THE Golden Coast, OR A DESCRIPTION OF GUINNEY.

  • 1 In it's Air and Situation.
  • 2 In the Commodities imported thither, and exported thence.
  • 3 In their way of Traffick, their Laws and Customes.
  • 4 In it's People, Religion, War and Peace,
  • 5 In it's Forts and Havens.
  • 6 In four Rich Voyages to that Coast.

Together with a Relation of such persons, as got won­derful Estates by their Trade thither.

Quis nisi mentis inops,
Oblatum repuit aurum?

Licensed, according to Order.

LONDON, Printed for S. Speed at the Rain-Bow in Fleet-street. 1665.

AN Epistle to the READER.

WHen I look upon my Country, and find it an Island, when I consider its Inte­rest, and observe it is Trade; when I survey its honour and Safety, and conclude it is Shipping, and the Dominion of the Narrow Sea, according to that old advice of the Emperour Sigismund, when in England, to Hen­ry the fifth, in these old Verses made 233 years ago.

And to the King thus he said, my Brother:
When he perceived two Towns, Callice and Dover.
Out of an old book, called the English po­licy in keeping the Sea. Writ­ten 230 years ago.
Of all your Towns to choose, of one and other,
To kéep the Sea, and soon to come over,
To werre outwards, and your Reign to recover.
Kéep these two Towns sure: and your Majesty,
As your twain eyes kéep the Narrow See,
For if this Sée be kept in time of werre,
Who can here passe without danger or woe?
Who may escape, who may mischief differ?
What Merchandy may foreby be ago,
For néeds them must take trewes every foe.
Flanders and Spain, and other trust to m [...],
Or Ellis hindred all by this Narrow Sea,
For four things our Noble sheweth to mee,
King, Ship, and Swerd, and Power of the Sée.

When I reflect on former ages, and note the cir­cumnavigators [Page]thus; (1 Magellano a Spaniard, 2 Sir Francis Drake, an Englishman 3 Sir Tho. Candish, an English man. 4 Obwer Noore, an Hollander) two of the four our Coun­try men; And when I think of mine own time, and meet with one Prince in his bed sick, another in the field Warlike, a third in Counsel troubled, a fourth in distresse submitting, a fifth in his cradle rocked, a sixt in a Kingdome weary of it; and our King on­ly able, knowing, and careful to promote the Honor Commerce, and Naval Glory of his Kingdomes, as his Pleasure, as well as his Interest. And when I adde to all these, our successes in Edward the third, and fourths time, against the French. Our Victo­ries in Qu. Elizabeths time against the Spani­ards; not to mention more modern Conquests of o­thers our Neighbours; I am pleased with an inno­cent thought, that there is nothing at this time de­fective to our compleatnesse, save a Lecture of Na­vigation in Gresham-Colledge in London, answerable to that in the Contraction House in Sivill, set up by Charles the fifth, who wisely consid ring the rawnesse of the Sea-men, and the manifold Shipwracks they sustained, in passing and repassing from Spain to the West-Indies, took this course to remedy it: instead whereof Discoveries [Page]and Voyages give no little satisfaction; Particu­larly this plain Relation of Guinney, wherein I finde the Authour hath, 1 Allayed mens fears, in his Doscription of the Country. 2 Directed their Courses, in his Account of their Havens, Rivers, Winds, Seasons, Castles, &c. 3 In­structed their Commerce, about their Traffique Commodities, to be carryed thither, and had there. 4 Prepared their mindes, about their liv­ing there in peace and warre. 5 Furnished their Experience, by several former Voyages thi­ther. 6 Encouraged their Hopes with parti­cular instances of great estates got there in a little time. 7 Guided their Fortunes, with the way how to be Rich there in four years; and truely made it appear why it is called The Golden Coast.

Where a man may gain an estate by a handfull of Beads, and his pocket full of Gold for an Old Hat; where a Cat is a Tenement, and a few Fox tailes a Mannor; where Gold is sold for Iron, and Sil­ver given for Brasse and Pewter; The Place that cost Portugal 10000 l. the Discovery; the Place whose Trade that Kingdom farmed out for 150000 l. a year, and ours let out by Letters Patents.

In a word, when I consider what is Related in this [Page]Book, of Times past, and what is done at present, that of Salust comes in my minde,

Saepè audivi ego Quintum Maximum, Pub. Scipionem praeterea Civitatis nostrae preclaros viros solitos ita dicere cum majorum Imagi­nes intuerentur, vehementissimè animum sibi ad virtutem accendi, Scilicet non ceram illam neque figuram tantam vim in se habere sed memoriâ rerum gestarum flammam eam e­gregiis viris in pectore crescere, neque priùs sedari, Quàm virtus eorum famam & giori­am adaequaverit.

I have often heard (saith he) how Q. Maximus, P. Scipio, and many other worthy men of our City, were wont to say, when they beheld the Images, and Pourtraicture of their Ancestors, that they were most vehemently inflamed unto vertue; not that the said Pourtraicture or wax had any such force at all in its self, but that by remembring their worthy Acts, such a flame was kindled in their noble breasts, as could never be quenched, untill such time as their own va­lour had equalled the Fame and Glory of their Pro­genitors.

So say I, let us imitate our Predecessors,

Farewel.

THE Golden Coast, OR A DESCRIPTION OF GUINNEY.

The Situation of Guinney.

IT being very reasonable that the Curiosity of the Subject, should enlarge its self as far as the Empire of the Soveraign, that our Skill should keep pace with his Power; and what hee hath Conquered for our benefit, wee should understand for our advantage: it is as rea­sonably inferred, that our pens should go as far as his Sword, and our discoveries for improvement, as far as his acquists for enjoyment: It is his care that wee may have power, its ours that wee have skill to traffique over the World, the world that is open to our Trade, and to our service, wee being not now as of old, divisi ab orbe Bri­tanni, [Page 2]separatists from the Universe, but commanding the commerce of all Nations; our Negotiation being not limited in a narrower compasse than the whole Earth, and our dealing knowing no bounds but those of the world, Europe affording us its Commodities, America its Rarities, Asia its Pleasure, and Africa its Treasures.

  • Our Sugars come from the Canary Isles,
    Du Bartas le Col [...]un porley.
  • From Candy Currans, Maskadels and Oyles:
  • From the Moluccoes Spices; Balsamum
  • From Egypt: Odours from Arabia come.
  • From India Gumms, rich Drugs, and Ivory.
  • From Syria Mummie; Black, Red Ebony,
  • From burning [...]hus: from Peru Pearls and Gold,
  • From Rushia Furrs, to keep the ri [...]h from cold.
  • From Florence Silks: from Spain Fruit, Saffron, Sacks:
  • From Denmark Amber, Cordage, Furs and Flax,
  • From France and Flanders, Linnen, Wood and Wine.
  • From Holland Hopps: Horse from the Banck of Rhine.
  • From Tangier Beasts: all Lands, as God distributes,
  • To Englands Treasure pay their early Tributes.

§. The World is divided into two parts, viz.

  • 1 Unknown, or not yet fully discovered.
    • 1 In the Southern Continent.
    • 2 On the North of Africa and America.
  • 2 Known.

The Known

  • Anciently into
    • Europe,
    • Asia,
    • Africa,
  • Lately into America.

Africa is partly by Nature, and partly by Art divi­ded [Page 3]into six parts, 1 Barbary. 2 Egypt. 3 Num [...]dia [...] 4 Lybia. 5 Aethiopia Superiour. 6 Aethiopia Infe­riour.

Guinney is part of that place they call terra Nigrita­rum, or the Land of Negroes, which is bounded on the East with Aethiopia Superiour, on the West with the Atlantique, on the North with Lybia deserta, on the South with the Aethiopick Ocean, and part of Aethio­pia Inferiour. The People called Nigrita, give the Land its denomination; and the River Niger, that runs through there, gives them theirs; or rather indeed their colour, which they are so much in love with, that they use to paint the Devil white, according to this Stanza.

The Land of Negroes is not far from thence,
Neerer extended to'th Atlantick Main,
Wherein the Black Prince keeps his Residence,
Attended with his Jeaty-coloured train.
Who in their native beauty most delight,
And in contempt do paint the Devil white.

§ This terra Nigritarum, is by that necessity that forceth mankinde to pitch upon their Meum and Tuum, to set apart their respective allotments for Society and Commerce, divided into 18. chief Kingdoms; the am­bition of those people being rather height than bredth, rather to be Chief of a little place with authority, than graspe at much with uncertainty: thinking their little Scepters as bright, though not as big, and their Coro­nets as glorious though not as large as those of greater Princes. Pride we say is the Sin of Youth, and Cove­tousness, of Old age. The old Kings aimed at the vast­ness, [Page 4]the new ones only at the Honour of Empire.

These eighteen Kingdomes are there,

1 Tombutum, on the further side of Sanaga, which rising out of the Lake Guoga, runs under ground some miles, and losing its name, runs thence under the No­tion of Gir, little inferour to Nilus, for the length of its course, the variety of strange creatures bred there­in, or the distinction it makes in the face of this Coun­try, the people on the one side of it being Black, and on the other Tawney, the soyl on the one side very barren, on the other fruitfull, whence it falls into the Atlantick, by two great out-lets. Exceeding plentiful is this place of Corn, Cattle, Milk, Butter; destitute of Salt, but what they buy of Foreign Merchants at ex­cessive rates: well watred by the River Niger.

2 Metts, Eastward of Tombutum, on a branch of the River Niger in bredth three: hundred miles, abounding with Corn, Cattle, Cotton-wooll, together with most witty, civil, wealthy and industrious people, Homagers and Tributaries to the King of Tombutum.

3. Geneoa, betwixt Tombutum and Metts, on the O­cean, lying open without either Town or Castle, to the Traffick or Conquest of Barbary, or any other Coast, that will take the pains for that uncoyned Trea­sure of Gold, that is left on the banks of Niger, upon its monthly over-flowings.

4. Gieber (Eastward of Gheneoa) the Countrey of Shepherds, where those Mountains are whereof the Marriners say, a man may chuse whether he will break his heart in going up, or his neck in coming down.

5. Gumbra bordering on the Atlantick, and afford­ing good store of Rice, the receptacle of uncustomed goods, a place of refreshment to Merchants in their pas­sage [Page 5]to the Indies, where they bestow their stock until they are taken off by the next years Fleet.

6. Gialofi, between the Rivers Sanagh and Camb [...]ca, where the people can leap upon a Horse in full gallop, and stand in the Saddle when he runneth fastest; the King whereof Bemoin by Name, would have been a Christian Anno 1489. had not Pedro de Roy, the Portu­gal General shamefully murthered him.

7. Ora-Antirota, a long tract of Sandy and barren ground, extended from Cape le Blunci to the River Cor­nugh where the Portugez in their Fortress Arquin com­manded the Trade of Porto de Dio.

8. Gualata, an hundred miles off the Sea, beyond Ora-Antirota, full of Dates, Milk, and Pulse.

9. Agudez, bordering on Targue one of the five De­sarts of Lybia, where mens Habitations are onely Bo­wers and their Trade grazing.

10. Cano on this side of the River Canagu full of Rice, Cittorns, Pomgranats and Cotton-wool, well watred and too well wooded, until the Portugez taught the Inhabitants to burn down their Wood,Pantarius. the fire whereof was so dreadful, that all the Inhabitants were forced twelve miles into the Sea; and the Ashes there­of so much, that it enriched that barren Country, so farre, that it yeilded in some places sixty, in some pla­ces seventy, and in some eighty fold.

11. Catena, on the East of Cano, affording onely Milk and Barley; and a people of great Noses, and vast lips, so stubborn, that not one of them ever tur­ned Christian, so well governed, that the Common people have no doors to their Houses, that being the priviledge of Nobles; and so civil to Women,Nub. Geog. ch. 6. (a se­cond England) that the little King himself, if he meets [Page 6]any of them in the streets, giveth them the way.

12. Sanagu, on the other side of the River of that name, extended to the Atlantick-Ocean, as far as Caput Vinde, or Cape Vert, a rich and plentiful Country, that affordeth several Commodities for the several daies in the year.

13. Nubia, which hath on the West Garga, on the North Egypt, on the East Nilus, which parteth it from Ethiopia Superiour, or the Habastine Empire, formerly Christian, where the Nubian Geography was written, which gives so much light to ancient Customes, but since Mahumetan, for want of Ministers to instruct them. It being reported by Alvarez the Writer of the Ethiopick History, that when hee attended in Pre­ster John's Court, there came Ambassadors out of Nubia, to entreat a supply of Preachers to teach their Nation, and to recover lost Christianity; but were irreligiously affronted in their negotiation, and rejected in their suit.

Besides Mahumetanisme, there is another poyson in this Country,P.H. Corm. of which the tenth part of a grain will dispatch a man in a quarter of an hour, and is sold at ten Duckets an ounce; the Customes for which to the King, is as much as the price to the Merchants; But for this one ill Commodity, yeilding many good; as Corn, Sugar, Civet, Sanders, Ivory, and maintains a great trade with the Merchants of Caire and Aegypt, in the great City Dongula, that containeth twelve thousand Families and not one House.

14. Guoga, lyeth between Berneo and the Desarts of Nubia, extended four square six hundred miles, where a Slave selling Men for Horses, 1420. got up to be a little King, though their Bowers rather than Houses, being [Page 7]tyed together, and set on fire once a year, he is burned yearly out of his Territories.

15. Bornue a large Territorie, reaching five hun­dred miles in length, on the West of Guangury Na­der to the Aequator, where there is no property of Wives, or of Children, and no differences of Names, but onely from the Marks of their bodies; Which saith my Author, Though it may seem strange unto this present Age, yet was the Custome of our Saxon Ancestors; whence have we else the Names of White, Brown, Black, Gray, Green, or those of Long; Short, Low, Course, Crisp, and others, but from such Origi­nals? And yet for all this, this King is so wealthy, that all the furniture of his House, all his Dishes, Cups, Platters, which they eat or drink in; yea the very chains of his Dogs are of fine Gold.

16. Guang [...]r lyeth North of Brenin, wealthy, and well peopled, ragged and meanly Villaged, doing ho­mage to Bornum.

17. Benin directly Eastward of Guinney, whereof it is commonly esteemed a Province, or Kingdome so great, that the King thereof is allowed six hundred Wives, with all which twice a year hee goeth out in great State, attended by his Gentle-men with their six­ty Wives a piece, and others, with no lesse than twelve; The more the merrier, though the fewer the better cheer. Next to which place, is

18. Guinney.

GUinney I say, is a Sea-Coast-Countrey; exten­ded from Sierra Leona (so denominated, say Ge­ographers, [Page 8]from the Lyon-like roaring of the Waves, beating on that promontory) in the Tenth degree of longitude to the borders of Benin in the thirty, though it is observed to my hand that the Portugez who first discovered this Coast, by Drego's directions, 1425. comprehended under this word, the whole Sea-coast of Affrica, from Cape-Blance, and the Country of Ora-Antirota, to Angola, and Congo inclusively in the low­er Aethiopia, seated under the Tropick, though the Arabick Nubian Geographer translated into Latine by the Moronites, of otherwise, a rare and precious esteem, hath lost himself in the distances of these, partly by mistaking his meridian, and setting it to some, South ward, and not by his guesse way, of measuring by Inches. I must confess it is very hot in this place, but the natural heat of the place is much abated, by the cool gales of their trade-windes that customarily blow there, and the equal length of night and daies, the one scorching not so much with its Heat, as the o­ther refresheth with its Coolness.

The Ayre of Guinney.

