THE Present state OF THE PRINCES AND REPUBLICKS OF ITALY, VVith Observations on them.

The Second Edition Corrected and Enlarged, with the mamnner of the Election of Popes, and a Character of SPAIN.

Written Originally in English by J. GAILHARD, Gent.

LONDON, Printed for John Starkey, at the Miter near Temple-Bar in Fleet-Street, 1671.

To the Right Honourable, ROBERT, Earl of Sun­derland, Baron Spencer of WORMLEIGHTON.

My Lord.

'TIs usual with some when they publish any of their works, to pretend they were forced to it by the importunity of Friends, which is often true, and sometimes it is al­lowable; but 'tis no great modesty to boast of it upon every occasion. Others do prefix to their Books, to give them credit, the name of some considerable person; this is well done, if the worth of the Piece be any wayes suitable to the qua­lifications [Page] of that Person; else (to speak in Solomons words) it will be as a Jewel of Gold in a Swines snout.

I hope, My Lord, I have at pre­sent in some measure hit upon that necessary proportion; Your Lord­ship is in every account one of the most Eminent Noblemen of the Kingdome, and my Subject (though I handle it with several defects and imperfections) is of potent Princes and Republicks, a hard task in­deed it is; for when a private man is to speak of the persons and acti­ons of Kings and Princes, specially of so many as I have occasion to mention, he walks upon the edge of Rocks and Precipices; for of one side Princes are jealous of their Au­thority, and the people of their Li­berty; on the other, if he gives Monarchies such Commendations as that manner of Government de­serves, [Page] he must be careful to say no­thing to the disparagement of Re­publicks: Every one of these Go­vernments is good in it's kind, yet not in every Countrey, only as it sutes the temper and constitution of the people; but I cannot forbear to say, that Monarchy hath of all Governments most conformity to the pattern of all, or to the Em­pire which God hath over the World.

'Tis not an easie matter to speak of a subject which hath been treated of by several others, however there are different wayes to do it, and new observations may produce new Noti­ons. Sometimes one hath occasion to tell his opinion of things, and herein he is himself liable to the censure of thousands of different judgement and affections; but as these things are unavoidable to those who ap­pear in publick; so they ought to [Page] be resolved to undergo any thing of that kind: the approbation of such persons as your Lordship, is that which writers should mind most of all, and use their utmost care to ob­tain. 'Tis a known truth, and I declare it, My Lord, that your Na­tural parts, joyned to the experience you have gained by your travels, have fitted your Lordship to pass a judicious Sentence upon any thing that deserves it.

I say nothing in this Relation, but what your Lordship hath more ac­curately by far, & more exactly obser­ved: You have been, My Lord, upon the places highly esteemed by some Princes who knew your worth and quality, and where to my own know­ledge (if I may so say) you omitted nothing that might conduce to the improvement of your self, as a per­son who by vertue of your Birth, Parts and Merits, will find no im­ployment [Page] in your Countrey too high for you, when some occasion shall be offered for your Prince to do you that favour and justice; to the end, the Nation may have some benefit of that treasure of wisdome and Experience which is in you; and I in particular the satisfaction to see your Lordship as great as you deserve; which is the earnest desire of

My Lord,
Your Lordships most Humble and Devoted Servant, Gailhard.

TO THE READER.

WOnderfull and much to be ad­mired is the goodnesse and wisdome of God, in that various distribution he hath made of his favours to Na­tions and Countries, for the benefit of humane Society, that men seeing every where some tokens of his goodnesse, after a serious reflection on the same, they should reduce all to that ultimate end, which is to give him Glory and Praises for it. Non omnis fert omnia tellus, So that one Country lies under a kind of neces­sity of keeping correspondency with ano­ther, either for necessary or for delight­full things, if not for the being, yet for the well-being; for this end hath the Art [Page] of Navigation been discovered, Trade (which makes Countries so flourishing) settled, and all manner of correspondency kept between those who live at a distance. I do not deny but that it is convenient to have things brought home to us out of Forreign parts, without taking any pains, or running any hazzard, yet to have things right, we must go to fetch them up­on the places where they are produced; 'tis best to have things at the first hand, and to have pure water, we must go to the spring, if it can conveniently be done, for it looses something of it's worth, either through the defect of the Vessell, or some o­ther accident, if it be brought to us: We observe in Vegetables, if they be trans­planted, after a while they degenerate, and loose part of their Vertue, the climate and the soyle are not so sutable to their nature as that wherein they grew; no Balm was so good as that which was in Gilead; that Vine-tree which in one place doth produce good Grapes, in another will yield nothing but wild Grapes. Experi­ence also doth demonstrate this in sensitive Creatures, horses and dogs, when carried from their own climate, loose their good [Page] qualities, at the furthest at the second or third breed. This holds in rational crea­tures; we know there are Nations which for the generality have quicker apprehen­sion, and sharper wit than others, yet let a man remove from his Native Countrey, when he hath been any considerable while in another, his temper will be like that of those amongst whom he lives, impercepti­bly such an alteration is wrought, so that he will grow dull and flegmatick if the climate bears it; this may be caused by a constant conversation with people of that constitution; by the very diet, for those aliments which are course, make gross and thick bloud, which doth not breed quick and lively spirits; and a man by the change of Air, will find a great alterati­on in himself; the breathing of a pure Air refreshes the Lungs, chears up the Heart, and upon a suddain inspires an in­ward joy, which can hardly be expressed: in this I speak after my own experience, I specially took notice of it when I came to Puzzuolo and Baya in Italy, neither was I alone to make that observation, which obliged me to think that there had been a particular reason of this nature, why some [Page] Roman Emperours, and others of the greatest persons amongst them, took such a delight to be there. 'Twas in such places as this, and Tivoly, with the like, that Cicero, Virgil, and other eminent men for learning, composed the greatest part of those works which to this day we have a­mongst us.

That which I have said of low and Me­chanicall things, will hold in those of a more noble and higher nature. What Merchants do for their profit, Gentlemen ought to do for their honour; the one brings riches into his Countrey, the other ought to bring good observations and maximes that may contribute to the good order and right Government of his Nation, if by his quality or abilities he comes to be called to havè a share in it. The great Law gi­vers in Greece, sent into several parts of the world those who gathered for them the quintessence of those Laws which other na­tions enjoyed. The Romans in the times of the Decemvirs did the same, and others have followed their example; 'tis true, one must be very judicious and skilful in the application of the same; for every Law doth not suite every Nation; but I say, [Page] that mutatis mutandis, there is never a Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Democracy, but they may make an exchange of some of their Laws and Customes: Monarchy may af­ford Democracy some beneficial Statutes, so may well regulated Democracy to Mo­narchy; for all governments, by what name soever distinguished, have or ought to have, but one and the same end, which is self pre­servation first, and then the promoting of publick good, every one in his station and calling, although these different governments use different means and waies to come to that end.

Out of this I suppose 'twill appear to any rational man how necessary and beneficial travelling is to the compleating of a Gen­tleman, if it be well directed and improv­ed; and as Nations are obliged to those Merchants, who through many and great hazzards do bring home the best of other Countries to inrich their own, certainly they must needs be much beholden to those Patriots, who have been at charges and pains to collect and bring them those wholesome counsels, by the right use of which they may secure themselves in the enjoyment of their plenty, riches and hap­piness, [Page] to the preventing of disturbances which might happen to arise against it: It ought therefore to be the endeavours, as it is the duty, of every one to fit himself as much as he can for the service of his King and Countrey.

I said just now, how beneficial travel­ling is, if one hath good directions; this lays an engagement upon me to say some­thing to that effect for the satisfaction of those who stay at home, and for the in­struction of them who go abroad; not that I think my self wise enough to advise o­thers; only I say my naturall propensity joyned to that manner of life I have led hitherto, hath much inclined me to travel into most parts of Europe, wherein I have spent most of my time; but whether this hath fitted me to give my opinion upon this subject, I am not to be the judge: however I dare say 'tis difficult for a Gen­tleman, let him have never so good parts, to get any considerable benefit by his Tra­vels upon his first going abroad, except he hath along with him the advice of one who knows Countries and fashions; for the time allowed him to stay abroad is almost expired, before he can recover himself of [Page] the surprizal and astonishment which dai­ly difficulties and inconveniences have cast him into: but when he is to act ac­cording to advice, and this advice is grounded upon knowledge and experience, he will find his task more easie, more plea­sant and more profitable. And here I must say something in general of those who un­dertake to be such directors, which may well be applyed to all sorts of persons.

God, whom men pray (or ought to pray) every day to give them their daily bread, hath commanded them to work for it, and he who doth not work, ought not to eat, as the Apostle saith. As the difference of faces, and the diversity of tempers in men do express the wisdome of God, so doth that variety of employments which he calls them to, according to their genius, incli­nation and abilities in some measure to perform their undertakings: Let every one abide in that whereunto he is called, saith St. Paul.; so that men ought to follow it after they have imbraced it, either out of choice or by necessity, especially if besides the benefit they reap by it, they are any wayes usefull to others knowing we are born not so much for our selves, as for o­thers; [Page] and though a constant kind of em­ployment be necessary for one, yet this doth not exclude the use of that capacity he may have to several sorts of calling, it being well for those who have many strings to their bow, that if one breaks the other may be useful. Men must ever be doing something, if it were for nothing else but to keep them­selves from Idleness, which is the Mother of Vice.

But to come to that kind of Employ­ment which gives occasion to this dis­course, 'tis usually attended with great and many difficulties, besides the haz­zards which one runs in forreign Coun­tries; for if dangers come often to men when they are at home, what will it be when they go as it were to meet with them, when almost every day they see men of all Nations, and of all sorts of tempers: cer­tainly one must very much excercise his prudence in avoiding the perils he meets withall, and must have much courage to come off when they be unavoidable, but above all, an extraordinary protecting pro­vidence of God is absolutely necessary: yet there are more uncomfortable difficul­ties to struggle withal, than are the fore­expressed. [Page] The extravagancy of a young man, who will not be advised by a Gover­nour, nor ruled by a Father; this Gover­nour is to please a Father who loves to spare, and a Son who delights to spend, a Father who would have him to learn and improve himself, and a Son who in his travels hath no other end but to take his pleasure; and after he hath fenced a long while a­gainst the wild nature, the vicious inclina­tion and unreasonableness of a Son, he is also exposed to the hardness and unthank­fulness of Parents.

I have wondred at many who take this charge upon themselves, and consider not whether they be qualified for it, when no honest man will undertake any thing, ex­cept he knows himself in some measure able to perform it: 'Tis enough for them to know they shall thereby get a competent allowance, to run headlong upon any em­ployment that lies in their way; how can they expect in conscience or reason, that a young Gentleman can improve under their conduct, that his relations can have any satisfaction, or themselves get there­by any credit or reputation, if they have no capacity somewhat suitable to their undertakings? for how can such a one [Page] be able to direct another how to benefit himself, and to travel in forreign parts, except he hath some knowledge of the lan­guage of the countrey, and fashions? Eve­ry Nation hath some particular Vices and Virtues, the one to be avoided, and the other learned; what these things are I must be told, and how can be that knows it not tell me of it? this ignorance will make him contemptible to me, and he must learn it himselfe before he can teach it me; so that for the whole time allowed to travel, he is onely a learner who should have been a Teacher. I am a bashful English man, I will learn confidence, and a handsome carriage in France, so riding the Great Horse, Fencing, Dancing, and other bodi­ly Exercises which contribute to compleat a Gentleman, thence if I pass into Italy, that Air will fix the French Quick-sil­ver, there I will learn Sobriety, Frugali­ty, and to be circumspect in words and actions, so Musick Picture drawing, Ar­chitecture, &c. Yet I must have some knowledge of persons and places, of whom and where these things may be learned best of all; I must know also how to benefit my self in going by, or staying at a place. 'Tis [Page] not enough for a Gentleman to say, in such a City there is a stately Church, a fine Pa­lace, and the ruines of a most antient Am­phitheater; this I confess ought to be ta­ken notice of: but further, I must observe the quality of the Climate, and of the soyle, the Scituation of the Countrey, and (if I understand Fortifications.) the strength and the weakness of the Cities and Countries I go through, and take no­tice of the advantage or disadvantage of Rivers, Ways, and Grounds; so I must be acquainted with their Manners, Forces, Riches, and wherein they consist, to see whether any thing out of it may be useful to my Countrey; but above all I must observe their Government, and if it be possible their mysteries of State, so I must endeavour to know the persons and qualifications of Princes and Ministers of State, and any thing else that may be both for my own be­nefit, and the service of my Countrey; so at length my travels having ripened my judgement, quickned my apprehension, and sharpned my wit, I shall not be unprofi­table, nor of the number of those the Poet speaks of,

Nos numerus sumus fruges consumere nati.

[Page] This I do insist upon, not to boast of any abilities of my own, for I ingeniously con­fess my weakness in this, yet I profess a desire to learn it, though it was for no other end than to impart it to others, that with me they may reap some benefit of it; this I say still, that another cannot teach me that which he knows not, but his know­ledge, experience and practice of any thing enables him to infuse it into me; and in­deed 'tis a fault I have accidently ob­served in some when they be in a strange Countrey, they keep company with none but the masters of their exercises, they ought indeed constantly to follow these exercises, but if they see no body else, at last they will learn to dance, to fence, &c. and nothing else; they ought to make acquain­tance with men of quality, and frequent their company; of them a handsome car­riage and good fashions are to be learned, they must also take care to finde themselves company for their honest pleasures, and lawful recreations; but a hateful thing it is to see one brought up in a timorous and pendantical way, which makes a Gen­tleman unfit for any thing of concern­ment; a Gentleman must be taught as to [Page] do no wrong, so to suffer no wrong as long as his honour is concerned in it, for he is not worthy to live who prefers his life to his honour; not that imaginary honour as 'tis conceived in these dayes, but that ho­nour which is really so, not contrary to our duty to God, or obedience to Superiours; therefore a great wisdome is required in the use of a bridle or of a spur to work upon youth, to infuse courage into them, so as not to make them rash, and so to curb them, as not to dishearten them.

But I am carried further than I in­tended upon this subject, 'tis time to speak directly to my present design; I give thee Reader, the present state of the Princes, and Republicks of Italy: 'Tis a worthy subject, if we consider their number, jea­lousies, and policy; 'tis certainly one of the most politick Nations of the world, and I doubt very much whether any other can compare to it. What I express is got­ten not so much by reading, as by travel­ling upon the places, seeing and conver­sing for a competent time with those who were able to instruct me: some things also are of my own particular observation. In the following discourse, I do not speak of [Page] the Scituation, or of the boot-like shape of Italy, which any ordinary Mappe can shew; to mention the quality of the Cli­mate, or of the soyle of every part of that Garden of Europe, 'twould prove tedious, and contrary to the narrow bounds I doe here prescribe my self. The manners of the Inhabitants, their outward form of Government, their Riches, Force and Religion, are matters for Historians; hence it is that I do not insist upon De­scriptions, however that which I thought fit to be known upon the matter in hand I express; I think (I know not whether I am mistaken) that the variety I use in it will please thee, for in some parts I insist upon the person of the Prince, in others upon the manners of the Inhabi­tants, and in some others I briefly mention what is particular in their Government; so that I have not a con­stant or affected method; contrariwise I endeavour some time to conceal it: Upon every particular, I speak, either that onely which I thought necessary to be known, and so I passed by some things I could have told, or I speak according to the degree of knowledge I [Page] had of the thing; and if amongst a thou­sand things unprofitable, there be but one useful, I will not grudge my time nor my pains.

J. G.

LICENSED

ROGER L'ESTRANGE.

THE Present STATE OF ITALY.

THAT must needs be a Rare Countrey which is pleasant and plentiful, watered with many Rivers; at the season adorned with Corn in the fields, and Grass in the Meddows, with delightful Land-skips, that in most parts hath a wholesome Air, that abounds in strong and stately Cities, where the eye is delighted with most sumptuous buildings, recreated with va­riety of Pictures and Statues, the ear pleased with as great a variety of harmo­nious musick as can be upon earth; where [Page 2] the Palate is satisfied with the best fruits, and other delicacies, and the rarest Wines of Europe; where in a certain season, the nose enjoyes the sweet smell of Orange and Jasmin flowers, which lay over head or under feet; and at the same time, and in the same place to behold fine per­spectives, and hear the murmur of several fountain waters: in a word, that Countrey which produces plenty, and variety to please all the Senses, and which hath the Alpes of one side for Walls, and the Sea on the other for bounds, must needs be an excellent Country; such is Italy.

The length of it, is a Thousand miles, or thereabouts; beginning from Susa, a Town cited at the foot of the Alpes, at the coming into Piemont, and ending at Reggio, in the furthest parts of Calabri, in the Kingdom of Naples. As to the breadth, 'tis more or less, according to the places, it being not full four hundred any where, nor less than sixteen. Parts of France and Savoy lay on the West of it, parts of Germany, namely, Tyrot and Swisserland on the North, and the Me­diteranian Sea on the East and South, though for distinction, some call the one [Page 3] Jonian, and Adriatick; and the other Tirrenean: most passages into Italy, are hard and difficult.

The whole Country which we call Ita­ly, is, by the Italians themselves, divided into Italy, the Kingdom, and Lombardy; Italy comprehends the dominions of the Pope, of the grand Duke, and of Luca. Naples is that which they call the King­dom, and Lombardy contains great part of the State of Venice, the Dukedoms of Milan, Mantua, Parma, Monferrat, Piemont, and the State of Genoa.

But to make use of the ancient Division, and to descend to particulars; I say, that in Italy some are great Princes, consider­ing the Extend of their Dominions; and others of an inferiour Orb, may be called petty Princes: The former sort come to the number of seven, and with the four Republicks, to eleven. The Pope, King of Spain, Dukes of Savoy, Tuscany, Man­toa, Parma, Modena; for though some do reckon the Bishop of Trent, which stands between the Venetians and Tyrol, yet be­ing a Prince of the Empire, having a per­petual alliance with the House of Austria, and often of the same Family, He may [Page 4] be taken for a German more than for an Italian Prince; and seeing little can be said concerning him, we shall pass it by to come to the Republicks; which are Venice, Genoa, Luca, and San Marino: For the order of precedency, Venice hath place after Spain, Genoa after Tuscany, though they pretend to be used as Crown­ed heads, being Masters of Corcica, for­merly a Kingdom; the other two Re­publicks take place after all the fore­named Princes, who also do not agree amongst themselves about Precedency; Tuscany pretends it from Savoy, though he be much inferiour in antiquity, and ex­tent of Dominions; and Mantoa from Tuscany, neither will Modena yield it to some named before him. I should also say, that France having acquired Pignorolo, a door into Italy, and a strong place, from the Duke of Savoy, that King having an Interest in Italy, is to be reckoned amongst the Princes of it.

The State of Rome.

THE Pope hath great Dominions con­veniently seated to disturb others, specially, Naples; for all from Ostia, upon the Coasts of the Mediterranean Sea, to Loretto, Ancona, &c. is his: All the Lands together are called, Lo Stato Della Chiesa, in particular, old Latium, now Campagna Romana, il Patrimonio, di San Pietro, of which the chief City is Vi­terbo, part of ancient Tuscany, Terra Sabi­na, Umbria, ducato di spoletto, la Marca di Ancona, la Romagna, il ducato di Urbino, ducato di ferrara, Perugia, Orvieto, and Bolognese; he is Soveraign of Naples, and Sicily, which he gives the investiture of, and receives homage for, as he doth for the Dukedoms of Parma and Piacenza, pretending the same over the Islands of Sardegna and Corcica: He is in possession of the Dukedom and City of Benevento in the Kingdom of Naples, and he pretends that in time of minority of the Kings of Spain, he hath right to Govern that King­dom by a Legat: He also enjoyes the County of Avignon in France, and Ce­neda [Page 6] within the state of Venice.

These Countries, (I mean those who are united together) especially from An­cona to Ravenna and Ferrara all along the Coasts of the Gulfe of Venice, do afford good Souldiers, which upon case of an urging necessity may be gathered to about the number of 60000, though 20000 foot and 3000 horse, as had Clement the 8th. in the War of Ferrara, were much to be kept on foot any long while: Urban the 8th. in the War of Parma had 30000, but if the whole Countrey was in Armes, then 'twould be upon 400000. The Pope indeed may be accounted, as he is really, a strong Prince, which strength consists in the extent of his Territories, in their Sci­tuation, being all united, and there being no safe nor convenient places towards the Mediterranean, to make any landing; and towards the Gulf they trust to the Venetians, who are to keep it clear; up­on which condition they are acknowledg­ed to be the Lords of these Seas; further all along the Coasts of the Mediterrane­an, and the whole Campagna Romana, there is a bad air, which would soon work upon any Army, either in Spring, [Page 7] Summer, or Autumn: This strength fur­ther consists in the temper of his Subjects and Soldiers, who are esteemed to be the best Foot in Italy: The Italian Proverb calls them, The best of Soldiers, but the worst of Subjects: so this strength consists in his strong holds, as Ferrara, Bologna, For­tezza Urbana, &c. in his Arsenals, or Magazeens of Arms; the Vatican or St. Peter hath for 5000 men, in the Castle St. Angelo for 15000, in Ancona for 10000, in Ravenna for 5000, in Ferrara 25000, and Bologna for 10000, and a new one a making at Tivoly, by the late Don Morto's Order, for 16000 men, with 80. pieces of Ordnance, where he employed continually above 300 men, so that they are spread up and down the Countrey to arme the People upon occasion to the number of 100000 men. Upon the Me­diterranean he keeps five Gallies, which harbour in Civita Vecchia, they are not handsome, nor very good, but are well maned.

But that which another way strengthens much the Pope, is, that Respect and De­votion which Popish Princes and States bear him, acknowledging him (though [Page 8] falsly) to be the Vicary of Christ, God on Earth, and the head of their Religion; so that if a Prince had seized upon any of his Dominions, the Pope who had pro­voked him to make War being dead, it would be restored to the new Elected, all of them being perswaded, that it were a Sacriledge, to detain from that Church, that which did belong to it; besides that every Prince of that Religion intending any such thing, would find it to be a hard work; for the Pope hath ever an Army quartered upon their Land, which are that vast number of Secular Priests, and Re­gular Friars, who depend on the Pope upon several accounts, who having all sworn an Obedience to their Generals, who usually kept at Rome, they would act according to the Orders sent them from thence. So that having their Pulpits, Confessions, and Introduction into houses of all ranks, they could make strange worke; Hence to me doth appear the happiness of those Princes, who having shaken off that Ro­man yoke, and turned out those Emissa­ries, are freed of those dangers, which those of that Religion are exposed to, though often they are liable to their pri­vate [Page 9] attempts. Another politick strength of Popes, consists in the Colledge of Car­dinals, who are most of them chosen, ei­ther to gratifie Princes, or who depend up­on Princes, (without whose knowledge Princes hardly resolve any thing of im­portance about Popes) or else are Relati­ons to Princes; and it is certain, when these Princes interests come to be in com­petition with the Pope's and Churches, this last swayes with them above all, be­cause every one of these Cardinals is not without hope of being chosen Pope one time or other. Now I say, that Popes, as they are Temporal Princes, though they be Elective, ought to have that re­spect which deserveth the character which God hath set upon the forehead of Sove­raigns; but as he is a Tyrant over the Church, and an Usurper over the Heri­tage of the Lord; all good Christians and reasonable men ought to abhor him, not his person, but that Tyranny, Usurpation, and unlawful Actions of his.

I said, that 25000 or 30000 men, is a great number to be kept on foot by Popes any long while; not for want of monies, for as Sixtus Quartus used to say, The [Page 10] Church can never want money in her purse, as long as the Pope doth hold a pen in his hand. Indeed, besides the ordinary income to the Camera, for the occasions of the Church (so they call that State) the Office of the Diataria, brings to Popes for their own use, exceeding great Treasures out of all parts, which own his Religion; besides the private wayes they have to get monies, of which I shall speak; some reckon that Popes have 6000l. sterling a day, besides the casual incomes, which are very great: every time a Legat a Latere is sent abroad, he is allowed 250l. sterling a day: for proof of this vast Revenues, Sixtus the 5th, who Reigned but five years of a poor Countrey Family Peretti, yet he builded the Palace of St. John of Lateran, began that of Monte-Cavallo, fortified Civita Vecchia, built many Colledges, made chargeable Aqueducts; did many other costly works and reparations, wherein 'tis thought he spent a matter of 15 Millions of Crowns, or upon 4 Milli­ons of English pounds, and left f [...]ve Mil­lions of Crowns in the Castle of St. An­gelo, and did not charge his people with heavy Taxes; and then the Popes had not [Page 11] the Dukedom of Urbino, nor that of Fer­rara, and in a time that Reformation was carried on in a great measure in these three Kingdoms, France, Holland, Swit­zerland, Germany, Sweden, Denmark, and other parts of the North. And Paul the 5th. who indeed Reigned longer, left to the Prince of Salmona, one of his Ne­phews, 1000 Crowns a day, besides what he gave to several others of his Relations. And Gregory the 15th. of the family of Ludovisio, reigned only one year and a 11 moneths, and left to his Family 250000 crowns a year, or 62000 and 500l. besides. Thus as Popes are temporal Princes, so they lay Taxes upon their Subjects, and heavy ones too. The late Popes, since his falling out with France, within the space of two years, laid Gables or Taxes upon 16 sorts of Commodities, which were free before: So 'twas done upon the Soldiers, kept within the State, for every common Soldier was Taxed one Crown of his yearly pay, which came to between 5 and 6000 crowns, according to their number; and the whole people in the Ci­ty and Country were exceedingly op­pressed: The selling of Offices is now a [Page 12] setled custom in the Court of Rome, which is very beneficial to Popes: I shall give but an instance of the Camera Apostolica, or the Apostolick Chamber; the places of the Treasurer General, and of the Auditor, are sold for 80000 crowns a piece. There are Twelve places of Chierici, Clarks worth 42000 a piece; the Presidents is 30000, and so of others: the two fore­named Offices are the next step to the Cardinal; so that if the Pope will have 160000 Crowns he makes Cardinals those who have them, and from others he finds ready money for the places. And what shall we say to that vast Treasure of Loretto, which is inesteemable: every week, nay, almost every day, one gift or other is brought to it from Kings, Queens, Prin­ces, and other great Persons, Cities, and particular men; they have whole Cham­bers full of Gold and Silver plate; but this is nothing to that vast number of Di­amonds, and other precious stones, which they keep in a place made a purpose: in the Castle of St. Angelo, are ever 5 millions of Gold, and one and a half in Jewels.

Were it not for want of exercise of the Protestant Religion, Rome is as fit a place [Page 13] to lead a quiet and a contented life, as any is in the world, a man may live there as he pleases; and no body meddle with him; offend no body, and no body will offend you; and though the inquisi­tion be there, strangers are not troubled with it, except they speak against their Religion, which it were a great impru­dence to do; 'twere a madness for a man to go tell the Pope he is Antichrist, this were to tempt God, and contrary to the wisdom of the Serpent, which is commanded us. 'Tis an old and common saying;

Cum fueris Romae, Romano vivito more, &c.

A stranger and a Traveller must be all eyes, and all ears, but hardly any tongue at all, he must hear, he must see, and hold his peace. I say, at Rome there is a very great liberty; if a Protestant pleases, all Lent he may eat flesh, by the means of a Li­cense, which he may get for two shillings; You are not obliged to go to Mass, to Con­fession, nor to any of their Superstitious wayes. One thing there is, which a stran­ger may do to satisfie his curiosity, which is, to go to their Stationi, as they call it, that is, their Devotions to certain Chur­ches, [Page 14] which happens in one or other every week, where is a great concourse of peo­ple of all sorts, and constantly excellent good musick; so every Saturday at the Cardinal Padrone's, the Popes Nephew, lodging at Monte-Cavallo, all men of good fashion use to meet, to tell and hear news; so one day or other in the week, people use to meet at the Pallace of the Preferto of the Church, which is either the Popes Brother or Nephew. So at Monte-Ca­vallo, the Popes Palace; when the Consisto­ry of Cardinals is kept. So one may have the company one time or other of their Academists or Virtuosi, which in Rome are of three sorts, Humoristi, Lincei, Eantastici.

One thing more is, to follow the Cor­teggio of some Cardinal and Ambassa­dour first for Protection; for if any mis­chance should befall a man, when 'tis known such a Gentleman is of the Corteg­gio of such a Cardinal, he is respected, and no harm done to him without the leave of such a Protecture, into whose house one may fly for sanctuary. Second­ly, going with them (after the warning you have of it at your lodging) when they receive or make visits, or go to their au­dience, [Page 15] one may see their formalities and Ceremonies which are very great; they never visit one another but they send be­fore, one to know whether such a one be disposed to receive the visit of another at such an hour, and as Italians, give high names to things; they call this Am­bassage. Further, they receive not at the same time visits from two persons; it must be known also, whether such a person in­tends to come Incognito, or whether he will be known, which only consists in the putting on or off of a superfluous garment, and the Loops which are about the Hor­ses heads, which are of gold, if the Car­dinal be a Prince, a Roman Baron, or of the Family of a Duke and Peer of France, or other Kingdoms; so that according as they come, they are received nearer the Stairs, and with more Ceremonies, for every step they are to make is regulated, and they would not go an inch further; so that all that passes between them, is more belle parole then realities; I say, belle parole, not onely because they be Comple­ments, but also they are accurate expressi­ons, well pronounced, according to their proverb, Lingua Toscana in bocca Romana.

