Immortal, Rational, Perfect Being, or intellectual in happinesse, void of all Evil, providential over the world, not of human forme, maker, and, as it were, parent of the Universe. According to Plutarch. Philos [...]ph. Placit. 1.6. The Stoicks define God, A spirit full of in­telligence, of a fierie nature, having no proper forme, but trans­forming himself into whatsoever he pleaseth. So Laertius ac­quaints us, that they held God to be the first, most pure being, whose essence was comprehensive of, and diffused through all beings. 3. The Stoicks asserted likewise, that God was [...] ingenerable, and incorruptible. We understand by God, saith Antipater, a living Nature, or substance, happie, incorruptible, doing good to mankind, &c.’

God's creati­tion and Pro­vidence.§. 12. Touching God [...]s Works of Creation, and Providence, La­ertius informes us, that the Stoicks held God to be the first Cause of all things, and as the faetus is conteined in the Seed [...]. So also God was the Spermatick Word [Page 431] of the Ʋniverse, according to Joh. 1.12. They affirme also (addes Laertius) [...] That the Universe was framed according to infinite Wisdome, prevision, or Providence: according to Gen. 1.31.’ God saw. Touching God's Providence over the World,Of Provi­dence. the Stoicks assert (as Plutarch. Placit. Philos.) ‘That God is an operative artificial fire, Methodically ordering, and effecting the generation of things, comprehending in him­self all that [...], Prolifick Virtue, whereby every thing is produced according to fate. This seems the same with the Platonick [...] Ʋniversal spirit traduced from Gen. 1.2. which is farther evident from their notions of Fate, which Zeno makes not to differ much from Nature, and Providence. Chrysippus defines Fate, Of Fate. ‘a spiritual power governing the world orderly, or an eternal indeclinable series of things commixing, and impli­cating it self by eternal orders of consequence, of which it is composed, and connected: or the reason of the world, or the law of all things in the world governed by Providence. Panaetius the Stoick expressely asserts Fate to be God. Though many of the Fathers, as Ju [...]tin Martyr. Apol. 1. Ireneus, Epiphanius with others dispute vehemently against this Stoick Fate, &c. The Stoicks held also, that the Gods had a more particular providence over mankind, God's provi­dence over Mankind. which is manifested by this, that all things in the world were made for the use of Man. Hence also they held with Pythagoras, Socrates, Plato and the rest, certain Daemons, which had inspection over, and compassion for men: So Laertius in Zeno [...]. That these Daemons were but Satanick Apes of the Jewish Messias, we have else where demonstrated.

§. 13. Touching Natural Philosophie, the Stoicks held. 1. The Soul to be a spirit connatural, and immortal: So Laertius in Zeno, Stoicks Phy­sicks. 1. Of the Soul. 2. The [...]. [...]. 2. They asserted also the final conflagration of the World by fire, which they called [...], and traduced originally from the Jews, though immediately from the Phenicians, as Grotius affirmes. This (saies he) Zens received from the Phenicians, &c.

§. 14.The Stoicks Ethicks. But the Stoicks chief excellence consistes in Moral Phi­losophie; the first part whereof they place in Appetition, and their [Page 432] first appetition (according to Laertius) is [...], to preserve self, ‘for, say they, it is not lawfull for any to be so proper to any, as to himself, and because nothing conduceth so much to self-preservation, as tolerance, and abstinence: thence some com­prehend the whole of their Morals in these two [...] bear, and abstain. 2. That passi­ons are irra­tional. Diogenes Laertius in Zeno. 2. The Stoicks held [...], that Passions were ir­rational: whence they defined [...], Passion is the irrational, and preternatural motion of the Soul: again [...] ‘an inordinate impulse: and thence they concluded all wise men were austere, not indulging themselves, or others, in pleasures, grief, or other passions.’ They held also [...], that Will was contrarie to concupiscence. Whence they assert also, that there were 3 [...], or good affections in wise men: namely Will, Joy, and Caution: but 4 [...] or pertur­bations in fools, Cupiditie, Gladnesse, Fear, and Sorrow: as Lud: Vives in Aug. Civ. lib. 14. cap. 8.

§. 14.3. The Stoicks held also (as Diogen. Laert.) [...] ‘that the wise man was only free, but wicked men slaves.’ This Libertie they defined thus [...], Libertie is a power of self-motion. 4. They affirmed likewise, that there was [...], a right reason not only Objective, but also Subjective, and innate in human nature, which be­ing improved might bring men to a state of happiness. So Laer­tius [...]. 5. Hence also they held, that there was [...] a good nature, or seeds of Virtue in nature, and Free-will to good. Whence likewise, contrarie to Socrates, they asserted [...], that Virtue was teachable. So Zeno, in an Epi­stle to Antigonus, saith, ‘that a generous nature with indifferent exercise, &’ the assistance of a Praeceptor might easily attain to per­ect Virtue. 6. Some of them held, that Virtue might be lost; others that it could not, [...], by reason of those firme princi­ples. Cleanthes said [...]. ‘That a righteous man was such by Nature, not by institution.’ 7. They held also, that Virtue was desirable for it self, and that our Objective happinesse lay in Virtue, &c. 8. They thence affirmed [...], ‘That friendship was to be found only amongst virtuous persons, by reason of their like­nesse. 9. They held likewise, that holie persons only could [Page 433] Worship God aright, [...], that devout, and just persons only were skilful in such Rites, as belonged to the Gods.’ 10. Lastly they affirmed that a virtu­ous man affects not monastick life, but active. [...], ‘a Virtuous person is communicative by nature, and active.’ See these Dogmes of Stoicisme more largely in Laertius on Zeno, where he gives us a brief account of the whole bodie of Stoick Philosophie. The same, as to morals, is laid down more fully by Epictetus in his Enchiridion, as also by Simplicius in his annota­tions thereon, & yet more amply by Arrianus, who collected Epi­ctetus his Stoick Discourses delivered at home, or abroad, & digested them into a systeme. But none has given us a more perfect Idea of Stoick Philosophie, than amongst the ancients Lucius Seneca, and A­mongst the moderne Lipsius in his Manuduct. to Stoick Philosophie.