THe Ayre of the place is by most English-men judged unhealthful,The Ayre. neither is the Ayre of the place we live in, judged less by their People, there being no other inconvenience in removing from our colder Climates to their torrid one, than there is in coming from their torrid one to ours more cold. A prudent preparation of mens bodies, accommodating the inconveniences of both; A bottle of Aqua-vitae, or, a quart of Brandy, being a Soveraign Remedy in [Page 9]the cure, as recruiting that heat within, that is weak­ened by a more extream one without. There are two Guinneas, the higher from Senega to Congo, and the low­er containing Congo and Angola. The higher, which we are now most concerned in, although it alwaies com­plains of a warmth, beyond that of our Countrey; yet hath a difference, at times of the year, and so the peo­ple of it account some months in the Summer, and some in the Winter; two seasons that are there distin­guished only by the weather, for both in Summer and Winter the Trees are green, some of them having leaves twice a year: In the Summer their Fields are most bare, in Winter loaded with Corn; that time being their winter when the Sun is most directly over their heads, which is in April, May, and June; for then it Raineth, then it is very foul Weather, Thunder and Lightning (which the Portugez call Travados, and the Natives Agom bre ton) following the Sun, and being most usual when it is at the highest.

2 Indeed some People bring a bad report of this Land, as if the Inhabitants were subject to many Dis­eases, I'le assure you they make themselves little reckoning of any of their maladies: they are troubled with Clapdollars, Botches, Worms, Pains in the Head, and Burning Feavours, but these are the favours of their Women, to whom they are inexpressably addi­cted, whose foul corruption and sores they pass by as if they ailed nothing, suffering their Wounds to swell and putrifie, without any means of remedy applyed thereunto; for they neither have, nor use any Physick among them, to ease them in their sickness, nor Surge­ry to heal their Wounds, but let their Infirmities have their own course; whence I conclude, that if the Art [Page 10]and Skill of Europe did a while dwell in those parts, it would abate their malignancy, and correct their un­healthiness; for now of late, I must needs say for the Pox and Clap-dollars, they use much Salsa Parillia, which the Hollanders have furnished them with, and they seeth it in Salt-water and drink.

For the Pain in the Head, they make a Pap of green Leaves, and annoint the place affected.

If they have any Swelling about their Body which doth not break, they cut two or three slashes therein with a knife, and so give the wound a means to work, heal up, and grow together again; thats the reason their flesh commonly riseth in knobs: Nay, they have of late found out the way of Letting Blood, but it's a barbarous one, for they only make a hole in their bo­dies with a Knife, to let their blood come out.

People so inhumane to themselves, cannot be kinde to others; as they will not help themselves, so they will not comfort one another; but if one be amiss, they shun him as it were the Plague, and spurn the sick man like a Dog, and not once help him with a drop of Oyl or Water, though he hath never so much need, suf­fering him to dye, as he lived, like a Beast, and starve with hunger, rather than perish with weakness.

For all this they live to be Old, though they cannot reckon their own Age, nor tell how many years they have lived; and to speak the truth, cannot endure to think of their decay, growing no less deformed and despicable when passed Thirty, than they do amiable and lovely until they arrive to it; their Skin then hang­ing loose like old Hogs Bladders, and ill-favouredly wrinkled like Spanish Leather.

There is a kinde of long Worm, that ariseth in the [Page 11]Legs, Arms, and Thighs of some men that come hi­ther, either before, after, or in their voyages, and but of some; many having gone several Voyages thither, and never knew what they meant, Kissing goeth by fa­vour: About the Castle Aleria, they are very rife, but Twenty five miles lower, very rare, and the very In­habitants of St. Thome, the unwholesomest place in the world, an Hospital, rather than a Plantation, under­stand as little what these Worms are, as we do; they have worms sure in their brains that are afraid of them, for there is no more in it than this,

There are certain showers called Alvais, that fall at certain times of the year, wherein if you are caught, you must run home and wash your cloaths, and making a great straw fire, lye along, and hold the soles of your Feet against that fire for an hour; doing this there is no harm done, but neglecting it, your cloaths will rot off of your backs: These Worms will grow in your Legs or Thighs, as if your veins swelled, with a sha­king and a Feavour, and such pains, as that you can neither sit nor lye sometimes, and sometimes so, as that you are not sensible of them.

The Worm appeareth in some like a spot or a flea­biting, in some like a little Blain, and in some with a little Swelling, so that you may often see the Worm between the Skin and the Flesh: There is no reme­dy against it, till you see it seeking to break out, and hold out it's nose, which you must immediately lay hold of, lest he creep in again; They are most dange­rous in the Cods, but the way is,

1 To be quiet, especially when they are in the Legs, and not go much, and to keep the place warm where they begin to appear: when they come forth so far that [Page 12]a man may lay hold of them, they must be gently drawn until they stop, and then you must let them rest, applying some exciting and provoking plaister, till they come forth again, and as much as comes out must be wound upon a stick or pin, or bound close to the orifice with a thred, that it creepeth not in again; if it breaks or draws back, it poysoneth or festereth the part; if it comes out whole, it draweth with it the corruption of the whole body, and makes a man met­tle proof against the Malignancy of Guinney; so that I know not whether it bee their Disease or Physick, something to heal, or something to punish: This is the common apprehension of these Worms, yet have I known men, that let them have their course, washing the place with Salt water, and though they returned into the Leg, saw them consumed to no­thing with ease and safety.

But when all comes to all, this is certain, that keep but fresh water of your own, or dig the water of that Country some six fathomes deep, under the salt-wa­ter, as they do in Ormus, and you are as sound as a Bell.

It's true indeed, that upon some showers of Rain, there is such a stinck sometimes, as forceth strangers to go some Leagues off into the Sea; but it is as true that there is such a stinck in London, that there was a man I knewupon the Exchange, who could never stay in Town above an hour, insomuch that he rid Twelve miles every day he came to the Exchange, and tied his Horse to a Pillar there, took a turn or two, grew sick, and immediately took his Horse and rid Post out, and this at least three times a week: There are some people that Swound at the smell of a Rose, and others [Page 13]that dye at the very sight of a Violet: The very Dung of some Cats is Musk in England, Fancy go­verneth the world; and I think there is little here but Opinion, by that time I lived there but three quarters of a year, the most noysome of these smells pleased me; Use they say makes the Master, and Custome is another Nature.

Not to spend our breath in the Air of this place; There is nothing more observable in it, but that there are a kinde of trade winds, as they call them here, that keep Ships sometimes a quarter of a year from these Coasts, even after they are come within sight of them.

The Earth, the Tillage, and the Native Commodi­ties of Guinney.

WHatever the Air is, I am sure the Earth is rich and Plentiful; it is called the Coast of Gold, and the Rivers Niger and Sienga, carrying down that Mettal, as the Thames doth sand, of which you will see more in the Chapter of Merchandize.

No man claimeth any Land to himself; the King keeping all the Woods, Fields, and Land in his hands; so that they neither Sow nor Plant therein, but by his consent and licence, which when they have obtain­ed, and have a place permitted them to Sow their Corn in; then they go with theit Slaves and burn their Woods, Trees, Roots, and Shrubs to the ground; af­ter this they take their long Chopping-knives, which they call Coddon, and scrape up the ground about a foot deep, and let it lye eight or ten daies.

When they have all Tilled their Ground, every man takes his seed upon their Sunday, that is as you shall hear anon, our Tuesday, the better day the bet­ter deed; and goeth to the Kings house, whom they serve first, and then (after a Treatment of a sod Goat, with Palm Wine, to which they fit and sing about the burnt Roots, in the honour of their Fetisso or God, that their Corn might grow well and prosperously upon the Earth) to their Neighbours, whose allotments they Husband by turns, until the whole Countrey is sowed, where the Corn soon groweth up, lying not long in the Ground, and sprouts as high as a Mans head, at which time they make a woodden House in the middle of the Field, covered with Reeds, where­in their Children watch the Corn, and drive away the Birds, wherewith they are much cumbred.

Their Ground being rank, the Corn is very weedy, yet they weed it not, but let it grow up weeds and all.

Their Corn is of two sorts, 1 Milly. 2 Mais.

1 Milly, and that hath long Ears, and is a seed of colour like Hemp-seed, and long like Canary-seed, having no shells, but growing in a little husk, which is very white within. This Grain groweth ripe in three months, and when cut down, it lyeth a month in the Fields to dry, and then the canes are cut off and bound in Sheaves (the straw being reserved for Thatch) mak­ing wholsome and sweet Bread; when they have paid the Kings Rent, every one according to his ability, and furnished the poor for Gold.

2 Mais, called by the Spanish and Portugez, Turk­ish Wheat; and brought out of West India into St. Thomes Island, and from St. Thomes hither by the Portugez, [Page 15]is mixed with Milly, and makes excellent Messellan, though it is very good alone; and these Negroes make Bread with it, that will last three or four months; their Children also eating it instead of Bread, which they set a while upon the fire, and then crush the Corn out of the Husk, which breeds the Scurvy and the Itch.

But give me Mais, that makes the Wine called Chicha (wherewith the Negroes are dead drunk once a week) by being laid to soke in water till it is soft; and indeed it groweth in a moist and salty ground, as if it were a drunken Grain, bearing twice a year, and being not sowed like other Corn, but thrust into the Ground: It looks like Reeds in a Marsh ground, and every Reed hath his Ears whereon the Corn groweth, and notwithstanding that they are heavy Ears, as big as your Cucumbers, yet every Reed hath seven or eight Ears upon it, insomuch that I have told five hundred and fifty Grains upon one Reed, which came of one Grain alone.

Here is also a Tree called Palm, whose Bark they bore, and draw out of it most curious sweet Wine, which mingled with a little water, is the best drink in the world, and excellent Oyl, wherewith they make their bodies shine, besides this necessary use of it.

In the tempestuous and rainy time of April, May, and June, the rain being sometimes so hot, as if it were warm water, the poor silly people are simply a­fraid of it, and do what they can that not a drop of it fall on their bodies, and if any happen to do so, they shiver and shake, as if they had a Feavour, until they have found the way to Annoint their bodies with this Oyl, so that a Negroe looks like a Spanish-leather pair of Boots well liquoured.

Here groweth Bunnana, or the Indian Fig, not on the Branches, as other Fruit, but on the body of the Tree, covered with leaves a fathome long, and three spans broad, which leaves are used in their houses for paper, the Tree indeed being nothing else but a few leaves patched together; It is as high as a man, on the top the leaves begin to spring out, and rise up an end, and as the young leaves come forth, the old ones wi­ther away and begin to dry, until the Tree comes to his growth, and the fruit to perfection. The leaves in the middle have a very thick vein, which divideth it in two; and in the middle of the leaves, out of the heart of the Tree there groweth a flower as big as an Ostridge-Egge, of a russet colour, which in time wax­eth long like the stalk of a Colewort, whereon the Figs grow close one by another; when they are still in their husks, they are not much unlike great Beans, and so grow more and more until they be a span long, and four thumbs broad, like a Cucumber; They are cut off before they are ripe, and are in that sort hang­ed up in bunches, which oftentimes are as much as a man can carry.

CHAP. II. The Wares to be carried to Guinney.

FIrst we bring them great store of slight Linnen-Cloath, whereof there is very much spent in those Countries, for they apparel themselves therewith, and it is the chiefest thing they use for that purpose; [Page 17]besides this, we carry them great store of Basons, Bar­bers Basons, Basons to drink in, Platters of Copper, flat Basons, great broad Copper-pans, at the least two fathomes about, and small Posnets without edges: The small Basons they use to put Oyl in, wherewith they annoint themselves, and the greater sort of them they set in the Graves of the Dead, and use them to carry diverse things in; The Barbers Basons they use to wash themselves in, and when they cut their hair; Plat­ters they use to lay over things to cover them withall, to keep dust and filth from falling into their things; The great broad Pans are by them used to kill Goats or Hogs in, and to make them clean therein, instead of a Tub; The Posnets they use to dress their Meat in, which serveth them to very good purpose, they will not have them with stales, as we use them here with us, and many such like Basons of Copper which our Ships bring thither in great quantities; and therewith fill the Countries so full, that by means thereof, they are sold as good cheap to the Negroes, as they are bought in Amsterdam; And although there are so many of these Basons brought thither, and no Ware that weareth so much as Linnen, yet you see but few old Copper things there, and therefore you must think that there is a great store of People inhabiting further within the Land, which use so great quantity of such things.

We carry thither great store of Kettles, which they use to fetch water in, out of their Pits and Valleys; and some red Copper-pots Tinned within, wherein they use to put Water instead of a barrel of Beer to drink, as also Earthen pots, out of which they use to drink: Iron is used by them to make their Weapons; as Assagaies, Cutting-Knives, Poniards, &c. The Assa­gaies [Page 18]and Poniards they use for the Warrs, the Cut­ting-Knives to Till and cut up the Ground, instead of Spades, and some to cut Wood withall, and to use about their buildings, for they have no other Tools; They also buy great store of Red, Blew, Yellow, and Green Rupinish Cloath, which they use for Girdles about their middles, to hang their Knives, Purses, Po­niards, and such like things at: They use white Spa­nish Serges to wear upon their bodies, instead of Cloaks; Rings of Copper and Brass which they wear a­bout their arms, and feet for a great pride; they also use Tin things, as rings about their arms, but not many: they use many Knives which we make with us in Holland, and call them Dock Messen: They also use great store of Venice Beads, of all kindes of colours, but they desire some colours more than others, which they break in four or five peeces, and then grinde them upon a stone, as our Children grinde Cherry-stones, and then put them upon strings made of the Bark of Trees, ten or twelve together, and therewith traffick much; those ground Corals they wear about their Necks, hands, and Feet: They also use round Beads, and specially great round Counters, which they hang and plait a­mong their hair; and let them hang over their ears: Pins they use to make Fish-hooks, Horse-tails they use when they dance, and also when they sit still, to keep the Flies from their bodies; Looking-glasses, and small Copper Milk-pans, with many such like things they likewise make use of. But the chiefest Wares that are uttered there, and most among them, is Lin­nen-Cloath, Brass and Copper things, Basons, Ket­tles, Knives, and Corals.

At first wee used many times to deceive them, not [Page 19]only in the measuring of Linnen, but in delivering them broken and patch'd Basons, and peeced Kettles for their mony; rotten Cloath, through which they might have sifted Beans; Knives that were so Rusty, that they could hardly, without breaking, pull them out of their Sheaths, with such like Wares; but now by use and experience, they have attained to such skill in our Wares, that they are almost able to surpass us therein.

For first, when they buy any Linnen-Cloath, they look if it be not too slight and thin, and whether it bee white and broad, for they are very curious to buy white and broad Linnen, and respect not the strength so much as the breadth of it; for they use to hang the Linnen about their Bodies, especially the Women, which desire to have it hang down from underneath their Breasts, to their Knees.

Secondly, They take Woollen-Cloath and hold it up against the light, to see if it bee thin: They draw the Knives out of the Sheaths, to see if they be not Ru­sty; they look upon the Basons one by one, to see if they have no holes in them, or whether they be broken, and for the least hole that they spy in them, they lay them away, and desire to have others for them; and also if they be but a little foul or greasie, they will have none of them; and for quantity and quality, they make trial of all other Wares, as curiously as is done in Europe.

CHAP. III. The first Voyage from England to Guinney.

August 12. 1553. There sailed from Ports-mouth two goodly Ships, the Primrose, and the Lyon, with a pinnace called the Moon and sevenscore lusty men, under two expert Pilots and politick Captains; to one whereof the King of Portugal had committed the custody of Guinney against the French; happy was that man that could go with them; in seventeen daies they arrived at the Coast of Madera, an Island that standeth thirty two degrees distant from the Aequino­ctial line, and seventy leagues from the Isle of Tena­riffe, Northwestward, and Southwestward from Her­cules Pillars, called Madera, quasi Materia, by Ana­cham that first discovered it, from the abundance of Trees in the Coast, where they had abundance of Pears, Apples, Plums, wilde Dates, Peaches, Mellons, Batalas, Oranges, Lemmons, Pomgranates, Citrons, Figs, sixteen Sugar-Houses, and incomparable Wines, wherewith they stored their Ships: Here they met with a Man of War, that was ordered to obstruct all Trade on those Coast, but especially to secure the Ca­stle Mina; hence there happening a difference between the two Captains, so that the Marriners cast off one of them, they sailed forward till they came to the Canaries called in old time, the Fortunate Islands, twelve Leagues long, and as many broad; called so, not from the two Dogs wherewith Juba planted it, but from the Canes wherewith it is replenished.