[Page 16] One thing I must needs observe of their civility to strangers who are of their own Corteggio, that although they know them to be Protestants, yet they never trouble them with any discourse of Religion. 'Tis certain, that this Court is as politick as any in the world, and where by a re­flection you may know all what passes in Europe: for no Prince in the world hath better intelligencies then the 'Pope, who hath Legates or Nuncio's in most Courts, and spies every where. Cardi­nals do receive their Letters from the Courts of the Princes whose interests they own; and the general of every Regular Order being usually at Rome, and receiv­ing a constant weekly intelligence out of all those parts where are any of his Order; and sometimes from the Con­fessors to Kings, Queens, and other high persons, do signifie what things they hear, to the Pope. One may judge of this by what they do at home; that which is to be admired at Rome, is that exceeding great number of spies under pay, which are there up and down in all houses, publick places, and at every corner, the Pope hath his; every Cardinal, and Princes (I put [Page 17] them before, for they take place of them) have theirs; one Cardinal and Prince will have his spie in the house of another, though some of them go like gentlemen of good fashion; and others who are of a higher form keep their Coaches; some of them have keys to come in at any hour by the back door to the persons whose spies they are. Some as Staffieri, or Foot­men, serve strangers; others are Masters of Excercises, nay, several Cortegiane or Prostitute women are under pay; so that by these means, no particular business comes to pass, but 'tis presently known. One day I had occasion to enquire for a mean person about an ordinary business, very far from my lodging, and from that of a third person concerned in't, in a cor­ner of a street, one that was with me in­quiring for such a one, in came to us an unknown man, who stood by, I admired to hear him say, what, you look for him about such a thing, he is gone to such a place: Every one of their great men who know this custome, do suspect every new servant they take. I have been told by a person who stood by, that the late Duke Cezarini, sent one day for a Notaro (or [Page 18] one of those Scriveners, who kept the List of some spies) whom he trusted, and have­ing shewed him the names of all his Do­mesticks, how doth it go said he? the o­ther answered, well; then said he, 'tis a wonder, I am here the only man; this Language is obscure, but he who stood by, knew the meaning of it. As to strangers, none come to Rome, but 'tis presently known who it is, whence he comes, what company he frequents, and the like. Not long since I hapned to be at Rome, at the same time that there was a considerable number of English-men; the late Pope told an English Priest, and an English Gen­tleman, who being a Papist, went thither for Devotion sake, That he wondered, that some of the English men that were then in town, did not come to his Palace upon the dayes he gave Audience, though it was but for curiosity; but said he, I know they are so taken up to drink, that they have no time to spare: He was well informed, yet this did not proceed from any contempt he had for the Nation; contrariwise he used to speak with respect of England, calling it the Land of Wonders: though this may be ambiguous, yet I believe he took it in a [Page 19] good sence, and he hath expressed the de­sire he had to have come to see it when he was Nuncio in Germany, if he could have done it with safety.

In Rome are to be seen several ancient and modern Curiosities; there are parti­cular guides for antiquities, the modern do consist in Churches, Palaces, Houses of Pleasure, called Villa, where you may see the utmost of Art in Architecture, Pictures, Statues, Gardens, Water-works; so there are Libraries, as that of the Vatican, en­riched with a number of Excellent Books, and rare Manuscripts in several tongues, and increased with the ruines of that of Heildelberg, and with that of Urbino: this Library can be compared to none but that of Oxford, yet with some difference: there are also private Libraries and Ca­binets, of all, which as of the curiosities of Tivoly and Frescati, places 12. and 18. miles from the City, there are exact re­lations in their Language, so that it were needless for me to name or to describe any.

Therefore I come to speak how Popes stand affected to their Neighbours; some grounds of this might have been laid for­merly, [Page 20] when the Apostolick Chamber had the direction of affairs: but since Popes are come to be so absolute, that the Cham­ber must do almost all what they please, now their interest, natural in [...]ination, fan­cy or Capricio, as they call it; and some­times the suggestions of a Kinsman and favourite, such as was Don Mario, though 'twas a woman, as Don Olympia, are the rule of it. Some Popes have had fallings out with the Venetians, as had Paul the 5th. concerning Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, and other things; Clement the 8th. with the Dukes of Modena about Ferrara; Ur­ban the 8th. with the Duke of Parma about Castro; and so of late Cardinal Franciotti, Bishop of Luca, was like to be the occasion of a great falling out be­tween the Pope and that Republick. Urban the 8th. was a great friend to France, but not to Spain, nor to the Grand Duke. Innocent the 10th. the half of his Reign was for Spain, and then he turned to the French; and the late Alexander 7th. was all along an enemy to France, chiefly up­on the account of Mazarini, whom he hated with all his heart; but the present Pope carries himself even between all, al­though [Page 21] before his Election he were sus­pected to be partial for Spain, but upon no sollid grounds; for those who pretend to the Popedome stand neutrals, and de­clare themselves of no party

The maximes of Pope's are different, according to their interest and temper; so that this being an Elective Dignity, no general rule but this can be given, that all endeavour to raise their Families to Ho­nour and Riches; however their Raggi­oni di Stato are, to hinder Naples from fal­ling into the Emperours hands: for Cle­ment the 7th. made penance for the fault which Leon the 10th. had committed to favour Charles the 5th. A second maxime is, still to give hopes of being promoted, to the dignity of a Cardinal to those po­tent Prelates that are at Rome, and else­where, to keep them in dependency, and from discontents and disturbances. Ano­ther is to confine the number of Cardi­nals to 70. which was an invention of Sixtus Quintus, to avoid the importuni­ties of several Princes, who solicited him to confer that dignity upon some whom he would not bring into the Colledge. Of the same nature as this is, another [Page 22] [...] [Page 23] [...] [Page 22] Arcano di Stato, concerning the Examen of Bishops, which was ordered by Cle­ment the 8th. to stop the designes of Prin­ces, who intended to promote to Prelacy many of their Creatures: for then they had been ashamed to present those who had no learning, nor other qualifications fit for the place. A further secret of state is, that of the Bull of Residency, whereby Bishops are obliged to reside in their Bi­shopricks; by the means of this, Popes do remove from their Court those Cardi­nals and others whom they dislike: By these means Urban the 8th. kept out of Rome Cardinal Borgia, and others of the Spanish Faction, who spoke too boldly to him: So did Alexander the 7th. keep a­way Cardinal Rossetti, who stifly opposed his Election. A further maxime of theirs is, to refer to Congregations, the demands of Princes about Ecclesiastical Laws, Ju­risdiction, and other things which Popes are not willing to grant, for so they lay the denial upon others. Another Raggi­oni di Stato, is, that Cardinals may not go out of the state of the Church without leave from the Pope, for so they prevent those Counsels and Assemblies before the [Page 23] which formerly they have at several times been summoned to appear. Further, as former Popes have humbled and brought down those noble and potent Families that were in Rome, which had given a great deal of trouble to their Predecessors; so at present Popes keep them low; by which means, they have so degenerated, that instead of those great and brave Cap­tains, now out of these Families come out idle, vicious, and effeminate persons. Last­ly, tis a very politick maxime of Popes, to send their Legate to Princes, to pacifie the quarrels arising between them, al­though they know 'twill effect nothing at all; and that sometimes 'tis their interest that such quarrels should last, for hereby they shew themselves to be zealous of the publick good and peace; and thus they maintain themselves the Arbiters of Princes. The Cardinals Nephews have also their particular maximes, namely to keep from preferment, and to remove from the Pope's person those whom they do not affect: on the contrary, to raise to dignities, and to procure places of trust to their friends and creatures. Pub­lick Ministers at that Court know so well [Page 24] the jealousie of Nephews, who will have nothing communicated to Popes, but by their means, that usually they impart first to them, that which they are to speak of to the Pope, and commonly they give them an account of what answer they had, taking Cardinal Padrons lodging from the Popes in their way homewards. A po­licy of the Cardinals, who are contrary to the Court, is to get some Eminent one disaffected as they are, to be their Head; and now 'tis a custome passed as it were into a Law, to choose none but Italians to be Popes.

Before the late Election, the Colledge of Cardinals was divided into the Ghigian party, which were all the creatures or friends of Alexander the 7th. six of them are of Siena, the City he was born in, the Squadra volante, the flying Squadron com­posed of the creatures of Innocent the 10th who having left no Cardinal of his Name or Family, Cardinal Imperiale was look't upon as the Head of them, and most part of these were brought in to this present Pope by Azzolino, one of their chief members; but the 3d. party was that of Barbirini Francesco the Dean of the Col­ledge [Page 25] being the head, and several of Ur­bans Creatures the members with some o­thers, who being poor, received pensions from Francesco; now a fourth part is rising, which is that of the present Pope.

Before I leave this subject, I must say something of him; He is called Clemene the 9th. which name he took, as he assu­red the Princess of Rossano, out of respect he doth bear to the memory of Clement the 8th. Aldobrandin; his name is Giu­lio Rospigliosi of Pistoia, an indifferent good City, about 20 miles from Florence, and in the Grand Dukes Dominions. This man was chosen the last year, in the 71. of his Age; he was employed as Nuncio in Spain, and then by the late Pope was chosen Secretary of State; he had a very sore fit of sickness a little while afore the Pope died; he was once given over by Physicians, and when he came to recover, and before the Popes death, he had thoughts to leave his place. He is a man of a middle stature, and very gray; being a Cardinal, he was accounted a wise States­man, and of great parts; I say he was, for I cannot tell whether he doth or will con­tinue so, for often have we seen in that [Page 26] place that Honours have changed manners; as it was well observed of the late Pope Alexander, of whom it was said, as of Galba, He had been worthy of Reigning, if he had not Reigned; Dignus Imperio, sinon imperasset; and of all other sayings, this most of all was fastned upon him; he was maximus in minimis, and minimus in maximis.

This Pope, since his Election to that Dignity, hath made a judicious Creation of Cardinals; he hath chosen his own Nephew to express his affection to him; the late Pope's Nephew, Don Sigismond, to express his thankfulness for the Obligati­ons he had to that Family; and herein he hath given an example contrary to that so much blamed of Innocent the 10th. who did so bitterly persecute the Relati­ons of his Predecessor. The third Cardi­nal Created, is Leopold, of the family Me­dici: Thus he hath repaired the fault of Alexander, acknowledged the kindness he received from the Grand Duke in the late conclave, and shews that he remem­bers he hath been his Subject: Fur­ther, this Pope hath done two things con­trary to the practices of his Predecessor, [Page 27] who, at the beginning, would own none of his Relations, nor have them about his person, or raise them to preferments, till he seemed to be forced to it by the earnest solicitations, and constant importunities of Cardinals, and publick Ministers; yet it is well known how indulgent to them he hath been all along; therefore, said the Romans, Alexander was as good as his word, that he would not receive his Re­lations at Rome, for he went to do it at Castle Gandolfo, a house of pleasure 12. miles from it: but the present Pope sent for his immediately after his Election, and would make no new Creation (as they call it) of Cardinals, nor distribute seve­ral favours till his Nephew was come back to Rome, that others might have to him the Obligation of it: The other thing he hath done is, that he hath suppressed in part those heavy Taxes which his Prede­cessour, or Don Mario, hath laid on the people; this hath much gotten him the love of his Subjects. Should I now go about to give a character of Don Camillo his Brother, his Nephews, and other Re­lations, it would be too much like a rela­tion, therefore I forbear it; and indeed [Page 28] I have been so long upon this particular, that I must be shorter in what follows.

In Rome are still some Noble and An­cient Families, as Colonna, which do possess three Principalities, Ursini hath two more. Savelli, whereof the chief is perpetual Marshal of the Church, and Prince of La Rizza, bought by the late Pope, and of Albano. Muti, Duke of that name, and Prince of Rignano, Cezarini, Prince of Jansano and Ardea. Conti, of which is the present Duke Pauli. Caetanis of which is the Prince of Caserta, Son to the Duke of Sermonetta. Frangipani, which is ex­tinct, for the late Marquess left out one Daughter, who hath been married to one of the name, who lives in Hungary. The others are Bentivogli, Baglioni, Peppuli, Vitelli, &c.

The new Families, to begin with that which now Rules, are, Rospigliosi, Ghigi, Pansilio, Barberini, Ludovisio, Borghese, Altemps, Cezi, Farneze, Aldobrandini, Buoncompagnio, &c. raised by Popes of th [...]ir family, as now Rospigliosi of Cle­ment the 9th. Ghigi of Alexander the 7th &c. Matthei also, and Lanti both Dukes in Rome, are both of good Fami­ies.

[Page 29] But now Clement the 9th. is dead, af­ter somewhat above two years Reign; he was old and weak, but the loss of Can­dia, hath probably hastened his death: his Relations had no time to rise very high, and they must leave the place to his kins­man, who is now to be chosen Pope: about whose Election the Conclave is now much divided; the Factions being great and stiff, every one driving on her Interest and ad­vantage. The Cardinals amongst them­selves being divided into four parties, be­cause they are all the creatures of so ma­ny Popes, Urban the 8th. Innocent the 10th. Alexander the 7th. and Clement the 9th. besides the Grand Dukes Interest is great in the Conclave: the Spanish is considerable in number, by reason of many of his Subjects in't; but as Cardi­nals mind themselves more than the Crowns; and as Spain is not mony'd, ve­ry probably many will fall off: on the other side, the French having some of the best head-pieces in the Conclave, and rea­dy monys, will go very far; and because the last time they were disappointed, and could not raise Farnese to the Popedome, they will strive very hard for it.

[Page 30] The Emperour, and King of Poland have also their Parties among the Car­dinals, but not considerable in themselves, only they may joyn with others. These Princes, as the French and Spanish Crowns Interests, are managed by those Cardinals who are their Protectors, and the Am­bassadours who are at Rome: of late the Crown of Portugal is also come in.

There are also those Cardinals called Neutrals, of those, who pretending to the Popedome, declare themselves (at least, not openly) for no party.

Cardinals first of all were called Roman Priests, sent by Popes, to Preach and do o­ther offices in the Churches, who owned their Authorities: There were but six upon their first Institution. Calpurnius Poncinus, in the year 231. raised their number to 10, so by degrees they were 70. but as Popes may alter the orders of their Predecessors, so they have lessened, or in­creased this number.

They were very inferiour in dignity to Bishops, to whom, and to the people the Election belonged formerly; but Inno­cent the 2d. gave it wholly, and only to Cardinals, in the year 1135. yet left it at [Page 31] their liberty to choose one of their num­ber, or another Prelate.

But in the year 1464. Paul the 2d. ordered that none but a Cardinal should be chosen Pope. Innocent the 4th. was the man, who in the year, 1242. altered the precedency between Bishops and Car­dinals, to the advantage of the last: the same gave them the red Hat: Bonifacius the 9th. the Habite: and Paul the 2d. the Cap of Scarlet: to shew, (as they say) how ready they are to shed their blood for the Service of the Church; though I think, that this colour and Purple which they use too, are to set forth their Pomp and Magnificence.

These Cardinals are chosen by the Pope, according to his intimation, and some few upon the commendation of the Emperour, and the King of France, Spain, and Poland, out of the German, French, &c. Nati­ons; according to the choice of those Prin­ces, who have liberty to commend, one two, or three, of what Nation they please: All these Cardinals are divided into three Orders, six Bishops, 50 Priests, fourteen Deacons: every one of them takes place of all Embassadours whatsoever, and pre­tend [Page 32] the hand from all Princes, except Crowned Heads.

Thus much I thought fit to speak of Cardinals, especially now upon the occasi­on of the Sede vacante, for they are met to make a new Election, of which 'tis ne­cessary to say something.

The Pope being dead, Nine days are employed towards his Funeral, and other formalities depending thereupon: On the ninth day after, Mass is said, a speech is made in commendation of the de­ceased, the Cardinal Padrone, that is Ma­ster, (a Title introduced by Paul the 5th. but fully confirmed by Urban the 8th.) who is a nigh relation of the late Pope, ac­qaints all Cardinals abroad with his [...]eath, who thereupon make all possible haste to come to Rome.

On the 10th day after the Popes death all the Cardinals who are able, meet at St. Peters Church, where the Mass of the Holy Ghost, as they call it, is sung by the Dean of Cardinals, he who is of a longest standing, or the next to him, if he be not well; there is also made a speech upon the subject of the Election of a new Pope, with a great concourse of people to [Page 33] hear it; after this, all the Cardinals go in a Procession towards the Conclave, following a Priest who carries the Cross, the Musicians singing their Veni Creator Spiritus.

This Conclave is a place in the Vatican near St. Peters Church, all made a new by order of the Cardinal Chamberlain, or Chamerlengho, all of wood, which after the Election, is disposed of by the said Chamberlain, where a small Lodging is made for every Cardinal, and every one hath his by lot.

The Cardinals, some Prelates, and Vo­laries go in then, whereof one reads with a loud voice the Bulls concerning the Electi­on of Popes, which being done, all Cardi­nals take an oath to observe what is there­in contained, in the hands of the Dean, and of Prince Savelli, who upon this action hath leave to enter into the Conclave, of which he is keeper, and perpetual Mar­shal of the Church, for himself, and suc­cessors: After this Ceremony every one goes to his dinner, and hitherto the doors are shut up, but after dinner all Ambassa­dors and Roman Princes have liberty to go in, and for the space of four or five [Page 34] hours they treat and negotiate with Car­dinals, within their private Lodgings, which time being past, they ring a lit­tle bell, whereupon every one is to go away, excepting the Cardinals, and the Deputies or Deputati of the Con­clave, to wit, two servants are allowed to every Cardinal, who chooses whom he likes, the old and weak ones are allowed three; for publick use, are one Sagrista, and Oschaltarra; and Solo Sagrista, who take care of things relating to their De­votions, and belonging to the Altar; five Masters of Ceremonies, the Secre [...]ary of the Conclave, a Confessor, two Physici­ans, an Apothecary, and two to help him; a Surgeon, two Barbers, two Masons, two Carpenters, and sixteen Porters.

Assoon as all others are gone, and these are within, the Conclave is walled in and out, after which, the Cardinals, Dean, and Chamberlain, go about it to see whether it be well: it hath formerly been ordered by some Popes, that after this, no Cardi­nal should be admitted, but 'tis not strictly observed, if they come soon after, and if the Election is like not to be ended so soon: Before they are shut up, orders are [Page 35] issued by them, for the peace and quiet Government of the City, it being very ne­cessary so to do, upon such a conjuncture, to prevent great and many mischiefs; now all that time the City Officers have a great power, so that if a Malefactor be taken, he is soon made away. 'Tis not usual with the Cardinals to discharge the Offi­cers entrusted by the late Pope, but 'tis necessary they should be confirmed by them.

Within the Conclave, is kept an exact Guard, under the Command of the High Marshal; first at the Ruota, seven in num­ber, which are some holes left unwalled, to take in the Victuals which are brought in to every Cardinal; These Ruota's are u­sed at Rome, in every Monastery and Nun­nery; the use whereof is to receive what things are brought from without, and gi­ven from within: For at the inside of the Wall are some few boards joyned toge­ther, of five or six foot high, and three or thereabouts in breadth, some more, some less; but being all of an equal bigness; and this is so suspended, that it turns about like a wheel, which in Italian is called Ru­ota; 'tis hollow within, so that it is capa­cious [Page 36] of receiving great dishes, baskets, and some can hold a child of twelve yeares old; Then upon the Staires in the Courts, and at all passages, Guards also are set with four great corps de guard in the great place before St. Peters Church; every time dinner is sent in to a Cardinal, 'tis attended by some of his servants, and a Mace-bearer, with a Silver Mace, with the Cloth and other things used at Table; this is done twice a day, and besides the Soldiers, four Prelates stand at every Ruota, to search strictly every thing which is sent in, the very bread is all cut in small pieces for fear their should be any bills in't, and those four Prelates are changed every day by the Marshal, to whom these bills shall be given, in case any be intercepted, which he will keep till the Election be over; but this is searched, not only without, but also within, by the Masters of Ceremonies; who have taken an oath of fidelity, and after the meat is in, these ruota's are sealed with paper, both at the in and out-sides: at every one of these holes, twelve Soldiers are of Guard in the day, and twenty five in the night time.

[Page 37] Every Cadinal eats and drinks alone with his domesticks, and all their victuals are dressed by order of the Martial, but the Church pays for't, and one buyeth as much as the other; there is also an allowance for others, who are shut up, some more or less according to their quality, but usu­ally the Cardinals servants have the rest of their Masters, and the Guards every where are mounted every day according to the Marshals order, who also according to the Bulls doth lessen the victuals of Cardinals, when ten days are over, since they, being shut up, in case the Election be not made, and this is to force them to ha­sten it, and to come to an agreement about it; which to effect, once a day they meet at the Chappel of the Conclave, and he who at last is chosen, ought to have two parts of three of the Votes, so that if of sixty he had but thirty nine, it would not be a right Election. The Cardinal Dean, hath the command of Cardinals, as the Camerlengo of others who are shut up, and and at last they must agree about him who is to be chosen, and all this while, all with­in the Conclave are ignorant of what passes in the City.

[Page 38] Assoon as 'tis known within the Con­clave who is the Pope, the Cardinal De­cano desireth him to approve of the choice which the Colledge hath made of him, which he consents to, and takes what name he likes, as Innocent, Clement, Alexander, or the like: then standing between the two chief Cardinals, he is led behind the Altar, where they take off his Car­dinals clothes, and give him the habit of a Pope; immediately after is sung the Te De­um: then all the Cardinals one after a­nother, falling upon their knees, do (to use their words) adore him, kissing his foot, then the right hand, and then he gives them osculum pacis, upon both cheeks, so they give him signs of submission, which is meant by kissing of the feet, they ex­pect from him Protection, in kissing his hand, and they receive from him a sign of affection, being kissed on the lips or cheeks.

These things being performed, one of the Masters of Ceremonies, takes the Cross, and carries it before him, whilst the Ecce Sacerdos Magnus is sung, and they go towards the Balcone which looks upon the great place before St. Peters Church, called La loggia della benedictione; [Page 39] and the Masons beat down the Wall of partition, and there the Pope being be­tween two Cardinals, they shew him to the People, who stand below in the great Place, one of the Cardinals with a loud voice pronouncing these Latin words, Annuntio vobis gaudium magnum, habemus Papam Eminentissimum & reverendissimum N. N. qui sibi nomen imposuit, N. N. Hereupon, the People cries out, God save the new Pope, God bless the Family, N. N. and at the same time, one can hear the Artillerie of the Castel San. Angela go off, there being constantly some to ob­serve the pulling down of the Wall; then all the Soldiers give their Vollies; the Drums beat, the Trumpets sound, and all the Bells in town ring. Assoon as the people hear who is chosen, they run to his Palace and Plunder it, it being the custom so to do; but those Cardinals who are likely to be chosen before they go to the Conclave, have removed the best things they have.

The Ceremony at the window of the Balcone being ended, all the Cardinals wait upon the new Pope to his Palace in the Vatican, whence every one goes home: [Page 40] in the mean time, the Pope receives no publick visits, only private ones from his relations, if they be at Rome, and those who have been his friends in the Conclave, who come to receive the effects of the promises he made to them to get their assistance, for usually they engage upon such conditions of interest and preferment: about a fortnight's time is allowed to pre­pare things, in order of his being carried in a Chair on mens shoulders to St. Peters Church, to take possession of the Popedom, which is done with much pompe and mag­nificence; and about a fortnight after he goes in a Cavalcata to do the same at the Church of St. John of Lateran: but from the first day of his Election, he begins to give his Orders about the Goverment of all his Dominions.

'Tis usual with every Pope to take an Oath before the Cardinals, about several things, the chief whereof are, 1. To la­bour to keep peace between all Christian Princes. 2ly. They will promote to the dignity of Cardinals, none but those who are worthy of it. 3ly. To call to an ac­count all the Officers of the State, of the Church, when their time is expired. 4ly. [Page 41] They will not make two Brothers Cardi­nals, which was the Decree of Julius the Second. 5ly. Not to alienate any thing be­longing to the Church, which things all the World knows how well they are ob­served, but if Popes may (as they think) dispence others from their oathes, why not themselves too? so that after this Principle of the Popes Infallibility, men who believe it, must not complain against him, for if he be infallible, he can do no­thing amiss; these were the words of the late Duke Cezarini to two Jesuits, who complained to him, that the Pope Alexan­der the 7th. had perswaded Father Oliva their General, to fell to him land for 100000 Crowns.

I thought it would not be amiss to mention so much about the Election of a Pope, it being seasonable now, in the time of a Conclave, for those who have a mind to be informed of their wayes about it, for as to many other practices of that Court, I wholly wave it off, as are their Formalities in visits, their change of cloths, creation of Cardinals, and things depending therefrom; of their Jubilees, In­dulgences, Blessing ofSwords, Agnus Dei's, [Page 42] and Roses, Cavalcataes, and Processions, Washing of the Feet, Beatification, Canoni­zation, and so many other things which we account to be vain or Superstitious.

I judge it unnecessary to mention the order setled in the Popes Court and Fami­ly, but withal think it not amiss to say few words about their great Courts and Offices, which I will only mention, they being not material for any Protestant State who have nothing to do there, by way of Publick Ministers.

All businesses there are managed by certain Councels or Commitees, which they call Congregationi, to the number of sixteen. The First, is that Del Sant Offi­cio, or Inquisition, which as all the rest hath a Secretary, by whom are given all dispatches, which he seals also with the seal of the Cardinal, who is the President of it; in it are treated Matters of Reli­gion, conducing to what they call Heresie, Prophanation, Blasphemy, &c. This ever is Governed by the Dominicans, and meets three times a week, on Monday at the Palace del sant Officio, on Wednesday, at the Dominicans Church, called, La Mi­nerva; and the Thursday, before the Pope.

[Page 43] The 2d. is that which takes cognizance of affaires concerning Bishops and Regu­lar Priests, or other of their Diocess's, of this, as of all the rest a Cardinal is the Head; into it enter 24 Cardinals, which is the greatest number of any, yet never under six in any other; whensoever Fri­ars have any falling out with Bishops, they presently threaten to bring them be­fore this Congregation, which meets every Friday in the House of the Cardinal, Pre­sident of it.

The 3d. is del concilio, the jurisdiction of which, is to give interpretation to the Text of the Council of Trent, it meets every Sunday in the House of the Cardi­nal President of it, or a Thursday if he hath a mind to it.

The 4th. is della immunita Ecclesiastica, instituted by Urban the 8th. to judge of Ecclesiastical Priviledges, which is kept every Thursday, at one of the Popes Pala­ces, a Cardinal being the Head of it, for which the Camera allowes him 1000 Crowns a year.

The 5th. is di stato, which handles mat­ters of State; all the Cardinals, who have [Page 44] been Nuncios and Ambassadours, come in to it, and the Secretary of State: there is no prefixed day, but it depends upon the pleasure of the Pope, or his Nephew Car­dinal, in whose presence it meets.

The 6th. is de propaganda fide instituted by Gregory the 15th. it consults about all manner of wayes, how to promote the Roman Faith throughout all parts of the World; all their Emissaries depend upon this, so that what Jesuits and Priests soever we have here, have their mission from this Congregation, whereof Cardinal Francesco Barberini is President▪ it meets usually once a moneth upon a Munday, either in the presence of the Pope, or in the Colledge called de propaganda fide, which is, in Piazza d' Ispagna.

The 7th. is de' Riti which judges of all differences about Ceremonies, Formali­ties, Places, Canonizations, &c. it sits once a month, and more if needs be, in the House of the Cardinal President of it; who is ever the Senior of the Deputies, who is to summon it, as do all other Car­dinals, Presidents of other Congregati­ons.

The 8th. is del acqua wherein are [Page 45] treated Matters concerning Rivers, Chan­nels, Bridges, and the like; there is no certain day to meet, but when occasion re­quires it, the Cardinal who is the Head of it, sends out his summons about it.

The 9th. is; delle Strade, whereof the Camerlengo is the chief, all things rela­ting to the necessaries and ornament of Streets, is treated of in't, under its jurisdi­ction are matters of Aqueducts and Foun­tains; the distribution, whereof is made by this Congregation as they think fit and convenient: and meet only upon occasi­on.

The 10th. is della consulta per governo, dello stato di S. chiesa, is of a great concern­ment, it takes cognizance of any thing relating to the Government of the whole State of the Church; all Legats, Gover­nours of Cities and Provinces give an ac­count of what things of concernment happens in their Government to this Con­gregation, who orders them to act as they think fit: yet by especial priviledge, the Legats of Avignon, Ceneda, Benevento, and the Governor of Fermo, and Spoleti are free from her jurisdiction. The Car­dinal Padron, for the time, who is ever a [Page 46] nigh relation of the Pope, and who rules all under him is the head of it, at whose pleasure it usually meets in his Lodg­ings.

The 11th. is dell, indice, into it are brought Matters of Books, Printed, or to be Printed, to be examined, Corrected, and Licensed; it usually meets once a month or seldomer, as the Cardinal President of it is pleased to order.

The 12th. is degli Syravii, or grievances, otherwise, De buono Regimine, 'tis a Court of redress and equity, this, particular sub­jects, and whole Corporations apply themselves to, when they are wronged, or oppressed by their Governours; this Cardinal Padron, is the Head of, who or­ders it to meet at his house when he hath a mind to't.

The 13th, is Soprale Zecche, about the mint; sees all monies to be coyned, and sets the price of forreign Coyns, and all currrent moneys. This Congregation up­on occasion, meets at the house of the Cardinal, head of it.

The 14th. is Dell, Essame. All they who are to be promoted to any Bishop­ricks in Italy, and not one of it, are to be [Page 47] examined by these; it is usually done in the Popes presence, and at his pleasure, for the time, he who is examined kneeling all the while upon a stool opposite to the Pope; the Cardinals only are free from this examen.