§. 15. Albeit the Stoicks, as to Morals, The corrupti­ons of the Stoick Philo­sophie, and its contradiction to Christiani­tie. came the nearest of any to Christians, yet were they of all Sects of Philosophers the great­est Enemies to the Christian Religion: and indeed no wonder; seeing their [...], or whole designe was to attain unto Happinesse by their Virtuous Works, and so to make that of their own Carnal Wisdome, and Free-will to all good, which we do of Christ. Hence they asserted [...], a right reason, and [...], or [...] a Free-will to all good, with seeds of Virtue in human nature. Whence Austin affirmes, that the Stoicks as well, as the Epicureans, come under that condemnation of the Apostle Rom. 8.5.Rom. 8.5. &c. They that are after the flesh, &c. For indeed to make our own Wis­dome, and Free-will, our God, as the Stoicks did, is the most cursed piece of our Carnal-mindednesse, and Idolatrie. Now that the Sto­icks made their own Wisdome, and Virtues their God, is very evi­dent from that of Grotius in Act. 17.18. [...]] who there ‘saies, that the Stoicks were [...], Vessels filled with vain presumption, and most averse from the Christian Re­ligion; they denyed, that their Wise man came short in any thing of Jupiter; that he owed nothing to God for his Wisdome; That Jupiter could not do more than a good man; that Jupiter was for a longer time good, but that a wise man esteemed never the worse of himself, because his Virtues were shut up within a narrower compasse of time: which you find in Seneca Epi [...]t. 73. that a man should kill himself, rather than endure servitude, con­tumelies, [Page 434] or great diseases.’ Thus Grotius. And indeed Stoick Phi­losophie, albeit it give us an excellent Idea of Moralitie, yet falling upon our nature as degenerate, and corrupt, it has hitherto been of little use, save to feed spiritual pride, and turn off men from the Covenant of Grace to live upon the old Covenant of Works. This is sufficiently evident from that poisonous influence which Sto­ick Philosophie has had on Pelagianisme: For the chiefest of the Pelagian infusions received their first ferment from the Stoa; Whence sprang the Pelagian Right Reason; Free-will; Seeds of Vir­tue; Impeccancie, or perfect state, but from the Stoick [...],Stoick Philo­sophie, a cause of Pelagia­nisme. and [...]? as we shall else where, God willing, de­monstrate fully. That Stoick Philosophie is very apt to puff up, and swell proud corrupt nature, Plutarch himself seems to confesse in Cleomene, [...]. ‘The Stoick Philosophie, if it fall upon great, and acute natures, proves lubricous, inordinate, or doubtful; but if it be tem­pered with a grave, and meek, or humble mind, it confers much to true, or proper good.’ This great, or proud nature, which receives so much dammage by Stoick Philosophie, is com­mon to all men naturally: and the truely humble, and Meek spirit (which Plutarch makes the only sit subject for Stoick Philosophie) is no where to be found, but in the Schole of Christ, namely among such, who being stript of their own Wisdom, Free-wil to all Good, and other legal sufficiencies, know how to improve those Stoick Principles of Moralitie on Gospel motives or grounds, with Gos­pel dependance on Christ, and unto Gospel Ends, viz. the exal­tation of Christ his free Grace, and the Glorie of it. This is the true Christian Stoicisme.

CHAP. IIII. Of Scepticisme.

I. Of the Scepticks, their several names. II. Pyrr [...]o his Chara­cter and chief Dogme, that nothing was knowable. III. The formal Idea of Scepticisme. IIII. The main designe of Scepticks to over­throw the Dogmes of other Sects. V. Scepticks denyed any thing to be just, or unjust. VI. The original of this Sceptick [...], from Hera­clitus's, and Plato's Schole. VII. Plato, and the old Academicks not Sceptick, but Dogmatick. VIII. Wherein the New Academicks differed from the Scepticks. IX. The Scepticks avoided all man­ner of Dogmatizing. X. Scepticisme a great enemie to the Christi­an Religion. XI. How far 'tis commendable, and useful.

§. 1. NExt to the Stoicks we shall mention the Scepticks, Of the Scep­ticks their se­veral names. who were also stiled Pyrrhonians from Pyrrho their chief Coryphaeus. Laertius in Pyrrho informes us, that they were called [...], Scepticks, be­cause they alwaies [...] ‘consider a matter, but never deter­mine any thing:’ [...], Aporeticks, because they always [...] doubt. [...], Ephecticks, because, after all their long, and tedi­ous inquisitions, there follows no assent, but [...], an hesitation, and suspension of judgement, or retention of assent. Lastly they were stiled [...], Zeteticks, because they were ever seeking, but never sound the truth.

