A Fifth collection of papers relating to the present juncture of affairs in England

A FIFTH Collection of Papers Relating to the Preſent Juncture of Affairs in England.

VIZ.

I. The hard Caſe of Proteſtant Subjects under the Dominion of a Popiſh Prince. II. An Anſwer to a late Pamphlet, entitled, A Short Scheme of the Ʋſurpations of the Crown of England, &c. III. An humble and hearty Addreſs to all Engliſh Proteſtants in the Army. Publiſhed by Mr. Johnſon in the Year 1686. IV. Several Reaſons againſt the Eſtabliſhment of a ſtanding Army, and Diſſolving the Militia. V. A Diſcourſe of Magiſtracy; of Prerogative by Divine Right; of Obedience, and of the Laws. VI. The Definition of a Tyrant, by Abr. Cowley: With ſeveral Queries thereupon propoſed to the Lawyers. VII. A Letter to the King, inducing him to return to the Proteſtant Religion. VIII. Ten Seaſonable Queries, propoſed by an Engliſh Gentleman at Amſterdam to his Friends in England.

Licenſed and Entred according to Order.

London printed, and are to be fold by Rich. Janeway in Queen'shead Court in Pater-Noſter Row, 1688.

The hard Caſe of Proteſtant Subjects under the Dominion of a Popiſh Prince.

A Prince putting himſelf and his Dominions under the Authority of the Pope, and admitting (as he muſt unavoidably) the Laws and Decrees of the Romiſh Church, all his Proteſtant Subjects being, by the Judgment and Sentence of that Church, Hereticks Diſtinct. 19. cap. a Cauſ. 25. q. 1. cap. 11., do forthwith lie under the Penalty which thoſe Laws and Conſtitutions will have inflicted upon Hereticks; Hereſie Cap. Vergent. de Hotticis. being the higheſt degree of High-Treaſon, called therefore by them, Laeſae Crimen Majeſtaetis Divinae: So the Engliſh Proteſtant muſt be a Traytor, and the worſt of Traytors, and expoſed to the Penalties of High-Treaſon.

The Laws and Decrees of the Romiſh Church againſt Hereticks.

Hereſie Cap. Infam. 6. q. 1. p. 297. is denounced Infamous, and the Heretick muſt be dealt with as ſuch; which is many Penalties in one.

Firſt, Whereby they are deprived of all Nobility, Juriſdiction and Dignity, and debarred from all Offices, and publick Councils, Parliaments and others; being made uncapable of chooſing, and being choſen: So that it reacheth all ſorts Suar. de Fide diſp. 12. §. 9. r. 5. l. 2. c. 29. of Clergy, Laity, Noble and Ignoble; which is extended to their Children alſo. For, they ſay, The Iſſue of Traytors, Civil and Spiritual, loſe their Nobility. And all that owe any Duty to ſuch Infamous Perſons, are diſcharged and exempted therefrom, as Subjects Cap. de Haer. from their Prince, Servants Aa • o • . Tom. 1. l. 8. c. 12. q. 7. from their Maſters, Children Cap. 2. Sect. fin. de Haer. in 6. from their Parents, whom they alſo may lawfully kill.

Whereby we may ſee a little, to what condition the Admiſſion of the Papal Authority would reduce us, expelling both Nature and Humanity, and making the deareſt Relatives unnatural and barbarous to one another; it would leave no Proteſtant either Dignity or Authority, either Safety or Liberty; Nobles are ſentenced to Peaſants, and Peaſants to Slaves.

Secondly, Another Penalty to which Hereticks are condemned by their Law, is Confiſcation of Goods and Eſtate; and this they incur ipſo jure, & ipſo facto; that is, immediately as ſoon as they ſhew themſelves Hereticks, before any legal Sentence have paſſed: For which there is an expreſs Decree in the Canon-Law; Cap. cum ſecundum Legis de Haer.. Inno III. cap. de Vergentis. Bona Haereticorum ipſo jure diſcernemus conſiſcata; We decree the Goods of Hereticks to be conſiſcate by Sentence of Law. The Effects of this Confiſcation, wherein they all agree, makes the Severity of the Law apparent, viz. Firſt, All the Proſits made of the Eſtate from the firſt day of their Guilt, is to be Vaſq. in Suar. diſp. 22. S. 4. n. 11. refunded. Secondly, All Alienations S. 1. n. 5. by Giſt, Sale, or otherwiſe, before Sentence, are null and void; and all Contracts for that purpoſe Cap. Vergent. de Haer. reſcinded. Thirdly, Children, Heirs of Hereticks, are deprived of their Portions; yea, tho they be Papiſts.