The 15th. is de negotii consistoriali, a­bout consistorial affairs; of which the Car­dinal Docano, Senior, or Eldest as to Electi­on, is the head: at whose house 'tis kept but very seldome, because it treats only about matters referred to it by the Pope, as are resigning of Bishopricks, Abbeys, Ecclesiastical Taxes and Impositions.

Having already mentioned Consistorial Affairs; one is to know that the Consi­story is the Assembly of all Cardinals then at Rome, whereat the Pope is ever present: it being kept at Monte Cavallo on Mun­days, Wednesdays or Frydays; where more general and serious Affairs are trea­ted of: and what things the Pope is plea­sed to lay to their consideration, upon a consistory day, no Congregation is kept except it had been summoned before the Pope had intimated the Consistory; and in such a case the Congregation is put off till the afternoon; for Consistories are [Page 48] ever held betimes in the morning.

Of Consistories, some are publick; when by example, hats are bestowed upon Cardinals after a publick Cavalcata, or when Audience is given to Ambassadors, and forraign Ministers; or else private, ac­cording to the Affairs they are to treat of; and this last sort are kept more often than the former.

That which they call Collegio, is the whole body of Cardinals; among whom ever is one Camerlengo of the Sacro Colle­gio, to distinguish it from the Popes Cham­berlain, and is but for a year: there is al­so a Secretary, a Clerk, and Controller [...] the Secretary is ever an Italian; but the Clerk is one year a German, another a French man, and then a Spaniard.

But there is the 16th. and last Con­gregation, Della visita Apostolica, whose care it is to see all Churches, Chappels, and places of devotion in and about Rome, that nothing be wanting in't, tending to the necessaries, ornaments and decorum thereof; and to cause every thing to be duely and orderly performed in't.

Besides all these Courts, there is a con­siderable one called la Ruota, composed of [Page 49] twelve Prelates; whereof there is one German, one French-man, two Spaniards; one of Bologna, one of Ferrara, one Vene­tian, one Toscan, one Milanese, and three Romans. They judge of all causes about Benefices, whether they be in those Coun­tries which own the Popes authority, or else-where. About which they use to meet in the Apostolical Palace twice a week, on Mondayes and Fridayes; and although the place of Auditori di Ruota be not very beneficial in it self, it being not worth much above one Thousand Crowns by the year, yet the Pope, bestowing upon them other Ecclesiastical preserments, it makes it very considerable, the more as to honour, that sometimes some of the Auditory are made Cardinals.

There is also the Camera Apostolica, or Apostolick-Chamber, consisting of the Cardinal-Chamberlain, the Governor of Rome in quality of Vice-Chamberlain, the Treasurer-general, the Auditor and the President of the Chamber, the Advocate of the poor, the Solicitor-general, and Attorney-general, the Commissary & o twelve Chierici or Clerks; whereof four ever are Over-seers or Prefetti, the one dell [Page 50] Annona of all manner of Corn, and price the other della grajua over the price of all sorts of Flesh and Fish; the third over all the Prisons which he visits, with others, every Thursday; and the fourth is to o­versee the Streets. The Jurisdiction of this Court is extended upon every thing relating to the Church, in the way of Bonds, Leases, In-comes, Expences, mat­ters of Rights, Customes, Impositions, and all Rights, Possessions and Priviledg­es; in a word, when Popes were not so absolute, as they are now, these Camera, was as the Guardian of the State of the Church, to see that it should not be imbe­ciled, wronged or a lienated; so that 'tis in­deed the true Treasury of the Church, all Tributes due to it being paid here.

There is also another Office called Di­ataria, which is administred usually by a Cardinal, who hath one under him called Sotto Datario, throughout whose hands pass the vacancies of all benefices, which bring yearly very great In-comes to the Pope, who allows 2000 Crowns to the Datario, and 1000 to the Sotto Datario. This Office is not the same as that of the Secretary of the Pope, as some do imagine; [Page 51] for he who is properly the Secretary of State is the Popes Nephew, or Nephews sometimes, who hath several under him: to him all Ambassadors, & publick Mini­sters make their addresses. This writes and subscribes by the Popes orders, all Letters to Kings, Princes, Nuncioes, and others, and signs the Patents of several Gover­nours, and other Officers of the State of the Church; yet the Patents and Com­missions of Legats, Vice-Legats, Gover­nors of great Cities &c. are signed by the Pope himself, and sealed sub annalo piscatoris.

But there are other great Offices gran­ted for life. First, The Popes Vicar, now Cardinal Gimetti above 84 years of age, a coveteous man, who hath many Kinsmen, which two things have made him lose the hopes of ever being chosen Pope. His Juris­diction is extended upon regular Priests & Nunneries: the Jews, and deboist women which in Rome are publickly allowed, for which toleration, 'tis the common opinion, they pay a Tribute, and certainly there is more than opinion in't, because every one who is a House-keeper, & a known Whore must have her name registred at the Office [Page 52] of the Vice-Gerent, who is one of the chief Officers of the Vicario, who is also the Judge of them as such: so that all the year long they enjoy the liberty of their licen­tious life, except at certain times which they call Uacanze, as about Christmass and Easter, for then the Sbirri or Bayliffs go to search their houses, and if they find any there, they may if they will carry them and her to prison; Therefore to prevent this inconveniency, these women send to the Office, and by the means of some mo­neys, obtain a defence to those Officers to come to their houses, and to molest them. And in the dayes of Alexander the 7th. there was a talk of suppressing these infa­mous houses; a sign of the Popes prote­ction, which gave occasion to this im­pious pasquinata, laudata Dominum pu­eri.

Another great Office is that of the Som­mo penitentiere, at present Cardinal Ludo­vicio, a person of mean parts; his Juris­diction is about Penances, Absolutions, and Confessions; for he having many un­der him in great and weighty cases, they acquaint him with the faults, though not with the name of the party, to know of the [Page 53] penance to be said upon.

The Vice-Cancelliere, or Vice-Chancel­lor so called, because the Pope reserves to himself the Title of Chancell or of the U­niversal Church, hath the whole ordering of the Chancery. The Camerlengo, now Cardinal Antonio Barberini, hath a very Honourable and beneficial place, for the Chamberlain takes cognizance of every thing belonging to the Camera, and in the time of Sede Vacante, or when there is no Pope, he takes the Popes Lodgings, is attended with his Guard, and causes money to be coyned in his Name: This place is worth 15000 Crowns by the year; besides of three Keys of the Trea­sure of the Castle Saint Angelo, he hath one, the Pope having the other, and the Cardinal Decano the third.

The Prefetto della signatura di giustitia, must see all Petitions about matters of Ju­stice, and answers them, ordering what he thinks fit to be done about it. The like is done in matters of grace, pardon, &c. by the Prefetto della signatura di gratia. The Prefetto de brevi peruses and signs all the Apostolical Writs and Orders. The Bibliothecario is Over-seer of the Presses [Page 54] and of the Library in the Vatican, and commands those who have any thing to do in it. These four last Offices I menti­oned only because they are in the hands of Cardinals as well as the four former, though lesse honorable and beneficial.

So are the three following bestowed upon Cardinalls, and all is for life, to wit, The three Arch-Priests; of St John of La­teran, now Cardinal Ghigi; of St. Peter in Vatican, at present Cardinal Francesco Barberini; & of Santa Maria Maggiore, now Cardinal Rospigliosi, by the late re­signing of it up by Cardinal Antonio Bar­berini, who received some satisfaction for it. Now these three Arch-Priests have an absolute power over all the Canons, Priests, Curats, and Beneficiaries of their Churches; which Benefices they may be­stow upon whom they please when they are vacant; besides this, he of Lateran hath the administration of Justice in civils and criminals over all persons within the Jurisdiction of his Church,

Having already insisted so long upon this Subject, I must forbear speakingof o­thergreat charges, whether they belong to the Court, as the Master of Ceremonies, [Page 55] Master of the S. Palace, Secretaries, Steward, &c. Or be Military, as Gene­ral of the Galleys of the Popes Guards of the Church, who hath four under him, to wit, of Avignon & Ferrara, and the Gene­rals of the Horse, and of the Artillery. This great place is ever given to a nigh relation of the Pope; and he, with him of the Gal­leys, and the Governour of the Castle Saint Angelo, are answerable of their acti­ons to the Pope alone; or whether they be Ecclesiastical, as Almoners, Chaplains, &c. or at last, whether they be Civil, as Go­vernour of Rome, divided into 14 Rioni or Quarters; namely, Monte, Colonna, St. Eustacio, Ponte, Regota, Ripa, Traste­vere, Trivio, Campidelli Parione, Pigna, Campo Marzo, St. Angelo, Borgo; but this last is actually depending upon the Governour of St Angelo, and also Sena­tor, and Conservatours of Rome, &c.

The King of Spain comes next to the Pope in Italy; he hath Naples, and the Islands of Sicily and Sardegna upon the Coasts, with Milan in Lombardy, and Finale the head of a Marquisate upon the Coasts of Genoa, and nearer to Tuscany, he hath Portolongone, and Orbitello.

The State of Naples.

NAples containes twelve Provinces which are a division of the three ancient, their names are Terra di Lavora Principato citra, Principato Ultra, Ba­silicata, Calabria citra, Calabria ultra, terra d'Otranta, terra di Bari, Capita­nata, Contato di Molisse, Abruzzo citra, and Abruzzo ultra.; Most of these parts are inhabited by very dangerous people, the more by reason of the abundance of Woods which do shelter those Rogues, whom the Crimes they have committed have driven from the Cities, whither they are not safe to return; whence they have the name of Banditi, and whom the protection of Great Men to make use of them one against another, by reason of their animosities, keeps there: those of Calabria, specially along the Coasts, have the name of being the worst of all, so ha t 'tis turned into a Proverb, He is as wicked as a Calabrese. The best part of the Kingdom is, Terra di Lavoro, which is all the Countrey about Capua and Naples: There are but three good Ha­vens [Page 57] able to receive at Fleet, Brundisi, Taranto, and Trani; for Gaeta, Napoli, Puzzuolo, Bari and Otranto, are neither safe nor great enough. 'Tis said, that the Cities, Lands, or Castles in the King dome come to 2573, the least of which will make 500 Souls, or there abouts: They have good Souldiers, but proud, treacherous and inconstant for the gene­rality; yet there are brave men amongst the Nobility, I mean for Civility, Cou­rage and Valour. The chief strong Holds of the Kingdom have Garrisons of Natu­ral Spaniards, by whom they are strangely oppressed, as by them they were conque­red.

They are Governed by a Spanish Vice-King, to whom this people is given as a prey, that he may make himself a­mends for the Expences he hath been at in some chargeable Embassage, or a re­ward for some service he hath done to the Crown; so that in three years, which is the usual prefixed time for the exercise of that Authority (because the Court of Spain would not have Subjects to grow too potent in those parts) they squeeze and oppress that people with an [Page 58] infinite number of Taxes, and other heavy burthens; the Nation being look't upon by them as Factious, Seditious, reckoned and desirous of Novelties; there being 30 notable Rebellions within the space of 500 years: So that the Vice-Kings rule with a Despotick Authority; and let him do what he pleases in this kind, people must never look for redress, he not being accountable for things of this na­ture; Besides that, the City, or any part of the Kingdom may not send upon any occasion an Agent or Deputy into Spain without a special License from the Vice-King, which he grants very seldome: Neither are the Nobility free from op­pressions, being dragg'd into Prisons, or driven into Exile upon the least suspicion that they grow too potent, or are any ways disaffected. The insolencies of the Spanish Souldiers, and others of that Nation are not at all punished; the very High-way­men, and other Rogues, who are as thorns in the sides of the people, and who vex, disturb, and plague them, are winked at, except it be upon a jealousie of State: So that, that formerly flourishing King­dom, and full of all manner of neces­sary [Page 59] and delightful things, is at this day brought to an utmost misery; that Nati­on not being allowed so much as liberty of trading with strangers, on selling their Inland Commodities, but upon certain Conditions, and a Licence well paid for▪ and all the Gold which can be gathered there, is sent into Spain, which doth a­mount to vast sums. The Duke Medina delas torres los volez, told one day the Ca­valiero Damenico Zane, then Embassadour at the Spanish Court from Venice, that in six years of his Government of that Kingdome, he raised 44 Millions of Crowns to supply the occasions of the Dukedome of Milan, and of Flanders, Moneys are drawn from thence, with a number of Souldiers to serve in the wars that are made in the forenamed Coun­tteys: These and many other intollera­ble oppressions caused the great and many insurrections that have been there, which cost so much blood, not only in the times of troubles, but long after, it being the custome of Spaniards to punish to the Tenth Generation those faults which have been committed against the State. For all this, the Nobility of that King­dom [Page 60] triumphing over their miseries, and boasting of their slavery, are high and proud, and yet gentle and courteous in their carriage, though they insult over the common people, they spend beyond their estates, are splendid in an outward shew, but frugal at home, loyal to the King, Enemies to the people, slaves of Royal Ministers, and very hard to their Vassals, whom they pinch to the very bones: with all this they hate the Spanish Na­tion.

Out of this, one may judge of that enmity which is between the Napoli­tans, specially the people and the Spani­ards; there is never a year but hundreds of these last are killed by others, either at night in the streets of Naples, or in the fields, when Fruits and Grapes grow ripe; this people, and so those of Milan, are grieved to see how those same Spaniards who come to them in a low and poor condition, and with Capatos de Cuerda, within a year or two do live very high, out of the blood and substance of the Countrey. So that the Spaniards being so hard Masters, they keep what they have in this Kingdom only, by the means of [Page 61] the division which is in it; so they keep all what they have in Italy, only because the Italians suffer them to enjoy it for fear of falling into the hands of worse Ma­sters, not that they can have worse, but because they are not so sensible at injuries received from Spaniards, as those which they have suffered from some other Nati­ons, not as to the things, but as to the man­ner of doing them; the Spaniard layes heavy burthens and impoverishes them, and upon suspicions and jealousies of State takes away mens lives; nay, he attempts upon the Honor of families, but he carries it with more secresie and circumspection than other lighter Nations, whose man­ner of proceeding seems more insolent; besides that, the Spanish haughtiness and gravity is more sutable to the Italian tem­per. Further, Spain and other Dominions belonging to it, being remote from Italy; the Italians do not account them altoge­ther so dangerous, as other Martial Na­tions who are at hand. However, if the late Duke of Guise had play'd his game well in Massanillo's time, and well used that conjuncture, he could have given them a great check in that Kingdom, but unad­visedly [Page 62] he left the City, which was at his Devotion, and he kept a number of inso­lent persons about him, which ever undid the French affairs in Italy.

There goes a story of this Duke, that several persons of Quality and Interest, to the number of 2000, appointed a Marquess to go in their name, and tell him, they were unanimously resolved to stand by him, and settle the Crown upon his head, if he would come to them; but he was fast a­sleep when that Person came to his Pa­lace; Who said, he had matters of great concernment to impart to him; but his people being loath to awaken him, he was forced to stay a long while; at last being awaken'd, the other was called in, but be­fore he was come to the Chamber, the Duke had began to Dance a Courante▪ and would not speak with him till he had Danced; which the other being arnazed at and offended, said to him afterwards in few words, I was come to you upon such an Errand; But said he, by my so long waiting here, the time and opportunity are lost, therefore know that, Co'l balare non se quadagnano li Regni, Kingdoms are not gotten by Dancing: So he went to [Page 63] those who sent him, and told them what he had seen; so that every one went home, and this person soon after forsook the Kingdom to avoid the punishment which the Spaniard would have inflicted upon him: If this be true, how did he strangely miscarry in't, for so he lost all the Nobility, who afterwards closed with the Spaniard.

The City of Naples is great and popu­lous, they reckon, that with the late Plague 200000 died in it. Churches there are a Sanctuary to Malefactors, which hath been often an occasion of falling out between the Vice-Kings and Card. Filo­marini late Arch-Bishop, for some of those having upon occasion caused these Malefa­ctors to be taken by force out of; these Churches; he threatned, and did actually excommunicate some for breaking, as he pretended, the priviledges of those Churches, as if the House of God (if such a name may be given to such places) was to be a Sanctuary to, and a den of Thieves. There are three Castles in this City, one is St. Elme upon a Mountain, built by King Robert the first; the other is Castel Novo, in the Port which keeps [Page 64] communication with the Palace of the Vice-Kings nigh to it, this was built by Charles, brother to Lewis the 9th. of France; the third is, Dell-Ovo, which is upon a Rock in the Sea, William the third of Normandy built it. There are also several fair Churches embelished with rare Pictures, and other ornaments, so ther are two Cabinets worth seeing. At the end of one of the Suburbs, in the way to Puzzuola, is, la Grotta di Lucullo; a way made through the Rock of almost a mile in lenth, and broad enough for three Coaches when they are gotten in't: I shall not mention all the relicks of An­tiquity which are seen in the way to Puz­zuola, when one is at it, and at Baya, as the Elysian fields, and those other things so often mentioned in the Poets; nor the mount Vesuvius, now la Montagne di Somma, these things are out of my pur­pose. I return to Naples, and say, that the Virtuosi there are called some Ardenni, others Intronati; and 'tis to be observed, that when these Societies take a name, 'tis either a Title of imperfection, which betokens a privation, or of a moral Vir­tue, or of some habit of the Intellect, [Page 65] and all this to shew that they esteem and study the perfection, contrary to the de­fect signified by the name.

Their great Offices of the Kingdome are either given or sold according to the Kings pleasure, but the last rather than the first; and this for life: They are the High-Constable now a Rom an Prince, of the Family Colonna, the high Judge, high Admiral, high-Chamberlain, Gran Pro­notario, a kind of a Principal Secretary, Gran Sinisculco, or high-Steward, and high-Chancellour, all which are given some to Italians, some to Spaniards.

All the High-Courts do sit in the City of Naples, for there are the Seggi, which are the Assemblies of the Nobility of the whole Kingdom, divided into five Classes: The first is Seggio Capoano. The second, Di Nido; the third, Di Montagna; The fourth, Di Porta: and the fifth, Di Porta nuova, so that except one be ad­mitted into one of those Seats, he cannot pass for a Nobleman or Gentleman; the Nobility and Gentry there differing only in Degree, and not in Order; now some enter into several Seggi, so that to be ad­mited in, he must be past 20 years of age, [Page 66] and have the greater part of the Votes of all the Nobles of the Seggio.

Out of these 3 Seggi are chosen 3 Gen­tlemen, who with one chosen by the peo­ple, make up the Body, called the Magi­strate of the City, through whose hands do pass all manner of Taxes and Impositi­ons which the Vice-Roy hath a mind to lay upon City and whole Kingdom: they also finde out means how to bring it a­bout.

There is also in Naples that Tribunal so much talked of, called, La Vicaria, which matters of the greatest importance are brought unto, and receive; appeals from all parts of the Kingdom. The greatest of all is also kept there, called it Collaterale, whereof the Consigliere, or Counsellors have the Title of Regenti, and for distinction-sake, they wear a long gown, this under the King is the Supreme Court of Justice, treating of several im­portant matters; these Regenti are chosen by the King, part Napolitans, and part Spaniards, and 'tis for life.

It also hath a Councel of State, which judges of things concerning War compo­sed, of six persons, whereof three are [Page 67] Spaniards, and three Italians, half Souldi­ers, and half gown-men, chosen by the King; over this as all the rest is the Vice-King, whose authority is very great, and the profit arbitrary.

I am loath to omit speaking of a cu­stome of the Napolitans, for all their re­served temper once a year, at Vintage­time, they allow themselves a very great liberty of jesting one with another; the meanest person is then allowed to jear the Noblest man of the Land, who use to begin with them: they give one another all the bad names which their Language doth afford, whereof the least at another time would cause murthers and stabbings. This calls to my mind a singular custome they have at Rome, when there is fallen some snow, at which time the most reser­ved and vertuous men and women throw Balls one at another; the Princes and their Wives practise it one with another within their Palaces: Neighbours throw it through the windows into the Cham­bers one of another; if one hath any kindness for another, 'tis the fashion to go under the window, and throw in some, as they receive some, if they go by the [Page 68] door of any of their acquaintances; and this is amongst them a token of civility and favour, and so much observed, that if any Gentleman or friend of mine comes to me, the most vertuous woman that happens to be my Neighbour, can shew me no greater respect nor kindness, than to throw at him snow balls.

Before I speak of the secrets of State, which the Spaniards have in relation to this Kingdom, 'twill not be amiss to speak few words of some Maximes they have in general; relating to the rest of their State-Dominions in Italy. At Madrid for the affairs of Italy, there is a particular Council consisting of six Counsellours, whereof two are Napolitans, two Sicili­ans, and two of Milan, besides the Presi­dent, who ever is a Spaniard, and now the Marquess of Vellada by name; This Council was instituted by Philip the Se­cond, no other affairs but those of Italy are treated of in it, which formerly be­longed to the congnizance of the Council of Aragon. When first of all the Spani­ards came to Italy, and had gotten foot­ing in it, they went about by fair means to insinuate themselves into the affection [Page 69] of the Nation, to turn it upon occasion to their own advantage; but the Italians, who, as they say of themselves, Dormono Co'll Occhio aperto, who are constantly a­wake, stood upon their guards, and obser­ved the Spanish motion, which being ta­ken notice of by the House of Austria, Charls the 5th, & then the Council I spake of just now under his Son Philip the se­cond, took another course, and went a­bout to terrifie them with their Arms, to draw some to them with fair promises, to threaten others, to sow divisions amongst them, but above all they lookt upon the Republick of Venice as a great let to their designs, having ever appeared to be the Champion of the Liberties of Italy; the troubles which this raised in those parts sometimes against Mantoa, other times, against Savoy, &c. are well known; but now a constant maxime they hold, is, to get at Rome as many Cardinals as they can to be their friends, that if possible they may every time have a friend of theirs chosen Pope, the truth is, they are potent in the Conclave, because of several Napolitans, and Milaneses who are in it, the several means they have to gratifie [Page 70] Church-men, by conferring Benefices on them within their Dominions in Italy, and by selling Lands and States to others within the same, besides the many pensi­ons which they allow to several of them: so that whilst the French hath but eight or ten of his side, namely, D' Este, Ursi­ni, Antonio, Grimaldi, Mancini, Mal­dachini, de Rets, Bouillon, the greater number of them are for the Spaniard; 'tis true, 'tis very chargeable for them to keep this party, and a Spanish States-Man had reason to say, It were better for his King to buy Popes ready made, than to make them.

But now in few words, Spaniards do govern Naples with these few rules; the first is, to hold good correspondencie with the Pope, not only because they do him homage for it, but because he is a next neighbour, much able to trouble it, and to foment and assist Insurrections in it. The second is, to foment Divisions be­tween the Nobility and the people, and between the Nobility themselves who being all together united, could for certain drive them out; and though the Napolitans Horse's back be much [Page 71] gall'd, if he could gather his strength to­gether, he would be able to shake off the Rider. The third Maxime is, as much as they can doe to make great States fall into the hands of women, whom they marry afterwards to Spanish Noble-Men.

The Chief Families of that Kingdom are at present Caraccioli, where of the Duke of Auelina is the Head; Caraffa, of which Family is the Duke Matalone; Pignatelle, who had the title of Duke of Monteleone, Monaldesqui, Aquaviva, Brancaccio, and several others who have the name of Princes, as, Marana, &c. The antient family of the Princes of Saler­no is extinct as to the name, and their Pa­lace at Naples; which was very stately, hath these several years been possessed by the Jesuites.

I shall not say much of Sicily, 'tis go­verned by a Vice-King at present; the Duke of Albuquerque, as Don Pedro d' Arragon is he of Naples: This Island is known to be plentiful; and as formerly it was the Granary of Italy, so 'tis still of part of it, but specially of Maltha, for the Gallies of the Order come almost e­very [Page 72] week to transport Corn cut of it. Messina drives a great Trade of Silks; the Inhabitants have still their est & non est, that is, when any thing is proposed by the Vice-King or his Order, after a de­bate had thereupon to satisfie the people, they cry out non est, if it be not contrary to their Priviledges; if it be, they say, est, then every one gets to his Arms. This City hath several priviledges, but cannot get them confirmed at Madrid; neither do the Vice-Kings dare to trust themselves amongst them; therefore they reside at Palermo, which was the landing place of Don Pedro d' Arragon, when the moneys he had received from Lewis the 9th of France, to make war against the Infidels in Affrica, he went to drive Charles d' An­jou, Lewis's Brother, out of the Kingdome whereof he was lawful Sovereign. The peoople of this Island speak a very corrupt Italian Language, mixed with some words of corrupt Greek; & as their Luanguage is, so are their manners, and nature, which how treacherous it is let the Sicilian Ves­spers bear witness; by which action they are become not only odious, but also a proverb to Italy, having thereby been the [Page 73] author of all the disturbances where-with the Spanish Nation have since affli­cted those parts of the world; it had been something in withdrawing from the subjection of one (who though he was their lawful Prince, yet he was of a Forein Nation) they had gotten their li­berty; yet Princes may see of how dan­gerous a consequence is this president: but to leave the bad for the worse, 'tis to find a pain, wherein they look't for a pleasure, that is, to be no more reaso­nable than were the Frogs, who rejected the Reed, to have the Stork to rule over them; they should have learned of the Fish, how it is better to keep in the Pan, though amidst boyling water, than to leap out and fall into the burning flames and fire.

Mount Aetna, now Gibello, with some of his flames, is still to be seen; its horrid late casting up stones, flames, cinders, as far as Catania, and the running of Rivers as it were of fire and brimstone, are known to all Europe; Such as we cannot read e­ver there was the like. Syracusa is not very far from it, which is much decay'd, they shew some old standing ruines of a [Page 74] Castle, as they say of Dyonisius; they affirm 'twas in the shape of a shell; in the Centre of which was the Tyrants Closet, whence by the means of some pipes, which conveyed the voice, he heard (if we believe the Tradition) e­very word spoken by the prisoners; 'tis probable that such a thing may be, there being things of that nature in se­veral parts; though these prisoners were at a great distance from the Clo­set.

The Spaniards govern this Land al­most by the same Maximes which they use in Naples, only they let them have some few Priviledges, in consideration of their withdrawing from the French, and giving themselves up to them; ne­vertheless, the Spaniards are much odi­ous to them by reason of the great and many oppressions they suffer from them, for the which no body pities them, since they brought it upon themselves; how­ever, 'tis the division of the two Chief Cities Messina and Palermo about prece­dencie and other things, which upholds the Spaniards authority in the Island; for when one of these Cities stands up, the [Page 75] other stoops, and they do every thing in opposition one to another; the Spaniard therefore knoweth how much it imports to his interest to see these differences con­tinue, he foments it with the best of his skill, and to the utmost of his power.

It were in vain to speak of Sardegna, seeing the people in it are become Spani­ards in every thing. There hapned in it not long since a great division caused by falling out between two of the Chief per­sons of the Island, but having been both transported into Spain, the Factions were dispersed, and gave way to a general tran­quility. This is a Kingdome, and there­fore is Governed by a Vice-King, who was lately Prince Ludovisio. Of late they have stirred very much, having killed a Vice-Roy; for which act some have been executed, which their Friends and Relati­ons highly rescenting, are causing new Disturbances; so that the present Vice-King not thinking himself strong enough, hath desired more Forces out of Spain, specially his Enemies being potent in Ca­gliari, hereby are laid the foundations of an eternal hatred, for their Children in­herit of the quarrels, and desire of ven­geance, [Page 76] as of the states of their parents, this had been a fair occasion for any for­rein Enemy of the Spaniard. This Island, as that of Sicily and Naples, maintain a number of Gallies, which of late is much diminished, for put them altogether with the squadron of the Duke of Tursi, they do not come to above twenty.

The state of Milan.

VVEsterly it borders with Pie­mont and Monferrat, Sur Southerly with the Republick of Genoa, Westerly with the Duke of Parma, with the Republick of Venice and the Duke of Mantoa, and Northerly with the Valto­line. The Dukedome of Milan is as good and as plentiful a Countrey as any in Italy, full 300 miles about, plain and even ground; in it are many Lakes full of Fish, and is watered by considerable Rivers, which make it pleasant, plenti­ful and strong; Po runs by Cremona, the Tanaro by Alessandria, and the Bormia, which is a little one not far off. Adda, nigh to Lodi and Ticcino by the walls [Page 77] of Pavia, by Milan run two Channels, one of which is of great use (and this goes through it) and both for watering of grounds, whence it is that they have so good pastures; hence it is that this Duke­dom doth furnish with Cheese all Italy, and other places; the best sort of that which goes under the name of Parmesan is made at Lodi, one of the Cities of the Dukedome, and its Territory. This Countrey doth also produce abundance of all manner of Corn, good Fruits, and good Wines; this goodness of the Soyle, joyned to the industry of the people, makes it very rich; it contains many Cities, as Mila­no, Pavia, Tortona, Alessandria, Della Paglia, Novarra, Mortara, Vigevana Cremona, Lodi, Como and Lomellina, eve­ry one strong, and except Mortara, the head of a Territory, which borrows its name from the Town. This Dukedome is Governed by one sent from Spain, and hath the name of Governour, who was Don Lewis de Gusman ponce de Leon: And now the Marquess de Los Balbases: These Governours improve well their time, which, as I said in the case of Na­ples, is for three years, or thereabouts, [Page 78] except they be confirmed; and this makes part of the misery of that people, that every three years they have new and greedy Ministers, who make haste to be rich, and when they begin to be full, they are gone to give place to one who is as hungry as they were. The King of Spain rai­ses here one Millions ofCrowns a year, but it goes all for the necessities of the State. In time of peace there are kept 5000 men; there was a strong hold, called the Fort San­doval, which commanded the way into one of the Gates of Vercelli, which is but a Cannon-shot off, and 'twas raised to bridle that place; but the Spaniards after the taking of Vercelli demolished it not long since as a thing chargeable, and nor neces­sary; but by the late Treaty of Peace with France, they restored Vercelli to the Duke of Savoy.