§. 2. The Head of this Sect was Pyrrho, who flourished in the time of Theophrastus, and Epicurus, about the 109. Olympiad;Of Pyrrho, his Character. for he heard Dryso the Son of Stilp [...], and Anaxarchus the Abderite; whom also he accompanied into India, in the Expedition of Alex­ander the Great, yea was present, when the Indian upbraided Anaxarchus, ‘that he followed the Court of Kings, but taught no one Virtue: As Laertius in Anaxarchus: who also brings in Asca­nius affirming of Pyrrho, that he seemed to have sound out a no­ble way of Philosophizing by introducing [...], incomprehension, [Page 436] and [...] suspension:his chief Dogme that nothing could be known. for he asserted nothing: and truely (addes Laertius) Pyrrho's life was agreeable to his opinions; for he shunned nothing, nor took any heed to his waies.’ We find the like mention of Pyrrho, and his incomprehension in Ammonius (Com­ment. in Arist. Categ. pag. 9. [...] saith he) [...]. Pyrrho the chieftain of this Sect said, that Beings had an incomprehension, &c.’

The formal Idea of Scep­ticisme.§. 3. Hence the [...], or chief Dogme of the Scepticks is, ‘that nothing could be known, and therefore nothing might be affirmed, or denyed.’ So Anaxarchus Pyrrho's master held [...] ‘neither did he know this, that he knew nothing. So Zenophanes said that, no one certainly knew any thing: [...] for truth lieth in an abysse. Whence Sex­tus Empiricus cap. 4. dennes Scepticisme a facultie opposing Phae­nomena's or apparences, and intelligibles all manner of waies, whereby we proceed through the equivalence of contrarie things, and speeches, first to [...] suspension, then to indistur­bance. Thence those expressions of the same Sextus Empiricus, [...] not more this, than that: agen [...] Every reason has a reason equal opposed thereto; also [...] I define nothing:’ Lastly [...] I persevere a Sceptick, or considering, &c.

§. 4. Whence the Scepticks made it their main businesse, to overthrow all the Dogmes of the other Dogmatick Sects, not by affirming, The Scepticks made it their businesse to overthrow the Dogmes of o­ther Sects. or defining any thing; but by producing the opinions of all other Sects, and shewing their invaliditie or weaknesse. ‘They instanced (saith Laertius) in ten waies, by which things became doubtful to us:’ as from the difference 1. of Animals, 2. of men 3. of Senses 4. of Affections, and their vicissitudes 5. of Edu­cations, Institutions, Laws, and Customes, &c. Thence they deny­ed, that there were any [...] common principles known of themselves, or [...] comprehensions; and so all Demonstration was by them taken away; concluding [...] that the whole is indemonstrable. They also denyed, that there were any in­fallible signes, &c. This their [...] they termed also [...], because their opinion held in bivio, without encl [...]ning to this, or that part: They named it also [...], because there was nothing affirmed, or denyed: for they durst not affirme that they were borne, or so much as that they were men.

[Page 437]§. 5. Yea the Sceptick [...], or suspension reach'd so far,The Sceptick Suspension reached even to the denying any thing to be just, or un­just, or that sense was to be credited. as that they asserted nothing to be Good, or Evil; just, or unjust; but that men passed their judgement according to the institution of Laws, and Custome; not that one thing was in it self more just, or unjust than another. Yea at last they came to affect an [...], that the very senses were not to be credited. So Anaxarchus being car­ried against his will to Cyprus, where he was thrown into an hol­low rock, and command given, that he should be beaten with iron hammers; he seeming not to regard his pain said [...] ‘beat Anaxarchus's Vessel, but Anax­archus himself thou canst not break.’ Lastly we find the whole mysterie of this Sceptick Hesitation well expressed by Aristocles in Eusebius Praepar. Evang. lib. 14. [...]. ‘Things are equally indifferent, and uncertain, and undeterminable; wherefore neither can our senses, or opinions speak truth, or falshood; wherefore neither ought we to believe them, but leave them void of opination, and without inclination, or mo­tion; declaring concerning every thing, that it neither is, nor is not; also that it is, that it is not, neither is it not.’

§. 6.The original of this Scep­tick Suspensi­on from He­raclitus and Plato's Schole. As for the Original of this Sceptick [...] incomprehen­sion, it seems to be more ancient than Pyrrho, or Anaxarchus; for Heraclitus laid a great foundation for it, by asserting all things to be in m [...]tion, and nothing certain: So Ammonius (in Ari [...]t. Categ. fol. 9 reckons Heraclitus among these Pyrrhonians because [...] Heraclitus said, that all things were in motion and fluxe, wherefore they are called Ephecticks from [...], suspending their judgement of things.’ Yea this Sceptick [...] suspension had a considerable room, and foundation in Plato's Schole, the old Academie, wherein there was allowed [...] a Problematick kind of disputation pro, and con, for, and against the question, with an [...], or libertie of suspending their judgements as to conclusions, about things dubious. For the old Academicks held two sorts of things some certain, and unquestionable, others doubtful, which might be affirmed, or denyed: As for things certain they held [...] ‘some [Page] things are alwaies the same, without generation, whence they concluded, such things were [...], truely knowable and certain:’ in which rank of things they placed our notions of God; of the Soul; of happinesse; of the other life, &c. concerning these things Plato (and the old Academicks) allowed not any [...], problematick disputation, or [...], suspension; but he laies them down as certain, and indubitable, or proves them to be such [...], from indubitable principles indubitably. But Plato laies down some sensibles, which are only Probable, or dubious; and of these he discourseth more freely, allowing an [...] Sus­pension of judgement concerning them; whence his difference [...], of a Probable and demonstrative character. From this [...] in Plato's Old Academie sprang the New Academick [...], or suspension of judgement, which differs little from the Sceptick [...], or suspension.