Here they saw how Sugar is made:

1 The Fruits brings forth a Bud called Plants.

2 That is laid along in the furrows, so as a sluce may water it, being covered with Earth.

3 This Root springeth into Canes.

4 It groweth two years, whatever the French Ge­ographer Thevet suggested to the contrary.

5 Then are they cut close to the ground, the leaves being lopped off, and the Canes bound into bundles like Faggots.

6 Being carried to the Sugar-House, called Inge­nio; these sticks are ground in a Mill, whence the juice of them is conveighed to a great vessel for that purpose.

7 There it is boyled thick, then its put into a Fur­nace of Earthen pots, of the mold of a Sugar-loaf.

8 Then it is carried into another House, called a Purging-House, where it is placed to Purge the black­ness, with a certain clay that is laid thereon.

9 Of the remainder in the Cauldron is made a se­cond sort, called Escumas; and of the purging liquor that droppeth from the White-Sugar, is made a third sort, and the remainder is called Panela, or Netas, the refuse of all the purging is called Remial, or Malasses, and then of another is made Refinado.

When this first-fruit is in this sort gathered, called Planta, then the Cane-field where it grew, is burned over with Sugar straws to the stumps, of the first Canes, and being Husbanded, Watred, and Trimmed, at the end of other two years it yieldeth the se­cond fruit called Zoca, and the third called Tertia Zo­ca, and the fourth called Quarta Zoca, and so orderly the rest, till age causeth the old Canes to be planted again.

Here they went to Civitas Palmarum, as Batutas, Mellons, Pears, Apples, Oranges, Lemmons, Pom­granats, Figs, and Peaches, especially the Plantano fruits, which groweth like Cucumbers on a tree, which is nothing but folded leaves, black and delicate as any conserve, twenty seven degrees from Aequator. Thence they continued their course to St. Nicholas, where they victualled themselves with fresh Mear, wilde Goats, Sheep, Hens, Ducks, great Partridges, &c.

From Canary they followed on their course, taking the desart Islands here and there in their way, because they would not come to Guinney when it was too hot.

The 19th. day at twelve a clock, wee had sight of the Isle of Palmes and Teneriffa: The Isle of Palme riseth round, and lyeth South east and North west, and the North west part is lowest. In the South is a round hill over the Head land, and another round hill above that in the Land. There are between the South east part of the Isle of Madera, and the North west part of the Isle of Palme, seven and fifty Leagues; The Isle of Palme lyeth in eight and twenty degrees, and their course from Madera to the Isle of Palme, was South and South by West, so that they had fight of Tene­riffa. The South east part of the Isle of Palme, and the North east part of Teneriffa, lye South east and North west, and between them are twenty Leagues. Teneriffa and the west part of Porteventura, stand in seven and twenty degrees and a half. Gomera is a fair Island, but very ragged, and lyeth West, South west of Teneriffa; and whosoever will come between those two Islands, must come South and by East; and in the fouth part of Gomera is a Town, and a good Rode in the said part of the Island; and it standeth in seven and [Page 23]twenty degrees, and three terces. Teneriffa is a High Land, with a great high Pike like a Sugar-loaf, and upon the said Pike is Snow throughout all the whole year, and by reason of that Pike, it may be known a­bove all other Islands, and there they were becalmed the twentieth day of November, from six of the clock in the morning, untill four in the afternoon.

The two and twentieth day of November, under the Tropick of Cancer, the Sun goeth down West and by South, upon the Coast of Barbary, five and twenty Leagues by North Cape-Blank; at three Leagues off the Main, there are fifteen fathomes, and good shelly Ground, and sand among, and no streams, and two small Islands standing in two and twenty degrees and a terce.

From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas, is an hundred Leagues; and their course was South and by East: The said Cape standeth in two and twenty and a half, and all that Coast is flat sixteen or seventeen fathome deep: Seven or eight Leagues off from the River Del Oro to Cape de las Barbas, there use many to trade for Fishing, during the month of November, and all that Coast is very low Lands. Also they went from Cape de las Barbas, South, South west, and South West and by South, till they brought themselves in twenty de­grees and a half, reckoning themselves seven Leagues off, and there were the least sholes of Cape-Blank.

Then they went South till they brought them­selves in thirteen degrees, reckoning themselves five and twenty Leagues off. And in fifteen degrees they did rear their Crossiers, and they might have reared them sooner if they had looked for them. They are not right a cross in the month of November, by reason [Page 24]that the nights are short there, nevertheless they had the sight of them the twenty nineth day of the said month at night.

The first of December, being in thirteen degrees, they set their course South and by East, untill the fourth day of December, at twelve of the clock the same day, then they were in nine degrees, and a terce, reckoning themselves thirty Leagues off the River called Rio Grande, being West, South west of them; the which sholes be thirty Leagues long.

The fourth of December they began to set their course South East, they being in six degrees and a half.

The nineth of December they set their course East, South East; the fourteenth day of the said month, they set their course East, they being in five degrees and a half, reckoning themselves thirty six Leagues from the Coast of Guinney.

The nineteenth of the said month, they set their course East and by North, reckoning themselves se­venteen Leagues distant from Cape Mensurado, the said Cape being East, North East off them, and the River of Sesto being East.

The one and twentieth day of the said month, they fell with Cape Mensurado to the South East, about two Leagues off; this Cape may be easily known, by rea­son the rising of it is like a Porpose-head; also toward the South east there are three Trees, whereof the Ea­stermost tree is the highest, and the middlemost is like a high stack, and the Southermost is like unto a ginet; and upon the main are four or five high Hills, rising one after another, like round Hommocks or Hillocks; and the South east of the three trees Brandiernwise, [Page 25]and all the Coast along is white sand, the said Cape standeth within a little, in six degrees.

The two and twentieth of December, they came to the River of Sesto, and remained there untill the nine and twentieth day of the said month. Here they thought it best to send before them the Pinnace, to the River Dulce, called Rio Dulce, that they might have the be­ginning of the Market, before the coming of the John Evangelist.

At the River of Sesto they had a Tun of Grains; this River standeth in six degrees lacking a terce: From the River Sesto to Rio Dulce, is five and twenty Leagues; Rio Dulce standeth in five degrees and a half; the River of Sesto is easie to be known, by rea­son there is a ledge of Rocks on the South east part of the rode; and at the entring into the Haven are five or six Trees that bear no Leaves; this is a good Harbour, but very narrow at the entrance into the River; there is also a Rock in the Havens mouth, right as you en­ter, and all that Coast between Cape de Monte, and Cape de las Palmas lyeth South East and by East, North West and by West, being three Leagues off the shore; and you shall have in some places Rocks two Leagues off, and between the River Seste, and Cape de las Palmas.

Between the River of Sesto, and the River Dulce, are five and twenty Leagues, and the High Land that is between them both, is called Catreado, being eight Leagues from the River of Sesto; and to the South Eastward of it, is a place called Shawgro, and another called Shyaw, or Shavo, where you may get fresh wa­ter: Off this Shyaw lyeth a ledge of Rocks; and to the South eastward lyeth a Head land called Crotre: [Page 26]between Catreado and Crotre, are nine or ten Leagues: To the South eastward of it, is a Harbour called St. Vincent; right over against St. Vincent is a Rock un­der the water, two Leagues and a half off the shore: To the South eastward of that Rock, you shall see an Island about three or fourscore Leagues off; this I­sland is not past a League off the shore: To the East, South East of this Island, is a Rock that lyeth above the water, and by that Rock goeth in the River Dul­ce, which you shall know by the said River and Rock: the North west side of the Haven is flat Sand, and the South east side thereof is like an Island, and a bare plat without any trees, and so is it not in any other place.

In the rode, you shall ride in thirteen or fourteen fathomes, good Oare and Sand being the marks of the rode, to bring the Island and the North east Land to­gether, and there they Anchored the last of Decem­ber.

The third of January they came from the River Dulce.

Note that Cape de las Palmas, is a fair High Land, but some Low places thereof by the water side, look like red cliffs, with white statues like High waies, and a Cable length a peece, and this is the East part of the Cape. This Cape is the Southermost part in all the Coast of Guinney, and standeth in four degrees and a terce.

The Coast from Cape de las Palmas, to Cape Tre­pointes, or de Tres Puntos, is fair and clear, without Rock or other danger.

Twenty and five Leagues from Cape de las Palmas, the Land is higher than in any place, untill you [Page 27]come to Cape Trepointes; and about ten Leagues be­fore you come to Cape Trepointes, the Land riseth still higher and higher, until you do come to Cape Tre­pointes, also before you come to the said Cape, after other five Leagues to the North west part of it, there is certain broken ground with two great Rocks, and within them in the bight of a bay, is a Castle called Arra, pertaining to the King of Portugal, you shall know it by the said Rocks that lye off it, for there is none such from Cape de las Palmas, to Cape Trepointes: This Coast lyeth East and by North, West and by South. From Cape de las Palmas, to the said Castle, is fourscore & fifteen Leagues; & the Coast lyeth from the said Castle, to the Westermost point of Trepointes, South East and by South, North West and by North. Also the Westermost point of Trepointes, is a low Land, lying half a mile out in the Sea; and upon the innermost neck to the land-ward, is a tuff of trees, and there they arrived the eleventh day of January.

The twelf day of January they came to a town cal­led Samma, or Samua, being eight Leagues from Cape Trepointes, towards East, North East. Between Cape Trepointes, and the town of Samua, is a great ledge of Rocks, a great way out in the Sea; they continued four daies at that Town, and the Captain thereof would needs have a pledge a shore: But when they received the pledge they kept him still, and would traffick no more, but shot off their Ordnance at us, they have two or three peeces of Ordnance and no more.

The sixteenth day of the said month, they made reckoning to come to a place called Cape Corea, where Captain Don John dwelleth, whose men entertained them friendly: This Cape Corea is four Leagues East­ward [Page 28]off the Castle of Mina, otherwise called La Mina, or Castello de Mina, where they arrived the eighteenth day of the month; here they made Sale of all their Cloath, saving two or three Packs.

The twenty sixth day of the same month they weighed Anchor, and departed from thence to the Trinity, which was seven Leagues Eastward off them, where she sold her Wares; Then they of the Trinity willed us to go Eastward off that eight or nine Leagues, to sell part of their Wares, in a place called Perecow, and another place called Perecow Grande, being the Eastermost place of both these, which you shall know by a great round Hill near unto it, named Monte Ro­dondo, lying Westward from it, and by the water side are many high Palm-trees: From hence did they set forth homeward, the thirteenth day of February, and plyed along till they came within seven or eight Leagues to Cape Trepointes. About eight of the clock, the fifteenth day afternoon, they did cast about to Seaward, and beware of the Currants, for they will deceive you sore. Whosoever shall come from the Coast of Mina homeward, let him be sure to make his way good West, untill he reckon himself as far as Cape de las Palmas, where the Currant setteth alwayes to the Eastward. And within twenty Leagues Eastward off Cape de las Palmas, is a River called De los Potos, where you may have fresh water and ballast enough, and plen­ty of Ivory or Elephants teeth: This River standeth in four degrees, and almost two terces. And when you reckon your self as far off as Cape de las Palmas, being in a degree, or a degree and a half, you may go West, and West by North, untill you come in three de­grees; and then you may go West, North West, and [Page 29]North West and by West, untill you come in five degrees, and then North West. And in six degrees they met Northerly winds, and great ruffling of tides; and as they could judge, the Currants went to the North, North west. Furthermore, between Cape de Monte and Cape Verde, go great Currants which de­ceive many men.

The twenty second day of April, they were in eight degrees and two terces, and so they came to the North west, having the wind at North east, and East, North east, and sometimes at East, untill they were at eighteen degrees, and a terce, which was on May­day: And so from eighteen and two terces, they had the wind at East, and East North east, and sometimes at East South east, and then they reckoned the Island of Cape Verde, East South east of them, they judging themselves to be forty eight Leagues off, and in twen­ty and one and twenty degrees, they had the wind more Easterly to the Southward than before. And so they rann to the North west, and the North North west, and sometimes North and by West and North, untill they came into one and thirty degrees, where they reckoned themselves a hundred and fourscore Leagues South west and by South, of the Island De los Flores, and there they met with the wind at South South east, and set their course North east.

In twenty three degrees, they had the wind at the South and South west, and then they set their course North North east, and so they came to forty degrees, and then they set their course North east, the wind being South east, and having the Isle De Flores east of them, and seventeen Leagues off.

In the one and forty degrees, they met with the [Page 30]wind at North east, and so they ran Northwestward, then they met with the wind West North west, and at the West within six Leagues, running toward the North west, and then they cast about, and lay North east, untill they came in forty two degrees, where they set their course East North east, judging the Isle of Coruo South and by West of them, and six and thirty Leagues distant from them.

A remembrance, that the one and twentieth day of May they Communed with John Rase, and he thought it best to go North east, and judged himself twenty five Leagues Eastward to the Isle De Flores, and in thirty nine degrees and a half.

Note, that on the fourth day of September, under nine degrees, they lost the sight of the North Star.

Note also, that in forty five degrees, the Compass is varied eight degrees to the West.

Item, in forty degrees the Compass did vary fifteen degrees in the whole.

Iem, in thirty degrees and a half, the Compass va­ried five degrees to the West.

Be it also in memory, that two or three daies before they came to Cape de Tres Puntas, the Pinnace went a­longst the shore, thinking to sell some of their Wares, and so they came to Anchor three or four Leagues West and by South off the Cape de Tres Puntas, where they left the Trinity.

Then their Pinnace came a board with all their men, the Pinnace also took in more Wares; they told more­over, that they would go to a place where the Primrose was, and received much Gold at the first Voyage to these parts, and told furthermore, that it was a good place; but fearing a Brigantine that was then upon the [Page 31]Coast, they did weigh and follow them, and left the Trinity about four Leagues off from them, and there they rode against that Town four daies; so that one of the Company, by his own desire, and assent of some of the Commissioners that were in the Pinnace, went a shore to the Town, and there some others went to traffick from them, being three miles off traffick­ing at another Town: The Town is called Samma, or Samua, for Samma, and Samma terra, are the names of the two first Towns, where they did traffick for Gold, to the North east of Cape de Tres Puntas.

Hitherto continueth the course of the Voyage, as it was described by the said Pilot.

Now therefore it will be requisite to speak some­thing of the Country and People, and of such things as are brought from thence.

They brought from thence at this Voyage, four hundred pound weight and odd of Gold, of two and twenty Carrats, and one grain in fineness; also six and thirty Buts of Grains, and about two hundred and fifty Elephants Teeth of all quantities; of these some were measured, and were nine spans in length, as they were crooked; some of them were as big as a mans thigh a­bove the knee, and weighed about fourscore and ten pound weight a peece. They say that some have been seen of an hundred twenty five pound weight a peece. Others there were, which they call the Teeth of Calves, of one or two or three years, whereof some were a foot and a half, some two foot, and some three or more, according to the age of the Beast. These great Teeth, or Tusks, grow in the upper jaw down­ward, and not in the nether jaw upward, wherein the Painters and Arras-workers are deceived. At this [Page 32]Voyage was brought from Guinney, the head of an E­lephant, of such huge bigness, that only the Bones or Cranew thereof, besides the nether-jaw and great tusks, weighed above two hundred weight, and was as much as could be well lifted from the ground, inso­much that considering also herewith, the weight of two such great teeth, the nether jaw with the less teeth, the tongue, the great hanging ears, the big and long snout or trunk, with all the flesh, brains, and skin, with all other parts belonging to the whole head, it would weigh little less than five hundred weight. This Head divers have seen, in the house of the worthy Merchant, Sir Andrew Judde, and that not only with bodily eyes, but much more with the eyes of minde and spirit, con­sidering by the work, the cunning and wisdome of the Workmaster, without which consideration, the sight of such strange and wonderful things, may rather seem Curiosities, than profitable Contemplations.