The City of Milan is called the great, for 'tis of a large circumference, full of people, to the number of about 300000, and of handy-craft-men, almost of all fort, in so good repute amongst the Ita­lians, that when any sumptuous clothes or furnitures are to be bought, or any considerable equipage is to be made, to the [Page 79] very Liveries, they send thither to have it done: They work much in Silks, Gold and Silver thread, and make admirable good Gun-barils; all this maintains a­bundance of weak and poor people. In this place is a Castle, esteemed one of the strongest in Europe, well provided with Ammunition and Artillery; there is a particular Governour of it, who doth not depend upon the Governor of the Duke­dome, but hath his Orders immediately from Spain. In this City is a very great number of stately Churches, specially the Domo, all built with white Marble; they say, about it are 600 Statues, which cost 1000 Crowns a piece: if this Church be once finished according to the design; none but St. Peter in Rome will be able to compare to it; till then, this last will be the fairest in Europe, and I believe, of the world, for all the great commendati­ons given to that of Santa Sophia in Con­stantinople. I returnto Milan, and say, not only there are in't fair Churches, but also sumptuous Cloysters, Hospitals, Palaces, and other Noble Buildings: A Church­man there hath a fine Cabinet full of Rarities, most of his own invention and [Page 80] making. Virtuosi in Milan have the name of Nascosti; but I must not omit to say that the house which the Cartusians have fifteen miles from Milan, and five from Pavia, is the best of their Order.

Notwithstanding the Proverb tha [...] the King of Spain governs Sicily in meekness, or Dolcezza Naples by fraud, or con Inganno, and Milan by Authority, con Authorita (which may be understood in relation to the strong holds he hath in it:) 'Tis his maxime of State, to Rule this Dukedome with more gen­tleness, than the rest of his Dominions in Italy; This practice is inforced by the temper of the people, who are nor so willing nor so apt as others to suffer abu­ses, burthens exceedingly heavy, nor other great opresfions, their spirits can hardly bear it; they are of an humour free, open, plain, and as they call it, Rozzo, being usually called the Lombarad's temper: That which makes further the Spaniards more circumspect in this, is that many Neighbour Princes would willingly receive and assist them, if they came to have a pull for their li­berty, for they joyn with the Duke, of Mantoa, the Venetians, with Parma, [Page 81] Genoa, Piemont, and with the Grisons, by the Ualteline; therefore the Spani­ards, who knew the importance of that passage to them, struggled so hard for it, and set all Europe in an uproar about it: yet for all this gentleness of theirs used to the Milenesi, that peo­ple is not free from grievances and op­pressions. That Countrey which for a long while together hath been the seat of War, hath been obliged to maintain in a good measure the Spanish, Germans, French, Savoy, Modena, and Mantoan Forces, the perpetual lodging, quar­tering, and contributing, for the Soul­diers hath wasted them; and all this hath been a pretence for the Spanish Mi­nisters to oppress them: The Italian Pro­verb saith, that the Spanish Ministers in Sicily Rodono they Gnaw, in Naples Mangiano they eat, but in Milan Divorano they devour: but they bear it, seeing that excepting the Republicks, the Subjects of other Princes are used no bet­ter than they.

At first the Sforzi got this Countrey from the Visconti, and the House of Au­stria [Page 82] hath gotten it from these, yet the Venetians have of it Brescia, Bergamo, and Crema: I will not shew whose right it is to have it, if the Heirs of Valentina have it not. The Chief Families of it are now Borromeo, Trivultio, Stampa, Trotti, Sforza, Homodei, Litta, &c.

Finale is a Town well fortisied, of great concernment to the Spaniard, for 'tis the only door they have to get into Milan from Spain, Naples, Sicily, &c. It is also a bridle to the Genoesi. Portolon­gone and Orbitelle are also upon the Coasts, the one on the Continent, the o­ther close by upon a Rock in the Sea, of great importance to bridle the Grand Duke, Viareggio belonging to Luea and the Genaesi.

The state of the Duke of Savoy.

THe Duke of Savoy is the most con­siderable Prince of Italy, after the Crowned Heads; He comes from Hum­bert, a younger Brother of Saxony, and a man of fortune: Amede the great, or, le Comte Verd, or Green Earl, so called, be­cause usually his Clothes were of that co­lour, as were those of his Followers; by his merits and good fortune raised himself to a great credit; he did great Services a­gainst Infidels, specially at the taking of Rhodes from the Infidels, and then he took the Motto about the Coat of Arms which to this day that Family retains; F. E. R. T. signifying, Fortitudo, Ejus, Rhodum Tenuit. His History is in Fresco at the pleasure-house of the Dukes at Rivoli. This Family was first Earls of Moriene, then by Marriage and favour of some Emperour, Princes of Piemont, and Dukes of Savoy; and of late from the Duke of Mantoa, they have gotten Trin and Alba in Monferr at by the Trea­ty of Chierasco, so that besides Piemont [Page 84] with its Vallies, and Savoy, the Duke hath upon the Sea-coasts, Villa Franca, Oneglia, and Nizza di provinza, with as strong a Castle as any in Europe, his Do­minions indeed are large, though to speak the truth, Savoy is a barren and a moun­tainous Countrey, which defect is some­what made up by the indefatigable la­boriousness of the people, and by the populousness and plenty of Pie­mont.

His Court is for certain the Ornament of Italy, not composed of a vast number of persons, nor solitary neither; there is in it a variety without confusion, well compacted, consisting of choice persons, well qualified for a Court in a handsome and orderly way; In it the French and Italian languages are commonly spoken, and the free French manner of life is pra­ctised in it. These Princes have been, and are still very Honourable in Europe; for this long while Emperors and Kings have given them the Title of Serenissime, when some other Princes of Italy did not so much as pretend to it: but it happened in the days of Pope Urban the 8th, that he (it may be to please his Nephews) [Page 85] gave a higher title to Cardinals than they had before, the title of Illustrissime was changed into that of Eminentissime; this obliged some Princes to take the title Se­renissime and of Highness; upon which ac­count still to keep a distinction between them and other Princes, the Dukes of Sa­voy added Reale to Altezza to make up Royal Highness, which they pretend to, as being Titular Kings of Cyprus, and so by vertue of a match with France, the French did not oppose it; and this Duke is now in hopes that the King or Prince Regent of Portugal (being now himself own'd to be a Crowned Head) by reason of the late Marriage, or that which is to be made with that Prince Re­gent, and the Dutchesse's Sister, will ap­prove of it, but upon what grounds I dis­pute not.

This Duke is Vicar of the Empire in Italy, he could not yet obtain from the Emperour the Investiture of what he hath in Montferrat; however of late the Electoral Colledge at the Sollicitation of the House of Bavaria, whose present E­lector married his Sister, did something on his behalf, to wit, made a Decree, [Page 86] that his not being invested by the Em­perour shall be no prejudice to his Right, seeing he had used his diligence to obtain it. 'Tis a thing which raises much the Glory of this Prince, that he hath seve­ral of his Subjects descended from Emperours of East and West Kings, o­ther Sovereign Princes, and of the Chief Families of Italy; in Piemont alone are above fifty Earles, fifteen Marquesses at least; this makes him the more Conside­rable, and adds something to his strength, which on the other side doth con­sist in the largeness of his Dominions, the Number, Affection, and Fidelity of his Subjects; and in his strong places, of which the Castle of Montmelian, though taken by the French, is one of the chief in Savoy; they use to say, that their Prince hath a City which is 300 miles about, to shew how thick Towns are in it, and how populous it is; in Piemont alone are 8 Epis­copal Cities, and 130 very populous pla­ces. Another thing is, that the Duke is as absolute as any Prince in Europe. 'Tis said of Charles Emanuel, this Dukes Grand-Fa­ther, that one day discoursing with Henry the fourth of France, and the King having [Page 87] asked which of the two Pistols (pieces of Gold) the French or Spanish he ac­counted the heaviest; his answer was, That which I shall give my grain to, meaning that of the two Kings, he whom he would assist should be the strongest.

His Riches I will not mention, his year­ly income is said to amount to one Mil­lion, and Eight Hundred Thousand Crowns, out of which Savoy and the Val­lies yeild him but Four Hundred Thou­sand, all which is Nobly spent. I must say however, that Gold and Silver are scarce in his Dominions, which on the other side afford him a great plenty of all things, whereby all manner of provisions are at a low rate. Upon consideration of this, two several proposals were made to the present Duke by a judicious person; the first and less important, was to settle a fixed and a constant Office for the con­veniencie of Travellers, so that giving so much, they should be defrayed for their Diet, and should be provided with Hor­ses; to this effect a Correspondencie was to be setled at Lyon, as this had been con­venient for strangers and safe, so it had made the moneys of all those who enter [Page 88] Italy that ways to pass through the hands of the Dukes Officers; and these sums had been very considerable, seeing all those, who go by land into Italy out of Spain, in time of peace out of France, and pats of Germany, come by the way of Lyon, this would have encouraged many to go that way who do not, helpt the sale of provi­sions, and brought Moneys into the Countrey: but this Proposal, though ap­proved, yet wanting a further encourage­ment came to nothing. The second is to make Nizza, or Villa Franca a Free port, any of these lies convenient for ships, this would bring in Trade, and conse­quently Moneys, and would help the sale of the Lands Commodities: but I o­mit the reasons which are given to in­force this proposal, for I must come to o­ther things.

Turin is the Metropolis of Piemont, and the ordinary place of the Dukes Resi­dence, when he is not at his houses of plea­sure, of which he hath as great a number of fine and convenient ones, as any other Prince: This City is well seated in a plain, the Rivers Po and Doire running not far from it; in the Court is an Office of [Page 89] the Admiralty, as they call it of the Po, which is more for formality-sake, than for any benefit. In Turin are to be seen the Old and New Palaces, with the Gar­den, from the place to the New Palace to that of St. Garloe, is on both sides a row of fine Houses all uniform. I shall say no­thing of Churches there, nor of the Coun­trey-houses, as Rivoli, Moncallier, le Va­lentin, Millefleur, and la Venerea, which is the present Dukes delight: but I must take notice that there is as good a Cita­del as any in Europe, in which there is a Well, into which one may go down to water a Horse, and at the same time, one can come up thence and not see one an­other. There are also Armes for 40000 men.

Many things I omit here to tell, that Carlo Emanuele, the present Duke, is a Prince well made of his person, of a mid­dle stature, full face, with that natural red, which only doth embelish it; his sight is none of the best, as may be obser­ved when he eats or reads; he loves hun­ting with some kinde of excess, the scorching heat, nor the foulness of wea­ther, being not able to divert him from [Page 90] it: and by this constant course he hath brought himself into a capacity to en­dure any hardship; yet this passion doth not take him off his important businesses, which he is vigorous in, and follows it ve­ry close: He hath set days to give Publick Audience, at which time the least of his Subjects may speak to him without any disturbance at all, and he hears them very patiently, as he is an active man, so he takes cognizance of every thing, and im­parts all to his Lady, who being a judici­ous Princess, and exceedingly complying with his Highness, she ever hath a place in his Closet, as in his Bed.

He is a Prince very civil to Strangers, and now frugal at home, for he finds his Ancestors have been too free so he hath been himself, but now says for a reason of his alteration, that as to Frugality he can­not imitate a greater Monarch than the, King of France, with whom he hath a conformity of temper, joyned to a natu­ral affection. His inclination to Women hath been discovered by his actings with the Marchioness of Cahours, and is daily observed by those who follow his Court. His first Minister of State is the Mar­quess [Page 91] of Pianezza, of the Family d' Al­lie, and Brother to Count Philip; a great Polititian he is, and a greater Enemy to the Protestants of the Vallies of Pie­mont: His Son the Marquess of Livorno, kept the place when he was lately reti­red for some distasts, though under pre­tence of Devotion. The Marquess San Germano Governour of Turin, is of the same Family; The Marquess Palavesin (Successor to the Marquess de Fleury, who was turned out for his privacies with the Marchioness de Cabours) Captain of the Guards, is also much in favour; so is the Old Marquess of Vo­ghera, whose Lady hath the oversight of the Maids of Honour, but none can boast of being his special Favourite. The Princes of the Blood are few, the Young Prince of Piemont, Son to the Duke by this Wife, and Prince Philibert, with the Earl of Soissons, Sons to the late Prince Thomas. There is at Court a Princess, the Dukes Sister unmarried: there is a Natural Uncle of the Dukes, Don Anto­nio, Governour of Villa Franca, and a Na­tural Son of the late Victor Amedeo, who lives privately in France.

[Page 92] This Princes Countrey is much expo­sed to the French power, whereby they have been stript twice, and therefore his interest is to agree with France, for fear of bringing himself into the sad conditi­on which the Duke of Lorrain is in, for the 18 or 20000 men, which without any great inconveniencie he can keep on foot, could hardly save him; he is withal as handsomely as he can to prevent the French from setling in Milan, for then he would be shut up by them every way.

The State of the Grand Duke.

THe Family of Medici, of which are the Grand Dukes of Toscany, hath not been very long possessed of that Dig­nity, neither is it so antient as are many others in Italy; when Florence was a Republick, 'twas one of the Chief, but no more than the Strozzi, Pitty, and some others were. Alexander began the work, but was quickly dispatched by his Cousin Lorenzo: then came Cosmo, who was the first named & Crowned Grand Duke by Pope [Page 93] Pio Quinto of his Family, Ferdinand who left off the Cardinals Cap after the death of his Elder Brother, Cosmo 2d. and Fer­dinand 2d. who is the present Grand Duke, who married Donna Vittoria della Rovere, last heir of the late Duke of Urbi­no. Some say a Physician was the first who raised that Family, and that in to­ken of it, they took the Pile (but 'tis the Balls or Globes) for their Armes; they were raised by Charles the 5th. the Emperor, who gave Margarita his Na­tural Daughter to Alessandro, and so for­ced the Florentines to submit to him.

The Grand Dukes are Creatures of Clement the 7th. and of Charles the 5th. Emperour, with whose arms and coun­tenancing, they became Masters of Flo­rence; at present they are in possession of three formerly potent Republicks, to wit, Florence, Pisa, and Siena; they have all antient Toscany, except Luca and Sarzana; hence is the Proverb, which saith, If the Grand Duke had Luca, and Sarzana, Sarebbe, Re di Toscana, for he hath also the Cities of Pistoias Volterra, Cortona, Arezzo, Montepulciano, and several other lands and Castles of a [Page 94] lesser importance, besides part of the Island Alba, where is Cosmopoli, and Por­to Ferrario. When the Dukes came to the Government, the Florentines had subdu­ed Pisa, wherefore the condition of that City is the worst of the three, for being a conquer'd Countrey they are under the Jurisdiction of Florence; but Siena is Governed in the same way, as when it was a Republick, owning none but the Grand Duke, or the Governour sent by him; thus they have nothing to do at Florence, even they are used better than the Floren­tines, who being look't upon at sactiout men, and desirous of liberty, are not on­ly disarmed, as all other Subjects are, but are more bridled too: A further reason is, that the Duke doth homage for it to the Crown of Spain (as he doth for Radico­fany to the Pope) therefore he dares not take altogether the same liberty there, which he uses in other places. Pisa is void of inhabitants, but well seated, and hath in it several things worthy to be seen; the Grand Duke delights to be in't, there­fore he comes to it, having the conveni­encie of a Forrest, which lies not far from it. Siena is a fineCity, in a good Air, with good store of people in it, the Italian [Page 95] tongue is well spoken, the Virtuosi that are there, are called Intronati.

Florence, the place of the Courts ordi­nary residence, is a stately City, and very populous, there being accounted to be 100000 souls in it; the Gentry in it doth not think it below themselves to follow trade, which is specially of Silks, so that it may pass for a rich town; there are in it 10 or 12 Families, accounted to be worth one Million of Crowns. There are three Castles, fine Churches, speci­ally the Domo, which on the outside is all of white and black Marble, and that incomparable Chapel of San Lorenzo, for the which Marble is not rich enough to enter, as one of the Materials, but Jasper, Agatha, Porphiry, &c. There are further rare Palaces, and the Dukes Galleries exceedingly rich, the River Ar­no runs through it, there is that learn­ed Society, called la Crusca.

The Grand Duke trading much under­hand, as its thought, and being very frugal, must be very rich; not to mention those rich Galleries of his esteemed worth a­bove three Millions, but he draws to him­self the best of his Dominion, there be­ing [Page 96] hardly in the World a Countrey more oppressed with Customes and Tax­es than this is; hence it is, that except Florence, where trade doth flourish, and Siena, where is still some rest of liberty the whole Country is the Grand Dukes, very little inhabited, and full of po­verty, and this for fear those Toscan active wits should cause some disturbance; therefore he hath several strong holds, with a 1000 horse commanded by stran­gers, and about 4000 foot, besides the Militia's, which upon occasion ought to be ready. 'Tis a priviledge of the Horse-men, that they may not be arrested for any debt whatsoever; so that any one that's affraid and in danger of it, uses all possi­ble means to get in amongst them.

This Prince for his person is a judi­cious man, and upon all occasions carries himself very politickly, besides the gene­ral genius of the Nation, the particular one of the Florentines, which goes be­yond others, and his own natural parts; Having ruled these many years, he hath gotten a great deal of experience; there­fore he knows admirably well how to far fatti Suoi, to mind and do his busi­nesses, [Page 97] whereat he is as a Cervellone, Itali­ians call it. He carries his whole Council a­long with him, for he hath no constant nor fixed Councellours, but upon occa­sson he sends for whom he pleases to have their advice, but all resolutions do abso­lutely depend upon him; so that the whole manner of his Government is to be attributed to him alone. He is extra­ordinary civil to strangers, specially if they be persons of Quality, and after they have had the Honour of waiting on him, he sends them a Regale, or a present of Fruits, Wines, &c. But of all Nations, Germans are those who have the great­est priviledges about his person, and in his Dominions, strangers of other Nati­ons having any thing to do with his Searchers, and the like Officers, do free themselves of toyl and trouble, by say­ing they are Germans; and at present, a­mongst those many of that Nation who are at his service, there is one who is much in favour with him.

He is very careful to know the affairs of other States, to be able the better to rule his own, to that end he spares no char­ges that he may be well informed of it, [Page 98] knowing it is the deepest policie of Prin­ces to dive into the affairs of others: so every year he spends great sums of mo­neys to maintain the Spies he keeps a­broad, there being no Court, and hardly any considerable City, but he hath some to give him intelligences of what passes in't.

He will have an exact knowledge of the state of every thing within his dominions, therefore in 1645, having a mind to know the yearly Income of his Clergy, he caus­ed an account to be made of it; 'twas found to amount to 765000 Crowns, whence one may guess he doth not neglect to know his own, which is thought to be of half a Million of English pounds, be­sides Casualities, of which he hardly spends the half; so that he must needs have many a Million in his Coffer; Indeed Legorn alone is worth a treasure to him, it being the most noted Store-house of all the Mediterranean, there being at it an extraordinary concourse of Ships from all parts, and 'tis a place well fortified; there is in it the Statue of Ferdinand the first, with four slaves in Brass, then the which nothing better can be seen in that [Page 99] kind. But to return to the Grand Dukes riches, he daily improves them with his frugality, for to save charges he hath lessened the number of his Gallies, having now but four, two of which are unfit for service; and to get monies he hires the others to Merchants to transport their Wares; formerly his Gallies lay along the Coasts to secure them from Pyrates; now they have Towers along the Sea shore, where they use tolight fires when any Enemies or Pyrates appear, which gives a warning where the danger is. This Prince gathers monies on all hands, for at Florenee, Legorn, and other places, he receives Contribution from the Cortegiane, or prostitute women, for the tolleration and protection he gives them; so that an injury done to any of those Infamous per­sons shall be punished, as if it had been done to the most virtuous in the world. But the Grand Duke is not satisfied to be frugal himself, he hath often exhorted the Grand Prince his Son to the practice of it; Son, saith he, Non spender' quell' che tu hai perche, chi non ha none; Do not spend what thou hast, for he who hath no­thing, is nothing.

[Page 100] Another way of this Grand Duke to get monies, and wherein lies his great maxime of policy at home, is to keep his Subjects low; no people in the world lye under heavier Taxes and burthens than this doth; every house that is Let out, payes him the tenth part of the rent; e­very Contract of Marriage, Eight by the hundred of the portion; and every one who will goe to Law, afore he begins must pay two for the hundred, out of this one may judge of the rest; this usage makes that Prince to mistrust his Subjects, who are active, stirring, and men of preg­nant parts, exceedingly desirous of, and breathing after liberty, for 'tis very hard for a people who lived a long while in a way of Republick, to bring themselves to live under a Monarch, so absolute and so hard as this is; so that upon this account the Grand Dukes strong places are all well furnished with Armes, Ammunition, and Provision, not only to resist a for­reign Enemy upon occasion, but to bridle his own Subjects; which is indeed a sad case, when a Prince hath as many Enemies as he hath Subjects; how can he think himself sure with those who hate and fear [Page 101] fear him, seeing any one who out of de­spair caresnot for his life, is ever the Ma­ster of anothers, specially in those parts where 'tis so much used, and where men are so skill'd at it; and the Devil who is a murtherer from the beginning, omits no occasion to infuse bloody motions into his Hirelings. Happy is that Prince whose strongest fortress consists in the love of his Subjects, who hath not only their hands but their hearts along with him; 'tis cer­tain that of all Enemies the Domestick is the most dangerous, and the most to be feared. Oderint dum metuant, was a fit expression for such a man as Tyberius. Yet though the Grand Duke keeps his people so low, he hath left them a shaddow of liberty, whereat they be somewhat satis­fied, it consists in the use of those common Laws of Justice which they had in the time of the republick.

Now to the maximes of State of this Prince in Relation to his Neighbours, the first is apparently to be united with Spain, yet in private to keep friendship and cor­respondency with France, which the Spani­ards often times have been much displeased at, and had some thoughts to resent it, but [Page 102] fearing least the remedy might prove worse than the disease, they have chosen to sit still. What he doth in France, the same he practises with the Republick of Venice: but that which he minds most of all, is to have a good number of Cardinals, and other useful persons of Quality his pentioners at Rome, to have none but those who be his friends chosen Popes, for the great'st stormes he is afraid of are from thence, for knowing how matter is combustible at home, he fears least Popes would encourage and assist his people to recover that liberty which they are so much longing after; and there hath been some Popes who were born his Subjects, as one of the Cle­ments, and lately Urban the 8th. who have given him or his Ancestours trou­ble enough.

Of his Family, Prince Matthias his Brother died lately, Governour of Sie­na, and now Prince Leopold is created Cardinal, his Son the Grand Prince his Heir Apparent is called Cosmo, who hath married the Princess of Voalis, of the French Royal blood: for a long while there hath been an unhappy falling [Page 103] out between them, but now all differen­ces are composed; by some the fault was laid upon one, and by others up­on the other; 'tis not fit for men to search into the causes of falling out be­tween Husband and Wife, specially when they are Princes; some particu­lar ones I heard, which I doe not minde, onely one may say that the retired man­ner of life practised in Florence differs very much from that which is lead at Paris, so that an Italian may happen to require a thing which a French Wo­man will have no mind to grant: I know in Toscany there are still some Noble and Ancient Families, but as the Grand Dukes have been very jealous of their Aurhority, they have either root­ed out, or brought very low the Chief, and those of whom they were the most jealous.

The state of Mantoa.

THe Family Gonzaga hath possessed the State of Mantoa since the year 1328. at which time Roberto Gonzaga having expelled some petty Usurpers, he made himself Master of it; they enjoyed it without any Title till the year 1432. when the Emperour Sigismond Created Giovanni Francesco Marquesse, and Charles the 5th. in the year 1530. made Federico Duke of it; this Married Margarita Paleologa Heir to the Marquesate of Mon­ferrat. The Titles of this Prince are these, Duke of Mantoa, Marquess of Monferrat, Prince, and perpetual Vicar of the Empire in Italy, Marquess of Gonzaga, Viadane, Gozzolo, Dozzolo, Earle of Rodiga, and Lord of Luzara.

These Dukes could formerly live in as great a splendour as any Prince in Italy, their equal, specially since Monferrat was united to their State, but since the late Warre made against the Duke Charles the first, in the year 1630. by the House of Austria, under pretence [Page 105] that he had not done homage to the Em­perour, nor acknowledged him for his Soveraign, though the true reason was, because being born in France, he was by them suspected to be wholly inclined that way, and by the Duke of Savoy, who would have stript him of Monfer­rat, which is joyning to Piemont: their Strength is so weakned, and their Reve­nue, and yearly Income so lessened, that without the help of other Princes they cannot maintain their Garisons, as it is in the case of Cazal that strong place, so that from above 300000 Crowns they had a year, they are brought to 80000. which yet are not clear. Mantoa, for­merly a most flourishing and very popu­lous City, hath at present but few Inha­bitants, and is full of misery, not caused by their Princes who have been the meek­est of all Italy, but they could not rise up again since they were taken and plunder­ed by the Imperial Army. The best Or­nament of that City was, and is, still the Dukes Palace, where they reckon at least 550. Chambers very richly furnished with hangings and bedding, there are 1000. Beds, and many rich Statues; but be­fore [Page 106] the taking of the City, 'twas as they say, more stately and rich, then the Mills only of the City were worth 10000. Ster­ling a year. Upon occasion this Duke can raise 10000. Foot, but not to keep them very long, and 800. Horse: now the Mantoan Horse is esteemed the best of Italy.

There are more Sovereign Princes of this Family, than of any other in Italy, because Duke Alfonso having many Sons, would make every one of them a Sovereign; therefore by the Empe­rours consent, some Lands he separated from the Jurisdiction of Mantoa, and others he bought; so that the Eldest Sonne was Duke of Mantoa, another Prince of Bozzolo, a third Prince of Sabionetta, another Duke di Guastalda, a fifth Duke of Novellara, and a sixth Marquesse of Castiglione della Stivere: but now Sabionetta as a Doury hath been alienated by a Marriage to the House Caraffa in Naples, and since, the Princess of Stigliano of this last Family being married to the Duke Medina de las torres los Velez, brought this State in­to his Family.

[Page 107] The late Duke Charles the 2d. to u­nite himself the more to the House of Austria, (for the late Emperour had al­ready married a Princess of his Family) took one of the Princesses of Insprack to his Wife, but for all this he neither was much trusted to, or rewarded; the truth is, he was affected to France, whose interests he would not have separated from, if he had not thought himselfe slighted at Paris, and less respected then was the Duke Francis of Modena. This Duke of Mantoa died not long since in the flower of his Age, leaving only a Son of 12, or 13. years old, who hath succeeded him. He was generally inclined to Women, but in particular to the Countess Margarita di Cazale: He was a great Gamester, and lost much money at Venice: Upon all occasions he was sup­plyed by a Jew of Mantua, who almost ruled the Dukes Affairs to his own advan­tage, and to the Princ's loss. Jews are tollerated in Mantoa to the number of above 5000. for which they pay 20000. crowns, or 5000. Sterling a year, the more willingly because they are obliged to no marks of distinction, as they are in [Page 108] all other places. The City of Mantoa, as all others that are consideralile in Italy hath some Virtuosi called Invaghiti,

It hath been a maxime of State of these Princes to be united to France, where they had the Dukedoms of Nevers, Rethel, and Mayene which Cardinal Mazarine bought, the last for himself, the other two for one of his Nepews, and also to be united to the Venetians; to the first, because that King could fall heavy upon the Duke of Savoy, the perpetual and un­reconcileable Enemy of his Family; to the last, because being his next Neigh­bours, they could assist him upon any occasion. The Friendship which seems to be between this Duke and those of Parma and Modena is not real, by reason some State-differences which happened former­ly between them: With the Grand Duke he hath had fallings out about the Prece­dency of their Ministers: though the Grand Duke hath larger dominions, the others Family hath been more Noble, and is more Antient; besides the other reason of the enmity is, that the Grand Duke hath several Goods of his for the portion of the Princess Catharina di [Page 109] Medici, married to Duke Ferdinando.

But the greatest Enmity of this House, is, against that of Savoy about Monfer­rat, and other things; their differences are so great, that no means can be found out to compose them: and here I must not omit to speak of the Treaty of Chie­rasco in reference to these differences: thereby the Duke of Savoy is put in pos­session of two good Cities of Monferrat, but some satisfaction is to be given for them to the Duke of Mantoa, therefore the French doth oblige himself to pay the Duke of Mantoa 494000. Crowns of Gold pretended by that House from Sa­voy for portions; but for the forenamed Summe, the French is put in possession of Pinarolo, and yet the Duke of Mantoa never asked those Monies, protesting a­gainst that Treaty; so that upon occasi­on this may happen to be a ground of troubles in Italy.

The State of the Duke of Parma.