Plato and the old Aca­demie not Sceptick but Dogmatick.§. 7. Albeit Plato, by his [...] Probationarie disputes pro, and con, about sensibles, laid a considerable foundation for the Sceptick [...], yet he seems professedly to dispute against this Sceptick Incomprehension, or suspension; discovering himself to be rather Dogmatick, than Sceptick. Laertius tels us, that it was much controverted whether Plato doth Dogmatize, or not? and he seems to conclude the question in the affirmative, that Plato did Dogmatize; because he expounds those things, which he conceiv­ed true, and confuted those things which were false; though he suspended his judgement in things doubtful. So Sextus Empiricus c. 31. ‘Some (saith he) hold Plato to be Dogmatick, others Sceptick, others, that he was in some things Sceptick, in some things Dog­matick: for in his Gymna [...]tick Discourses, where Socrates is brought in disputing with the Sophists, they say, he hath a Gym­na [...]tick, or Sceptick Character: but when he declareth his own opinion, he is Dogmatick. But Ammonius (in Arist. Categ. pag. 9.) gives us a more full account of Plato's judgement against this [...] incomprehension. [...]. Plato in many discourses confuting this opinion (about incomprehension) after many things addes this also to them. When, Sirs, [Page 438] ye say there is an incomprehension, ye comprehend there is an incomprehension, or not? if ye comprehend it, there is then a comprehension: if ye comprehend it not, we have no reason to beleive you, because you comprehend not, that there is an in­comprehension.’ By which argument Plato efficaciously over­threw the Sceptick incomprehension.

§. 8. But the [...]e seems to be a greater affinity betwixt the New Academicks, and the Scepticks in so much,The New Academicks differ from the Scepticks, and wherein. that they are often taken for one and the same Sect. So Seneca Epist. 88. ‘The Pyr­rhonians, and Megaricks, and Eretriacks, and Academicks, who intro­duced a new Science, namely that nothing could be known, are verst almost in the same things.’ So Suidas in [...]. But Sextus Empiricus cap. 31. gives this difference 'twixt the Sceptick, and New Academick [...], or [...]. ‘Those (saith he) of the New Academie, though they say all things are incomprehensible, differ from the Scepticks perhaps in saying all things are incomprehensible: for they assert this; but the Sceptick admits it possible that they may be comprehended, &c. Again (addes Sextus) we differ also from the New Academie, as to what belongs to the End: for they use in the course of life what is credible; we following Laws, Customes, and natural affections, live without engaging our opinion. Lastly Sextus seems to observe this difference, that the New Academicks, Arcesilas with others, affirmed [...], suspension to be Good, but Assent to be Evil, and that according to Nature: But Pyrrho judged these things to be so, [...], not according to nature, but apparence.’ By all which it appears, that the Academicks held this common first principle, that all things are incomprehensible, might be com­prehended: wherefore they accordingly determined, that no­thing could be determined. But the Scepticks durst not affirm, or denie any thing, not so much as their own first Principle, viz. that all things were incomprehensible.

§. 9. By which it appears,The Scepticks avoided all manner of Dogmatizing. that the Scepticks avoided all man­ner of Dogmatizing, as well that of the New, as that of the old Aca­demie, and of all other Sects. So Sextus Empiricus Chap. 6. ‘We say the Sceptick doth not Dogmatize: not understanding Dogme, as some do, in the general acceptation, for an assent to any thing; for the Sceptick assents to those affections, or impressions which are necessarily induced by fancie, or sense; but we say he doth [Page 439] not Dogmatize in their sense, who takes a Dogme for an assent to any of those inevident things, which are inquired into by Sciences. For a Sceptick Philosopher assents to nothing, that is not Evident; neither doth he Dogmatize, when he pronounceth the Sceptick Phrases concerning things not manifest; as I assert nothing, &c. Thus Sextus Empiricus, who treats more fully of Scepticisme in his books against the Mathematicians, &c.’

Scepticisme a great Enemie to the Christi­an Religion.§. 10. This Sect of Scepticks is very contradictorie to the Chri­stian Religion as it appears by the confession of Nicetas In Epitom. Clement. Roman. [...] ‘we have accu­rately inquired into those things, which are delivered by the Philosophers; Especially those things, which are greatly repug­nant to Piety towards God: namely the Dogmes of Epicurus, and Pyrrho, that so we might be the better able to refute them. And indeed Scepticisme is but a door to Atheisme: for by questioning every thing men at last come to believe nothing, though most certain, even the Being of a God.’