The Elephant (which some call Oliphant) is the biggest of all four footed Beast, his fore legs are long­er than his hinder, he hath ancles in the lower part of his hinder legs, and five toes on his feet undivided; his snout or trunk is so long, and in such form, that it is to him instead of a hand, for he neither eateth nor drinketh, but by bringing his trunk to his mouth; therewith he helpeth up his Master or keeper, there­with hee overthroweth trees: Beside his two great tusks, he hath on every side of his mouth four teeth, wherewith he eateth and grindeth his meat; either of these teeth are almost a span in length, as they grow along in the jaw, and are about two inches in height, and almost as much in thickness. The tusks of the Male are greater than the tusks of the Female; his [Page 33]tongue is very little, and so far in his mouth, that it cannot be seen: Of all Beasts, they are most gentle and tractable, for by many sundry waies they are taught, and do understand, insomuch that they learn to do due honour to a King, and are of quick sense and sharpness of wit. When the Male hath once seasoned the Female, he never after toucheth her. The Male E­lephant liveth two hundred years, or at the least one hundred and twenty, the Female almost as long, but the flower of their age is but threescore years, as some write; they cannot suffer winter or cold, they love rivers, and will often go to them up to the snout, wherewith they blow and snuff, and play in the wa­ter, but swim they cannot, for the weight of their bodies. Plinie and Soline say, that they use no adultery: If they happen to meet a man in the wilderness, being out of the way, gently they will go before him, and bring him into the plain way; Joyned in battle, they have no small respect to them that be wounded, for they bring them that are hurt or weary into the mid­dle of the army to bee defended, they are made tame by drinking the juice of Barbery. They have conti­nual war against Dragons, which desire their blood, because it is very cold; and therefore the Dragon ly­ing in wait, as the Elephant passeth by, windeth his Tail (being of exceeding length) about the hinder legs of the Elephant, and so staying him, thrusteth his Head into his Trunk, and exhausteth his breath, or else biteth him in the ear, whereunto hee cannot reach with his Trunk, and when the Elephant waxeth faint, he falleth down on the Serpent; being now full of blood, and with the poise of his body breaketh him, so that his blood, with the blood of the Ele­phant [Page 34]runneth out of him mingled together, which be­ing cold, is congealed into that substance which the A­pothecaries call Sanguis Draconis, (that is) Dragons blood, otherwise called Cinnabaris, although there be another kinde of Cinnabaris, commonly called Cinnoper, or Vermillion, which the Painters use in certain colours.

They are also of three kindes, as of the Marshes, the Plains, and the Mountains, no less differing in conditions. Philostratus writeth, that as much as the Elephant of Lybia in bigness, passeth the Horse of Nysea, so much do the Elephants of India, exceed them of Lybia; for the Elephants of India, some have been seen of the height of nine Cubits; the other do so greatly fear these, that they dare not abide the sight of them. Of the Indian Elephants, only the Male have Tusks, but of them of Ethiopia and Lybia, both of them have Tusks: They are of diverse heights, as of twelve, thirteen, and fourteen Dodrants, every Dodrant being a measure of nine Inches. Some write that an Elephant is bigger than three wilde Oxen or Buffs; they of India are black, or of the colour of a Mouse, but they of Ethiopia, or Guinney, are brown; the hide or skin of them all is very hard, and without hair or bristles; their ears are two Dodrants broad, and their eyes very little.

Of other properties and conditions of the Elephant, as of their marvellous docilities, of their fight and use in the Wars, of their generation and chastity, when they were first seen in the Theatres and Triumphs of the Romans, how they are taken and made tame, and when they cast their tusks, of the use of the same in Medicines, whoso desireth to know, let him read Pli­ny in the eight book of his Natural History. He also [Page 35]writeth in his twelfth book, that in old time they made many goodly works of Ivory, or Elephants teeth; as Tables, Tresses, Posts of houses, Rails, Lattesses for windows, Images of their Gods, and divers other things of Ivory, both coloured and uncoloured, and intermixed with sundry kindes of precious woods, as at this day are made certain Chairs, Lutes, and Virgi­nals. They had such plenty thereof in old times, that Josephus writeth, that one of the Gates of Hierusalem was called Porta Eburnea, (that is) the Ivory Gate: The whiteness thereof was so much esteemed, that it was thought to represent the natural fairness of a mans skin, insomuch that such as went about to set forth (or rather corrupt) natural beauty, with colours and pain­ting, were reproved by this proverb, Ebur atramento Candefacere, (that is) to make Ivory white with Ink. The Poets also describing the fair necks of beautiful Virgins, call them Eburnea Colla, (that is) Ivory necks; and to have said thus much of Ivory and Elephants it may suffice.

Now therefore to speak somewhat of the People, their manners, and manner of living, with another brief description of Affrica also: It is to bee under­stood, that the People which now inhabit the regions of the Coast of Guinney, and the middle parts of Af­frica, as Lybia the inner, and Nubia, with diverse o­ther great and large regions about the same, were in old time called Aethiopes, and Nigritae, which we now call Moors, Moorens, or Negroes, a People of beastly living, without a God, Law, Religion, or Common­wealth; and so scorched and vexed with the heat of the Sun, that in many places they curse it when it ri­seth. Of the Regions and People about the River [Page 36] Lybia (called Lybia interiour) Gemma Phrysius writeth thus.

Lybia interiour is very large and desolate, in the which are many borrible Wildernesses and Mountains, replenished with diverse kindes of monstrous Beasts and Serpents.

First from Mauritania, or Barbary, towards the South, is Getulia, a rough and savage Region, whose inhabitants are wilde and wandring people. After these follow the people called Melanogetuli and Pharu­sit, which wander in the wilderness, carrying with them great gourds of water. The Aethiopians, called Nigritae, occupy a great part of Affrica, and are ex­tended to the West Ocean: Southward also they reach to the River Nigritis, whose nature agreeth with the River of Nilus, for as much as it is increased and diminished at the same time, and bringeth forth like Beasts, as the Crocodile: By reason whereof, it may be thought that this is the same River which the Portu­gals call Senega, for this River is also of the same na­ture. It is furthermore, marvellous and very strange, that is said of this River; and that is, that on the one side thereof, the Inhabitants are of high stature and Black, and on the other side of brown or tawny colour, and low stature; which thing also the Travellers in the Voyage confirm to be true.

There are also other People of Lybia, called Gara­mautes, whose Women are Common, for they con­tract no Matrimony, neither have respect to Chastity. After these are nations of the people called Pyrei, Sa­thio daphnitae, Odrangi, Mimaces, Lynxamatae, Dolopes, Aganginae, Leuci Aethiopes, Xilicei Aethiopes, Galcei Aethiopes, and Nubi: These have the same situation in [Page 37] Ptolome, that they now give to the Kingdome of Nubia. Here are certain Christians under the dominion of the great Emperour of Aethiopia, called Prester John: From these towards the West, is a great Nation of People, called Aphricerones, whose Region (as far as may bee gathered by conjecture) is the same that is now called Regnum Orguene, confining upon the East part of Guinney; from hence Westward, and some­what towards the North, are the Kingdomes of Gam­bra and Budomel, not far from the River of Senega. And from hence toward the inland Regions, and along by the Sea Coast, are the Regions of Ginota, or Guin­ney, which we commonly call Ginnee: In the West side of these Regions towards the Ocean, is the Cape or Point, called Cabo Verde, or Caput Viride (that is) the Green Cape, to which the Portuguls first direct their course when they sail to America, or the Land of Bra­sile. Then departing from hence, they turn to the right hand toward the quarter of the wind called Gar­bino, which is between the West and the South. But to speak somewhat more of Aethiopia; although there are many Nations of People so named, yet is Aethio­pia chiefly divided into two parts, whereof the one is called Aethiopia under Aegypt, a great and rich Regi­on; to this pertaineth the Island Meroe, embraced round about with the streams of Nilus. In this Island Women reigned in old time; Josephus writeth, that it was sometime called Sabea, and that the Queen of Saba came from thence to Hierusalem, to hear the wis­dome of Solomon. From hence towards the East reign­eth the said Christian Emperour Prester John, whom some call Papa Johanner, and others say that he is cal­led Pean Juan, (that is) great John, whose Empire [Page 38]reacheth far beyond Nilus, and is extended to the Coasts of the Red-Sea, and Indian-Sea: The middle of the Region is almost in sixty six degrees of longi­tude, and twelve degrees of latitude. About this Region Inhabits the People called Clodi, Risophagi, Ba­bylonii, Axiunitae, Molili, and Nolibae: After these is the Region called Troglodytyca, whose Inhabitants dwell in Caves and Dens, for these are their Houses, and the flesh of Serpents their Meat, as writeth Pliny, and Diodorus Siculus; they have no speech, but rather a grinning and chattering. There are also People with­out Heads, called Blemines, having their eyes and mouth in their breast: Likewise Strucogaphi, and na­ked Gauphasantes. Satyrs also, which have nothing of men but only shape. Moreover Oripei great Hunters; Mennones also, and the Region of Smyrnophora, which bringeth forth Myrrhe. After these is the Region of Azaniah, in the which many Elephants are found. A great part of the other Regions of Affrica, that are beyond the Aequinoctial line, are now ascribed to the Kingdome of Melinde, whose Inhabitants are accusto­med to traffick with the Nation of Arabia, and their King is joyned in friendship with the King of Portugal, and payeth Tribute to Prester John.

The other Aethiope, called Aethiopia interiour, (that is) the Inner Aethiope, is not yet known for the great­ness thereof, but only by the Sea-Coasts; yet is it de­scribed in this manner.

First, from the Aequinoctial towards the South, is a great Region of Aethiopians, which bringeth forth white Elephants, Tygers, and the Beast called Rhi­nocerotes: Also a region that bringeth forth plenty of Cynnamon, lying between the branches of Nilus: [Page 39]Also the Kingdome of Habech, or Habasia; a region of Christian men, lying both on this side and beyond Nilus: Here are also the Aethiopians called Itch­thiophagi, (that is) such as live only by Fish, and were sometimes subdued by the Wars of great Alexander: Furthermore, the Aethiopians called Rhapsii, and An­thropophagi, that are accustomed to eat Mans flesh, In­habit the regions near unto the Mountains called Mon­tes Lunae, (that is) the Mountains of the Moon: Ga­zaria is under the Tropick of Capricern: After this followeth the rout of Affricks, the Cape of Buena Speranza, or Caput bonae spei, (that is) the Cape of good hope, by the which they sail from Lisbon to Ca­lecut: But by what names the Capes and Gulfs are called, for as much as they are in every Globe and Card, it were here superfluous to rehearse them.

Some write that Affrica was so named by the Graeci­ans, because it is without cold; for the Greek letter Alpha, or A, signifieth privation, void, or without; and Phrice signifieth cold; for indeed, although instead of winter they have a cloudy and tempestuous season, yet is it not cold, but also smoothering hot, with hot showers of rain also; and somewhere such scorching winds, that what by one means and other, they seem at certain times to live as it were in furnaces, and in manner already half way in Purgatory or Hell. Gem­ma Phrisius writeth, that in certain parts of Affrica, as in Atlas the greater, the Air in the night season is seen shining with many strange fires and flames, rising in manner as high as the Moon; and that in the Ele­ments are sometime heard as it were, sometimes the sound of Pipes, Trumpets, and Drums; which noise perhaps, may be caused by the vehement, and sundry [Page 40]motions of such fiery exhalations in the Air; as we see the like in many experiences wrought by Fire, Air, and Wind; the hollowness also, and diverse reflecti­ons also, and breakings of the Clouds, may be great cause hereof, besides the vehement cold of the mid­dle region of the Air, whereby the said fiery exhalations ascending thither, are suddenly stricken back with great force; for men, common and dayly experience teach­eth us, by the whissing of a burning Torch, what noise Fire maketh in the Air, and much where it stri­veth when it is inclosed with Air, as appeareth in Guns, and as the like is seen in only Air inclosed, as in Or­gan-Pipes, and such other instruments that go by wind: For wind (as say the Philosophers) is none o­ther then Air vehemently moved; as we see in a pair of Bellows, and such other.

Some men of good credit that were in this Voyage to Guinney, affirm earnestly, that in the night season, they felt a sensible heat to come from the beams of the Moon; the which thing, though it be strange and in­sensible to us that inhabit cold regions, yet doth it stand with good reason that it so may be, for as much as the nature of Stars and Planets (as writeth Pliny) consisteth of Fire, and containeth in it a spirit of life, which cannot be without Heat.

And that the Moon giveth Heat upon the Earth, the Prophet David seemeth to confirm, in his 121 Psa. where speaking of such men as are defended from e­vils by Gods protection, hee saith thus, Per diem Sol non exurat te, nec Luna per noctem; that is to say, In the day the Sun shall not burn thee, nor the Moon by night.

They say furthermore, that in certain places of the Sea, they saw certain streams of water, which they [Page 41]call spouts, falling out of the Air into the Sea, and that some of these are as big as the great Pillars of Churches, insomuch that sometimes they fall into Ships, and put them in great danger of drowning: Some feign, that these should bee the Cataracts of Heaven, which were all opened at Noah's Flood; But I think them rather to bee such fluxions and erupti­ons, as Aristotle in his book De Mundo saith, do chance in the Sea; for speaking of such strange things as are often seen in the Sea, hee writeth thus; Oftentimes al­so even in the Sea are seen evaporations of Fire, and such eruptions and breaking forth of Springs, that the mouths of Rivers are opened: Whirle-pools, and fluxions are cau­sed of such other vehement motions, not only in the midst of the Sea, but also in Creeks and Streights; At certain times also, a great quantity of water is lifted up, and car­ried about with the Moon, &c. By which words of Aristotle it doth appear, that such waters bee lifted up in one place, at one time, and do suddenly fall down in another place, at another time. And here­unto perhaps pertaineth it, that Richard Chanceller re­lated, that hee heard Sebastion Cabot report, that a­bout the Coasts of Brasile, or Rio de Platu, his Ship, or Pinnace, was suddenly lifted from the Sea, and cast upon Land. The which thing, and such other like wonderful and strange works of nature, while we con­sider, and call to remembrance the narrowness of mans understanding and knowledge, in comparison of her mighty power, wee can but cease to marvel and con­fess with Pliny, that nothing is to her impossible; the least part of whose power is not yet known to men.

Many things more the Travellers observed in this Voyage, worthy to be noted, whereof I thought good [Page 42]to put some in memory, that the Reader may as well take pleasure in the variety of things, as knowledge of the History. Among other things therefore, touching the manners and nature of the People, this may seem strange, that their Princes and Noble Men use to pounce and rase their skins, with pretty knots in di­verse forms, as it were branched Damask, thinking that to bee a decent ornament; and albeit they go in manner almost naked, yet are many of them, and especi­ally their women, in manner laden with Collars, Brace­lets, Hoops, and Chains, either of Gold, Copper, or Ivory; their Ivory Bracelets are made of one whole peece, of the biggest part of the tooth, turned & some­what carved, with a hole in the midst, wherein they put their hands to wear it on their arms: Some have on every one eight, & as many on their legs, wherewith some of them are so galled, that although they are in manner made lame thereby, yet will they by no means leave them off: Some also wear on their legs great Shackles of fine Copper, which they think to bee no less comely; they wear also Collars, Bracelets, Gar­lands, and Girdles, of certain blew Stones, like Beads; likewise some of their women wear on their bare arms, certain fore-sleeves, made of the Plate of beaten Gold; On their fingers also they wear Rings, made of Gold wires, with a knot or wreath, like unto that which chil­dren make in a Ring of a Rush: Among other things that our men bought of them for exchange of their Wares, were certain Dogs-Chains, and Collars.