THe Dukedoms of Parma and Pia­cenze, two of the best Cities of Ita­ly, have been possessed by the Family Farneze above these 122. years, after se­veral revolutions they fell to the Church, and were at last by Pope Paolo tertio, gi­ven to Pietro Luigi Farneze his Son born afore he was a Church-man. Charles the 5th Emperour opposed it at first, but af­ter the marriage of Ottavio 2d Duke with his Natural Daughter he approved of it; besides the Dukedoms of Parma and Pia­cenza in Lombardy, he hath the Duke­dome of Castro, and County of Roncigliont within the Sate of the Church, which the first was pawned to, and for want of pay­ing the monies in the prefixed time, it was united and entailed to the Church, which is the worst that a Turk or a Jew can do a Christian: yet notwithstanding the suf­ficient reasons to the contrary given by [Page 111] the Duke, that pretended Father of Chri­stians played this unmerciful trick; and though of late by the means of the French King, this Entail was cut off, as yet they could not bring the Pope to part with it, as he is obliged by the Treaty of Pisa; so well these Popes agree, the one to get, and the other to keep. Besides this the Duke of Parma hath some Lands in the Kingdome of Naples for the Doury of Margarita of Austria married to Prince Ottavio.

This Prince is perpetual Standard bear­er of the Church, to which his State is to fall incase he should die without Male Is­sue. Although he doth homage to the Church for the whole, he is nevertheless absolute for that; after the homage re­ceived, Popes having nothing to do in his dominions. Urban the 8th was a great enemy to this Family; he took Castro, and had it demolished; he would have ruinated Odoardo then Duke, and Father to this present, who was a wise and a valiant Prince; but Italian Princes ex­pressing to be dissatisfied at it, he was ob­liged to be quiet, having raised upon the Frontires of Parma, that strong place cal­led [Page 112] la Fortezza Urbana. This Family hath given the world some men of great repute, specially him who was Govern­our of the Low-Countries; the loss of Castro hath been a great prejudice to the Duke, yet he hath still a matter of 400000. Crowns a year: the Apennini are as a Wall to his State, which joyned to many Rivers, and some strong Holds, makes his Countrey considerable; he keeps nigh upon 5000. men, but in case of ne­cessity he could bring into the field 20000. Foot, and 1000. Horse, the half he can bring forth without inconve­niency; he hath much Nobility in his do­minions, and he is very jealous of them, specially of those of Piacenza, because the first Duke was kill'd there.

What manner of Cities are Parma and Piacenza I will not describe, nor the cu­riosities to be seen in them; I name no­thing, only let this general rule be taken; in every good City of Italy, one is to see the Churches wherein consists their Glory, their Palaces, Gardens. Houses of pleasure, Cabinets, &c. all which are embelished with Statues, Pictures in Oleo, in Fresco, and Mosaick works, wherein [Page 113] Porphiry, Marble, and such rich mate­rials are often used; this I say to free my self from making descriptions which might make up a great Volume, I only take no­tice that in Parma are some Academists, called Innominati.

The present Duke Ranuccio, a man of a fat complexion, as yet hath no children, his first Wife being-dead, he is again mar­ried to the Sister of the late Duke of Mo­dena, he hath Prince Alessandro Farnese his Brother, who hath been in the service of the Venetians, and came off with some discontent; at present he serves in Spain. There is now at Rome Cardinal Farneze, but he is not very nigh Kinsman, I am sure he did not act the part of a good Kinsman, when he found out some ways to sell his Principality of Farneze to the Pope for Don Mario for 80000 Crowns, and a Cardinals Cap, excluding thereby the Duke of Parma from that Succession, in case the Branch should fail; but an En­tail having afterwards been found out, the Pope called for his monies, and restored the Principality, however he is Cardinal by the bargain; the best Palace in Rome is Farneze, built after the direction of [Page 114] Michel Angelo Buonarotta; and one of the best Countrey-pleasure-houses of Italy, is Caprarola in the County of Ronciglione, belonging to the Duke of Parma.

Till of late, since the dayes of Charles the 5th, 'twas a constant maxime of State of these Princes to keep close to the House of Austria; but Odoardo the late Duke being unsatisfied with the Earl and Duke of Olivares, he left that Union, and they have since sided with France, as the fit­test power to uphold them in their Quar­rels against the Pope, which will be a con­tinual ground of troubles in Italy, and an occasion of bringing the French into it. One thing more is, that these Dukes do more willingly make use of Strangers to be their Ministers when they find them qualified for it, than of their own Sub­jects.

The state of the Duke of Modena.

THe Family D'Este, though we put it here last, is much more Antient and Richer than the two former, yet ac­cording to that period which is set to Fa­milies of Princes, and their Dominions, this hath lost something of its Antient Greatness. They derive their Pedigree from Atto Marquess of Este, who took the Surname, which now his Family keeps, from the City Este, which doth still belong to it: This Married Alda, Daugh­ter to the Emperour Othon the First, in the year, 1000. and had with her, Mo­dena and Reggio. Theobaldo d' Este Othon's Grand-Child, had in the year 1055. Ferrara from Pope John the 12th, which was in the Year, 1598. taken from them by Clement the 8th, after the death of Alfonso the 2d, for want of Lawful Heirs Males: yet there was Cesare d' Este whom Alfonso had from Laura Ferrarese who would have proved that his Father had Married his Mother, and so that he was a Lawful Heir, but the proofs of the Pope [Page 116] who had already taken possession of the place, were the strongest: Yet that Fa­mily still pretends to it, affirming they come from a Lawful Heir, though Popes will have him to have been a Natural Son; and this as to precedency wrongs that Family, for other Princes will not grant them as Dukes of Modena only, what they had as Dukes of Ferrara, although their standing Dukes of Modena be from Barso d' Este, who had the title given him by Frederick the 3d Emperour in the year 1460. The City hath been a great looser by this change, for instead of the Seat of a Court, 'tis now made a City of War, and of 80000. soules that were in it under the Dukes, there's now hardly 20000.

However this Duke is still in possession of the Dukedomes of Modena and Reggio, the Principalities of Carpi and Correggio, the Earldome of Roli, and the Lordships of Sassevil, Garfagna and Frignano, by the late Treaty of Pisa; his dispute with the Pope about the Vallies of Gommachio was decided, being to receive as he did 400000. Crowns for them, 40000. more of damages, and some other advantagious, [Page 117] conditions: all these lands with others which he hath still in the Dukedom of Fer­rara, yield him every year full 500000. Crowns; all his Dominions joyning one to another, makes him the more conside­rable; his strength therefore consists in the number of his people; the only Pro­vince Carfagnana is said to contain 80. pla­ces walled about; he hath also several strong Holds; upon extraordinary Occasions he is able to bring into the field 20000. Foot, and 1000. Horse, and he can with­out inconveniency keep the halfe of the number, however his Country lies some­what open to several neighbouring Prin­ces, not for want of good places, of which he hath many, seated at a propor­tionable and convenient distance one from another, but because that Country lies upon an even ground; in his Citadel of Modena, are as they say, Armes for 40000. men; this City is not in repute with other Italians, who call it Modena la pazza.

These Princes observe the general maximes of their Neighbours, to have a good correspondency with Venice, [Page 118] which was ever lookt upon as the Pro­tectour of the liberties of Italy: Since the loss of Ferrara they kept close to the Spaniards, but of late their Interest made them change their affections, for Duke Francis was in the late Italian War, made General of the French, and Mazarine's Neece married to Prince Almerigo his Son, who hath left a young Prince to succeed him. At present all things are done after the advice of Cardinal D'Este, Protector of the French Interest at Rome, and the promoter of the late Union of his Fami­ly to France; He is a Prince very active and stirring, who lives at Rome, when he comes there, with greater pomp, and more splendour then any other Cardinal whatsoever; he is zealous for the French, by whose Friendship his family is much better with monies, being enriched with the late Generalship: So is the Country, for in winter the Head Quarters were in Modena, whereto resorted all the great Officers, and a great number of inferiour ones; this somwhat helped the poor peo­ple to pay those Taxes that are laid so heavy upon them; at present there is one of their name, and kinsman afar of, Don [Page 119] Carlo D'Este, if I mistake not, a Subject born to the Duke of Savoy, who is a Knight of the Order of the Fleece, whom I have seen attending on the Empress at Alexandria, Pavio, &c.

The Duke of Modena hath this advan­tage above most Princes in Italy, that he hath some of his Subjects who have Feudi Fiefs of the Empire; we find many great Families in his Dominions, as the rich Earls, di San Paolo, the Bentivogli-Ra­goni, Buoncompagni, the Marquesses Spi­limbergo, Peppoli; Gualengo, di Vignola and Gualteri. The Earls Caprari, San Martino, di Molsa, di Maluisia, Monte­cuculi, Tassoni Ferrarese di Conoscia, and few others; the present Duke being very young, we have nothing to say as to his person; and though he were older, we could say of him that which must be spo­ken of some others, they are reserved, and live retiredly; so that strangers, for any long while have not free excess to their Courts and Persons.

The state of Venice.

NOw to go on, I must say something of the Republicks. I do confess I am much at a stand when I see my self obliged to speak of Venice; the abundance of matter is often to a man a greater hin­drance then help, when he must pick out that which is onely fit for his purpose; to speak well of a Republick esteemed a mi­racle of Nature, and a Prodigy of Art, the tongue of an Angel is necessary: 'Twere too trivial to say, that this Re­publick was founded above 1246 years ago, by those who from Aqueleia, Padoa, &c. fled from the cruelty of Attila: they were governed by Tribunes till the year, 697. at which time they made a Head call­ed Doge, and they chose San Marco to be their Protectour; wherefore a Lyon hold­ing a Book, is their Arms, with this Motto, Pax tibi Marce Evangelista.

The Government was part Aristocracy, and part Democracy, but at the time when Pietro Gradenigo was Doge in the [Page 121] year, 1280. It was resolved in the Se­nate, that the Government should here­after belong to the Nobility alone; and to avoid oppositions, all the Families that were in some esteem amongst the people, were declared Nobles, as it hath been practised afterwards upon urging occasi­ons, as in the Wars against Genoa, and lately in the Wars against the Turk, 100000. Crowns being paid by every one who is made such, besides that he must be otherwise qualified for it. In the Ma­jesty and perpetuity of the Duke, there is a shadow of Monarchy, but the strength and the Authority resides in the Se­nate; their Dominion is of a great ex­tent. In terra ferma they have Dogado, La Marca Trevigiana, Padoano, Vicen­tino, Veronese, Feltrino, Bellunese, Bresci­ano, Beragamasco, Cremasco, &c. there is further il Fruili, with many consi­derable Cities in it, as Udine, Palma, and that strong hold Palma Nova. Istria with four good Cities, and many Lands and places. Out of Italy they have Dal­matia, with the Islands thereto belong­ing, and the chief Cities of Zara, Clissa: Cataro, and few other places in Albania; [Page 122] in the Levante, Corfu, Cefalonia, Cerigo, Zante, and some other Islands in the Ar­cipelago; and the Sovereignty of all the Golfo from Venice to Otranto, and to la Vallona, which is seven hundred miles in length; of the Kingdom of Candia, they have nothing but the City.

It would require whole Volumes, if one would insist upon the manner of their Government in general, seeing they have been curious to gather the quintessence of all the good Laws and Statutes which antient and modern Republicks had, which they make use of upon occasion: they have above 60. Courts of Judi­cature, such a diversity being necessary for them to employ so many Noble­men they have. I will hardly mention the Gran' Consiglio, wherein are usually 1500. Votes, besides other 500. Nobles who are in Offices else-where, either by Land or Sea; nor the Pregadi composed of '200. or thereabouts, or the Collegio, or the Consiglio di Dieci, nor what man­ner of bus [...]inesses they treat of: Why should I tell who are the Procuratori di San Marco, Sesteri, tre capi di Quaranta Savi di Mare, Savi di terra, Savi grandi, [Page 123] and so many Officers; this with an ex­act description of that Republick, and of all her dependencies I could undertake, if I saw occasion, but 'tis a thing that de­serves to be by it self, as well as the account of the Forces, and Riches of the Republick, and wherein they consist; I shall not speak of the City which is full of won­ders with antient and modern curiosities, only I shall name the Arsenal, which is certainly the best in Europe, and the Trea­sure hath many rich and precious stones, however I will not omit to say, that in the City are two sorts of Virtuosi, one is called Discordanti, and the other Gus­soni.

I must come to something of the politi­cal part of that Government, but before, I must name some of the Chief Families of that Republick. I believe the number of the Nobles exceeds that of 3500. though 40. or 50. Families with their friends and relations, whose leaders they are do govern the whole, the most consi­derable of these are Contarini, now Doge, Sagredo, Corraro, Capello, Moccenigo Morosini, Cornaro, Gradenigo, Grimani, Querini, Loredano, Marcello, Pesaro, [Page 124] Giustiniano, Foscari, Bembo, Delfini, &c. Now I proceed, the Venetians take a great care to have their young men in­structed in those things which concern their Republick; in part to this effect they have found out such a variety of employ­ments, to the end that applying them­selves to these, they may in time be fitter to administer those of a higher nature, so that there is hardly any one without some employment suitable to his Genius and Capacity; they also have an usual way to speak familiarly of policy, so that after a long use, and earnest application, and an often hearing of those who under­stand things well, they must needs make improvement in it. The Venetians also most of any Italians do travel abroad, and hardly an Ambassadour ever goes to any place, but he is attended by some of the young Nobles, who go to learn the po­litick part of the Government of the Countrey which the Ambassadour is sent to; and that which is the chief, to the end that the Senate may be instructed of the present state of affairs of any Court, we may observe that almost eve­rywhere they have Ambassadours (not [Page 125] mattering what charges they come to) who all the time of their residence, by a constant Intelligence do acquaint the council with every particular thing that falls out in the Court they live at; who not only leave instructions to those who succeed them in the place, but who al­so when they come home, are obliged to make in Pregadi, a full relation of the state wherein stands the Court whence they come.

One thing above all, which I find ex­traordinary, is that secresie so invio­lably observed amongst them, that a­mongst so many heads there should be no tongue, nay there have been those who were present at the Council, when violent resolutions were taken against some friend or relation of theirs; they have conversed with them after that, and yet never discovered any thing. Publick Ministers of Princes who reside there, do confess it is more difficult to pene­trate into those results made some­times by above 1500. men, than into those which are made by three or four: 'Tis true, this is look't upon as a part of their wisdome, that publick affairs are [Page 126] communicated to all, for then when the resolutions they have taken, require se­cresie, they think themselves obliged to observe it, though it were only upon this account that they are true and faith­ful to themselves. Thus their general aime is, or at least their Laws tend to maintain peace, union, and liberty. We must not wonder therefore if this Repub­lick is come to such a height, and main­tains herself in it, with the excellency of her Counsil, the observation of the Laws, the gravity of manners and customes, and the common desire of maintaining liberty with a severe punishment of all innova­tions which could disturb the publick peace.

Laws ought not to be Despotick or Arbitrary, nor after the suggestions of sy­cophants, and the byassed parasites, but in­conformity to those of the great Law giver (who though he have an absolute and unlimitable right and power over all, yet he is often times graciously pleased to give reasons of what he doth) they ought to be grounded upon Justice, Reason, and Equity, and to tend to the publick good, which should be the [Page 127] end of all civil and municipal laws, and not to be turned into private Channels, to run to particular ends, which hap­ning, let him look to't who bears not the Sword without cause, for all private ends ought to be subservient to the publick in­terest: to this effect, when first all men contracted Societies, and united them­selves in Corporations, they knew well they could not subsist without order, which can never be observed without Laws, tending to protect the good in the enjoyment of that peace and quietness they desire, & to terrifie the evil with those punishments threatned them, in case the, go about to disturb it. And the truth is, that such Laws being enacted, they look to future ages more than to that time wherein they are made, because those who made them being free agents, and entring willingly; and with their own accord into such Societies as every one of them had a hand in the passing of the Laws, if not in the framing, at least in the approving and confirming of the same; for that which is to be above all, as Laws are, is to be made by the consent of all; So 'tis to be supposed they would [Page 128] not break the Lawes which they made themselves, upon grounds of Reason and Justice; Hence it is, that as they have made use of the Legislative Power they had, and that they have bound them­selves to the execution of them, which being once done, the bond cannot be loose or untied but by the general con­sent, and in such a case it may be done according to the maxime, that he who makes the Law, can disanul it; (but it must be the whole Legislative Power) for as grounds and reasons sometimes do alter, so may the Laws accordingly, be­cause as a Law doth not sute in all places, so neither at all times, neither may they be allowed, but as much as they conduce to the publick good, which as I said, before is the end for the which they were roade; but if they turn to be destructive to these ends for the which they were made, they ought certainly to be abrogated and made void; and this shews that every Law is not of the nature of those of the Persi­sians and Medians, which might not be altered; but because the life of the Law doth not so much consist in the Legislative Act, but specially in the executive part, [Page 129] not only in wisdome, but also in powers therefore they who made the Lawe do appoint those who are to see them executed; and because at first Law-givers could not foresee all cases and accidents which might fall out, there is a certain power reserved to interpret, to explain and to amplifie those Laws, yet upon this condition that sense shall be given to the words of the Law which is most condu­cing to the end of the Law, that is, to the publick good: For those rules that are im­posed by Conquerours as such, and do de­serve the name of Laws, but are only des­potick orders and commands; the Con­querour after his Victory imposes what he pleaseth upon the Conquered; some­times nothing but Martial and Arbitrary Laws, as it is this day practised in the Turkish Empire, for as he hath gotten it, so he must keep it either by force or fraud; this is by virtue of a right used between wild beasts, who will tear or spare those that are weaker than themselves.

The Laws of Venice, which are the occa­sion of this discourse, abhor these last, and are of the nature of the former, the happi­ness which they have enjoyn'd under them, [Page 130] do highly declare the wisdome of their Law-givers. I believe it were of no little use, if every Countrey were acquainted with the same; I altogether for bear speak­ing of them that are common and ordina­ry, one kind excepted, which is very be­neficial, and might prove so to other Countries, being introduced therein, I mean the sumptuary Laws against excess in Clothes, Jewels, Equipage, &c. which though vain and superficial things do con­sume & wast the state & substance of ma­ny; the servant is not to be known by his cloaths from his Master; and of these how many have we who are more sollicitous of getting Perriwigs, gaudy Cloathes, and the like, than careful to acquire knowledge, virtue and experience, not knowing that those things are borrowed, and not their own, which make no diffe­rence between an honest man and the vilest wretch in the world, however they are sa­tisfi'd with the shew, and are like those Apples that grow about the Lake of So­dom, which have a fair shew, but have nothing within, blow upon them and they fly into dust and ashes. As there is a difference of quality in persons, so there [Page 131] should be some distinction in cloathes, or the like; the very Stars shew greater brightness some than others. Men should strive to goe one beyond another, not in clothes but in virtue, and good qua­lity. But I'le leave this discourse, not for want of matter, one who hath but common sense and reason could have much to say upon't, but because I avoid to be accounted too censorious and criti­cal, and that some times every truth must not be spoken, or when it is odium parit: but to come to my subject, I say, 'tis not so in Venice, they minde more solid and substantial things than these, and they practise certain refined maximes, which I have observed.

First, their Doges may not ally them­selves to any forreign Princes, to preveni receiving from abroad Councils tending to the destruction of liberty at home. Nei­ther is it lawful for any of the Nobles to converse with any forreign Ministers, or any one that hath any relation to them, or to keep communication with them by way of letters, or any other direct or indi­rect way, to remove all occasions of being bribed, and so of betraying the State or [Page 132] their Councils; for this cause 12. or 13. years agoe was put to death one of the Family of Carnaro, it being found out that he had been several times at the lod­ging of the Spanish Ambassadour. Further, as they know that the greatness of the Republick comes from their power upon the Seas; so all the Nobles apply them­selves specially to Sea Affairs: as for Land service they usually take strangers of known valour and experience out of Ger­many, Italy, and other places. To preserve union between the Nobles and the peo­ple, and that these may have where to ap­ply themselves; the Noble; do not roed­dle with publick Schools, or ruling of Parochial Churches, or the like; and more than this, the direction of the Chancery of the Republick, which is a high dignity that hath the ordering of all publick expe­ditions, and the Secretaries places are e­ver given to some of the people, to whom also they allow liberty of fishing, cour­sing, shooting, and the like, there being no propriety in things of this nature, and that they may yet the more get the love and affection of the people, they converse to­gether in Walks, Play-houses, Gaming­places, [Page 133] and upon all occasions and meet­ings; so also they take Citizens Daugh­ters to be their Wives: yet for all this the Nobles are so far from hindring, that rather they encourage the divisi­ons which are in the City of Venice of one part against another, that is, be­tween the Castellani and Nicolotti, who use to meet specially in the Month of September, upon the Bridge of St. Bar­nabas, which they flock to in great numbers, and the Nobles who happen to be there do encourage every one of those of his side; there they Kick and Cuff one another, but have no Armes: this to some is an eff [...]ct of animosity, to others' a sport, to others a shew, and to all a diversion from other things. Up­on this account, they suffer the inso­lencies of Scholars at Padoa with their Chi va li at night to keep a division be­tween them and the Citizens, who also are looked upon as a factious people.

Another maxime which they have, is to keep the scales even between warring Prin­ces, specially in Italy, as they have done in the wars of Milan, to preserve the Publick Liberty, that one Prince do not grow [Page 134] too potent by the loss of another; but a thing which they study most of all, is, to know the Genius, Customes, Strength, and to find out the Designes of all Princes and Republicks, by which diligence ma­ny a time they have found out and avoid­ed great dangers impending over them­selves and others. But a very useful max­ime they have, and which is very wise, it is ever to hearken after peace, and fit themselves constantly for war: Afore they were involved in this last with the Turk, their policicy was by all means to avoid a falling out with so dreadful an Enemy; but it seems at this time provi­dence hath made use of the perfidiousness of those of Candia, and of the Turks am­bition, to make this maxime to be null and void. But to withdraw from this Ocean, I will say, that out of policy they suffer the delayes of doing Justice, and the tedious proceedings at Law, to keep peo­ple in exercise, and the Courts of Justice in credit: By the same reason they are so severe in punishing faults against the State upon all sorts of persons; and to avoid In­novations and Disorders; contrariwise, they be very remiss to those which pro­ceed [Page 135] from humane frailty: So 'tis to pun­ish more rigourously the faults of the No­bles, than those of the people, to the end that the former do not grow insolent, nor these last discontented. Further they are careful to maintain their priviledges to Provinces and Cities, that they may continue in their Loyalty and affection. Lastly, 'tis a part of their Justice, as of their policy, not to punish the crime of the Fathers upon the Children, nor e Converso, the person only which is guilty suffering.

I have one thing more to say before I leave it: Of all States in Italy this of Ve­nice hangs loose from the Pope most of all, therefore they meddle not in the Court of Rome, neither do they care to bestow Pensions upon Cardinals to have a favou­rable Election, & indeed 'tis not much ma­terial to them, seeing they extend their Ju­risdiction upon all Regular & Ecclesiastical persons within their Dominions, notwith­standing the endeavours of several Popes to the contrary: and they have good Laws to bridle the power of Popes within their State, as I will instance only in two Cases; the first is, though the Inquisition be a­mongst them, yet they have taken away [Page 136] [...] [Page 137] [...] [Page 136] its sting, there being constantly three of the wisest and more moderate Senators named to be present at their Consultati­ons; and it is further ordered, that no­thing shall be resolved in it, except there be present one of these Senators, who qualifies things, reduces them to modera­tion, and in case of extremity telling, the Senate must be acquainted with such and such things. The Second Case is, the no­mination which Popes make, of whom they think fit to some, Church-livings and benefices within their State, the Pope pre­tends he hath right so to do, which they deny; however because they will not o­penly cross him, they have found out an indirect way, which is this, there is an Order, that no man whosoever shall be put in possession of any Benefice by virtue of any Grant or Nomination from the Pope, except the same be first approved of by the Council, so that the Patent being brought to the Council, there it lies till either the person who had it, or the Pope who granted it, be dead, which maxime now being known, none of their Sub­jects will be at the charges and trouble to Sue at Rone for any such thing.

[Page 137] The wisest amongst them laugh at the pretended Authority and Jurisdiction which Popes arrogate to themselves with­in the limits of their Republick: he may (say they) play Rex at Rome, and have his Patriarchal Churches, namely St. Peter representing the Patriarch of Con­stantinople; St. Paul of Alexandria, St. Mary the greater of Antiochia, St. Lau­rance without the walls of Jerusalem, and set over these four, St. John of Lateran, representing the Pope, who is over all; but say they, such liberty is not allowed him in the States of other Princes. From time to time there hath been Quarrels be­tween Popes and this Republick; Paul the fifth's Excommunication is not yet forgotten there, nor the Principles of padre Paolo, and padre Fulgentio root­ed out; though the Gospel be not taught there in publick, one may hear it sometimes in private. 'Tis true, of late the Jesuites were re-admitted there, but meer necessity of State obliged them to it, though their re-admission was car­ried on but by few Balls or Votes, the late Popes Letter earnestly entreating them to do it, and saying, that if he could [Page 138] have gone in person to ask it, he would have done it, was not so efficacious as the promise of keeping 3000 men at his own charges in Dalmatia, for theservice of the Republick; and upon occasion the use of his Gallies, with some other advantages: however, they are still odious in that Ci­ty to all sorts of people, and a small mat­ter will send them out again: In a private Conversation between the late Popes and a Venetian Ambassadour then at Rome, up­on the question moved by the Pope, Where was their Title to the Soveraignty of the Gulf? the other answered him smartly, 'Tis upon the back of Constamines dona­tion; this shews somthing in the bot­tom of the Venetian hearts not favour­able to Rome, whence they have recei­ved so many grounds of displeasure; We have seen of late how much trouble a Nuncio of the Popes at Venice was like to have raised between the Duke and Senate about the Barigello, who had seiz­ed certain of the Nuncio's Servants when they had done some insolencies, though he said he knew not they were his Servants, and though things had been composed so, that the Barigello should not [Page 139] appear in the Church of St. Mary, where the Nuncio was to be till the last holy day of Christmass, yet upon that very day against the agreement, within the Church the Nuncio prevailed with the Duke to order him to go out, whereat the whole Senate were highly incensed that the Duke would do such a thing without their advice: and now the late grudge about the turning of the Channel of the Po ano­ther way, might produce somthing, were it not for the War of Candia, however there remains a cause of falling out here­after.

The state of Genoa.

BUt 'tis time to speak of Genoa, for­merly the dangerous Rivall of Ve­uice; History shews us the several & great Revolutions of Government in this City; it was by Charles the Great made an Earl­dom, and under one of their Earls won the Island Corfica from the Saracens', after­wards they became a Republick, they asked the Protection of Charles the sixth King of France, and having rejected this, [Page 140] they submitted to the Duke of Millan, and then would have withdrawn from his O­bedience, but he being too hard for them, they were kept under till the days of An­drea Doria, who having pacified the in­testine divisions, instead of making him­self Prince of it, as some think he might have done, he got them the liberty where­in they stand at present: This Repub­lick is no more now what it hath been, that Genoa which hath formerly been so potent at Sea, as to beat the Venetians, take one of their Dukes prisoners, as they did in 1258. run victorious up and down, taking several Cities belonging to them, and block up Venice it self. Furthermore, in the year 1337. they Conquered the Kingdome of Cyprus, took the King and Queen prisoners, but restored them up­on certain conditions; the reason is, because though the Countrey be the same, yet that people hath exceedingly degenerated; in those days every one minded the publick good, and the ho­nour of the Nation, but now every one seeks his private ends and interests, let what will become of the publick, which [Page 141] is a meer folly, for when the publick goes to wrack, particular men cannot thrive very long; but if all particular men strive together to promote the publick, as they are members of that body, so they will find the benefit of it; when we have seen in the Roman Commonwealth men sa­cirfice States, Friends, Relations and Lives for the Republick, when nothing was so dear to them, but they could part with it for the good and safety of the Repub­lick, then were all things in a flourishing condition, but when they began to seek their own, and every one to set up for himself, all things began to totter: How can the parts be saved, if the whole pe­rish? The Bees and the Ants natural instinct goes beyond some Mens reason, they may be Hyerogliphicks to us, and their example teach us to be publick spirited Men, but it seems the Genoesi are not so.

This Republick is in possession of what was formerly called Liguria, now 'tis Ri­viera di Genoa, from the City of Genoa to Porto di Luna, is called, la Riviera di Le­vante, or of the East, and from Genoa to Monaco 'tis Rivieradiponente of the West, [Page 140] [...] [Page 141] [...] [Page 142] which makes 150. miles in length, though the breadth is hardly above 25. in any place: 'tis true, that upon the ponente is Finale belonging to the Spaniarols, and three places to Savoy, but withal beyond Monaco it hath St. Remy and Ventimig­lia; towards Milan they have Gavi with a strong Castle, and Novi not so good as the other; they have also the Island Cor­siea: Formerly Trade did much flourish in Genoa, but now Legorn hath spoiled it, as Genoa had spoiled that of Savona, they suffered extreamly by the late great plague that was there; so that to make themselves amends, and to keep up Trade, they have thought fit to bring in the Jews, by whose means they hope in time to bring Trading back again from Legorn; but others are in expectation to hear how they will agree, for between a Jew and a Genoese (setting aside baptism) there's no difference; and if they do 'twill pass for a wonder.