How far Scepticisme is commendable.§. 11. Albeit Scepticisme be a thing of dangerous Consequence, yet is it not wholly to be condemned in things naturals and as it was used, in its first original: for although there are many things certain, which ought not to be called into question, yet there are, especially in naturals, many more uncertain things, in such things, if we will not precipitately erre, we must not precipi­tately Judge. but in things of this kind it is most agreeable [...], to suspend our assent; which was the practise of Plato, and his suc­cessors in the old Academie, whence sprang the Academick [...]. Thence Tullie in Lucullo brings in the Academicks speaking thus: ‘We are not those, to whom nothing seems true; but we say that there are some falsehoods mixed with Truths, and that un­der so great similitude, as that there remains in them no cer­tain note of discretion, or difference. Agen saies Cicero: what can there be more rash, and unworthie the gravitie, and con­stance of a Wise man, than to yield a false assent; or to defend without hesitation that, which is not sufficiently perceived, or understood.’ This modest [...] or suspension was greatly affected by Socrates, who in things uncertain, or dubious gave himself, and Scholars a liberty of suspending; though in things necessarie, certain, and Moral he was very tenacious, and Dogmatizing.

CHAP. V. Of Epicurisme.

Epicurus his original, His Institution, Sect, and Character. His Pride, and con­tention. His temperance according to the Character of his friends. His Indu­strie, and Disciples. His Philosophie. 1. Physicks, of Atomes, &c. 2. His contempt of Logick, and Rhetorick. 3. His Ethicks: of Pleasure, and Passion. That Pleasure is the chiefest Good. That this Pleasure consists in Virtue: Epicurus's Atheistick Conceptions of God's Providence, &c. His denying the Immortalitie of the Soul, what opposition Christianitie found from the Epicureans.

§. 1. HAving taken some View of all other Sects, Of Epicu­rus his Ori­ginal. we shall conclude with the Epicurean, which was but a branch of the Eleatick Sect; and received its Institution from Epicurus, who was born in the third year of the 109 Olympiad, seven years after Plato's death, and 341 before the birth of Christ. He was borne at Gargettus a Town belonging to the Egean Tribe; and was bred up at Samus till the 18 year of his age; at which time he went to Athens, Xenocrates living in the Aca­demie, and Aristotle at Chalcis. About the 23 year of his age, he went to Colophon to his Father; and from the 32 year of his age, to the 37 he lived partly at Mitylene, partly at Lampsacum, where he instituted a Schole, as Suidas observes, and Gassendus after him (Chap. 5. of Epicurus) Epicurus returning to Athens about the 37 year of his age, he a while discoursed of Philosophie in publick with others, but after instituted a Sect in Private denominated from himself Epicureans. At first indeed ad­miring the Doctrine of Democritus he professed himself a Democritian, or of the Eleatick Sect, unto which Democritus appertained. So Cicero de Nat. Deorum. Democritus was a very great Person, from whose fountains Epicurus watered his Garden:’ meaning his Schole, which was in a Garden. Yet afterwards, out of a spirit of Pride, and contention Epi­curus rejects Democritus, and changeth many things in his Dogmes; Thence (saith Cicero) ‘he was very ungrateful towards Democritus, whom he followed.’ Clemens Alexandrinus [...]. lib. 1. and others report Nausiphanes the Pythagorean, Disciple of Pyrrho, to have been master to Epicurus. Laertius affirmes, he was chiefly addicted to Anaxagoras. He also admired the Conversation of Pyrrho, as Gassendus in his Life cap. 4. By which it appears, that Epicurus first embraced Scepticisme, whence he fell into Atheisme, and Epicurisme; and indeed no wonder, for the Sceptick is the fittest matter to forme an Atheist, and sensualist out of, as hereafter.

[Page 441] Epicurus's institution of his Sect, and Chara­cter.§. 2. Epicurus having imbibed what he thought agreeable to his designe, both from the Eleatick and Sceptick Scholes, he formes and shapes his own Ideas into a peculiar Sect of his own, called from him Epicureans; and Pleasure being his main End, he purchaseth at Athens a very Pleasant Garden, where he lived with his friends, and discoursed of Philosophie. Apollodorus in Laertius tels us, that this Garden cost him 80. Pounds. We find this Encomium, of him in Petronius Arbiter, who followed this Epicu­rean Sect.

Ipse Pater veri doctis Epicurus in hortis
Jussit, & hanc vitam dixit habere Deos.

Epicurus the Father of truth dictated in the learned Garden, and he said the Gods led this life. Lucretius the Epicurean l. 3. gives him the like Character.

Tu pater, & rerum inventor, tu patria nobis
Suppeditas praecepta, tuisque ex, inclyte, Chartis, &c.

Agen speaking of Epicurus.

Qui genus humanum ingenio superavit, & omnes
Restinxit Stellas, Exortus uti aethereus Sol.

Lactantius lib. 3. Instit. producing the [...]e verses, subjoyns; ‘Truely I can never read these verses without smiling: for he spake not this of So­crates, and Plato, who were as Princes among the Philosophers: but of a man, than whom no sick man ever dreamed, or talked more foolishly.’ Indeed the Disciples of Epicurus extolled him (as some now adaies) to the Skies, as if he only of all the Philosophers had found out the Truth, and all others had embraced Shadows: Yea his adherents were so ravisht with the admiration of him, as that every moneth they Sacrificed to his birth day, and that on the 20. day; whence they called those holie daies [...]. And they burned with so great love to their Master, as that they carryed his Picture engraven on a Ring as a luckie fortune wherever they went.