They are very wary people in their bargaining, and will not lose one spark of Gold of any value; they use weights and measures, and are very circumspect in occupying the same; they that shall have to do with [Page 43]them must use them gently, for they will not traffick or bring in any Wares, if they be ill used. At the first Voy­age that our English men had into these parts, it so chan­ced, that at their departure from the first place, where they did Traffick, one of them either stole away a Musk-Cat, or took her away by force, not mistrust­ing that that should have hindred their bargaining in another place, whither they intended to go; but for all the haste that they could make with full sails, the fame of their misusage so prevented them, that the people of that place also, offended thereby, would bring in no Wares; insomuch that they were inforced either to restore the Cat, or pay for her at their price, before they could Traffick there.

Their Houses are made of four posts or trees, and covered with boughs.

Their common feeding is of Roots, and such Fishes as they take, whereof they have great plenty.

There are also such flying Fishes, as are seen in the Sea of the West Indies; our English men salted of their Fish, hoping to provide store thereof, but they would not take salt, and must therefore bee eaten forthwith as some say: Howbeit others affirm, that if they be salted immediately after they are taken, they will last uncorrupted ten or twelve daies. But this is more strange, that part of such Flesh as they carried with them out of England, which putrified there, became sweet again, at their return to the clime of temperate Regions.

They use also a strange making of Bread, in this man­ner.

They grinde between two stones, as much Corn as they think may suffice their family; and when they [Page 44]have thus brought it to flower, they put thereto a certain quantity of water, and make thereof very thin dough, which they stick upon some posts of their Houses, where it is baked by the heat of the Sun; so that when the Master of the House, or any of his Fa­mily will eat thereof, they take it down and eat it.

They have very fair Wheat, the ear whereof is two handfulls in length, and as big as a great Bulrush, and almost four inches about, where it is biggest; the stem or straw seemeth to bee almost as big, as the lit­tle finger of a mans hand, or little less. The grains of their Wheat are as big as our Peason, round also and very white, and somewhat shining, like Pearls that have lost their colour: Almost all the substance of them turneth into flower, and maketh little bran or none: I told in one ear, two hundred and threescore grains. The ear is inclosed in three Blades, longer than it self, and of two inches broad a peece. And by this fruitfulness, the Sun seemeth partly to recom­pence such griefs and molestations, as they otherwise receive by the fervent heat thereof. It is doubtless a worthy contemplation, to consider the contrary ef­fects of the Sun; or rather the contrary passions of such things as receive the influence of his beams, either to their hurt or benefit. Their drink is either water, or the juice that droppeth from the cut branches of the barren Date-trees, called Palmitos; for either they hang great Gourds at the same branches every even­ing, and let them hang so all night, or else they set them on the ground under the trees, that the drops may fall therein: They say that this kinde of drink, is in taste much like unto Whey, but somewhat sweet­er and more pleasant: They cut the branches every [Page 45]evening, because they are sealed up in the day, by the heat of the Sun; they have also great Beans, as big as Chess nuts, and very hard, with a shell instead of a Husk.

At their return, the Keels of their Ships were mar­vellously over grown with certain shells, of two inches length and more, as thick as they could stand, and so big, that a man might put his finger in their mouth; out of which some think are generated the Fouls, wee call Barnacles.

Among other things that chanced to them in this Voyage, this is to bee observed, that whereas they sailed thither in seven weeks, they could not return in twenty; the reason whereof is this, that about the Coast Cape Virde, the wind is ever at the East, by reason whereof they are enforced to sail farre out of their course, into the main Ocean, to finde the wind at the West, to bring them home, going so far, that they had the Sun North of them at noon.

CHAP. IV. Another Voyage to Guinney out of a Captains Relation.

WIth much ado did wee get out of the Hope the first of November, ten daies after wee were in one and thirty degrees of Latitude; the fifteenth of November, wee got sight of that bleak place, called Porto Sonto, and Madera; the twentieth being becalmed under Madera, wee descried the Pyke of Teneriffa, the Isle of Palma and Gomera, twelve Leagues Eastward [Page 46] Palma, and eight Westward from Teneriffa, and the twenty third, notwithstanding the cross-winds, wee doubled the Isle Ferro by going something Eastward, the wind continuing there for the most part North East; and South East. The thirtieth after a great Fog, wee found our selves on the Coast of Barbary, which is about sixteen Leagues to the Eastward of the River Del Oro, where we were refreshed by several Fish­ing Carnets wee met with, being under the Tropick of Cancer. About twelve a clock, December the eigh­teenth, wee were thwart Cape Blank, and about the two and twentieth, over against the Cape Verde. The six and twentieth wee were on the Coast of Guinney, to whose shore wee haled, but discovering some Rocks, wee went a little Eastward (it is a low Land and full of high trees) and kept along the shore, being gone too far, so that what with the wind, and what with the Cur­rant running alwaies against us, wee went to shore there for fresh water and trade; where the first day they slighted our Commodities, and over-valued their own, but the second, they made signs for the Di­ago, and offered reasonable penny worths, especially when wee shewed them how our Cats could catch Mice, wherewith they are infinitely troubled; and this was at St. Vincent, under the fourth degree, where the womens breasts are so big, that they lay them by them; thence we sailed among the ill-favour­ed Rocks and shelves, untill Negroes meeting us with grain, and inviting us to Land, by a fire on the Coast: wee doubled the Point Das Palmas, under the fourth degree; between which place and De Sesto, is the greatest store of grain. Much ado we had to get into the River, while the Negroes on shore shewed, us store [Page 47]of Elephants teeth, good fresh Water, and Goats, which we had in abundance from the two Towns that were of both sides of us; the people whereof esteem­ed little of any thing wee brought, saving Manilivis and Morgarites, for which wee had some small Ele­phants teeth, ten one day, and thirteen another; after wee had sworn by the water of the Sea wee would not hurt them: Thence wee sailed by some Cliffs West­ward, the sixteenth of February we fell with the Cape des Punctos, a very High Land, opening in three bays, or Capes, with Rocks before them, where the winds are cross, and the Currant turbulent, but the people were civil, and summoned by sound of Drum to Trade with us (notwithstanding we were threatned from the Castle of Mina) where wee took in five men to learn our Language, and discover to us that Country.

At St. John, in a great deep bay, we sold Basons, Cloath, Knives, Horse-tails, Horns, Caps, Daggers, Hats, &c. giving a reward to the Negroes that first boarded us, and shewed us their measure and weight, and how much they required of the one for the other, for their bargaining there is by way of weights, which they bring, for so much which wee bring, which they stand upon very stifly, till you threaten to depart; when they have bought what they think enough, they make a general out cry, as a sign to every man to bee gone.

The sixteenth of March wee went a shore to Don Devis, and there came out a Boat with good store of Gold, and having driven off the matter along time, and having brought the measure to a nail less than three ells, and their weight to an angel and twenty grains, then they parted their Cloath amongst them [Page 48]upon the shore, which they hid every one in the Wood, untill they came to us again, bestowing some three fathomes, with four Basons upon the Portugez of the Castle of Mina for their good will: As wee went a­long the shore, the Towns were thicker and longer, and the Hills blacker; here wee missed many Creeks and Havens, where they waved their Flags to us, and wee presented their Captain with Basons and Cloath, who made us a sign by the Sun, that the Merchants would be there within two hours, bringing us a Bottle and a Hen, and requiring Hostage from us; after which they offered us the civility of building up a Castle on their ground; and took off most of our Stuffs and Fri­zes, only a Portugal brigandine watched us all along that shore, while wee took every day ten or eleven ounces of Gold, for Belts, Thimbles, &c. At last wee returned homeward, observing the North East wind that bloweth off the shore about two a clock at night, untill eight a clock in the morning, and that all the rest of the day and night it comes out of the South West; and as for the Tide and Currant upon the shore, it goeth continually with the wind: With­in twelve daies wee got off the Capes Des Palmas, De Monte, Westward of Sesto and De Verde, untill wee were under the Tropicks, dispersed by a Turnade, and twenty daies after wee found our selves in the heighth of the Azores; and forty daies after that, wee fell up­on the Coast of Ireland Southerly, furnishing our selves with fresh water and sheep, untill wee arrived in Plymouth, where wee blessed God for our good Voyage.

CHAP. V. A third Voyage to Guinney.

THe fifteenth of October wee set sail from Ply­mouth, and the first of December wee fell with the Isle of Porto Santo, and next day with Mera: The nineth wee fell thwart the Isle of Palme, and Cape-Blank; and the three and twentieth wee found our selves in the heighth of Serra Leona, where the Cur­rant falling like a Cataract, detained us ten daies, so that not before the sixth of January, could wee discry the Coast of Guinney, known by three Hills, which lay North east and by East from us, and two great Trees between the Hills: Here we kept about to fetch the River De Sestos, which we found we had over-shot, where lay a Portugez rowing as fast as hee could to de­fend Mina; along this River, and that called De St. Andre, wee found abundance of Elephants-Teeth, till wee came to the Red Cliffs, where wee made a league with the French, and thence hovered about Tres Pun­tos, obliging the Negroes with Margarites, Basons, and other little matters; creeping along the shore by Mina, Shama, Hunta, &c. and the other bayes, selling three yards of Cloath for an Angel Ducket all along, which the Negroes liked so well, that they discovered to us all the designs of the Portugez upon us, shooting some peeces, being the sign between us; even the King of Abaan himself, upon a little Present sent him, en­gaging to command all the Gold in his Country to the [Page 50]shore, in so much that in two months time, wee had two hundred twenty three pounds weight of Gold: When being frighted from our watering place, wee had a device to use salt water, untill wee came thwart Cape das Palmas, from whence in four daies wee fell in with the high Cape Mensurado; the twenty eighth of Aprill wee fell in sight of two Islands, six Leagues off the Head land of Serra Leona, regarding the Currants which set North North west; the twelfth of May wee were in the height of Cape Verde; the eighteenth we were directly under the Tropick of Cancer; the first of June wee were in the height of St. Michael; and the twen­ty third bearing in with the Lizard, wee arrived safe­ly at Foy.

CHAP. VI. A fourth Voyage to Guinney.

THe last of December wee set out of the Sound of Plymouth, and met with two hitches of Dant­zick with enemies Goods, and fearing wee should loose our Voyage if wee returned to England, went direct­ly to Spain and sold them, only wee took a Hogshead of Aqua-vitae, ten Tuns of Wine, fix Cakes of Roz­zen, and some Chess-nuts for our own service; the nineteenth of December wee had fight of the Grand Ca­nary, to which road, avoiding that foul one of Tena­riffe, wee went; the twenty eighth wee had sight of Riodel Oro, almost under the Tropick of Cancer, the height of Cape-Blank; the six of January wee had a [Page 51]board the Cape de Verd, having refreshed our selves at a bay Northward off it, where the French trade for Gaunards (little Birds so called) Elephants-Teeth, Musk, and Hides: The sixteenth of March wee fell with the Coast of Guinney, five Leagues to the West­ward of Cape de Monte, besides a River called Rio das Pal­mas, whence we set into the Rivers De Sesto, & De Rostos, along the Coast whereof we had Gold and Elephants teeth enough for our Wares, especially at Perinnen, La­guon, Wiumba, Perecow, and Eagrand, Villages some four Leagues distance from one another, and at Mowr, Cor­mantine, and Shamma, where the Inhabitants would Trade with us but three daies in the week, that is, Munday, Wednesday, and Friday; here wee got four­score pound weight of Gold, where being stayed by a Currant, below which wee had run unawares; we were belated on the Coast, where they that stay till May hardly escape sickness, especially near St. Thome, or the Isle of Salt, therefore as soon as wee could, wee returned along St. Nicholas, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, St. Anthony, which four Isles lye the one from the o­ther North West and by West, South East and by East, where wee discharged the Tyger in the Lee ward leaking passed all remedy, whence wee came in ten daies within sight of two Isles of the Azores, St. Mary, and St. Michael; and twelve daies after, North West and by West of the Cape Finester, within one hundred and twenty Leagues of England, whether after a great storm West, South West, and West, and the loss of our sail, wee halled with an old Bonnet in the Fore­yard, untill wee came to the Isle of Weight; bringing home with us 171 Elephants Teeth, weighing 1780 pounds, and 22 Buts full of Grain.

Rules for Fortifications and Settlement at the Coast of Guinney, observed by all that trade thither.

  • 1 THat the Ground so serve, that it may bee by the Sea, or a River on one side at least, so that we may Lade and Unlade before it.
  • 2 That the Earth bee a good Mold.
  • 3 That wee have good Timber at hand.
  • 4 That we have plentiful and wholesome provision.
  • 5 That our Fortifications bee naturally strong.
  • 6 That wee have fresh Water at hand.
  • 7 That wee have good correspondence with the Negroes by little gifts, and a noble appearance, to de­fend or build our Fortification.
  • 8 That the King of Haban bee moved about the building of some forts, so as that hee may not under­stand our meaning.
  • 9 That the Country be searched by Negroes of our own breeding, along the Coast, and in the Inland part of it.
  • 10 That upon the fall of the Coast, about Cape-Blank, wee beware how wee borrow in twelve, ten fathome, for within two or three casts of lead, we may bee on ground.
  • 11 That the Negroes be not trusted but upon great advantage.

At a meeting of the Adventurers for Guinney.

IT was resolved,

  • 1 That Captain Peirce should bee sent to Dept­ford, [Page 53]to Mr. Hickman, for his Letters to Peter Williams, to go about Rigging one of the Royal Ships, and to Gillingham for mony.
  • 2 That every Partner should supply 29 l. 6. s. for every 100. l. value, towards the new Rigging.
  • 3 That every of the Partners bring 50. l. for furni­ture.
  • 4 That the Voyage bee finished before April, and the dangerous time of the year in Guinney.
  • 5 That they call in at Sancta Cruz, and Tenariffe, (where by the way though its as hot in Winter as in Summer, yet there is Snow seen on the Pyke all the year) for provisions.
  • 6 That there bee a Committee of Seamen, for re­gulating the Voyage.
  • 7 That the Committee keep a book of their pro­ceedings.
  • 8 That all misdemeanours bee tried by twelve men.
  • 9 That there be the names of Gentlemen private­ly set down, to succeed the Captains if they dye.
  • 10 That there bee an Inventory of all Tacklings, Munition, and Furniture drawn, before they set out.
  • 11 That they pass not to the Northeastward of the sixteenth degree, but keep their course by Cape de Bu­ena Speranza.
  • 12 That they appoint places to meet, in case they are separated by a tempest, leaving tokens in the re­spective promontories.
  • 13 That you deal honestly and courteously with the Ethnicks, so as to procure their friendship and good lik­ing, especially you must take care of your word and promise.
  • 14 That no man sell any thing about him but in the publick stock.
  • [Page 54]15 That a Table of Orders bee set up in each Ship.
  • 16 That some Negroes bee brought over to settle a further trade.

The Merchandize, Wares, and Commodities, that are most desired in Guinney.