But not to be tedious upon this, I say, that although the City be very fair, and the Palaces stately, it is inhabited by men, then whom (few excepted) there cannot be worse, this is the opinion which [Page 143] all other Italians have of them: There goes a story, (which how true 'tis I will not dispute) that when the Grand Duke first of all made Livorno a free Port, he gave leave of Trading in't to all Nations, as English, French, and to all Merchants, even out of Turkey, Anch' ai Genoesi, ha­ving named several Nations, amongst whom there were Infidels; those of Genoa are put the last, as being the worst of all. Indeed they are proud, revengeful in an extraordinary way, and enemies to stran­gers, though out of that City they goe almost into all parts. I do not think there is a City in Italy where more mis­chief is done than in this, one hears of it almost every day: In the way of Trade they are very skilful, yet so interessed, that there are those in it who could pre­fer one 5 s. to twenty lives; their temper is such, that they cannot agree with any sort of people, nay, not so much as a­mongst themselves; their unsettledness ap­pears in this: from Earles they came to Consuli, from these to Potesta, then to Capitani, to Governatori, Luoghitenenti Ret­tori di populo, Abbati di populo, reformato­ri, protectori, duchi Nobili, and duchi Po­polari. [Page 144] Civil Divisions ever regarded a­mongst them, for they are no sooner come under one sort of Government, but they wished for another. When Francis the first heard they would desire his Protecti­on; Let them go to Hell, said he, for I am not willing to needdle with such people. The Italian Proverb of them is, Mare sen­zapesci, they have Seas without Fish, Montagne senzalegno, Mountains and no Woods, Huomini senza fede, Men with­out faith, and Donne senza vergogna, women without shame; yet some brave men are come out of it.

The Government is Aristocratical, with a Doge, only for two years, who with the 8 Governatori, is called the Sig­noria, then the little Council of 100 men, and the great of 400. they have also the Sindici Over-seers of the actions of Go­vernours, as Censors were at Rome: the Doge hath a Guard, which he of Venice hath not; their Forces are much decay­ed from what they were, when they re­duced Venice to an extremity; still they continue to be good Sea-Souldiers, and keep eight Gallies, which do dispute the hand with those of Maltha, but they [Page 145] are not esteemed by Land. 'Tis a thing which will seem an extravagancy, yet 'tis a truth, that there hath been persons, and there are now Families in Genoa, more esteemed abroad than is the Repub­lick it self, and some are as rich, if not richer, who keep Gallies of their own. The Republick hath not above 200000 Crowns a year, because part of the Do­minion, and of the Revenue, doth belong to the company of St. George, which is, as it were another Republick within that; yet some make the yearly Income greater; but confess that it doth not exceed the Charges. Silks are the Staple Commodi­ty, which they work very well in Velvet, Plush, Satin, Taby, Taffitie, and the like Silk-works, which they send into all the Northern parts of Europe. St. George is their Champion, and the Red Cross is their Coat of Armes. The City as 'tis u­sual with Republicks, draws the best of the Land to it self, and hath destroyed the trading of other places, as Savona to advance its own; In it are a sort of Virtu­osi, who call themselves Addormentatis the City is not strong.

The great secret of State of this Re­publick [Page 146] hath been to keep Herself United to, and depend upon Spain since Charles the fifth; and Philip the 2d of Spain to keep them to her self, hath borrowed vast sums of monies, and assigned Lands in Na­ples and Milan for the payment; so that they must keep fair with the Spaniard, for fear of loosing the Principal; on the other side, as the King of Spain hath occasion of them, in relation to Finale and Milan not to loose them, he al­lows very great use for this money, so that they are even, and think to have over-reached one another; most of the monies which are currant being Spanish Coine, it shews there hath been very great dealings between them. However now the Spaniard hath much lost the Great Authority he had first amongst them, for formerly they so far depen­ded upon him, that they might not re­ceive within their City the Embassadour of any Prince but his own, who might come as he did often into the Consultati­ons of the Senate; but now there is no such matter; they being exposed to so many alterations, there are no fixed nor constant maximes of policy among [Page 147] them. I think 'tis a Republick great by Name, but small in Srtength, despised by her Superiors, hated of her Equals, and envied by her Inferiors, which doth subsist only because one Neighbour would not have another to get it, the In­terest of every one being to have it remain in a third hand; Genoa is very jealous of two of her Neighbours, Savoy and Tosca­ny, of the former, who hath aimed and at­tempted to bring her under his Yoake; of the latter, by reason of his pretentions to Sarzana, which formerly belonged to Florence, and of both, because she is odi­ous to both, and that upon the account of State, and of private interest, they wish to see her brooght low. In it are many Noble and Rich Families, as Doria, of which are the Marquess of Toreglia, Prince of Melfy, of the branch of Andre Doria, and the Duke of Tursi; Spino­la the Marquess, and de Duke of Sest­ri, Marquess de los Balbases, a Spa­nish Title, because a Grandee of Spain; other Families are Fieschi, Grimaldi, Giustiniani, Pallavicini, Cibo, Carrieri, Imperiale, and some others. [Page 148] Now the Marquess Hyppolito Centurione with his Ships and Gallies, is entred in­to the French service.

Of the state of Luca.

I See I do fall from an Ocean into Ri­vers, yet there is water enough for me to swim in, in some places, if not every where. You will not be troubled with hearing a long enumeration of places and Dominions; yet 'tis to be admired of the places I am now to speak of, not how they can preserve themselves; this the jealousie between, and the interest of their Neighbours, joyned with watchful­ness on their side, doth for them; but how formerly in times of conquest they could free their necks from the yoke of their potent Neighbours. Luca is one of these places which hath sometimes been possessed by the Goths, the Emperours of Constantinople, the Faseoli, Castrucci, Spi­noli, by the Family Della Scala, by the Fiorentini, Pisani, and by one Carlo of Bohemia, who having made a Bishop Go­vernour of it, this Bishop received 25000 [Page 149] Crowns, and left them the liberty they are now in, their Dominion is extended upon few Mountains, not much inhabited, upon the top of which they have some strong holds, as Monte Ignoso, Castiglione, Mi­nuoiano, with Camagiore and Via Reggio upon the Sea; but the best they have is the City well seated, people'd, and fortified with the territory belonging to it, which produces abundance of Olives, the best of Italy; and the industry of the Inha bitants about Silk-works makes the City flourish and grow rich, every one in it hath something to live upon; there are in it a matter of 10 Families esteemed at least worth 20000 Crowns a year; others to the number of 30 have some 15000, some 10000 a year, and above 60 have been between 4 and 5000; the year­ly Income of the Commonwealth comes to not much above 100000 Crowns, with a treasure they have esteemed a Mil­lion, with certain Plate and Jewels, which upon occasion might bring in some mo­nies.

They are governed by a Council of 150 of the chief Citizens, the City is di­vided into three parts, which they call Ter­tieri, [Page 150] out of every one of which the Ge­neral Council doth Elect three men, in all, Nine, called Senators, who joyned with the Gonfaloniero their head are call­ed la Signoria: The Senators do com­mand by turns every three dayes, the Gonfaloniero hath a bare Title, and no­thing but the precedency above the rest, he is himself commanded by the Senators; he keeps his place but two months, then a­nother is chosen, but within that time he may not go out of the Palace un­der pain of death: As for Warlike affairs they are in a good condition upon the de­fensive, their listed Militia's are of 18000 men, besides the City contains 30000 In­habitants, and is constantly Guarded by 300 good Souldiers, whereof 200 are born in the City, and have the keeping of the Gates, Walls, and other places, the other 100 are all strangers, born 50 miles at least from the City; amongst them they admit no Florentine; their Captain is a Stranger too, the Palace is committed to their Guard, and under pain of death they may not come nigh the Walls. The Ci­ty keeps a constant provision of mouth, and ammunition of War for whole 7. [Page 151] years; their few strong Holds are well provided, and their Souldiers well paid, which is the onely way to keep them up­on duty and obedience; so that their care, and the plenty of their Territory about the City do supply the narrowness and littleness of it: In a word, if they come short of other Princes and Republicks, as to the extent of dominions they have great ad­vantages above them another way.

First, they are not revengeful, as all the rest of Italians are, they casily for­give offences received, which doth ar­gue the goodness of their nature, upon this account they are a proverb to other Italians, Riceve gli affronti come un' lu­cbese. 2dly, their women are very modest, and inclined to chastity, and their young men sober and temperate, some out of a Natural inclination, and others by virtue of the good order kept amongst them: for 24 men, known to be of a good Life and Conversation are chosen out of the Coun­cil to be inspectors over the manners of Youth, (this they call consigliodi discoli) spe­cially of deboist persons, and every time they meet, which happens once a year, every one puts in his Bill with the names [Page 152] of those whom he hath found and obser­ved to be unruly; and if the name of one be put in the little Box by the two thirds, that is by sixteen; herein is his sentence conteined of 3 years banish­ment, he must go out of the City the next day after he hath had warning, and within 3 dayes after out of the State: So that by the observation of these good Orders, God fits them the better for conversion and reformation, after the reading of Scriptures, which they are much inclined to: hence it is, that we have seen so many families leave Luca and go to Geneva to enjoy the liberty of the Gospel, and to make an open pro­fession of the truth: after these commen­dations 'twere superfluous to say, they have also amongst them two sorts of Vir­tuosi, the one called Oscari and the other Freddi.

They might boast of the antiquity of their City, which was built by Luca­mon King of Toscany, but they have a greater advantage which they glory in, that this is the first City of Toscany, which received the Christian Faith; though they be united amongst them­selves, [Page 153] they are not sometimes without troubles at home, caused by the pride of their Clergy which is so far protected by Popes, that Urban the 8th for their sake excommunicated the Republick. This peo­ple is Civil to Strangers, and very cour­teous to those who come into the City, yet so watchful over them, that they have the council Della Vigilanza to know what they come for, whence they come, and whether they go, not allowing them to wear swords in the streets without a spe­cial leave, yet they give them liberty to walk upon the Moat, by the Walls, and to view the same; in this City, the tongue is spoken in the purity of it.

All their maximes of State are onley about the defensive part, and how to pre­serve themselves from their great Neigh­bour the Gran' Duke, who would be glad to bring Toscany to her old limits that way, wherefore the Republick hath a strict correspondency with Genoa, which fears the same; however as I have observed, one Neighbour would cross another, if any thing was design'd against Luca: their care hath provi­ded against open attempts, they being [Page 154] in a readiness to oppose them, all what they must do, is to take heed of sur­prisals.

The state of San Marino.

SAn Marino is, I believe, the least Re­publick of Europe, when the Em­pire was transferred out of Italy into Germany; this City, with some others made her self a Republick; it lies on the West of the Dukedome of Urbino, un­der whose Dukes protection it remain­ed, till this State fell to the Church, so that now it is shut up within the Popes Lands, and under their protection, yet some of them, specially the late Alexan­der the 7th, have done what they could by promises and fair means to make their Nephews Princes of it, but she would not part with her liberty; and though the Pope could easily force them to it, yet he dares not, it being certain that the Venetians, and the Grand Duke would oppose him in it, specially now when Ita­lian Princes do dislike Novelities and In­novations: [Page 155] when this Republick hath written to Venice, she hath called her Ca­rissima Sorella, very dear Sister, a weak one indeed, for having but the City, and two or three Villages besides, her strength and riches are but small, which must be supplyed with their care of themselves, and watchfulness over their Neighbours.

Of the Petty Principalities

THis is all as I think, that needs be said upon the subject of great Prin­ces, and Republicks of Italy. I must there­fore now speak to the Petty Princes, or rather continue it, for the last Republick I have mentioned may have her place a­mongst these, rather than amongst the great ones: But I desire not to be mistaken, when I call some petty Princes, 'tis not to be un­derstood, as if they depended from others, and were not Sovereignes, for every way they act as such: In their Lands there is no appeal from their sentence, they dispose of Life and Death, as well as the greatest Princes, they Coyn, or may Coyn monies, Elect Officers, make Laws, [Page 156] and when there is occasion for it, they treat of Peace and Warre. I call them Petty Princes, because their States are but small in comparison of those whom I call great ones. 'Tis true, that there are very many who have the name of Princes, who are not Sovereigns, but are Subjects to others; the number of these all Italy over is between 75 and 80; between 90 and 100 have the titles of Dukes, and of Mar­quesses and Earls, there are above 500; but I speak onely of Sovereigns.

The Duke of Della Mirandola is one of this sort; the City La Mirandola is seated upon the confines of Modena to­wards the River Po; the family Pico, one of the most antient and famous of Italy, have been Lords of it, and of Con­cordia since the year, 1110 till now; that line failed in the year, 1637, and there­fore another was invested of it by the Emperour.

Of this sort are also the Princes of Bozzolo, and of Sabionetta, the Dukes of Guastalda, and of Novellara, and the Mar­quess of Castiglione; all within the State of Mantoa, as we said before, they have been such for these 100 years past, and [Page 157] are all of the family Gonzaga, he of Sa­hionetta excepted, which in the year 1540 was given with a Daughter, and Heir to General Caraffa, and now in the hands of a Spaniard.

The principality of Monaco is another, this is a strong City by Nature, seated upon the Mediterranean, between Niz­zadi, Provenza and Genoa, this makes the Prince more considerable than any o­ther of his sort; there is an indifferent har­bour; the way up to it is very steep and difficult, and several Guards to speak with, before one can get to it. At the comming in there is a broad place with a prospect as pleasant as can be; within few miles from it, is another place, good enough, called Menton, depending from the said principality: there was in Monaco a Spa­nish Garrison, but the late Prince having partly by a stratagem, and partly with help from the French driven it out, he desired the French protection, and now there is in it a French Garrison, he is Duke de Valentionis, and Peer of France, whose coin is currant in that Kingdom. This Princes family is Grimaldi, who derive their pedegree from Grimald, [Page 158] Son of Pipin King of Austrasia, and Bro­ther to Charles Martel: this Pipin as they say, gave the Lordship to Grimald, in the year 713. but they were declared Princes in the year, 1411. Cardinal Gri­maldi yet living, and brother to the late Duke, was in great part the occasion of the admitting in of the French, induced to it by the persecution which the Barbe­rini suffered from the Pope at the secret instigations of Spain, and by the pro­tection which the French gave to that fa­mily, whose passionate creature this Gri­maldi is, and also by the interest he hath gotten in France, to be Arch-bishop of Aix, and other good benefices he enjoys: He is of an active spirit, therefore he hath been much spoken of at Rome; their family, or a branch of it is named amongst the greatest in Genoa, where some of the name are admitted to the highest charges: the present Prince of Monaco is not much passed twenty five, he hath married Mar­shall Grammonts Daughter, who prefers the pleasure of Paris, to the Soveraignty of Monaco.

Massa is in Toscany, seated part' of it at the bottom of a great Mountain, part [Page 159] upon the Mountain, and highest of all is the Princes Castle, yet he is a building a Palace in the lower Town, and 'tis al­most finished; this is but a Post from Sar­zana: The family Malaspina possessed it along while, till by the marriage of Ri­carda Malaspina, with Lorenzo Cibo, it came to this family, because she was the Heir of it: They were Marquesses till the year, 1499. at which time Innocent the 8th of the same family being Pope, Al­berico Cibo, was by the Emperour Maxi­milian made Prince of the Empire. Boni­facius the 9th was of the same family, which coming from Grecia, where they had possessed some Islands, Principalities, and other Territories, they seated in Ge­noa, there is a Cardinal of the name and family.

Massarana is in Monferrat, not far from Veroelli, this Principality hath been in the hands of the family Scala, but in the 1568. 'twas bought from them by the Ferreri, who are at present in possession of it.

Upon 15 miles from Genoa is another Sovereignty, the Marquesate of Torreglia, it was given by Charles the 5th to Andrea [Page 160] Doria, who had left the service of Frances the first King of France, and done many eminent services to the Emperour; the same family doth also enjoy the principa­lity of Melfey in the Kingdom of Naples, but not in Sovereignty: This family Do­ria hath for 500 years been esteerned in Genoa, one of the most noble, if not the first of that Republick: The head of the family is young at present there are two branches of it flourishing in Genoa, who hath each of them a state­ly Palace, though one is more an­tient and more sumptuous than the o­ther.

Another principality is, Piombine, in the Island Alba, whereof part belongs to the Grand Duke, as Cosmopoli, &c. Prince Ludoviso hath it now, it was bought for his Father by his Uncle Grego­ry the 15th of the same family; not long since the Princes Father died in Sar­degna, where he was Vice-King for Spain, having layed before noble and stately foundations of a Palace in Piazza Colon­na at Rome. This Prince underwent his Fathers displeasure unto the time of his death by reason of a strong passion he had [Page 161] for a mean person in the Island: At present there is Cardinal Ludoviso great Peniten­tiere of the Roman Church, which is one of the most eminent dignities of it: he is of Bologna of this Family by the side of late Prince Ludovisio's Mother; he is a man of no considerable parts.

Speaking of this sort of Princes, I say nothing of Strength, Riches and Policy, things so inconsiderable with them, that they are to be not so much as mentioned; all are under the protection of those with­in whose dominions their principalities stand, or of some other; the inconsidera­bleness of others, and the affection of their few Subjects are a security to them, and happy are they if satisfied with their condition; they are free of fears and of am­bition; as they have little, so they have little to care and to answer for; they have the satisfaction to command, and not be commanded, and enjoy what sweet­ness there is, giving Law, without being exposed to the inconveniencies of it.

But now we must come to those prin­cipalities which are seated within the state of the Church, and first to those which belong to the family Colonna, now di­vided [Page 162] into two branches, one of which hath the Principality of Carbognana, whose eldest Son hath married his Sister, who is at present the head of the other branch, whereof however the late Cardi­nal Colonna, who died at Finale, attending on the Empress, and who was Protector of the Empire, was the chief, and with his frugality acquitted the debts, and cleared the state of his family: his Ne­phew Don Lorenzo Colonna (who hath married the Mancini, one of Mazarins Neeces) commonly called Contestabila Co­lonna, because he is High Constable of the Kingdome of Naples, is now the head of that branch, a man whose Inclination a­grees better with the French than with the Spanish temper; yet he must keep fair with these by reason of his place, and of the Land he hath in Naples: his free and frequent conversation with the Duke of Crequi Ambassadour to Rome, gave the Spaniards much jealousie, some think he left Rome in part upon this account but the aversion he had for the late Popes fa­mily by reason of some discontents he had received from them, was a sufficient ground to oblige him to leave Rome [Page 163] for two years time, as he did lately; he is a man who lives in his pleasure, yet he hath so High and so Noble a spirit, that he could not stoop to the Popes Kinsmen, as few others did; he hath a brother called Don Domenico Colonna, and is Sovereign of Pagliano and Prince of Marini, the an­tiquity of his family is well known: their Arms are a Colonna, or a Pillar, crowned because Stefano Colonna the Roman Sena­tor did crown Lewis of Bavaria Emperour, in the year 1260. they say they come from Columnius an antient Roman.

The Rival, and antient Enemy of this family hath been Casa Ursini, most No­ble and very antient, of which was that proud Nicholas the 3d; this family hath been much decayed in her state, though of late 'twas somewhat restored by the means of some rich Matches made with other families, which yet for want of Children may at last prove disad­vantagious: Their Palace at Rome in Monte Jordano is very antient: the el­dest of the family is now Cardinal Ursi­ni Protector of Poland, Portugal, and Com-protector of the French Interest at the Court of Rome; a man of no extraordina­ry [Page 164] parts, who not long since was obliged to take a journey to Paris to pacifie that Court, angry with him for not acting ac­cording to directions in the business of Crequi at Rome; and therefore had taken from him his pension of 5000 Crowns a year, and bestowed it upon Cardinal Aldo­brandini, who being dead, Ursini posts a­way to Paris, and obtains his desire, the head of this family is now the Duke of Bracciano, who is also Conte di Petigli­one, two Soveraignties belonging to the family by an antient gift of some Popes for services done to the Church; this Duke is the head of the antient Nobility of Rome, as all other Roman Princes do, he stands much upon the points or pun­ctillio's of ceremonies; hence it is, that lately he had a kind of a Broglio, or falling out with Cadinal Sforza, though some think it was not so much his fault as the Cardinals; he hath a younger Brother, called Don lelio Ursini Prince of Vic [...] ­varo.

Another antient family is that of Ceza­rini Duke of the name, and Prince of Fan­sano, and of Ardea he derives his pedi­gree from the Cezars, the family, as to a [Page 165] Male Issue, is like to be extinct: the late Duke, a man of 50000 crowns a year could afford his Cook 4Giulius, two shil­lings for his dinner, and no more. He ap­peared so high for the French in the busi­ness of Crequi, out of an enmity he had for the Popes Relations, that he was obliged to retire into the Kingdom of Naples till the peace was made; he was one of those whom Italians call Matti porta a casa, he died lately, and left three or four Daugh­ters in Monasteries, who had made no pro­fession; his brother the Abbot Cezarini hath succeeded him, a man of a most loose and dissolute life; when I came from Rome he was upon marrying a Lady of Milan, without hopes on his side, by reason of his former deboistness of ha­ving any Children; yet with what he had before he is worth 60000 Crowns a year. Rignano is a Principality belonging to the Duke Muti, of a very antient fami­ly, for they derive themselves from Mu­tius Scevola, and a proof of it is the pos­session of Campi Mutii, wherein Porsen­na was encamped, given by the Senate to Mutius and his posterity: The present Duke is not married, though he begins to [Page 166] be antient, he hath much squandered his state with Gaming and Women, he hath a brother a Prelate, and another called Marquess Muti, a very ingenious per­son to my knowledge, and of good parts, their Palace as that of the forenamed family is in Rome.

I will make no further mention of the So­vereignty of Farneze, I said what was fit to be known of it speaking of the Duke of Parma, the Cardinal of that name is Prince of it. I will only name the Mar­quess di Monte another Sovereign, and the Noble Family of Caetani who have a stately Palace at Rome. Of this Family is the Prince of Caserta, who for an unhap­py business was obliged to fly from Rome, where he was lookt upon as the best qualified of all other Princes, as to his personal worth.

Pope Clement the 8th a Florentine, in the year, 1595, bought the Marquesate of Meldola, and gave it to his Nephew Ottavio Aldobrandini, which is a Sove­reignty; this family hath lived at Rome with great pomp, and much splendour, where they have three or four fair Pala­ces: now there being no Males, the great [Page 167] Heir of that family is the Princess of Ros­sano married first to the late Prince Borg­hese his Father that now is, and after to Prince Panfilio, Nephew to Innocent the 10th, of which she is now a widow; this match with those two families is like in time to cause great clashings between them, about a clause in the contract of marriage with the former; both are very potent, for Borghese hath 300000 Crowns a year, and Pansilio little less: So we are now come to late families raised at Rome by Popes.

Urbanus the 8th, subject born to the Grand Duke, by the means of his long Reign: had time enough to settle his fa­mily Barberini; he had three Nephews, Francesco, whom he made Cardinal Pa­drone, that is Master, Antonio who for a while was the head of the Family, but desired at last to be made a Cardinal, and Don Thaddeo: Francesco was made Arci­prete of St. Peters Church. Antonio of St. Mary the greater, and High Chamberlain, and Don Thaddeo Prefetto, or General of the Church; this last being made the head of the family, they bought him the principality of Palestrina, for­merly [Page 168] Praeneste, which is now in the hands of his younger Son, the eldest ha­ving voluntarily resigned his Birth right to his brother to be made a Cardinal, who at present is called Cardinal Carlo Barberini, he is the third of the family who hath that Dignity, which is very rare at the same time; and that which is the more to be admired is, that he was Ele­cted by Innocent the 10th, who made it his task to persecute and destroy this family; but this was the work of Don­na Olympia, who recollecting her self, and being affraid least the next Pope might prove a friend of the Barbarines, whose faction was then potent, and so retaliate the Panfilio's what they had done to the Barbarines, she thought it fit to re­concile both families, and this Cardi­nals Cap was the Seal of that Reconcili­ation; though this family was persecuted by Innocent, it is still flourishing; the Prince of Palestrina being already in pos­session of a vast Estate, and in expectati­on of a great addition to it, after the death of his Uncle Francesco, who is very rich, and at present the Dean of the Col­ledge of Cardinals, and titular Protectour [Page 169] of the English Interest at Rome; but how much more would he get if he were made a Pope, as he pretends to it in case of a Sede Vacante: this Princes Palace is in as good air, and as pleasant a seat as any in Rome nigh to Monte Cavallo, which Innocent was upon taking from them, had not Car­dinal Grimaldi prevented it by setting the Armes of France over the Gate.

But we must come to the late reign­ning family of the Ghigi's, that Pope at first was seemingly unwilling to do any thing for his relations, but at last he was as busie as any of his Predecessours had been, to raise them up; to this purpose he bought, as we said before, the Princi­pality Farneze, but afterwards he parted with it for the reasons before expressed. He perswaded Father Oliva, the General of the Jesuites, to enduce those of their Colledge who had Authority to sell him the best land belonging to it, to the summ of 100000 Crowns, under pretence of getting monies to pay their debts; and this was bought for Don Augustino, where­at the Jesuites were much grieved, when they saw their fault at a distance; then did he secretly tamper to get those of San [Page 136] Marino to receive a Prince over them; then did he proffer to Duke Muti for his principality of Rignano a Cardinals Cap, and a great summe of money; and after the death of Duke Cezarini, he offered the Cardinals Cap to his brother and heir with 200000 Crown, if he would give one of his Neeces that are in the Cloister to Don Sigismond the youngest of his Ne­phews, and resign the principality, but he not willing to marry, nothing of this could take effect; however the head of his family is provided for, because the No­ble Family of Prince Savelli being exceed­ingly decayed, want of monies obliged him, who now is to hearken after the pro­posals, made by the Popes Agents, to sell his principality of la Rizza and Al­bano, which he did not absolutely, reser­ving for many years to come for himself and his heirs (having already a fine young Son) to enter again into his right and pos­session, paying the summe received, which there is no great probability as yet to ef­fect, except in case of some very great match, or of a Popedom in their family, which yet is not very probable, though at present there be a Cardinal of the fami­ly, [Page 171] who had some things left him by Car­dinal Mont' alto: however the Pope is dead, and Don Maria, who at Rome ruled the rost, hath soon followed him, and a spend-thrist of no parts is left after them; the prsent Pope as yet hath got­ten no principality for his Nephews, and he hath hardly had time to do it; what he will do hereafter time will reveal.

All Princes and Republicks in Italy do homage, or pay tribute either to the Pope or to the Emperour, except the Venetians, who yet for some Islands pay a tribute to the Turk. Namely, first, the King of Spain is Feudatario of the Pope for the Kingdom of Naples, and of the Empe­rour for the Dukedom of Milan. The Duke of Savoy depends from the Empe­rour of Piemont and Monferrat, by vir­tue of which last he is Vicar of the Em­pire. The Grand Duke acknowledges the Pope for Radicosans, the King of Spain; for Siena, and the Emperour for Florence, and the rest. The Republick of Genoa doth homage to the Emperour for her whole state; the Duke of Mantoa, who is also Vicar of the Empire, by reason of Monfer­rat to the Emperour, for what he hath of [Page 172] Moferrat, and for the Mantoan. The Duke of Parma to the Pope for Parmas Piacen­za, Castro and Riociglione. The Duke of Modena to the Emperour for his whole state; so doth the Republick of Luca.

The Prince of Monaco doth homage to the French King for what he hath in Fance. The Duke Della Mirandola, the Princes di Piorulino, and all those of the family Gonzaga, with the Marquesses di Massa and Torreglia, depend from the Empire, as due from the Pope, the Re­publick of San Marino, the Prince di Massarano, the Duke di Itracciano, and Earl di Petigliano, the Marquesses di Moldota and di Monte, and the Princes di Palestri­na, di Pagliano, and di Farneze.

Now the difference of those Papal and Imperial Fiefs or Feudi, consists in this chiefly, that most of the last pass by suc­cession from the line male, to the female, but 'tis not so off the others, for the law­ful masculine line hapning to faile, 'tis presently devolved to the Church, as in cases of Ferrara and Urbino.

Thus far have we spoken in particular of the several Princes and Republicks of Italy; now I have some few things to ob­serve [Page 173] in general, relating to the whole Nation: First, their Language, which is a corruption of the Latin, caused by the irruption of the Goths, Huns, Vandals and Lombards, who setling in it for a while, and using their own Languages, the Countrey Tongue, which was in Latin, came to grow corrupt by degres, and to be somewhat forgotten, and which is a mixture of the French, and some of the Spanish, because these Nations have been there with their Armies, and have ruled over parts of it for a long while; hence it is, that about Piemont, Milan, and Genoa, they speak a corrupt Italian, which hath most of the Provenzal in it, and except in part the State of the Pope, in Toscany and at Leuca, the right Italian is spoken no where else; I do not speak as to the pronunciation, which is very dif­ferent, at Genoa 'tis pronounced much with the lips, in Naples with the teeth, in Venice with the palat; and the Florentine pronunciation is well enough known, how ever the right Italian language, or Toscan, as they usually call it, is very Sententious, and full of Judicious and Significative pro­verbs; 'tis very sweet, and doth abound [Page 474] in fine and civil expressions, as for instance, if I desire to speak with one, the first words he will say to me will be these, Che com­manda US, what are you pleased to com­mand me; if they answer to a question, 'tis in these words, Daservitore non lo so, as I am your Servant I cannot tell; If I desire one to do any thing for me, he will say, Sara Servito, I will do it; or if I buy any thing, and we cannot ag [...]ee about the price, the parting words will be to me, Mispiace di non poter servirla, I am sor­ry I cannot afford it, and the like; all which expressions in their Original, have more of civility then in any other Lan­guage. I need not to penetrate into the sincerity of their discourses, which is not material to the purpose. I know the say­ing, The French do not speak as they write, nor the Italians as they think: I speak on­ly as to the sweetness of the Language, whereupon one said, If I was to speak to Senators or Ambassadors, I would do it in Spanish, if to Souldiers in High Dutch, to Courtiers in French, but to Ladies in Itali­an. There is indeed a kind of excess in their civil expressions, for they use to say, Schiavo di V. Sigria, I am your slave in­stead [Page 175] of your servant; and the word Vo­signoria, your Lordship is ordinary with them; so is the title of Molto magnifico given to inferiour persons, as that of Il­lustrissimo to those of a higher quality, yet 'tis given to many who are no great matter: a stranger with them is presently Sigre Conte, or Barone, or at least Sigre Cavaliere; they call men by the Christi­an name, Sigre Francesco, Giouanni, Fran­cis, John, when they speak to them, one­ly adding the word Don, to those of the highest quality, as Don Domenico, Don Lelio, yet they speak in the third person, when 'tis with one whom they will shew respect to, thus, Dove vanno loro sigri, but in Naples 'tis usual with men of the high­est quality to do't in the second person of the singular, thou, as Che fai, sei tu stato, which with other Nations is a sign either of great familiarity, or of much contempt. Neither must I omit here how fit and pro­per Epithets they give to things and places, as in the case of every one of their Chief Cities, so they call Roma la santa, the ho­ly, according to their opinion, Venice, la Ricca the rich, Padoa, la Dotta the learn­ed, Ravenna, l' Anticha the antient, Fio­renzala [Page 176] bella, the fair, Milan la grande the great, Genoa la superba the proud or state­ly, Bologna la grassa the fat, Naples, la Gentile the Gentile, Capua la deliciosa, the delicious, &c.