Epicurus's Pride, and Contention.§. 3. But notwithstanding the great esteem Epicurus's Disciples had concerning him; others were not a little offended at him; especially for his Pride, Vanitie, and Contentious spirit. As for Epicurus's Pride, and Vanitie, Plutarch in his book against Epicurus acquaints us, that ‘he had so proud, and swelling an opinion of himself, as that he would call no one learned, but himself, and those, who proceeded from his Schole. And touching his contention, Cicero. 1. De Nat. Deor. relates, that Epicurus did most contumeliously vexe Aristotle: he did most shamefully rail against Phaedo the Socratick: he did by several volumnes oppose Timocrates the brother of Metrodorus, his companion; because he in some small matters differed from him in Philosophie: he was very un­grateful [Page 442] even to Democritus himself, whom yet he followed: he never stiled Chrysippus by any other name than Chesippus, &c.’ As for Epicu­rus's Conversation; those, who differed from him suppose him to have been immersed in all manner of sensual, and brutish pleasures.Epicurus's temperance according to the relation of his friends. But those, that conversed with him, and adhered to his Sect, make him to be very pious towards the Gods, his Parents, and Countrie: also very bountiful towards his Brethren, friends, and servants: grave, and tem­perate, contenting himself with most simple, and mean diet; likewise sparing in Wine, yea living on bread and water only; So that he accoun­ted it a great feast, if he had a little cheese. His indu­strie, and Works. They make him also to be very studious, and industrious; which they argue from the multitude of volumnes he writ, beyond any other of the Philosophers, to the num­ber of 300. All which books are perisht, excepting three Epistles given us by Laertius in his 10. book, who has also given us a compende of his Philosophie. Epicurus lived 72. years; and died (as Laertius) of the stone stopping his urine, in the second year of the 127. Olympiad.

§. 4. Among the Disciples of Epicurus, The Disci­ples of Epi­curus. the first rank is given to Mus his servant, who Philosophized together with his master, and after him became the head of the Epicurean Sect, as Diogen. Laertius lib. 10. Also among the Sectators of Epicurus is reckoned Hermannus mention'd by Porphyrie lib. 1. de Abstinentia. Also Lucian was an Epicurean, and friend of Celsus the Epicurean, who writ against the Christians, and is answered by Origen. This Lucian is by some stiled the Atheist, because of his blasphemie against Christ, so Suidas: but herein he is vindicated by Vossius) de Philos. Sect. cap. 8. §. 24.) who shews, that Lucian no where speaks Evil of Christ, save in the person of a stranger, where he cals Christ a Sophist, a title of no ill import amongst the Philosophers, only he speaks unworthily of God, on which account I suppose he was term­ed [...] the Atheist. There were also many of the Romans, who adhered to this Epicurean Sect, as Lucretius, Cassius: also Maro, who dedicated the latter part of his life to the Epicurean Philosophie; as in like manner, Petronius Arbiter; with others. And indeed there was no Sect continued so long, as the Schole of Epicurus, which when all other Sects failed, persisted in continual succession, as Laertius boasts of it; and Lactantius lib. 3. Institut. easilie grants; giving this reason thereof. ‘The Disci­pline of Epicurus was alwaies more famous than that of other Philoso­phers; not that it brought any thing of reason with it, but because the popular name of Pleasure invites many: for all are prone to V [...]ce.’ Nazianzen Orat. 23. on the praise of Hero Alexandrinus joyns these 3. in [Page 443] Epicurus as containing the chief of his Philosophie [...] Epicurus's Automatum together with his Atomes, & Pleasure.

Epicurus's Philosophie. 1. Physicks of Atoms.§. 5. As for Epicurus's Philosophie, the best thereof consisted in Phy­sicks, wherein he chiefly embraced the Dogmes of Anaxagoras, yet he dif­fered from him in many things. Touching the Origine of the Ʋniverse. Epicurus held, that all things were composed of Atomes. Thence that of Au [...]tin de Civit. Dei. lib. 11. cap. 9. Epicurus held, that there were innu­merable worlds produced by the fortuitous confluxe of Atomes. See Lud. Vives on the text. Epicurus's Hypothesis is supposed to have been this: viz. ‘that before the world was brought into that forme, and order it is now in,Stillingf. Orig. Sacr. l. 3. c. 2. there was an infinite emptie space, in which were an innume­rable companie of solid particles, or Atomes of different sizes, and shapes, which by their weight were in continual motion, and that by the various occursions of these, all the bodies of the Universe were framed in that order, they now are in.’ These his sentiments of Atomes Epicurus is said to have traduced from Leucippus, and Democritus; especially from the latter, as before; though indeed the first great assertor of Atomes was Mochus, that famous Phenician Physiologist, who tra­duced them from the Jews, as has been proved in the Phenician Philoso­phie. The whole of the Epicurean Physicks is comprehended by Lucretius the Epicurean in 6. books.

Epicurus his contempt of Logick.§. 6. Epicurus contemned Logick, Rhetorick, and the Mathematicks. His contempt of Logick is mention'd by Laertius in Epicurus, [...]. ‘They rejected Logick, as that, which perverts mens minds: for they say, that simple words suffice for Physicks. Yea Cicero lib. 1. de Nat. Deorum, brings in Epicurus denying, that either part of Contradictorie Propositions were true. In the room of Logick Epicurus introduced his Ca­nonick Ratiocination:His Canon. whence he composed a book styled [...], which was (as Laertius tels us) [...], concerning the Rule of judgement, and Principle; also a Work, that delivered the first Elements. This Canon, or Criterion of judgement Epicurus made to be not Reason, but sense. So Cicero de Nat. Deor. lib. 1. Epicurus said, that the senses were the messengers, His con­tempt of Rhetorick, and Mathe­maticks. or judges of truth. As for Epicurus's contempt of Rhetorick Laertius gives this account thereof [...] he used a proper kind of speech, such as was accommodated to things, which because it was simple or plain, Aristophanes the Grammarian reprehended. So Cicero de Finibus lib. 1. acquaints us, that Epicurus neglected letters, and ornaments of Speech. Epicurus's [Page 444] contempt of the Mathematicks is mentioned by Plutarch in his book against Epicurus.