  • 1 OLd Hats, and Caps.
  • 2 Cats to catch their Mice, for there it was Whittington was made an Alderman by a Cat.
  • 3 Salt.
  • 4 Swords, Daggers, Knives, Frize-Mantles and Gowns, Clothes, Red Caps, Axe-heads, Hammers, short peeces of Iron, little Belts, Sheep-skin Gloves, Leather-Bags.
  • 5 Manils of Brass or Iron.
  • 6 Basons, most Lattin or Flanders, and Ewers.
  • 7 Course tin Pots.
  • 8 Beads, Corals.
  • 9 Course Red Cloath, Linnen, and Kersie.
  • 10 Lavers and great Dutch Kettles with handles.
  • 12 Graved Brasen Vessels.
  • 13 Horse-tails.
  • 14 Great Pins.
  • 15 Patch'd Sheets, and course French Coverings.
  • 16 Sleight Flanders Casket, and Chests of Roan, of a low price.

A note of the heights of the most eminent places in the South Sea.

  • IMprimis, Cape Cantin standeth in latitude, thirty two degrees, four minutes.
  • Item, The Island Mogador standeth one and thirty degrees, thirty minutes.
  • Item, Cape de Ore, thirty degrees, twenty minutes.
  • Item, Islands Canaries, twenty eight degrees.
  • Item, Cape Badacor, twenty seven degrees, thirty minutes.
  • Item, Cape Verde, fourteen degrees, thirty minutes.
  • Item, Serra Leona, eight degrees.
  • Item, Island called Ilha Verde, seven degrees, thirty minutes.

Soundings on the Coast of Guinney.

IMprimis, Going unto Serra Leona, having the Cape East North East off you, seven Leagues off, you have twenty two fathomes brown Sand, and halling in, you shall finde very fair shoalding; you may bee bold to borrow on the Southermost shore; but beware the Rock that lyeth in the fair way, a good bredth off the shore, two miles off the South Bay.

Item, You may borrow hard by the Rock, for on the Northern part of it, there lyeth a Long Sand, which runneth South East, and North West, distant from the South shore two Leagues, and you will Anchor in fourteen or fifteen fathomes hard by the shore.

Item, Sailing to Ilha Verde, ten Leagues to the [Page 56]Southward of Serra Leona, the course is South South West, and North North East, and there are betwixt them nine or ten fathomes, and if you Anchor in that place, you have five or six fathomes hard by the shore.

Item, Being bound Southward, you must go West South West off, for fear of the shoald that is called Madera Bomba, the which shoald is to the Southwards of the Island.

Item, You must alwaies remember the great Cur­rant, that setteth along the Coast of Guinney, to the Eastward.

CHAP. VII. The Merchandize and commodities of Guinney.

BEfore the Pertugez came thither, they had very little or no Merchandize to traffick withall, only they had plenty of whatever is needfull for mans suste­nance; in the former time they brought their Gold unto the Portugez, but the People dwelling further within land, durst not venture to trade with them, or any other White-men, and men apparrelled, therefore they do now bring their Gold to the Sea side; thus,

Betimes in the morning, they come a board our Ships with their Canoes or Scuts, betimes in the morn­ing I say, for that in the morning the wind which they call Bofone, bloweth off from the Land, and then it is calm smooth water; for about noon, the wind which they call Agem-Bretton begins to blow out of the Sea, and then they row to Land again; the people that [Page 57]dwell within the Land not brooking the Sea, for when they are aboard they can scarce go or stand, but lye down & spue like Dogs, and are very Sea-sick; but their Rowers or Pilots that carry them are hardy enough, and rarely are sick, by reason of their dayly using to the Seas: But some of their Merchants, when they come aboard our Ships, are so sick that they cast out all that are within their bodies; and by reason of their being so sick in fair weather, they are so afraid of the wind (when the Waves go any thing high) that they make as much haste home as they can, and some of them dare not venture upon the Seas to go aboard the Ships, but deliver the mony to the Pilots or Factors, telling them what Merchandize they desire to have, and those Tolken come with the Gold aboard the Ships, having a Purse which hangeth about their mid­dles, wherein they put their Gold, and every several mans Gold is in a peece of cloath or paper by it self, and they can tell which is every mans, and what Wares hee desireth for it; and sometimes they desire to have mens Gold to bestow, which is called an English of Gold, and of some two, or three, or more; and when any of their mony is not weight, then they put it into their Purse, and carry it to the man again, for if they should put any thing to it to make it full weight, the Merchant would not give it them again; for they weigh their Gold first upon the Land, and know how much it is before they send it aboard the Ship, for they credit not one the other; and when they have bestow­ed their mony, then wee must give them something to boot, which they call Dache.

When we began to Traffick here in the Country with two or three Ships, as one of Middleburgh, one [Page 58]of Amsterdam, and one of Schiedam, and that all our Ships met and lay at Anchor together to sell our Wares, the one Ship seeing that the other Trafficked more, and vended more Wares than his fellows; to finde the means to get the Merchants aboard their Ships, they willed the Pilots (with whom they must hold friendship, for they carry the Merchants aboard) to bring them aboard their Ships, and they would give them something for their labours; and the Pilots accordingly to get something, brought them aboard that Ship, which had made them that offer (for they are very covetous) which the other Ships perceiv­ing, willed the Pilots to bring the Merchants aboard their Ships, and they would likewise give them some­thing; and they made them answer, that if they would give them as much as the other did, they would come aboard their Ships, which they promised to do, and gave them more Dache than the other, and by that means drive the Merchants, Pilots, and Tolken a­board their Ships, which the other Ships seeing, and thinking that their Merchants Wares cost, them no more than the others, gave them more Dache than the others, and by that means striving one with the other, they diminished one the others gain; and in fine, their gifts grew to such a rate, that at this day, their Dache amounteth unto six or seven per Centum.

And now it is come to pass, that whereas the Coun­try People and Merchants were wont to pay the Li­tridge and Brokeridge, to the Pilots and Tolken to carry them aboard their Ships, they sought to the Mer­chants and Country Moores, to get them into their Ca­noes for greediness of Dache, which they got of the Factors for their labours, to bring the Merchants a­board, [Page 59]and thereby instead of paying them for going aboard, they give the merchants much Dache, inre­gard of the great profit they get thereby.

Many Merchants coming to the Sea-side to buy Wares, some of them a hundred or two hundred miles from within the Land, bringing great store of Gold, and have diverse slaves with them, which they lade with the Wares which they buy in the Ships, whereof some have twenty, other thirty, and some more, as they have means, and according to the trade that they use; which Merchants or Moorish Country people, know the houses or lodgings where they use to lye, and weigh their mony to their Tolk or Host, and tell them what Goods or Wares they will have, who com­ing aboard, commonly bring one of the Merchants with them (for they trust not one the other) and leave the rest with their slaves upon the Land, which tell them what Wares they desire to have; and if it bee a Merchant that can speak no Portugal speech, they will presently tell you, and will the Factor to speak Moorish speech unto them, because their Merchant is one that dwells within the Land; thereby giving you to understand, that they mean to deceive and beguile him of much mony. The poor Merchant being sick, and lying in the Ship spuing like a Dog, in the mean time the Brokers make the match for them, telling the Factors how much Ware they desire to have for so much Gold, for that the Wares are commonly sold all at one price. The Tolken makes not many words with the Factors, but certain Wares before the Mer­chant, as little as they can to content him for his mo­ny; and the price being made with him, hee weighs their Gold, and takes the Wares, and goes on Land a­gain; [Page 60]and the Merchant being gone home, then the Pilots and Tolken come aboard the Ships again, to fetch that which they have cozened the Merchants of; So that oftentimes the Merchants are deceived of a third part of their Goods by such practices; others, whiles hee looks about, or turns to spue, steals a peece of the Merchants Gold, and puts it into their Mouths, Ears and Nostrils, making the Merchant beleeve that his mony is two light; the Merchant for his part, see­ing that by means of their theevery his mony will not hold out, because it is too light, that it may weigh more then it is, blows into the Ballance, which the Factors oftentimes not perceiving, and thinking that they have their full weight, are by that means deceiv­ed, and come short of their reckoning; so that they have a thousand devices to steal, and to beguile the Merchants. At first they were wont to bee very sim­ple in their dealing, and trusted the Netherlands very much, whereat we wondred; for they were of opini­on, that White men were Gods, and would not de­ceive them, and then took the Wares upon their words, without reckoning it after them, whereby they were deceived; so that if they bought ten fathom of Linnen-Cloath, they found but eight, and by that means lost two fathom, and other things after that rate, which the Factors did so grosly, that the Mer­chants at last perceived it, and looked better to them­selves, and grew so subtil in their reckoning, that if they bought one hundred fathom of Linnen, they could reckon it to a fathom, and tell whether they had their measure or not, so that now if you do them any wrong by measuring, they will not come aboard your Ship any more; and which is more, for any bad [Page 61]look, or hasty word that you shall give them, they will never bee friends with you again.

The next Commodity to their Gold, is their Ele­phants Teeth, and their Ivory. The Elephants they take thus: Where they know they use oftnest, they digge large and deep pits, which they cover over with straw, and foul leaves of Trees, which the Elephant knowing nothing of, goeth the way hee was wont, and falls in, which the Negroes observing, run upon him with their Assagacies, and divide him in peeces among themselves, reserving the Hide for stooles; bestowing the tayl on the King, to beat the Flies from his naked body; and selling the Tooth in the Market.

Next the Elephant comes the Monkeys, some with white beards and black mustachoes, called by the Hollanders beard-men; some with nothing white but their noses, some called Boertkens, that cannot live a whole day in the sight of a man; the first of these are in very great esteem with their women, and may bee so with our Ladies, there being no kinder creatures un­der the Sun.

After the Monkeys, they offer us Musk-cats, called by the Portugez, Cato degalia, which eat Flesh (as Hens, Pidgeons) and are so sweet, that they ease themselves in a place apart, leaving the Ordure, and never lying in it, being taken up young in the Woods, with sprigs which hang on the Trees, they are brought up, and the Musk is taken from them and put in Glasses, the male Cats yeelding the best and most Agalia, by reason the females piss in the Cod wherein the Musk groweth, and piss it out with their water; When the Natives perceive that, they tear their bag, and take their Aga­lia from them; for they do so to be rid of it: The [Page 62]wilder and worse they are to rule, so much the costlier and richer their Agalia.

Neither are their Birds a viler Commodity than their Beasts, for first there are blew Parrots, which be­ing taken out of their Nests, are tamed and made so teachable, that they out-prate the Green Brasilian Parrots. Secondly, Thereis a bigger Green Bird, like the Catalinkin of West-India, called Ausuront, or Parokite, taken with Nets, as wee do Sparrows, u­sing much the Low corn grounds, and being so kinde the one to the other, that put the male and female in a Cage, they sit so quietly and respectfully, the Hee on the right hand, and the Shee on the left, as may teach many a man civility and duty.

To which I may add another kinde of Parokiton, Red spotted, with a black tail, which would entertain us with very great delight, though the Natives make no more of them than eat them alive, feathers, bones, and all. But to come to what is more useful, wee have their Cotton yarns, Hides, and what they sell at the dearest rate; Slaves and Children, which the Parents will trappan to the Sea side, and sell away for a Crown.

It also yeeldeth good Trennuelis, like milk (when the Tree is cut down) which cometh out of the body thereof, having hanged three or four daies they are through ripe, the Tree bears but one bunch at a time, whereon there is at least a hundred Figs, or more, and when they cut off the bunch of Figs, the Tree also is cut down to the ground, the root staying still in the earth, which presently springeth up again, and within a month hath its full growth, and so all the year long, no time excepted. The tree beareth fruit very deli­cate [Page 63]to eat; you must pull off the husk wherein the fruit lyeth, very delightfull to behold, the colour whereof is whitish and somewhat yellow; when you bite it, it is soft as if it were Meal and Butter mixed together; it is mellow in biting, it cooleth the Maw; much thereof eaten, maketh a man very loose and raw in the throat, it maketh women leacherous if they eat any store. Some are of opinion, because it is so delicate a fruit, that it was the same Tree that stood in Paradise, whereof God forbad Adam and Eve to eat: It hath a very good smell like Roses, but the taste is better: The Portugals will not cut it through with a knife, but break it, by reason of a special observation which they have in the cutting thereof, which is, that then it shew­eth like a cross in the middle of the fruit, and there­fore they think it not good to cut it.

The Bachonens (by us so called) are very like the Bannanaes, for the condition and form is all one, only that the fruit is smaller, shorter, white of colour within, and sweeter of taste, and is esteemed whole­somer to bee eaten than the Bannanaes; but there is no such great quantity of them, and for that they were first brought out of the Kingdome of Congo into other Countries, they have gotten the name thereof.

The Annanas is also a delicate and pleasant fruit for smell, and of the best taste that any fruit can bee; it hath also diverse several names; there are two sorts, the Male and the Female; the Cannarians call it Annana­sa, the Brasilians, Nana; those of Hispaniald, Jajawa; and the Spaniards in Brasilia, Pinas, because one of them found that and the Pinas first in Brasilia; It is as great as a Mellon, fair of colour, somewhat yellow, Green and Carnation; when it begins to bee ripe, the [Page 64]greenness turneth into an Orange colour; it is of plea­sant taste, and hath a fine smell like an Apricock, so that it is to bee smelt a far off; when you see the fruit a far off, being green, it shews like Artichokes, and is eaten with wine; it is light of disgesture, but eating much thereof it inflameth a mans body: In Brasilia there are three sorts thereof; the first Jajama, the se­cond Boniama, the third Jajagma; but in Guinney there is but one sort: The time when they are in their flower is in Lent, for then they are best; it grows half a fathom above the ground, the leaves thereof are not above Semper Vinum: When they are eaten they are cut in round slices, and sopt in Spanish Wine; you can­not eat enough thereof, it is very hot of nature, and grows in moist ground; the sops that you take out of the Wine, taste like sweet Musk, and if you do not presently wipe the knife, wherewith you cut the fruit, but let it lye half an hour, it will bee eaten in as if there had been strong water laid upon it; being eaten in abundance, and without knowledge, it causeth great sickness.

There are great store of Iniamus growing in Guin­ney in great fields, which are sowed and planted like Turneps; the Root is Iniamus, and groweth in the Earth like Earth-nuts; those Iniams are as great as a Yellow-root, but thicker and fuller of knots, they are of a Mouse-colour, and within as white as a Tur­nep, but not so sweet; being put in a Kettle and sod­den with flesh, and then peeled and eaten with Oyl and Pepper, they are a very delicate meat; in many places it is used for bread, and is the greatest meat that the Negroes eat.

The Battatas are somewhat redder of colour, and [Page 65]in form almost like Iniamus, and taste like Earth-nuts; those two kinde of fruits are abundant in Guinney, they are commonly rosted, or else eaten with a Hodge-potch instead of Parsneps or Turneps.

The Palm-wine tree is almost like the Cocos-Tree, or a Lantor, with diverse others, and are of three or four sorts, most of them have all one kinde of leaf, but in manner of Wood they are all unlike, for this Tree is shorter of Wood then all the rest; The Wine is drawn out of those Trees by boring them, from whence there issueth a Sap like Milk, which is very cool and fresh to drink; at the first when it is drawn, it is pleasant and sweet, having stood a while it is as sower as Vinegar, so that you may use it in a Sallet, but be­ing drunk sweet and fresh, it causeth a man to void Urine well, whereby in those Countries, there are very few found that have the disease of the Stone; by drinking much thereof a mans head will soon bee light; but that lightness a man hath in his head thereby, causeth it not to ake: When it cometh first out of the Tree, it is sweeter of taste, than when it hath stood a while, but yet it is esteemed better when it hath stood a while, and is somewhat settled, than presently to bee drunk; for it standeth seething and bubling, as if it hung over the fire and sod, so that if it were put into a Glass and stopt up, without letting any air come in­to it, the force thereof would break the Glass in peeces; but being a meal-tide old it is nothing worth, because it is so sowre, and then it is of another colour very waterish, therefore it is much mixed with water, and seldome comes pure into the Market, as it is taken out of the Tree, which is done partly to increase their Wine, as also that then it is the sweeter to drink, and [Page 66]hath the taste of Syder, and the colour of Must; when the Tree is old and will yeild no more wine at the top, it is cut down at the foot, and a fire made at the root thereof, where they set a pot, whereinto the Wine (by reason of the heat) runneth; the Tree being chan­ged, and yeilding no more profit, there groweth ano­ther Tree out of the root thereof, but it is half a year old before it giveth any Wine, in the morning betimes an hour before day, the Wine is drawn out, and brought to the Market at noon-time.