I will not insist upon their customes, which is a subject of which many have treated, however by the by let me say in few words, that in their division of the artificial day, they differ from the gene­ral practice of Europe, excepting only (as far as I could observe) Prague in Bohemia, instead of our reckoning from 12 to 12 hours, they reckon from 24 till 24, and their first hour begins at night an hour af­ter Sun setting, wherein they imitate the Jews, who after the method of the crea­tion reckoned the night afore the day, for saith scripture, The Evening and the Morning was the first day, the second day, &c. Another custome of Italians where­in they differ from us, is in the sign we use to make with the hand to those whom we call, for here we do it with our fin­gers upwards, but there it would be taken for an affront, my hand must be down­wards, and move gently when I make a sign with it; here we take that to be the [Page 177] upperhand which is next to the wall, but there they judge of it by the hand it self, the right hand though next to the Chanel is with them the upper hand; and in the case of riding in a Coach, a place in the Boot in their way, is before one in riding backwards, but in Venice the left hand in the Gondola is the upper hand; but when three walk together, the middle is the most honourable, hence it is, that when they walk upon a place to and fro, they are careful to let every one take his turn in the middle: A strange way they have to retort affronts upon others, which is, to break a bottle of Ink upon one, speci­ally women, or else over the door of the house, so that it remains spotted with it, 'tis the greatest note of infamy that can be laid upon any one. Italians, both men and women, have a general and a natural incli­nation to play upon the Gittar; and I ad­mired sometimes to hear those play who never learned at all; the very inferiour sort of people without any direction, on­ly with a constant application do get it, and they are so taken with it, that as they travel upon the high way from town to town, they play upon it; and at the same [Page 178] time to play, to sing and to dance, is usual with them.

I cannot well omit to speak some few words about their temper and manners, but before I do't, some passage I observed somwhere there (for in things of this na­ture I name no places nor persons) which gave occasion to my following reflection, how fit it is for Princes to be careful what manner of men they bring about their persons in private. When a Prince comes into a place of retirement, he puts off that Majesty and Gravity which he hath when he appears abroad; they are but men, and so they must allow 'themselves some liber­ty in ther Chambers when they are with­drawn from the croud of men and busi­ness. Now if when they are thus retired to be private, every action of theirs, and every word they speak be vented abroad by those who are present, in this the con­dition of Princes of all men in the world were the most miserable, Quisque suos pa­titur naevos, every one hath his failings, and the feailties of humane nature, so that Wisdom consists in the concealing of it, and not in the not having of it, besides that Nemo sapit omnibus horis: So that if [Page 179] standers by who see things, spread them a­broad, then additions and glosses are made upon't, and as the actions and words of Princes are exactly taken notice of, so every one passes his judgment upon them. How necessary is it then for Princes to have no rash or giddy, but wise, sober and discreet men to wait on them in their re­tirements, who without being told, may know whats fit to be spoken, and what to be concealed, those things which may give a good opinion of a Prince must be pub­lished, but not the contrary, or else I say, that those who have the honour to be ad­mitted into the presence of Princes, so as to be private to their retirement from the croud of affairs, to ease, chear up, and refresh their spirits, if they allow their tongue as much liberty as they do to their ears and eyes, they are very unfaithful or very impru­dent, and so not fit to be in such places. Certainly Domitian himself never told, that when he was in his Closet, he was bu­sie about killing of flies; the first report of it came undoubtedly from some other hands, which brought a great deal of dis­paragement upon him; I know in this he took his pleasure, as Nero, and other Em­perours [Page 180] took it, in the company of Buf­foons, and things of that nature; but they forgot that their honour was to have been to them dearer then their pleasure. I do not deny however, but that one friend may sometimes whisper in the ear of ano­ther private things of this nature, and im­part in secret some such things to them as they have seen, for this manner of repo­sing confidence in the discreetness of ano­ther is a strict bond of friendship: I disap­prove here those who speak at random, before those whom they scarce ever saw, whom they do not know well, or when they speak it unseasonably, for there is a time for all things, and to know it is not the least part of wisdom.

But upon the subject of the nature of Italians, I must observe that the people of those parts which are on this side the Ap­pennini Mountains, as Piemont, Monfer­rat; all Lombardy, part of the state of Ve­nice, and la Romagna, have some things of the French humour, but on the other side, as the Gonoeses, Toscans, Romans and Napolitans, they have much of the Spanish temper, however they are all in General, dextrous, subtil and prudent, those who [Page 181] are good, know all the tricks that are put upon men; there is no leading of them by the nose, neither will they be easily cheat­ed, but they who are bad apply their whole wit to hide it; so that one is easi­ly mistaken in them, and 'tis very diffi­cult to know them well, but after a long dealing and conversing with them.

Italy the Mother of Arts and Sciences, I look upon as a nurse, who hath vertue in one breast, and vice in another, and as ever one extream joyns with another, so best and worst are to be learned there; this is according to the constitution of the people, who when they be good they are very good, when bad extraordinarily bad, Corruptio optimi est pessima; however a judicious man will benefit himself by the good which there he will meet withall, but also like an experienc'd Artist he will ex­tract wholesome cordials out of the worst of poisons; though the corruption of hu­mane nature is so strong, that it inclines and draws us to evil, rather then to good, but the beams of grace, the light of nature, and the testimony of ones conscience, may teach us the right way.

However, to speak first of the best, I [Page 182] say the conversation of Italians is not easie to be had, but when it is, 'twill be found sweet, civil and obliging, very circum­spect not to give offences to any one in the Company, or any one else that hath a relation to it, ever respectful one to ano­ther; the greatest familiarity doth not make them recede from a courteous car­riage, so that such persons have one of the best qualifications to make friends, for friendship without respect is not to be cared for: Furthermore a thing very com­mendable in point of conversation is, that though they be many in company, they never speak together, which is the Vice of some other Nations, and fit only for Children; let a man make a discourse ne­ver so long; they will hear him quietly, and not interrupt him, as they will not be interrupted when it is their turn to speak; 'tis true, that most of them speak ration­ally and juditiously; and as they are a people who love exceedingly their liberty, for which cause their Princes, to keep them under, have built so many strong Holds and Castles, so the ordinary sub­ject of their discourses are affairs of state, which by a constant custome of speaking [Page 183] and hearing of, they have brought them­selves to an ordinary knowledge in, as the example of that poor Fisherman at Na­ples, Mas' Anello so cunningly blow­ing up the fire of that Insurrection, which made so much noise in the world, doth de­monstrate; upon this account, Books treating of any state revolutions are so strictly forbidden them, knowing that this is to add fewell to the fire; and in some places, where most of all Princes are jea­lous of their Authority, as in Naples, dis­courses of this nature, if known, are severe­ly punished.

But there are two extremities upon this subject, some Princes of the East and North east parts of the world, namely the Tartars and Muscovites, keep their peo­ple in a beastly ignorance, and have exiled all manner of Arts and Sciences out of their Dominions, and this under pretence, that hereby having not so much the use of reason, they are not apt to cavil at, or to disobey the orders of their Superiours, as do other Nations, who have more know­ledge and understanding; but this hath no more consequence, then if one should say, meat and drink are not to be used, because [Page 184] there are gluttons and drunkards; because there are somtimes knowing and judicious subjects, who are disobedient, 'tis not to be concluded, that knowledge and judici­ousness are the cause of disobedience, so far from it, that these letting a man know of his duty, do fence against any thing that goes about to withdraw him from it: Pride, Ambition, Discontents, Covet ous­ness, Cruelty and the like, are the cau­fes of Risings against Lawful Authority, and not Wisdom and Understanding, so far from it, that where they are not, the use of reason is suspended, and men act onely out of a natural impetuosity, and out of a sensitive principle, wherein they differ nothing from beasts; so that the same ignorance and violent motion which leads them to obedience upon the lesse shadow and fancy, will spur them to disobedience; and one alone, if not quick­ly taken off, is enough to turn away whole thousands, for who can more easily be mislead, then he who receives false­hoods for truths, and who hath not a spi­rit to discern good from evil; these are Mules, which will as soon kick their Ma­ster as a stranger; or like those Elephants, [Page 185] who having once felt the smart of a wound, in spite of their Rider turned from upon the Enemyes, and fell foul upon their own Army: I am further of the mind, that ignorance is the great prop of Rebellion; for as there is nothing so natural to men as the desire of liber­ty, and that there is nothing in men to oppose the motions and desires of it; and seeing they obey onely out of fear of pu­nishment, upon all occasions, they will embrace any means let them be never so wrong, to attain it: Like Lyons and Tygers used to be chained up, when they break loose they tear and devour any thing that lies in their way, and like vio­lent torrents they over-flow all; from the fury of such people, Libera nos Domine. As to those barbarous Countries where they have such Erronious principles, con­trary not only to reason, but also to com­mon sense, they bear the punishment of this fault, for all their subjects are gene­rally incapable to do them service, ha­ving neither parts nor abilities to effect it; and in the managing of their Warres, which is the chief thing they minde, they are obliged, specially in Muscovite, to [Page 186] get Officers of other Nations to carry it on, their own Subjects, few excepted, wanting knowledge and experience in it. Arts and Sciences, not only make a King­dom flourishing, but also do fit Subjects to obey and to command; over-rules with the use of reason, that bruitish impe­tuosity which is in some men, not only teaching them their duty, but also strength­ning it in them with reasons & examples.

But 'tis not enough to disapprove this singular errour, for there is another ex­tream to be condemned; 'tis the too great curiosity of private men. I know particu­lar persons are concern'd in publick trans­actions, as being members of that poli­tick body, which can never fare well or suffer, but they must be sensible of it: yet some more and some less, according as they are eminent in their places, and called to it by the favour of their Prince, for every one must know his station, and act within that sphear, Ne ultra crepidem; for if every one were his own carver, and had that share which he wishes in the Go­vernment, then all would command, and there would be none to obey, so that all would degenerate into a confusion and A­narchy. [Page 187] Men ought to refer themselves to their Rulers, for the direction and steering of publick Affairs, knowing that God who hath called them to it, hath not been wanting to endue them with necessa­ry abilities: Therefore those subjects are to be blamed, who would penetrate into the secrets of Princes, and dive into their Coucils, and consequently cavil at their actions, and censure their proceedings: they see indeed the effects, but know not the causes, which if they knew, they would be satisfied and approve of them, if they were capable to understand them, but oftentimes they will judge of an un­dertaking by the event, which is a great mistake; as we could give examples of designs, which were as rationally ground­ed as could be, carried on with all imagi­nable dexterity and secresie, yet miscar­ried upon the point of execution; on the other side, rash attempts managed with the greatest imprudence in the world have proved successful: What then? were the former to be blamed, or the latter commended? No, we must look upon men to be no more than instruments, if according to the reason they have, they [Page 188] make use of the means afforded them, 'tis all that may justly be required from them, for success of things depends upon the over-ruling hand of providence, which disposes of all things as it seems good unto her: It is true, 'tis said a successful man was never a fool, nor an unfortunate a wise man; but this is a vulgar errour as well as this other, the strongest is never the traytour. Out of this I deduce, that for the most part 'tis beyond the sphear and capacity of subjects, specially those of an inferiour Orb, to judge aright of the actions of Princes; they have certaine motions whereby they act, which are in­visible to particular men, they are acted by an intelligence which is hidden from the eyes of the commonalty; and as they stand nearer to God, so they receive more of his influences: But some sort of people do proceed to an excess of unrea­sonableness, in that as much as in them lies, they will not give Princes that liber­ty which they allow themselves, as if they were Servants more then Masters of the Sate; 'tis true, certain faults of Prin­ces are more unexcusable than those of private men, because by these last, none [Page 189] but themselves or few else do suffer, but by the former, whole Nations are some­times the worse, and share not only in the disgrace before men, but also in the punishment from God; however a distincti­on is to be made; some failings are natu­ral to them as men, and others as they are Princes, and neither are to be exami­ned by subjects, for to their great Master they must fall or stand.

Now I must return to my principal subject, to some other virtues practised by Italians, which are sobriety, and frugali­ty; I will joyn them together, for they have a great dependancy one upon ano­ther, only the latter is of a larger extent: Sobriety is a thing so much in request a­mongst them, that with them 'tis account­ed to be, as indeed it is, a great shame to practise any thing contary to it, specially in point of drinking; so that to call one there Imbrioco, a drunkard, 'tis to give him one of the greatest affronts he can re­ceive; and 'tis a certain truth, that they are very temperate in their meat and drink, and whole diet, as I will give some particulars by and by upon the point of their frugality; in the mean while some [Page 190] make a doubt, whether their Sobriety bean effect of their temper, or of the Climate: I confess in hot Countries, such as this is, men have no such stomack to their meat, as they have in those which are col­der, and though they had, the stomack could not have the facility to digest much of their aliments, which are very nourish­ing, and some of a hard concoction; how­ever this argues nothing at all against Ita­lians sobriety in matter of drink, for the hotter the Climate is, the more apt men are to drink, and no Nation hath more enticements to it than they, if by nature they were inclined to it, they having as rare and excellent Wines as Europe can af­ford; but since they forbear, I will not de­prive them of that praise which they de­serve for this virtue; as for eating, they have as delicious meats as can be wished for, which are both pleasant to the pa­late, and light to the stomack, in the use of which they forbear all excesses.

This will better appear by their fruga­lity, which yet some who are used to mis­name every thing, and give the worst construction to all, do call covetousness, when 'tis known, that in certain things no [Page 191] Nation is more Noble and more splendid than they are; this frugality is extended to their cloaths and diet, they go very plain, men of vast Estates, yea, their ve­ry Princes, except upon extraordinary oc­casions, very seldom exceed 10. ponunds in a Sute of Clothes. I know Princes and Cardinals, who when they have received a present of sweet Meats, Fowls and the like, send it to their Confectioners, Poul­terers, &c. who by it of them; this here would be look't upon as the effect of a miserable and covetous nature, but there 'tis their way; from the highest to the lowest they are very private in their diet, there is no coming to them at such hours, and the meanest of the people would not be interrupted by the best man in the Land: the most part of Noblemens Ser­vants do not diet in their houses, but are allowed bord wages instead of it.

But Italians delight in rich and fine Coaches drawn by stately horses, and to be attended by a number of Staffieri, or men in Liveries; Coaches of 800 or 1000 pounds are not rare there, and there is ne­ver a King in Europe that hath Coaches so rich as hath the Grand Duke, and the [Page 192] Duke of Parma, the formers Coat of Armes, which are the six Balls, are set o­ver head in his Coach, for every Ball a precious Stone, valued at 10000 l. Sterl. and if we will believe them, the whole Coach comes to 40000l. Further they de­light in buildings, and stately Palaces built up after the Symmetry, and exact Archi­tecture; So in Gardens and Water hou­ses, Ornaments and Furnitures of Houses, as Statues and Pictures; hence it is that they are so passionately in love with Pictures, that they will give any thing for one when they like it, 4 or 500l for one Picture is no extraordinary rate a­mongst them; there hath been some Prin­ces who have offered in Siver the weight of some Statues, and could not have them; in a word, Italians delight in those things which make a shew. 'Tis not to be admi­red that in Italy they are such lovers of Pictures, for that Art is there brought to the height of its perfection, and that Country is absolutely the best, if not the only Shcool of it, where within this age or thereabouts, have flourished those Emi­nent Picture-drawers who have filled Eu­rope with their Names, but most of their [Page 193] Works are safely and dearly kept there, whether they be in Fresco or in Oleo: what excellent Artists have been Bassano, Ti­ciano, Michel Angelo, Rafaele di Urbino, Tintoretto, all the Caracci, Coregio, Pao­la Veronese, Dominichino, Lan Franco Guarcini, Guido Reny, and a great number of others, who excelled, almost every one in something; some in invention, others in the mixture of Colours, in the propor­tions, exactness of Features, and after the natural; and in designing, drawing and touching or perfecting: in great or short, in Mignatura with the Pen or Pencil, or otherwise, Fights, Land-skips, Flowers, Perspectives, Sea-prospects, great and small Figures, and in other wayes and things depending upon that curious pro­fession; in this, for certain Italy goes beyond all the World.

Now we will come to what is worst in them, but we must premise this, that their youth is very fiery, which is the cause of Murthers and other mischiefs committed in those parts; however this heat doth not last usually after they are passed 25 years of age, or a little more: as for the mea­nest sort of people, they are generally ci­vil [Page 194] in their carriage, if one be so to them, but if a stranger speaks a hard word to them, they take fire and grow very inso­lent, yet so, that if they see themselves the weaker, and not in a place convenient for them, they hold their peace and for bear till they have opportunity of time and place; but let's come to their Vices.

As the natural propension of men is to evil more than good, so many who travel into Italy do quickly take notice of their Vices, but do not minde their Virtues; so when they come from thence, all that they can say for it is, they are given to such and such evil courses, and are so and so qualified, but Virtue and Vice with Nations are as Corn and Tares in the Field, and like Wheat and Chaff in the Barn, one must have skill to pick out the right and leave the wrong: Some Vices as the Apostle speaks, are not so much as to be named, and as he saith in ano­ther place, It is even a shame to speak of those things which are done of them in se­cret; a certain modesty in speaking is re­quired, which if a man doth not observe, I judge him to be disposed to evil doing; some Vices there are so odious in them­selves, [Page 195] that they defile the tongue of the speaker, the ear of the hearer, the pen of the writer, and the eye of the reader, yea, the very thoughts; this consideration ob­liges me to pass by some things to come to others.

Some will tell me, 'twere well also to omit speaking of jealousie, which both Sexes there are subject unto, though that of the men, as being the strongest, doth produce the saddest effects; I confess 'tis a very unpleasant subject, which I leave after few words speaking; this extrava­gant passion which is caused by love, but destroys it, and which as Solomon saith, The rage of a Man, doth so blind, pos­sess and alter men in Italy, that from Hus­bands it turns them into Goalers and Ty­rants, and Murtherers of their Wives, who become thereby their prisoners and slaves upon this consideration, Ariosto one of their most eminent Poets, hath the ex­pressions here inserted:

Che dolce piu, che piu giocondo stato
Saria di quel' d'un amoroso cuore?
Che viver' più felice, e più beato
Che ritrovarsi in servitu d' amore.
Se non fosse l' huomo sempre stimolato
[Page 196] Da quel' sospetto rio, da quel' timore,
Da qvel' furor', da quella frenesia,
Da quella rabia detta gelosia.

Another Vice of Italians which I am more free to speak of, is that desire of re­venge, which is so strongly seated in them; they are certainly of a most revengeful nature, and therefore 'tis very dangerous to offend them, they profanely say, that Vengeance is so sweet a thing, and so great a good, that upon that account God doth reserve it to himself, as a thing wherein he will not have men to share with him; and as Italians to attain it, use all possible means, let them be lawful or unlawful, and as it carries them to the utmost extremities; so I am of opinion, that there is a cruelty in that nature which is so bent to the execution of it; out of this principle, I mean of cruelty, Pope Sixtus Quintus used to say, upon the occasion of a great Princess, who in his dayes was brought upon the Scaffold, Che Gusto, said he, di tagliar teste coronate what a pleasure is it to cut off Crowned Heads! Northerly people do blame the wayes which they use to be avenged, as poyso­ning, stabbing and the like; but they and [Page 197] the Spaniards too laugh at us, and call Ger­mans, French and other Nations, fools, who use to challenge and fight duels one with another, for so doing; for say they, if one hath been offended, is he not a fool to take the way, perhaps of receiving a greater offence, instead of a satisfaction, and to venture his life upon such an ac­count, but men ought to take their advan­tage: the truth is, the Italian is a dange­rous person upon this account, for he ap­pears cold in his anger, constantly think­ing upon the means how to be avenged, he keeps the injury in the bottom of his heart, and the worst is, that he dissembles and conceals his desire of revenge, which aims at no less than the death of the of­fendor, by the means of poison, dagger, or any other way, leaving nothing unat­tempted to bring his design to pass.

Neither will they hearken sincerely af­ter a reconciliation; for their proverb, saith, Amicitie reconciliate, eminestre riscaldate non furono mai grate, there was never any pleasure in reconciled friendships, nor in warmed pottage; and this is so deeply fix­ed in their hearts, that many die obstinate in that resolution. Upon this subject there [Page 198] is a very notable passage of an Italian Gen­tleman, who being strongly exhorted by a Franciscan Fryar, to be reconciled to his Enemy, answered him in these words, You exhort me to forgive as a Christian, and I cannot do't being a Gentleman; I was born a Gentleman before I was a Christian, for I am the one by nature, and the other by vir­tue of my baptisme; therefore I will first be avenged as a Gentleman, before I forgive as a Christian.

From what hath been said, we make some few general observations, namely that the Italian Nation is not only fallen from that great power it had formerly, but also it hath much degenerated from that heroick virtue and martial spirit it had before; for a thousand eminent men it produced formerly, there is hardly one now; and that generosity of the Lion which they had heretofore, is turned into the cunning of the Fox; so their busines­ses are mannaged with dexterity, (not to speak worst,) more than with strength: hence it may be concluded, that virtues, though but moral ones, make glorious States, Kingdomes and Republicks, and Vices are the cause of their decay, as it [Page 199] hath happened to the Roman Empire; Vir­tue gets honour, strength and riches; and as the best things are apt to be corrupted in their use, so these produce pride, ambiti­on, idleness, covetousness, and other vices, which causes destruction one time or other.

It appears also from hence, how unfor­tunate the condition of those petty Princes are, who depend upon others, for their pre­servation, their protectors do often turn to be their oppressors, and yet they dare not camplain of it; how watchful must those be who have ambitious, and much more potent Neighbours than themselves, 'tis a sad case to think what straights they are sometimes brought to, to provide for their safety, and how many real evils they are exposed unto, to maintain that vain sha­dow of liberty which they are so taken with, and that dream of a Sovereign Autho­rity, of which they be so fond of; they waste and consume themselves in charges for their preservation, and are besides ob­liged to observe the humours of friends and foes; and what is this to the odium and disaffectedness of their Subjects which they often bring upon themselves, who must bear the burthens, and be at the [Page 200] charges of upholding this Authority, which makes also the condition unhappy of the people who lives under such Princes as have no power to protect them; and as the right use of these two Princely virtues, Valour and Prudence, do consist in these two things, to free his States from for­reign, and to avoid civil wars; certain­ly if they can prevent neither, but with much difficulty, by reason of weakness and discontents, they must needs be con­stantly offended with dangers and fears, which makes to them their life uncomfor­table; and let things fall out how they will, if ever they be engaged in any troubles at home or abroad, what success and advan­tage can they get either from those who are much more potent then they, or from those in whom their strength ought to lie; by this last they act against their own in­terest, and do as it were tear themselves in pieces, for 'tis not enough for a war to be just, 'tis necessary it should also be bene­ficial and advantagious.

I must make one observation more, that the number of petty Princes (such are all Italian ones, in comparison of potent Kings and Kingdoms, as England, France and [Page 201] Spain) doth much contribute to their com­mon safety and preservation, for every Prince watches constantly the design of a­nother, not only upon his own States, but upon that also of his Neighbour, for he is much concerned that the dominions of one of his neighbours should not fall into the hands of another, who would thereby grow too potent for him, and one time or other bring him upon the Stage; and 'tis a necessary maxime, not only to remove the will and inclination he hath to do him hurt, but also to hinder and prevent his be­ing able to do it; So then, that mutual jea­lousie which they have one of another, keeps the scales even between them; and if a single one would attempt something up­on him who is weaker, then the others whuld not fail directly or indirectly to as­sist the weakest; and if the Prince should happen to be stronger than all the other together, rather than be made a prey to such a one, they would call in a forreign power to ballance him, as it hath been of late done in Germany, for Princes there being grown very jealous, and not with­out cause, much affraid of the Emperours power, they brought in the French and the [Page 202] Swedes, who having gotten an interest in the Empire, the one in Alsatia, the others in Pomerania and Bremen, and are now con­cern'd to curb the Imperial Authority if it would over-flow the banks of its just and limited power: this is also the case of Italy, where the French and the Spaniard have each some interest, though the former not comparable to the latter, as to possession of Lands, but when he pleases he can pour thousands of his Subjects into it, having in his hand a door into it, then the differen­ces between the houses of Savoy and Man­toa, and of Parma and Modena with the Pope, will be now and then an occasion for the French to meddle in Italy. And al­though the Princes of Italy care neither for French nor Spaniard, yet they care for their interest, which is ever to make use of one to oppose the designs of the other.

So that publick persons, as well as private men, may learn from Italians, the rules and practise of Oeconomy and Po­licy; the greatest of Princes, as the mean­est of Subjects, need to be frugal and sa­ving, for let their Incomes be never so great, the charges of the State, and their own, are sometimes greater: often there [Page 203] happens extraordinary, and undispensible occasions and necessities to be supplyed, or else the State will run into a palpable danger. Men from the highest to the low­est, have nothing but what they save and spare, and let them receive never so much, they will not want unnecessary occasions of laying out more then that comes to. Monies are the sinews, not only of war, but really there cannot be any politick motion without it, wherefore we use to see that of Princes, he is the strongest who is the richest, if he knows how to make use of that advantage: by these means he will draw the greatest and the best Armies into the field, and will keep them upon duty and in obedience, and so in a fit po­sture for service; the best experienced Of­ficers, and the stoutest and most undaunt­ed Souldiers, will ever follow an exact and a good pay; he will not only secure his own places, but also work within the Garisons of his Neighbours, and even have influences upon their very Councils; The rich Prince will tire out and consume him who is poor; how much then are they concerned, when present occasions of State allow it, to lay up in their Coff­ers [Page 204] that which may serve for the future necessities of it; that Prince who is in this condition, is feared, respected, and admired at home and abroad, if he hath learned well how to improve this advan­tage.

As to that part of a Princes policy, which consists in this, Not to discover the bottom of his heart, nor the utmost of his Power; we have it from Italians, not the former, for when the inclinations of a Prince come to be found out, and his heart can be known, then all his neighbor Princes will work upon him that way; they will give him monies if he be cove­tous, praises and flatteries if he be proud and vain; they will go about to strike fear into him if he be umorous, or in a contrary way to please him in that passi­on, which they know to be predominant in him; and hereby many a time he will be drawn to act or comply in those things which are contrary to his honour and in­terest: At home he is also exposed to the attempts of Parasites and Flatterers who for their own ends; ever study to please him in that which they know him to be most of all prone and given to, by which, [Page 205] compliance with him, he becomes a prey unto them: the latter part of this policy, for a Prince not to discover the utmost of his power, is to be learned from Italians, as well as the former. Some Princes and States do subsist and are upheld by credit and reputation more then by a real strength; 'tis more by the opinion which others have of them, then by any true cause in themselves; and 'tis well for one never to do so much, but to give others to think that he can do more, for when 'tis once found out how far one may go, o­thers will be more apt to cross him, and will take courses sutable to their designs against him; so that in this a Prince lies open to the attempts of others.

Another thing neecssary for publick and private persons to be learned from Italians, as much as from any other Na­tion, is, Not to discover the utmost reach of ones capacity, and of that faculty of the soul, called understanding or intellect: this learned men do so observe, that in the so­lution of questions, though sometimes they have said as much as they are able, yet they will tell one, that much more might be said to that purpose, and the like; [Page 206] for above all things they would avoid to be suspected of ignorance by others, see­ing they make an open profession of learn­ing. So 'tis a matter of high concernment to Princes to be accounted to be men of parts, judicious and understanding, which are qualifications necessary to those who rule Kingdomes and Nations, therefore they are so careful not to give the least grounds to make people suspect they want, abilities to govern, seeing nothing can be so injurious and prejudicial to them, as to be accounted soft and shallow heads. Solomon the wisest of Kings, pronounces a woe to that land whose Princes are chil­dren, not so much in years as in wisdom and understanding, as was his son Rehobo­am, who was said to be young at 40 years of age, for want of knowledge and expe­rience: a wise Prince therefore will chuse not to speak at all, rather then not to speak to the purpose upon a subject: hence it is also that he sits in Council, not only to hear the several advices given him there, but also to judge of them himself, and having digested it in his mind, to give them a form, chuse the best, and be him­self the Author of his resolutions in con­sequence [Page 207] of Councils given him, which thus he makes to be his own. It is then a great part of wisdom to conceal his ig­norance, and in capacity of any things, specially of those which ought to be known, and to give as good opinion as one can of his abilities, and rather for­bear speaking of a thing then not to do it well, or instead of praises which every one is desirous of, one brings himself into slight and contempt, for I think that one of the greatest discommendations of a man is this, he was so put to it, that he knew not what to say.