§. 7.Epicurus's Ethicks. 1. That Pleasure is the chiefest Good. Of Plea­sure, and Passion. In Epicurus's Philosophie nothing was more pleasing to corrupt nature, than his Ethicks especially touching the chiefest good, which he placed in Pleasure: so that he made the first, and last cause of all human actions to be Pleasure, or Delight arising from that good, which the minde enjoys. His Canons of Pleasure, and Passion (according to Gassen­dus de Epicuri Philos. Morali, cap. 3.) are these: 1. ‘All Pleasure, which hath no pain joyned with it, is to be embraced. 2. All pain, which hath no Pleasure joyned with it, is to be shunned. 3. All Pleasure, which either hindereth a greater Pleasure, or procureth a greater pain, is to be shunned. 4. All pain, which putteth away a greater pain, or procureth a greater Pleasure, is to be imbraced, &c.’ Epicu­rus's Canons touching Pleasure, as the first and last good, were (accord­ing to Gassendus cap. 3.4.5.) these. 1. That pleasure, without which,That Plea­sure is the chiefest good. ‘there is no notion of Felicitie, is in its own nature good. 2. That Fe­licitie consists in Pleasure, because it is the first Connatural Good, or the first thing agreeable to nature, as also the last of expetibles, or End of good things. 3. That Pleasure, wherein consists Felicitie, is Indolence of bo­die, & Tranquillitie of mind: for herein the absolute good of man is con­tained. The Indolence of the bodie is preserved by the use of tempe­rance.’ The health of the mind is preserved by Virtues provided, and applied by Philosophie. That this Pleasure is in Virtue, and Men­tal. Diogenes Laertius gives the like favorable inter­pretation of Epicurus's Pleasures, in his Vindication of him against the imputations of Diotymus the Stoick. Epicurus (saith Laertius) held [...]. That the chiefest happinesse was in God. 2. Hence he placed happinesse in the Pleasures of the mind, and reflexion on former enjoyments. 3. Laertius also tels us, that he held there was an unseparable connexion 'twixt Virtue, and true Pleasure: whence he said, ‘that Virtues were naturally conjoyned with a pleasant life: agen, live thou as God in immortal Virtues, and thou shalt have nothing common with mortal.’ Ammonius in Aristot. Categ. pag. 9. gives the like account of the Epicurean Pleasure [...]. ‘The Epicureans are called Hedonici, because they make Pleasure the last End; Pleasure; not that of the bodie, but the tranquille, and indi­sturbed constitution of the Soul, following a Virtuous life, but they mistake saying 'tis the Carkasse of Virtue, or the shadow, seeing they [Page 446] make it the last End. Seneca affirmes, that Epicurus complained, men were very ungrateful towards past enjoyments, because what ever good they enjoy, they reflect not again upon it, neither do they rec­kon it among pleasures: where as there is no pleasure so certain as that which is past, because it cannot be taken from us. Present goods have not yet a compleat solid being: and what is future yet hangs in suspence, and is uncertain, but what is past is most s [...]t [...]. Yea Epicurus himself in his Epistle to Idomeneus, speaking of the torments, he was then under, being ready to dye, saies, that the joy, which he had in his mind upon the remembrance of the reasonings, which he had in his life time, stood in battail of array against all those torments (as great as could be imagined) of the strangurie he laboured under.’ According to these accounts, Epicurus's Pleasures were not so grosse, as is generally conceived, yet sufficiently blame-worthy; in that he pla­ceth mans objective, and formal happinesse in Pleasure, which is but a con­sequent thereof.

Epicurus's Atheistical conceptions of God, his Provi­dence, &c.§. 8. But whatever Epicurus's opinion was about Pleasure; certain it is, he was fouly mistaken in his Metaphysical Philosophizings about God, his Providence, &c. Its true; Epicurus (according to Laert [...]us) denyed not the Being, and spiritual nature, of God: for he held [...], that God was incorruptible, and most blessed, &c. Yet he denyed the Providence of God wherein he discove­red the absurdnesse of his reason: for take away the belief of Divine Providence, and the notions of a Deitie, though never so excellent, will have no awe upon the spirits, and lives of men; and therefore soon be rooted out of men's minds. Wherefore some Ancient Philoso­phers supposed, that Epicurus's designe in acknowledging a Dei [...]ie which he really believed not) was only to avoid the censure of down­right Atheisme: assuring himself, that albeit he asserted one most excellent Being, which he called God, yet so long as he denyed his Provi­dence, he sufficiently served his own Interest; which was to root out all common foundations of Religion, and so to establish a practical Atheisme. Thence Tullie de Nat. Deor. 1o. tels us, that Epicurus extracted Religion by the roots out of mens minds, seeing he took from the immortal Gods both assistance, and Grace. For albeit he affirmed the Nature of God to be most excellent, and best, yet he denyed Grace in God; and so took away that, which is most proper to the best, and most excellent Na­ture. For what is better, or more excellent, than bonity and benefi­cence? [Page 447] which if you take from God, you make no one dear to God,How Epi­curus un­dermined the Provi­dence of God. and no one beloved of him, &c.’ Epicurus's great Canon, whereby he destroyed the Providence of God, was (according to Laertius lib. 10.) this, [...]. The blessed, and immortal being neither hath any affairs of his own, neither doth he h [...]ed other mens. His great argument to defend this his Hypothesis was, that it was beneath the Majestie of the Divine Being, to condescend so far, as to regard and mingle with the affairs of this lower world.’ Whence he placed all Religion in the adoration of the Divine Being, abstractly for its own excellence, without any regard to his Providence; which is indeed to destroy all Religion. This Atheistical perswasion makes Tullie, Plutarch, and the other Great Moralists degrade him from the title of a Philosopher.