The Palmitas-Tree is not much to bee seen in Guin­ney, but for that a Negro in that Country shewed mee the fruit thereof, I thought good to say something of it in this place; It is a Tree without branches, on the top of the Tree the fruit groweth, and it is almost like the Annanas when it is ripe: It is outwardly of a fair Gold-colour, and withering it hath grains, like Pomgranates, they are of a very sweet taste, the o­ther is hard and unfit to eat.

But what is stranger than all this, here is a Tree cal­led the Oyster-Tree, that bears Oysters three times in the year; but I beleeve it hath been since Noah's flood when

(Piscium & summa genus haesit ulmo,
Nota quaesedes fuerat Columbis)

the fish forgot their way into the Sea again.

The Gold of Guinney.

HEre bee some Politicians, who had rather fetch their Gold from other Coasts, than discover that in their own, lest such Discovery should draw thither the Covetous and Ambitious Armies of the Neigh­bour-hoods: The chief Commodity that is bartered [Page 67]for Gold is Salt, which is sold certain deformed Ne­groes, who will not bee seen, and therefore it is left in the field, where the Negroes take it away, and leave as much Gold; the truest dealing men in the world. Then returneth the Merchant, and if hee likes the Gold, hee taketh it away, if not, hee leaves it, the Negroes retur­ning, addeth to it, or else brings the Salt, and takes a­way his Gold. I have not found so much faith, nor faithfulness, no not in Israel. In this Inland Country where houses are covered with Gold, Iron is far more esteemed, especially to the Southward of the Bay of Vallay, whose sand is all Gold, driven down with fresh water, and taken up in spoones by the Inhabitants. Solomons Gold wherewith hee built his Temple being supposed to be brought out of this place: where, after a showre of Rain, neither man, woman nor childe, stay­eth within the Town, but go out to seek for Gold in the fields, and all the way the water runneth, turning up the Earth with staves, the earth in some places ha­ving two parts of Gold, and but a third of Mould, e­specially where a Gold mountain glistereth as the Sun, where there are no Bridges permitted to make any ea­sie passages, only the people swim with their burdens on their backs, by the tayle of their Buffes, which swim before them, where its more profitable trading than at Peru, or the Indies: they dig deep pits in the earth, and wash the earth in great bowls, and therein finde Gold, making piles round with Brick, that the earth fall not in.

How careful they are, not to spit in the Earth, how fearful to look up into the Sky before the Sun riseth, I will not rehearse.

Only when they dye, the next of kin makes a Pe­tisto, [Page 68]or God of straw, to go along with them to ano­ther World, setting before him a sodden Hen, with ma­ny Fetistoes round about him, of Beads, Shels, Pease, &c. With the blood of the Hen, they make the dead hand sprinkle the Fetisto, for there the dead must of­fer blood to their Gods; then the Kinsman taketh a few green Herbs, and wrings the sap of them on the Fetisto, putting them about his Neck with certain words, to bid him not leave the dead in the Regions of Darkness; with whom his dearest Wives and Friends go, saying, Auzy, or Love, into another World.

The Morimni, or chief Man of the place, gathe­ring twelve pence a peece of the Inhabitants, towards a Funeral Feast, whitherto the Corps is carried by armed men; after which Feast they fill the Grave with Palme Wine, and other good Viaticum, for that great journey, the dead goeth; after which they all go to­gether to a River up to the middle, and there with Basons and other noise fill the air, and then after a Banquet go home, leaving the dead with his Fetisto and dead Wives, and bestowing his goods not on his Wife or Children, but on his Brethren: These cu­stomes reach from Cape tres punctos to Rio de Valte, and the Kingdome of Bennin, along the Rivers, Rio de Valto, Rio de Ardra, Rio de Lago, where wee Traffick back for Slaves; only we are in great danger there of strange calms, and strong currants.

Their Gold.

GOld though common, yet is as much esteemed there, as by us (of whom those Heathens say, [Page 69] Gold is our God) because they see what pains the Hol­landers take, and what Merchandize they give for it; the Mines are well kept by the respective Kings, and few by the Sea-side know where they are; they finde it in deep pits, and see it carried down by waters, at which they sit with spoons to take it up, sand and all, which they make clean in running water; they confess it hath cost many men their lives in their Mines, and he that findes three Englishes a day doth well, and hath carried a good daies hire; the rough Gold is the best; but let it bee what it will, half is the Labourers and half the Kings; and the King of Portugal did Let out the Trade of Guinney to Fernand Gomez, for 138 l. 14 s. 6 d. to discover every year an 100 Leagues, and since it hath been Let for 12000 l.

CHAP. VIII. Their Measures, Weights, Scales, Markets, and Customes.

AS soon as it is day they come with their Sugar-Canes in bundles, about nine a clock, when the Sugar-Canes are sold, the women come with their Oranges, Lemmons, Bannanas, Backovens, Balatoes, Indianaes, Millia, Mais, Rice, Manogette, hens, Eggs, Bread, &c. about noon when these are gone, the men come with our Commodities, and Fish, Fish that it may be stinks a quarter of a mile distance, and is but a compound of Maggots; and then the women trudge home with their Children on their backs, and [Page 70]their Commodities, especially Millia on their Heads five or six miles distance, paying no Custome to the King, but drop down now and then some Grain to their Fetisto, which they call Tythe (the very Hea­thens it seems pay Tythe) these women go home se­ven or eight in a company singing; towards the eve­ning the Husbandmen bring in their Pots of Palme wine, with their Assagayes in their hands, which they are bound to lay aside in one place, when they enter the Town, and taking every one his own when they go out, for they are very orderly, for their sitting, go­ing out, and standing. These Markets are kept by turns in their several Towns, where they have no coyn, but they weigh their Gold in four square peeces, of a grain, or half grain, though they knew not how to melt it before the Portugez came, and therefore they bartered Wares, or paid one another in small peeces of Iron, with an Half Moon upon them. Their Weights and Scales are Copper, round and hollow like an Orange peel, whereof a Benda is the chiefest, and a Loot the least.

They measure their Linnen by two fathomes to­gether, and their Woollen-Cloath likewise, which they cut into peeces for Girdles; they are not very well skilled in Arithmatick, for when they have pas­sed the number ten, they rehearse so many words one after the other, for one number, that they are so cum­bred, that they cannot tell how to get out of it, and so sit buzzing so long, till at last they have forgotten their number, and are forced to begin to tell again, untill of late the Dutch have laughed them out of that hu­mour; and they tell ten, and then take one of their fingers into their hands, and then tell ten again, and [Page 71]again take another finger into their hand, and so pro­ceed till they have both their hands full, which in all maketh an hundred, then they mark that up, and then begin again to tell ten, and use the same order as be­fore.

These very Heathens know that they must give their Kings a part of their estate to secure the whole, therfore they pay him Custome, who keeps several Ves­sels with a Kinsman on the Coast, to see he is not abu­sed, and several Slaves to carry his Custome, that is the fourth part of Fish and other Commodities, besides the weight of six pence in Gold, hee hath of the Merchants for their passage through his Country, how much or how little soever they intend to buy, and agree com­monly for the Custome of what is worth above two ounces, with the King, and what is less, with the Customer, or La Guarda, as they call him.

Besides this Custome, the Kings Revenue comes in several other wayes, As

First, In Fines for Theft.

Secondly, In the two ounces of Gold paid by eve­ry man that lyeth with another mans Wife; and in the six penny forfeiture for bringing their Weapons within their City.

And now I have named stealing, on my conscience I think there are not such Theives in the world, they are not more ashamed to steal from one another, which they reckon dishonesty (for they have some [...] of good and evil) than they are proud to steal from strangers, which they esteem as policy, and look for honour as the reward of so brave an action; a little lead without the Ships to keep them from being eat­en with Worms, rusty nails, grease, weights (which [Page 72]they hide in their Hair, Ears, or Mouths, or any small business of that kinde, is the exercise of their Theft; yea, though they bee never so great Merchants, and bestow three or four pound of Gold with you for Merchandize, their opinion being that they may steal, and wee not; I asked them the reason, and they said, wee were rich, and brought great store of Ware, which would stand upon our hands, if they took not some away, and they naked.

You must presently search them all, for they con­veigh it from one to another, and beat him that hath it soundly, bee hee never so rich, and the rest will laugh at him for a Bungler; if you beat them they will come again, if not they fear worse, and will not come near you.

Neither are they more Theevish, than they are false to us in their words, though most true one to a­nother, especially after an Oath, which they take thus.

The Negro wipes his face upon the sole of his foot to whom hee swears,Their Oaths. and likewise upon his shoulders, and breast, and upon all his body, both crying thrice Jau, Jau, Jau, and each time clapping their hands together, and stamping with their feet upon the ground, then they drink and kiss their Fetistoes or Gods on their arms.

The drink they drink when they swear,Their Oath­drink. they call Enchionkenon, made of the same Herbs with their Fe­tistoes, a kinde of water of jealousie, which they think upon a falshood would kill them, whereby they accuse and swear likewise against one another, ten years after the thing is done, forcing the nearest of kin to the offending party to pay his fine if he be dead.

And from this discourse of Theft, you may guess that they have some propriety and justice among them, wherein the proceeding is after this sort.

1 Every man tells his tale (for they have no Law­yers) by turns, without interruption (which they specially forbid upon pain of corporal punishment) be­fore the Judge, who having heard both sides, gives his own judgement, which they must stand to with­out appeal; if there bee any forfeiture to the King, it must bee paid presently, or the party must bee banish­ed from his Majesties jurisdiction, with all his relati­ons, untill it is paid; if it bee a controversie among the Nobility, they come to a Combate, whether both parties bring their relations, who engage side against side; the Plaintiff and Defendant fighting in the mid­dle of them, hee that is beaten must suffer, and if hee runneth away to another little Kings dominion, hee must bee delivered up to the Wife of the dead man, to bee disposed of; or it comes to a War.

In most matters the Plaintiff certifieth the Captain, who causeth a Drum to bee beat by one of his Slaves, who carrieth it about his neck, and two boyes with Cow-bells (a sign that justice is to bee done) where­upon the Captain and his armed Gentlemen sit round the Market place, whether the people flock, not knowing what is to bee done, untill the accused party is called, and bound to answer all the allegations a­gainst him, or pay the penalty with his Purse or free­dome (for they buy their lives there with mony, di­vided among the Mornans) I was present at this case.

A man came from one Town to another to gather up his debts, which man a year before had lain with another mans Wife, and the same woman was by [Page 74]chance come to the Market, and seeing him, went straight and complained to the Aene, i.e. the chief Of­ficer, who presently ordered his apprehension; the good woman complained hee had forced her, and not paid according to his promise; hee made answer, hee did it with her good will; after a great contest, the Fetistero (or the Priest that hath to do with their Fetistoes, Gods) came thither with a certain drink in a pot, and set it down before the Captain (as they call their Magi­strate, where Arms are the Law) the woman took the pot and drank of it, to justifie hee had not satisfied her for the loss of her honour; and if the man durst have drunk thereof before the woman, hee had been acquitted, but knowing his guilt, hee paid his three Bendaes, that is six ounces of Gold.

But in case a man deserveth death, and cannot pay a fine, hee dieth without any more adoe, after this manner;

The Executioner takes him,Their Execu­tions. bindes his hands be­hinde him, covers his eyes, leadeth him into a field or a wood (there being no peculiar place allotted for it) and being there alone, for none assists there, makes him kneel down, and stoop with his head, when he tak­ing an Assagaie, steppeth back, and strikes him into the body, wherewith hee falleth down, and then takes his Cutting-knife to cut off his Head, not beleeving in those parts, that a man is dead untill his Head is off; the body is quartered and left in the field to the Ea­gles and Elephants, but the Head is boyled by his friends, who meet together, and eat the broath it makes, and hang the bare skull to their Fetisto; the women of that Village making a sad lamentation for three daies, for the deceased.

CHAP. IX. How they live together in Guinney.

MArriage being the foundation of Society, they keep their Daughters in Cloysters when they are Marriagable, and their Sons leave themselves to their Fathers disposal, never wooing or looking on their Wives before they Marry them; giving nothing with their Sons, but what they earne themselves, only the Father gives a Peto and an half of Gold, and the Mother half a Peto, i. e. half an ounce, and the rich­est no more; The Portion being paid, they meet one another naked, as Sir Thomas Moor said they do at U­topia, and as Sir Francis Bacon wisheth they might do in Atlantis, it being a great disadvantage (saith he) that a man shall see no more of his wife than two hand­fulls, that is, her face, and swear faithfulnesse to the Bed, and Board, and it is a Marriage: I mean, the Woman swears, but not the man, for hee is at liber­ty.

Upon the least offence, shee is at her Husbands mer­cy for a Divorce, or a Fine of so many Petoes of Gold.

If the man doth but suspect her, shee must eat the salt of jealousie, which if she refuseth, he sends her out of that Kingdom; If the man thriveth, hee buyeth more Wives, whereof the eldest serve the youngest, in so much, that many Wives is a sign of a rich man.

Indeed their drinking and feeding is so disorderly; [Page 76]that they are very lustful and impudent, especially, when they come to hide their nakedness, (for a Negroes hiding his Members, their extraordinary greatness) is a token of their Lust, and therefore much troubled with the Pox.

2. Their bread is of Millia, or Mais, baked on a warme Harth, their meat they eat raw, as Birds, Doggs, for some of them being in our Ships, and seeing our Hens would tice them to hang out their necks out of the Cage, and kill them, shewing the Sailors that some of the Hens were dead, thereby onely con­triving that they might eat their Raw guts, not staying till they were clean; but eating them raw as they came out of the hens belly, though they can dresse meat very well with their Palm-Oyle, the best sauce for their Fish.

'Tis strange, yet true, that in those hot Countries, they would eat all day long, and when they do eat they sit upon the ground, and cram it into their mouth, without any respite between morsel and morsel.

But they drink more civilly than they eat, for they will set a wooden Kilderkin of Poitous, i. e. Ale, or Palme-Wine, in the middest; and sitting round it drinke by turnes, all standing up, while one drinks, laying their hands on their heads, and crying Tautosi, Tautosi, at their first draught, not drinking their cups out, but leaving some for thier Fetisso, or their God, saying I. O. U. what ever they can couzen white men of, is devoted to a drinking, and laid in a common bank for a merry meeting.

The Husbands and Wives neither eat nor lye toge­ther but on their Tuesdaies, when they spread a Mat upon the ground, and lay stools under their heads with [Page 77]a fire at the end of the bed to warme the soles of their feet.

Although the Husband commands, yet the Wife carrieth the purse until shee is with Childe, and her time is come, when in the middle of the field, starke naked, among all the people of the Countrey she is delivered, and she throweth the Bagg to her Hus­band, until taking a spoonful of Oyle, and an hand­ful of Manniget, shee goeth abroad next day as other women, having Circumcised her Childe, Feasted her Neighbours, and let the Infant sprawle on the ground, a day or two, and then carrying it on her shoulder, like an Irish-woman. When the Childe is above a year Old, they hang a shirt of Net-work made of barke, about him with Coral, which they call their Fetisso, to keep him from evil, the first Fetisso being good against vomiting, the second against falling, the third against bleeding, the fourth to procure sleep, the fifth against the Ague.