Silence also, and Secreste, which are qualities so essentially necessary to all sorts of persons, are to be learned from the same Nation; as nothing makes a man so vile and so contemptible, as not to be able to hold his peace (an imperfection and defect to be excused only in children, fools and drunken persons) so nothing argues so much the infidelity and rashness of a publick person, as the revealing of secrets; as I am the Master of my own secret, I may declare it to a friend; but my friends secret I may not tell it to ano­ther, because 'tis not my own; much less [Page 208] may a publick Minister betray his masters secret, wherein not only one or few per­sons, but whole Nations for the most part are concerned. Many great designes have been obstructed, and many great evils caused or prevented, either by an yntime­ly discovery of resolutions, or by some few words spoken unadvisedly; one word dropt from a mans mouth is suffi­cient at least to breed a suspition, which usually puts men upon further inquiries and discoveries; therefore want of secre­sie is a great breach of prudence, which is the Salt, the Spirit and the Life of Moral and Politick Vertues.

One thing more to be learned is, Con­stancy and Settleness of Mind, so necessa­ry to private men, in both fortunes, and to publick persons in times of troubles and difficulties. A skilful Pilot is not moved so, as to despair amidst the roaring of the winds, the tossing and tumbling of the waves, and the raging of the storm; con­trariwise he sticks the closer to his work, grows more careful, and minds the more the safety of the Ship, wherein his own and all others in it are included: So an experi­enced Minister of State, amidst all trou­bles, [Page 209] crosses and conspiracies against the State, doth retain that soundness of mind, and tranquility of soul, which at last may bring him out of all dangers, instead of falling into confusion and disorder, or yielding to fear, he uses those means which are lawful, possible, and likely to quiet and pacifie things; he is not moved at different reports, he is neither incredu­lous nor over credulous, but hears every thing, examines and weighs all, receives that which to him appears to be the truest, and resolves upon that which he thinks to be the best.

That Italians have known and practised these things, the history of antient Rome, and the experience of these last times do justifie it, and some able States-men, and great Polititians, whom that Nation hath afforded Germany, France, Spain, and o­ther Countries, do clearly convince of this truth, and are presidents of it, and one single Proverb of theirs (to shew how solid and substantial they are) doth teach us all the Vertues aforesaid in these words, Non spendor' cio che tu hoi, non [Page 210] far' cio che tu puoi, non creder' cio che tu udi; that is, One must not spend all that he hath, nor do all that he can, nor tell all that he knows, nor believe all that he hears.

THE CHARACTER OF SPAIN.

IN the South-west parts of Europe, between the 37. and 42. degrees of la­titude, lies a potent Kingdome, named Spain, or Spains in the plural number, for so Philip II. called himself, Rex Hispania­rum, after the acquisition he made of Por­tugal, in the year 1550. it fell into the hands of the House of Austria by the match of Philip the xi. first son to Maxi­milian of Austria, with the daughter of Fer­dinand of Aragon, and Isabella of Castilla, heir of those Countries, united by the marriage of the said Ferdinand and Isabella. [Page 212] These dominions have in time been so en­larged by marriages and conquests, as to reach some things in Africa, a great part of Europe, and almost all America, which hath given occasion to say, That the sun never shines out of the Spanish dominions.

The struglings of this Nation after an Universal Monarchy, have proved so lusty and so hard, that at one time or other, whole Europe hath been shaken with it: whereby the Spanish name is become so famous, that 'tis not to be admired at, if curiosity of seeing a Countrey where so great designs were continued, hath put se­veral men upon travelling into it.

I confess, with many others, I have been taken with that itching desire, in hope of seeing an extraordinary land, peopled with none but Heroes, but with what successe, the following discourse shall witnesse, be­ing sure that no curiosity was ever more severely punished then mine, nor pleasure more constantly attended with pain: if this be a sin, I vow never again to fall into it, and herein I ought not to be accounted singular, for I protest I found all those whom I conversed with, and who have been there, to be of my opinion; but pa­tience. [Page 213] In this World one must see not on­ly good but evil also, things better judg­ed of by their contraries, yet to go tho­rough, one must be stored with monies and patience.

Let a man begin this Journey which way he pleases, he will find it very tedious, and must resolve to suffer many inconve­niences: whither he goes from Bayone to Yrun, San Sebastian, and thence the straight way to Victoria, Puerto de sant Adrian, or on the left, to Pamplona in Navarra by Estella de Navarra (where is an Univer­sity) la Puente de la Reyna and Viana pas­sing by Logrono, whence some go to Santo Domingo de la Calcada, in the Church whereof are seen a Cock and a Hen of the breed (as 'tis reported) of those which (if you will believe it) came to life again after they had been roasted; and to be short, thence to Burgos Valladolid, Medi­na del Campo, Salamanco Scyonia, el pu­erto de guadarrama, Iscuriale el Pardo and Madrid, Alcula de trenares, Aranjues, Toledo, &c.

Or whether a man goes into Spain by Catalonia, Valenza Murcia, Grenada: one shall be ill horsed, hardly used, and [Page 214] have bad accommodation; of which three things, one alone is enough to vex a Tra­veller.

Although Spanish Horses be very good, there are so few, that they are not em­ployed in ordinary uses, Mules must doe the worke, which are very slow creatures, very ill harnessed, and very dangerous for biting kicking; to these inconvenien­cies, let a Spaniard be joyned as a guide, who as well as the Mule, keeps to his slow pace, caused not only by his natural gra­vity, but also (when they walk as ma­ny do) by shooes made of little cords, which the generality of them doth wear, so that the sand and drye ground they walk upon being already much heated by the Sun, must needs gall and burn their Feet, let them be never so used to't, this must needs be very tedious to those who are used to ride good Hor­ses.

But there are other difficulties caused by the rudeness and barbarity of men, all rational people will shew themselves civil to Strangers who pass thorough their, Countrey, to give them cause to commend the Inhabitants when they are [Page 215] out of it; but here no such thing is thought upon, they are called by the nick-name Gavachos, and assoon as a man comes into Spain he must shew all the mo­neys he hath about him, and every thing else, and must pay for't according as he is taxed by those unreasonable men, whether it be a silver Sword, a Watch, a Ring, silver Buttons and the like, so that no­thing goes free; and then if any thing lyes in the way of these Searchers, they will make conscience to take it as dexte­rously as they can, and though one should take notice of it, yet he dares hardly say any thing for fear of the worst, because sometimes they send one or other upon the passage to rob or kill as they have a minde to.

After this they give a note, which some call Albaran, and others Aluala, to cer­tifie to other searchers that the things have been payed for; yet for all this, o­thers if they please (and they do't very often except monies be given them) they cause one to open all again, they search all, and make pay for all; and the worst is, that this sort of men ever lies at the coming in and going out of every Pro­vince, [Page 216] which in those parts (for great­ness sake) they call Kingdomes, so that after this rate one is to pass thorough se­veral Kingdoms before he can come to Madrid. At the coming out of Spain one meets with the like (or worse usage if it be possible) as he found at the going into't.

But after all, the worst is, that one hath no accommodation by the way, for sometimes you shall ride 30. miles and not see a house, nor meet with a man, so that in some places one must carry for himself something to eat, and Oats for the Mule, and so lie sometimes under a Tree: how uncomfortable this is in Winter, and the heat of Summer, I leave every one to judge.

And the misery is, that when one comes to an Inn, he is hardly the better for't, for excepting some Alcoues which are used onely by persons of quality, all the bed you can get, is some formes or few boards lay'd close, with straw or wooll at the most, within a matteress upon't, without Bed-steads or Cur­tains, for they know not what such things mean, and if one will have clean sheets, [Page 217] the surest way is to carry some along with him.

Yet this is but beginning of trouble, for these Inns (if I may so call it) afford nothing to eat, and if you will have bread, you must send for't out of the house into one place, for Wine into another, for Meat into another, for one can hardly find two such different things in one place; after all, if you will have it well dressed, I advise you to have a Cook of your own.

Now see whether or not I have rea­son to wish my self out of this Countrey, but I must go throughout, seeing I am so far engaged in't, and give some observa­tions I made of their nature, and of some manners and customes of theirs.

Though the Spaniard be not very soci­able, yet'tis easy for a man to know his natural Genius and Inclination as to the generality: I confess amongst the true Castillans, some Generous and Gallant men are to be found, but these are so scarce, that we may say of it, as of Bread, the Countrey affords it very good, but so little of it, that though the Countrey (Catalo­nia excepted) be very void of Inhabi­tants, [Page 218] there is hardly enough of it to serve 3. months in the year, so of 10000. men, hardly one will be found to have a right principle of honesty.

If at any time a man hath offended them, though it be an offence taken ra­ther than given, they will seem not to take notice of it, but they will watch one so long, and so well, that at last he must fall into their Clutches; then they give no quarter, but one night or other as a man is going to his Lodging, they will shoot him dead in a treacherous way, and when he is not aware of them.

Their Pride is known by the contempt they have for all other Nations, there­fore they say their King alone is El Roy de los hombres; the same they affirme of their Language, but most of all 'tis known by their carriage; they have an affected gravity which goes beyond the natural, and make themselves valiant with often­tation.

They walk up and down the Streets like Peacocks and Turkies with a great deal of pride, staring upon others, and looking on themselves from top to toe with a losty, scornful and braving cour­tenance; [Page 219] and yet when there is occasion to go to it, except there be three or four against one, Toman las oulcas de villa di­ego, as they say, that is in plain English, they run away, till they have an oppor­tunity of being avenged; and this is most of all practised in Valenza, Arrago­na, Catalonia, &c. in Castilla, and some other places, there being more generosity than in others.

In Summer, they wear long Cloakes of black London Serge, specially those who are of any fashion, but I have seen some of Cloth and very heavy, for they say, that which keeps from cold, preserves al­so from the heat; their shooes for the most part have no heele, or a very little one; the clock of their stockings comes up to the fat of their legg.

It were needless for me to make an ex­act description of their cloathes, seeing they often have been seen in England, spe­cially in Eighty Eight. I shall not dispute whether they are becoming or not, much of it depending upon custome and fancy, yet they are so taken with it, that still they keep to their fashion in most Countries where they live, and very hardly can re­solve [Page 220] upon changing in some Courts where they have Ambassadours, for else they have so good opinion of their Coun­tries that they scorn almost all others, and account them not worthy to be seen, ex­cept the low Countries, Naples, Sicily, Milan, the West-Indies, &c. where they goe to feather their Nest and to grow rich, and often they take such courses, as makes them speed well in't in a very short time.

They use to wear Sword and Dagger, and though their Cloak be new, very of­ten they make a hole in it, that the Dag­ger may be seen; the lowest sort of trades­men, as Carpenters, Shooe-makers, &c. never sit at their work without a Dagger by their sides. Thus the Commonally is possessed with pride, witness the story of the Woman, who being a Begger, yet would not have her son to serve an Am­bassadour; I will not said she (being spoken to about it) undervalue my son so much, who knows whether one day he shall not be King of Spain. Hence it is that we do not see Spaniards to be servants of men of other Nations, nor to travel but upon the ac­count of necessity. Now this vanity fol­lows them to their grave, as we hear of [Page 221] the Cobler, who being upon his death­bed, having called his Children to him, said to them, Take heede you do nothing to disparage your selves, or to dishonour your Family.

To see the meanest of them in their cloathes, and to act their gravity, is a thing to make any Sranger mistake their quality, insomuch, that one day in their late Kings time, a foreign Minister being private in his Lodging, took one of them for a Gran­dee, who (as he thought) came to give him a visit incognito, as 'tis usual in those parts, and received him with a great civi­lity, but at last this proved to be a Glasier, who went to mend a window: and they so much affect gravity in their march, that one of them being once whipped at Paris, (you may conceive not for any good he had done) and being told by some specta­tors who pittyed him, to mend his pace, that he might sooner come out of his pains, he turned about, and with much gravity, told them, that he would not go an inch the faster, though all the Hang­men of France were at his heels.

But to goe on in telling of their good qualities, I must not omit to say that idle­ness, [Page 222] and lasiness are some of those which most of all they are subject to: I cannot tell whether it be meerly an effect of their natural disposition, or a trust they put to the Harvest they receive from the Indies; or, as I believe, of both; but the matter is such, that their Land which in many places is good, and could be made fruitful, nor only in Fruites and good Wines, but also in other Necessaries, for want of being manured, is barren and useless. Now the Ground doth not produce without the care of man; at present God doth not shew us such Miracles, as he hath done some­times in the dayes of old.

If Tradsemen amongst them, do work 2 or 3 hours in the day, they will think themselves the greatest workmen in the world; and they who set them at work, must pay as dear, as if they had been a whole day at it: when this is done, they go to play or iport themselves one way or other, but those that live in Sea-Towns never fail to walk by the Sea-side, to see Ships coming in, to enquire what parts of the world they come from, and what news they bring: and here Passenger: do find some office of the Inquisition sum­moning [Page 223] them to go and give an account of their Faith to the Office, but their chief end is to get a piece of money, and then they let people alone.

Others there are in these Sea-Towns, who drive another sort of Trade, they come aboard and offer to Passengers wine and other provisions at a very low rate, only to oblige them to go to their houses, where they shew them Spanish flesh ra­ther than Victuals.

No Nation hath more ceremony, and less reality than the Spanish, when they think to cut one's throat, then they make the greatest protestations of love and friendship: they stand so much upon titles and places, that as Boccalini saith, it is a particular custome of Spaniards, to vi­sit others more to affront, than to honour them. Complements also are so mixed with their ordinary discourses, that they wholly take away the pleasure of Society, & banish Liberty, wherein doth consist the sweetness of Conversation: An English Nobleman having often been troubled at Madrid with such a way of dealing, by one of their Great men, resolved one day to be avenged on him, therefore once [Page 224] when the other was come to him, he cau­sed a great fire to be made, and both being drawn near to it, with their backs towards the Chimney, the Nobleman engaged the Spaniard in discourses of Civility, who many times bowed towards the fire, which he did so often, that at last feeling the heat, he clapt his hand upon the back side, and found the fire had burned part of it, he was as amazed, as the other who sit­ting by a fire, and feeling the heat tho­rough his Boots, said, I am a fraid of bur­ning my Boots, when another who stood by answered, Sir, do not mind your Boots, for already they are gone, onely look to the Spurs.

They profess a new Divinity, to allow of a certain evil, that an uncertain may be avoided thereby, that is to practice a Pec­cadillo as they call it, a little sin, to avoid falling into a greater, and for fear of Sodo­my, to indulge themselves in their Leach­ery; a thing so generally used amongst them, that he who hath not his love in that kind, is accounted a man without wit and merit; and the generality of them goes as openly and freely into such places, as here one will goe to a Tavern, or an [Page 225] Ale-house: they consuetudo peccandi, tol­lit sensum peccati, the custom of Tinning, takes away the sense of sin; their Proverb is, El fatigado con cosas deveres, recreese con donagres, he who is a weary of serious things, must betake himself to his plea­sures; of which, as of Wines they allow themselves a Calabrada, a mixture and va­riety, wherein they so much indulge them­selves, that rather than be deprived of the least, they will loose any thing; where­upon they use to say, Siempre en las tar­dangas a'y peligro, y. vale mas paxaro en mano que buy tre volando, A bird in hand is better than two in the bush; which they mean of their pleasures.

Sometimes I have seen some of their Priests come to Strangers Lodgings (pro­vided they be acquainted with the Land­lord) to play with them, in a disguise, not out of any shame, but only to have more liberty with those who know them not, except a Landlord, or some body else tells them what they are.

There be also some Priests and Fryars carrying up and down the Streets, the I­mage of one or other Nuestia Sennora, as they call it, for whom they beg, & yet the [Page 226] poor Lady is never the better for it; for most part of the time, what they have gotten, they bestow upon their own plea­sures, and other uses; and once I saw at Alicant, one of them, who played at Cardes what monies he had then about him, and lost it to an English Master of a Ship: whereby we see now ready they are to sacrifice their shew and pretence of De­votion, to their pleasure or covetousness; and sometimes they dispose of it another way, which is, to make a mock at what they call piety themselves, and which we, with a more proper word, do name super­stition.

Many of these Secular, and Regular Priests, are very offensive to the Laity, by reason of the great power theClergy hath in those parts, who assert their priviledges with a great severity, by the means of the Inquisition, which is formidable to the greatest men in the Land, as to the lowest; so that under this shelter, they commit many unjust and unlawful things.

But in general, to return to the Na­tion, they are very singular in their Diet, still making good the Proverb which saies, A Spaniard is not sober when he lives at [Page 227] the costs of others: but else they are very sparing and I am very much of the opi­nion of one, who thinks that in London, there is more Meat eaten in one Month, than in whole Spain in one Year. They do not roast whole Capons, and Pullets, but Leggs, and Wings by themselves, and then spread the feathers before their doors, to make others think thatgood chear is made in that house; a Crust ofBread rubbed with Garlick, or an Onion, is an ordinary and a good diet for them, which, if a Stran­ger sees them to eat, they presently fall upon commending of Sobriety, and how wholsom a thing it is: many a time I have seen numbers of them dine so, close by a wall, to enjoy the heat of the Sun, which is their ordinary fire in those parts, so sa­ving they endeavour to be in every thing; yet if any one will have the pleasure, how well they can eat, or rather devour, let him treat them at his own charges.

For certain flesh isvery nourishing there, but this is not the onely reason of their sobriety, 'tis also dear, in part, because 'tis scarce, and also by reason of a great Tax laid upon Butchers: Fruits, herbs and roots, are things which they feed upon most of [Page 228] all, and in every thing almost, they use much Pimiento, a kind of red Pepper which grows in the country; but they are not used to see any quantity of meat upon a table; this is the reason why Gondomour being gone back into Spain from his Am­bassy in England, and being asked by his Master about several fashions used here in the Court, amongst the rest, being very in­quisitive to know what ceremonies were used here when the King was at table; he answered, for his part, he could not well tell, though he had been in the Dining Room when his Majesty was at Dinner, because, said he, he was hidden from him by a great piece of Beef which was laid upon the Ta­ble.

They allow not their wives to sit at ta­ble with them, those persons of quality are private in a chamber and by themselves, but others of the common sort of people, do usually keep in the same chamber where their husbands dine, at a table with their children, or else there is a place raised half a foot or thereabouts above the flower, with a Carpet laid over it, thereupon the wife, and children either kneel or sit with­out Chairs, and eat what the husband is [Page 229] pleased to send them from his Table, so that to speak the truth, they are deprived of their liberty and kept in great subjecti­on, little different from slavery.

Which hard usage they are sensible of, upon occasion doing them all the turns of unfaithfulness which they are able, being naturally by the influences of the climate, the hot things they eat and drink, and out of a desire of the liberty they see them­selves abridged off, much inclined to luxu­ry; they take care to curle their hair, keep their breast naked, yet not so low as the shoulders, they paint much with red their lips and cheeks, a custom so general amongst them, that they hide it not one from another; they wear above their wast a far­dingale, or Guarda infanta, as they call it, which is like a circle of a good breadth, and very fit to hide a big belly; when they go thorough a narrow door they must strike it down of one side; those of an inferiour quality, when they are abroad, do usually wear a black Hood which falls lower then their breast and shoulders, and hides the whole face, except one eye, which is all one is able to see of it, whereby they are so hard to be known, that towards e­vening [Page 230] a husband going by his wife shall have much ado to know her; though they be more civil to those strangers or others whom they intend to favour, by uncover­ing the whole face when they come nigh to them: they improve the few moments they have of liberty, and they endeavour to hazer su Agosto, to speak in their own words, or as we say, Make Hay whilst the Sun shines, and they do it de la buena gana, with a good will.

Men there, are extraordinarily careful of their Beards, which are black and thick with Mustacchio's [...] Tusks; to save them at night, they have las bigotes, that is a kind of a waxed Case which they lay upon it, and which to one who knows not what it is, seems very strange in a morning when they appear with it at a Window: they al­so make a Beard so essential to a man, that if he be altogether shaven, as now we are in England, they will doubt whether or not he be an Eunuch: and in the streets of Madrid, I have seen an outlandish man of about 30 years of age, taken by the arme by a woman who never saw him before. and asked him very boldly, tien los Cojones voste, Sir, are you a whole man, because he was wholly shaven.

[Page 231] A thing which most of all seemed strange to me in Spain, is the custome of some to walk in the streets with Spectacles on their Noses, which with a little thread they tye to both ears, and there is a two-fold rea­son for it; the one is the scorching heat of the Sun which heats so much the ground, that the reverberation of it is hurtful to the eye, but as in Winter the sun is not so hot as in Summer, so methinks the use of these Spectacles should cease; therefore besides the former there is an inward reason, ari­sing from the immoderate luxury which they are given to, for by reason of the strict communication there is between those parts and the head, specially the Opticks, the Organ is much offended, and consequently weakned, so that this people becomes short sighted; and I think that the fresh waters with Ice, which they so much drink of in summer, are used to cool their lust more then to quench their thirst.

The extraordinry long swords they have must needs be very inconvenient, specially by reason of the long cloaks they wear them under, insomuch that most part of time they must turn up their cloaks of one side when they walk, and the other hand [Page 232] they must lay upon the hilt of the sword, that thereby the point of it be lifted up, o­therwise it would constantly trail upon the ground, and often the crosse above the hilt being of one side turned upwards, and downwards on the other, seems at the same time threatning heaven and earth.

Formerly they used to wear Ruffs about their necks, which were forbidden, because in Arragon a great man was strangled with it, so that since that time they have been lookt upon as a halter about ones neck, and instead of it, they use a little band stretched and stiffned with a little wire.

In their discourses they would be taken for Senators, for upon every occasion they play the Statesmen, they dispose of Crowns Scepters and Kingdoms, just as if they were of Gods council, they decide the fortune of Princes, censure the actions and carriage of Ministers of state, and when they are three or four together, one would think that like so many Gods they sit in council to resolve upon the fare, and dispose of all States and Empires of the world, and this not by conjectures, but out of a certain and infallible knowledge, and whilest they fan­cy Mountains of Gold, and think how to [Page 233] dispossesse other Nations of their Country, they take no notice how void of people their own is, by reason of their driving the Moores out of Granada, of their Plantati­ons in the Indies, their wars in Flanders and Italy, and of the many Garrisons they must keep in sundry places; thus they make good their Proverb, cada loco con su tema, every fool hath his fancies.

Benefit and pleasure are the two great ends of Travellers, but in Spain neither is to be had, the people of it not being soci­able, and there is hardly any thing worthy of a mans curiosity, or at least the pains to go to see it; all Spain doth not afford one noble and stately City. Pamplona in Navarra is noted for the Citadel in't, Burgos the Metropolis of Castilla the old for the great Church, and an inconsidera­ble Castle; Valladolid where formerly the Court hath resided for a considerable time, is a proverb, Villa per villa, Valladolid en Castilla, but there are not so much as walls about it. Salamanca hath the famous Uni­versity of Spain, their is the Bridge built by the Romans, and the Bull at one end of it; Segovia hath without the Monasterie, called Parral, the Mint, a Palace and the [Page 234] Aqueducts, & the fine Cloth made there: To­ledo the chief Arch-bishoprick of Spain hath a great Church & a thing called the Trea­sure within it, & Water-works; so at Gra­nada is the Palace of the Palace of the Kings of the Moors, the Altrambra: Cordova hath the Mosquea or Church of the Moors, Sar­ragossa is a good place, and to be short, their Sevile the chief of Andaluzia, of which their Proverb says, El que non ha vista Sevilla, non ha vista Maravilla: indeed about it grow good fruits, the River Guadulqui­vin, runs by, and after falls into the Sea by San Iuan de Burrameda, but certainly in other places are much better Churches, Palaces. Bridges, Universities, &c. and I say that all these things together are not worth the pains and the charges of going so far to see them, except a man hath ab­solutely a mind to be able to say, I have seen; neither is a good breeding to be got­ten there.

Indeed there are in Spain two things worth seeing, and no more, one is a work of nature, the River Guadiana in Estramuda­ra, sinking under ground beyond Placio del Rey, and then raising about Miajada nigh upon 14 short leagues off; upon this ac­count [Page 235] 'tis said they have the best bridge of Europe: the other is the Escurial, the Ma­ster-piece of the great and wise King Phi­lip 11. though 't was no part of wisdome in him to have at once 3 such great designs, to conquer England, uphold the league in France, and to recover the Low-Countries, all which came to nothing, because as the Italian saith, Chi troppo abraccia nulla stringe; however he built the Iscuriale where the Courts, the Kings and Queens Lodgings, the Fryars Cloysters, the water, the Gardens, the Library, the Chappel, in a word, the whole is a rare thing, but not so miraculous to those who have seen other parts of the world; the Pardo, buen retiro and Aranjuez, I will hardly mention, those forenamed are the best things in Spain, but he who hath a mind to suffer so many in­conveniences before he comes thither must do it by way of Penance; as for Cities, Barcelona is certainly the most populous of any in Spain.

The rest of these towns are full of pride, idleness, misery, cheats, treachery mur­thers and other oppressions, caused by their ambition, animosities, covetousness, desire of revenge, luxury and jealousies about [Page 236] Wives, Concubines, Daughters, Sisters, Neeces, and what other relations they have of that Sex, they account themselves obliged to be watchful over: yet for all their poverty they are taken with the va­nity which is too common in other places, nor to observe a distinction of cloaths ac­cording to the quality of persons, for I have seen Carpenters and Shooemakers in Silver cloath doublets, and in extraordina­ry fine cloath; but I know it to be their humour, that the poorer they are, the more they indeavour to hide it, the best counte­nance they put on, and the greatest shew they make: their very Alguazils or Bai­lies, who are the vilest sort of People, think themselves as good as the best in the land, and to see them walk with a switch lifted up in their hand, one would perceive in them as much lostiness, as if they were high stewards, or high chamberlains of the Kingdome.

But to speak of somthing which is or ought to be the best in Spain, we must come to Madrid, the ordinary place of the Courts residence, which is far from be­ing numerous, and their way is particular and different from others; the generality [Page 237] of Women about it, are antient and tanned, but they use painting very much as a reme­dy to it: Yet I confess I have seen in Spain some with a very white skin, (but these are scarce) a brown hair, and a lively black eye, but there is not that honest Society of both Sexes which is found in other pla­ces: and great men do so affect gravity, and stand so much upon their formalities and points of honour, that amongst them there can be no sincerity nor satisfaction.

Coaches in Madrid are drawn by mules, in them Ladies sit in the same Gravity which men do affect, they are almost like Statues without motion, and when they think fit to move the head, 'tis done in so slowand so lingring a way, that one who is not used to it, would admire to see it; for all this I believe if they had the liberty which others enjoy in other places, some of them would prove the wittiest and most gallant Women in the World, even as were the Moors in Granada, but as things stand they must live a very retired manner of life.

On the other side, no greater prostituti­on in the world then there is in that Town, for the generality of Women: mothers [Page 238] make no difficulties to sell their daughters maidenhèads four or five times, and as of­ten as they can to cheat men; young girles begin to keep mens company when they are but ten, eleven, or at the most twelve years old, this is the cause of so much in­fection there in that kind, that it is a la­mentable thing for any one who hath the curiosity to see their Hospitals of incura­bles, besides that horrid sin which to pu­nish sufficiently no pain was found upon earth, but God was pleased to pour down, as it were, hell from heaven, causing fire and brimstone to rain and shower down upon earth; about this horrid sin they have this proverb in their language, En Spania los Cavalleros, en Francia los pedan­tos, en Italia todos.

A thing observable in the Court is the way of their Grandees, who sit down and put on their hats in the Kings presence; of these men there are three sorts, some have it by a personal priviledge and special favour of the King, others have it as an he­reditary right and propriety derived from their parents, and others in the third place, have it by a right of their charge and place, as namely the President of the Council of [Page 239] Castilla, who though he be not a Grandee, yet enjoys the same priviledge as they do. Charles the fifth was the Author of these Grandees, to gratifie the Spanish Nation, and in some kind make some of them e­qual with some German Princes who fol­lowed him in that voyage, and who by their quality and extraction, had the right of sitting and being covered in his pre­sence, a thing which other European Kings do not allow of, Portugal excepted.

Again, at Madrid is to be seen that cruel Bull-fighting, a remainder of those bloody spectacles used by the Romans for to give a pleasure to the spectators, men as mad as the Bulls they fight against, must encounter those wild creatures, and hazard in a combate which hath proved fatal to the lives of so many.

What shall I say of Madrid it self, where are neither good streets nor stately buildings, antient or Modern, not consi­derable for the materials or for the rules of Architecture; in winter there is nothing but dirt, and dust in summer, so that if for the space of three or four hours men have been to walk, their cloaths shall be as white for dust, as if they had been at the [Page 240] Mill, so that 'tis no wonder if their cloaths and Taffity hats (that is overlaid with Taffita) grow greasie so soon. Above all, let not one who is there walk abroad late at night, nor very early in the morning, for as they have no houses of office they fling it up and down the streets, and how unpleasant these objects are to the Nose, and the Eye, let any one judge, yet about 9 or 10 of the Clock there is nothing to be seen, but all is dissolved into dust, & as men say, that one stench & poison drives away another, so their use of Onions and Garlick is by them thought to be a sovereign re­medy against these Spanish Perfumes we are now speaking of; the Air indeed is the only good thing at Madrid, for 'tis very pure and free from the Plague. But if for all this men have a mind to go to see that stinking place, I will say to them in Spa­nish, Sea con pie derecho, that is in an Eng­lish sence, Much good may't do to them.

FINIS.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.