§. 9. Epicurus also denyed the Immortalitie of the Soul, He denyed the immor­talitie of the Soul. which indeed was but the consequent of his foregoing Atheistical persuasion; and both, as I presume, imbibed together with his Sceptick Infusions from the Sceptick Schole: for Scepticisme naturally degenerates into Atheisme, and this into Sensualitie. Likewise Epicurus's Dogmes touching Atomes gave a great foundation to his Atheisme: For his Hypothesis being grant­ed, that the first production of the Ʋniverse, and all successive genera­tions proceed from a Casual combination of Atoms, it is easie to salve all the Phaenomenas of Nature without a Providence.

§. 10. What opposition the Christian Religion found from this Epi­curean Sect is evident from Act. 17.18. [...]] He mentions (saith Grotius) two Sects of Philosophers most opposite to the Christian Religi­on. For the Epicureans believed that the world was not created by God; and that God regarded not human affairs; that there were no Rewards or punishments after death; that there was no Good, but what was sensible:

§. 11. Campanella in his Politicks seems to make the Scepticisme, Atheisme, and sensualitie of the Epicureans the occasion of their Ruine. ‘The Philosophers (saies he) passed not from opinion to opinion, be­yond Epicurus;’ under whom denying God, and Providence, their Sects were destroyed. He makes this the curse of all that kind of Philosophie, which degenerating first into Scepticisme, and from thence into Atheisme, was then rooted out of the World. And no wonder, God blasted Philoso­phie, when Philosophie dar'd so highly to blaspheme God: No wonder God should root that Philosophie out of the World, which in Epicurus, and his Sectators (the Swine of that Stie) became so debaucht, and vain, as [Page 448] to attempt the eradicating of the Notion of a God, or at least his due Fear, and Reverence out of the World. But the Mischief of all such Vain Philosophie, to, and the Ʋsefulnes of sincere sound Philosophie in the Christian Religion, may be the matter of an other Undertakement; if this Historical Account now finisht (and mainly design'd in Order thereunto) find any such Reception, and Entertainment, as may give Encouragement to such a Worke.

FINIS.

The considerable Errata to be thus corrected.

Page 13. Line 5. Read [...] p. 16. l. 30. for [...], p. 33. l. 21. for pretty r. petty l. 29. dele by p. 37. l. 11. for we r. he p. 38. l. 32. for Barbarians Barbarisme p. 48. l. 33. dele has p. 61. Title for, from, r. vouchsafed to p. 66. l. 35. r. Esprits p. 81. l. 10. r. Sacrifice p. 86. l. 16. r. c. 47. p. 94. l. 32. r. Tables of Philostratus. p. 93. l. 15. After Homer a period p. 99. l. 24. r. [...] p. 101. l. 16. after Ages adde, and p. 101. l. 19. r. Theaetetus l. 28. [...] p. 106. Contents l. 10. dele by p. 113. l. 6. r. [...] l. 14. after Hypothesis a comma p. 136. l. 15. for Justin r. Apu­leius p. 142. l. 11. for, we should, r. The Jewish Priests were to p. 165. l. 36. for Third r. Threefold p. 166. l. 13. After likewise inserr that p. 167. l. 13. After Philostra­ [...]us, for Fables r. Tables p. 172. l. 36. for the first Principles r. Principle p. 173. l. 3. r [...] p. 174. l. 35. r. [...] p. 175. l. 24. before that insert he p. 179. l. 6. for C [...]rine r. doctrine p. 211. l. 8. Contents, for Introduction r. Induction p. 215. l. 28. for when r. whence p. 254. l. 21. r. [...] p. 265. l. 33. for Book read Part p. 266. l. 6. by Papal Hierarchie, understand the whole Series of the Ruling Clergie under the Pope p. 268. l. 32. for ineffectual r. ineffable p. 272. l. 35. r. [...] p. 283. in the lowest note dele the 3 first words p. 285. l. 17. r. [...] p. 312. l. 26. before [...] r. Medicine p. 338. l. 23. before see adde (and dele (l. 24. l. 20 r. [...] p. 343. l. 17. after forme, adde and p. 344. l 31. [...] r. [...] and for Col-ri-jah, r. Col-pi-jah p. 351. l. 32. for Myron r. Maherne p. 356. l. 2. for 1, r. 5, p. 365. l. 28. After 15, insert where l. 29. after Glorie a period l. 31. after been, a comma and dele this p. 380. l. ult. For Hypothesis r▪ Hypot [...]posis p 384. line 4. r. [...] p. 385. l. 10. after &c adde 12. p. 431. l. 10. r. [...] p. 433. l. 19. r. [...]. In the Style of the last paper of Verses r. the se­cond word both.

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