By that time they have crawled three or four years, they are brought by the Mother, to the Father, who sets them to swim as soon as they can walk, and then to knit Nets, to row, and fish, giving them not a rag of cloathes but what they can earn, and therefore the first Gold they have they bestow on a fathom of Lin­nen to cover their middle; They are flat Nosed, white-ey'd, small ear'd, thick-bodied, broad shoulder­ed, long hands and limbs, as especially the token of a Gentleman, which they scrape with Ivory and use to take their Gold in, instead of spoons; they are very subtil and sevengeful, very nice and superstitious, ve­ry craving and beggarly, yet very clean; easing them­selves out of the way, at the end of the Town, [Page 78]in an House made above ground for the purpose, for they think it abominable to do it upon the ground, pissing likewise by jobs as Hogs do, every one cuts his curled haire, and weares his Reed Turban of seve­ral fashions, but all agree in their Rings, and Wreathes of Say, Coral, &c. which they worship, and offer meat to every day, under the notion of their Fetisto.

As naked as they are, they are proud, and walk a Spanish pace, looking so scornfully forward, that a man must not speak to them, till they come to their seats; especially meaner persons, whom as soon as they spy a far off, they cry, Hold your peace.

In the morning when they go out and meet with any of their friends or acquaintance, they embrace and kinkle one another by the arm, bowing the head and saying, Auzi, Auzi; then they comb, with their one-tooth comb, their frizled and lowsie pates, making a round bob at top, as our Gentlemen use to do; and then especially about the Castle Damina, they buy provisions for the day, and sufficient to the day is the provision thereof: Their Houses are like Souldiers Ca­bins, and the Cities are Tents built on sticks, about which they twine the rods, which they daub in thin morter, instead of paint; the Hog-sties they cover with four square coverings of Palme Tree leaves, which they open and shut at pleasure; the floor being a flat peece of red Earth, in the middest of which is a hole, for their pot of Palme Wine; their Sconces are only of Reed and Straw; their streets being so nar­row, that but one goeth a breast; their Towns being filthy and stinking, insomuch that sometimes, when the wind sits that way, you may smell the stink a mile and a half into the Sea.

Only the Strangers have taught them to make their Towns more strong and wholesome, especially their Sea Towns, where are none but their Officers, Factors, &c. especially at Tres Punctos, under four degrees and a half, where the Portugez have a Castle called Aziem.

Five miles Eastward is Anta, where we sell Iron; a mile lower is Rio de St. Georgio, Jubbe, and Carrua, where the Portugez have a House and good Fishing to furnish the Castle of Mina; below here is Commando where wee sell Venetian Madrigetton and Corals (for the common people traffick much therewith, by grinding and selling them one to another) small Cop­per Basons, Blew Cloath, and broad Linnen-Cloath in small parcels, where their Gold is moulten, and therefore very deceitful; not far from which place is the Castle De-Demina, to command Trade, a mile be­low which, is Cape Crostio.

Sailing a mile lower, wee come to the chief place of Traffick, called Mourre, and a mile below that is Infantin, and not far from that is the Castle Corman­tin, under the King of Fatus, where wee have hoops for our Vessels.

Five miles lower is the fine Dairy-place Biambis, whee they sell great Cows and fair Women; not far off is Chinha, a place of great Traffick with Canoes or Boules, where a Gibbet is worshipped for a Fetisto or God.

Their Religion.

NO Nation so barbarous, but owneth a Religion and a God, these have Birds, Hills, Vale-Tree Gods, every strange thing being divine with them, in [Page 80]somuch that wee had much ado to keep them from worshipping a Bagpipe, which for a great while they took for a living creature, and still say it's the work of the Gods; as the Manichees, so they hold two Gods, one that doeth them harm, and another that doeth them good, which they say fight together; yet they think there is a God, whom they do not see, but be­leeve black like themselves; for though, say they, wee sow Millia, who sends rain to make it grow? you can shoot (say they) but who thundereth? therefore they pray to God under the notion of Juan Goemain: Once wee had a Negro aboard imprisoned for counter­feiting of Gold, who took every morning a tub with water in it, and washed his face therein, which done, hee took his hands full of water, and cast it over his head, speaking diverse words to himself, and after that spitting in the water, which wee seeing, asked him why hee did so? whereupon hee answered, hee prayed his Fetisso that it might rain, that so his friends might finde much Gold to release him, and hee might go home again; some of them under the History of Chri­stianity; all beleeve they dye not, and therefore they give their dead bodies something to carty to another world.

They keep their Fetissoes day, one day in seven, and that Tuesday (a Sabbath it seems is natural) more solemnly and stricktly than the Hollanders do their Sun­day; when they offer meat and drink to their Fetisso on a four square place, covered with wires, or Fetissoes straws, which the Birds of the air, which they call the Birds of God, eat up.

Not far from which place their Fetissero sits on a stool with a pot of drink in his hand, and the people about [Page 81]him stroking the people with a wisp, and speaking something they will not tell us; only when hee hath done, they clap their hands and cry, I ou, I ou.

Thence they go with the Holy Straw-wisp, which preserves them from the Fetissoes; when they miscar­ry in Fishing, Trading, &c. they think their Fetisso is angry; then the Fetissor, with all his Wives (for hee hath ten at least) goes up and down the City with sad groans and a drum, to the tree which is the Fish Feti­sso, and from thence casts Millia to the water, as if it were to the Gods, but indeed to bring the Fish toge­ther; these and many other computations they have, which would bee as frivolous in the relation, as they are in the performance.

CHAP. X. Their War, and their Gentlemen.

THese little Kingdomes have often occasions of War among themselves, and oftner with stran­gers, upon both which occasions, the King first calleth for his Guard, i. e. twelve hundred men that have no­thing else to do but to wait, who sleep like dogs round his royall Cottage; and if his occasions require more, hee gives his Captains order to summon more, who with such Drums as Children use to carry, go up and down for a weekes space untill the rabble get to­gether, and painting themselves, march out with their Fetissoes, that is, their Beads and Corals, wherewith they think themselves secure; there is a Holy Wreath [Page 82]of Bark about their necks, the Ponyard hangs to the Girdle, the Assagaie was in the right hand, the Bow and Arrows in the left; the whole Family follows every man, all the Country is burned and destroyed, that the enemy may not have where to invade, nor the cowardly where to retreat; the whole Kingdome sur­rounds the King, and becomes a Court; and in that posture march with their Turbands of Libards-skins, having dispatched their Houshold-stuff into a neigh­bour Country.

They shoot strait, and can hit the very breadth of a Stiver, whom they take they enslave, whom they kill they eat, whom they conquer they take Hostages from; their Ponyards are four fingers broad, their Shields of Goat skin, or Oxe hide four foot broad, e­very man keeping six or seven of each by him upon all occasions, with a Bow and Arrow stringed, with the Bark of a Tree, feathered with Dogs hair, tipped with Iron, and most commonly poysoned with a green Herb called Assapi; their Drum is a peece of hollow wood, covered with Bucks-skin, and beaten with a wooden spoon.

In the Wars the Gentlemen have a peculiar privi­ledge, and a Gentleman is made thus; A man finding himself Rich, presents the King with a Dog, a Goat, and a Cow, and his neighbours with an Oxe, and there­with a Feast is made, with Palme-wine, musick, dancing, and the man goes home a Gentleman, and a begger, having usually spent all his estate at the Installation.

After the Wars, on the Coronation day, and on the quarter daies for customes, there is a Royal Feast whereat they are mad for three daies, after which the King sets up the heads of the beasts he hath spent a­mong [Page 83]his Fetissoes or Gods, in his Hall, in perpetuum rei memoriam, for the Kings there have no design in their Grandeur but honour, providing nothing for their Chil­dren, but what they shall earn with the sweat of their brow.

How they agreed with us about their Lands.

THe people being perswaded that wee were an in­considerable nation, kept aloof a great while, till on the 18th. of January, one Achor zano was ambitious to be the white mens Alcade or Factor, whom wee en­tertained with a string of Christal, and a double one of Coral about his neck, and so with drinking a cup of Rosa solis, and shooting off five thunders, for so they call Muskets, he was solemnly proclaimed Alcard, Alcard, he adding his fidlers musick, the people their bows, arrows, and what improved the solemnity, their wives, as soon as he came on shore, he distributes those Nuts whereof 500 buyeth a wife, among his friends, as a token of his joy in his new honour (Nuts that have yet nothing to recommend them, but that they are so bitter, that they set over their river water, and makes it sweet to him that eats them.

This done, as an hansell of his office, he goeth to the Kings house, who sate without doors, their fashion be­ing as soon as it is dark, to make a fire of reeds without doors, and the best sort to have mats, on which to sit down and use their Ceremonies; he placed our Cap­tain by the King, and went himself six paces off, right before him, and made a speech, which one repeats after him as he speaks, to intreat his kinde usage of the White men; the King answered with a like speech, giving us [Page 84]liberty to shoot any thing on the Land, and none should offend us; Achor zano kneeled down and gave him thanks, sending him in our behalf Corall and Christal; whereupon the King made a long speech, concluding that he would give the place we were in for ever; upon which gracious speech, our Alcade pulled off his shirt to thank him, and kneeled down naked, untill diverse Marybuches with their hands, raked up a heap off of the ground, upon which he lay flat upon his belly, and covered him with the earth lightly, from head to heel, when with his hands he threw the earth round about a­mongst us all; and the Marybuches gathered a round heap again together, and compassing it with a round ring of the same earth, bad him write with his finger, as much as the round would contain. Which done, our Alcade, Achor zano took of that earth in his mouth and put it forth again, and then he and our two Marybuches or Waiters, brought their hands full of the same earth into our laps; after which ceremonies, presenting their bows and arrows on their knees, they withdrew, only they made their several speeches (for every one of fa­shion must needs make his speech when they meet) and led about some dances, after which we were Masters of that land, and friends to the great Tivil.

A Relation of such persons as got wonderful Estates by their Trade to Guinney.

I. SIr John Tintam and Sir Pierce Fabian in the year 1481. in the daies of Edward the 4th. Sir John Tintam, and Sir William Fabian, the great Mathematicians and Geographers of those times, hav­ing Spirits above the model of their age, and the nar­rowness [Page 85]of their Fortunes; and hearing of the Portu­gals rich discoverie upon the Coast of Guinney, and Terra Nigritarum (as Keckerman confesseth) that wee are the best adventurers in the world) joyned heads and purses to set out some English Vessels with Hanse Towns Marriners, for the Trade of Guinney, while they were setting out, John the second, King of Portugal, upon the French-mens suggestion, (with whom wee had great Sea-fights at that time, and by fight­ing with whom, wee grew expert at Sea) sent Ruy­de Sousa, with Dr. de Elvas, and Fardinando de Pira, to confirme the ancient League with England, and desire the King to dissolve the fore said Fleet, which the King did, but the Duke of Medina Sidonia, en­couraged the fore-said Gentlemen, insomuch that they appeared at Cape Verde, the 5th of March 1482. and making no stay there, crept along the Coast to Rio de Festos the 8th. of April, whence all the French on the Coast fled upon the first sight of them, they Traffick­ing securely, and understanding of the Negroes, the state of the Countrey, who directed them to Rio de Pontis, and to the River St. Andras, where a great Ship and Carvel of the King of Portugal shot at them, but they getting to the formost of them, sliped be­tween them and the Castle De tres Punctos, where the English beat them, to the no small joy of the Negroes, as well as the security of themselves, whom the Inha­bitants invited to Mowre, some three leagues behinde, where they said was the best place to Trade with them; considering the strength of the Portugez, whither they brought more Gold than they knew what to do with: Here they had a hundred pounds worth of Pewter, sixty five of Tin and Brasse; an hundred [Page 86]twenty four pound, thirteen shillings six pence of I­ron: For which they carryed away two hundred sixty seven Elephants teeth, weighing two thousand seven hundred fifty eight pound; and Grains sixty five Buts full, all along the Coast of Rio de Festos, and Rio de Barbos, which at last they improved to a Million, half whereof they payed the Duke their Patron, and half they divided among themselves, who were with­in three years able to buy their Traffick with Portugal, and their peace with England, putting up an hundred thousand pounds a piece in their purses: For Sir P. Fa­bian Nephew to Sir William, dyed the richest Subject in Medina.

Of Van Heer Vizksted,

II. THe next Instance is a Dutch-man, who was left at Cormantin, May the third, 1562. who bearing affection to a young Maid, broke it to her friends, who appointed the two young Parties to run a race together, the Maid being allowed in the starting, the advantage of a third part of the Race; as the manner of that Country is, wherein the Maid being willing, the Dutch-man prevailed, and Married her: Whereupon hee is made a Factor between the Negroes and the Dutch, and in ten years time, by the very gifts that were bestowed upon him, he returned to Holland with twenty thousand pound in two Vessels, and not long after, lives to break for an hundred and fifty thou­sand pound, whereof he paid nine in the hundred, and died worth fifty thousand pound.

Alfonso Albuquerque.

III. THe third Instance is a Portugez, who bound for Guinney was struck on ground, yet wave follows not wave faster, than wonder, doth wonder, in the preservation and advancement of this man: For

  • 1. Hee and twelve more, got into a small Boat of a tun and a half, which had but one Oare to work withal.
  • 2. They were sixty Leagues from Land, and the weather so foul, that it was not possible for a Ship to brooke half a course of Sail.
  • 3. The Vessel being over-set Don Alphonso made a motion to cast Lots, that those four who drew the shortest, should be cast over-board, the people were contented, onely they provided, that if the Lot fell upon Alphonso, he should notwithstanding bee preserv­ed, as in whom all their safeties were concerned.
  • 4. Brave Alphonso refused that kindnesse; vowing, that they should live and dye together.
  • 5. It pleased God, that two of the Passengers dyed.
  • 6. For five daies and nights, they saw the Sun and Stars but once, so that they onely kept up their Boat with their single Oare; going as the Sea drove it.
  • 7. Four daies they were without sustenance.
  • 8. About three a Clock the fifth day, they came on the South of Guinney, within halfe an hour after their Landing, the winde turned North-ward, which if it had done any of the six daies they were afloat, they had never saved themselves.
  • 9. The very Infidels were civil to them, after some general and wary account they gave of themselves, es­pecially for two things, Alphonso had by him: First A [Page 88]Cat to catch their Mice, and secondly, an Oyntment to kill their Flies, for both which, the King of the place gave him his weight in gold, which he improved within five years, to sixty thousand pound upon the place, returning to Portugal, after 15. years traffick the third man in the Kingdome.

John Towers.

IV. THe fourth instance is an Englishman, and an Apprentice of London, who ran from his Master, May the first, 1551. with forty pounds in mo­ny, and some rings, wherewith he got to Antwerp, where hee listed himself in a Guinney ship, as a Chaplams boy in which capacity, he was Landed at Mina, where his Master dying, and leaving him his part of the fraught, the youth traded so ingenuously, that the company left him there, to discover the Country; which he did so effectually, that when Queen Elizabeth gave Tho. Gregory of Taunton, and Will. Pope a Pattent, for 10. years, to Traffick to Guinney from the Northern-most part of the River Nonnia, to the Southern-most part of the ri­vers, Madrubanda and Sierra Leona; and to other parts, as well to the South-East, as to the North-West, for a certain number of Leagues therein specified, which amount to an hundred or thereabout, they found that this person was head King of Tombuto, three years be­fore, having left an hundred Millions of Gold, among forty Children he had gotten of the Negroe women, not one whereof enjoyed any of his Royalty, nor could they endure an Europian.

FINIS.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. Searching, reading, printing, or downloading EEBO-TCP texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. Permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this EEBO-TCP Phase II text, in whole or in part.