Whereby it appears, that as ſoon as the Papacy is admitted, all Title and Property is loſt and extinct among us: And therefore we muſt not think that Pope acted extravagantly, who declared, That all his Majeſty's Territories were his own, as forfeited to the Holy See for the Hereſie of Prince and People. Not only Abby-Lands are in danger, who ever poſſeſs them; but all Eſtates are forfeited to his Exchequer, and legally confiſcated: All is his own which Proteſtants in theſe three Nations have or ever had, if he can but meet with a Prince ſo wiſe as to help him to catch it; whoſe proceſs follows them beyond their Grave, and ruins their Children, and Children's Children after them. And when they have ſtrip'd the Heretick of his All, they provide that no other ſhall relieve him, viz. That none ſhall receive him into their Houſes, nor afford him any Help, nor ſhew him any Favour, nor give him any Counſel. We are here in England zealous for Property; and all the reaſon in the World we ſhould ſo be: But we muſt bid adieu to this, when we once come under the Pope's Authority; for as ſoon as this is admitted, all the Proteſtants in theſe Nations are Beggars by Lrw, viz. by the Laws of that Church, which will then be Ours, diveſting us of all Property and Title to whatever we account our own.

Thirdly, Another Penalty which their Law inflicts on Hereticks, is Death Cap. ad abolendum de Haer. Suar. Diſ. 23. Bul. Ʋrb. 4. & Inno. 4., which is the Sentence of the Canon-Law; and which is ſo abſolute, that no Secular Judg can remit, and which is the Judgment of all the Doctors, Ita docent omnes Doctores: And from which Penalty, neither Emperors nor Kings themſelves are to be freed or exempt. And the Death they inflict is burning alive: No Death more tolerable, or of leſs exquiſite Torture will ſatisfy the Mercy of that Church. The Canon ſaith thus; Decernimus ut vivi in conſpectu hominum comburantur; We decree, that they ſhall be burnt alive in the ſight of the World. So our laſt Popiſh Succeſſor, Queen Mary, practiſed upon near three hundred Perſons, without regard either to Age, Sex, or Quality: the Scripture they urge for it, is John 15.6. Jac. de Gra. deciſ. l. 2. c. 9. n. 2. If any one abide not in me, men gather them and caſt them into the Fire, and they are burnt.

So that as ſoon as the Papal Authority is admitted among us, all the Proteſtants in theſe Nations are dead Men in Law; being under a Law that hath ſentenced us to be burnt alive, and under a Power that hath declared it neceſſary that no one of us eſcape with Life.

Fourthly, Where legal Penalties cannot take place, by reaſon of oppoſite Strength, they hold War neceſſary, and lawful to chaſtiſe Hereticks: For which we might give you divers Authorities; Bonacina Diano. Caſtro Molanus, &c. Car. Allen. ad mon. to Nobl. & Peop. p. 41. but let Cardinal Allen, our Country-man, ſuffice; who aſſerts it is not only lawful, but neceſſary: His words are theſe: It is clear (ſaith he) what People or Perſons ſoever be declared to be oppoſite to GOD's Church, with what Obligation ſoever either of Kindred, Friendſhip, Loyalty, or Subjection I be bound unto them; I may, or rather muſt take up Arms againſt them; and then muſt we take them for Hereticks when our lawful Popes adjudg them ſo to be. And which (ſaith Cardinal Pool) is a War more holy than that againſt the Turks.

Fifthly, To deſtroy them by Maſſacres is ſometimes held more adviſeable than to run the hazard of War, and which (they ſay) is both lawful and meritorious, for the rooting out a Peſtilent Hereſy, and the promoting the Roman Intereſt. This ſet a-foot the Iiriſh Maſſacre, that inhuman bloody Butchery, and ſo much from the Savageneſs and Cruelty of their Nature, as the Doctrines and Principles which directed and encouraged it; as alſo that of Paris, than which nothing was more grateful and acceptable to their Popes, as their Erieſs of P.G. 13. & Clem. 8. Bulls make manifeſt, and the picturing it in the Pope's Chamber; and for which, as a moſt glorious Action, Triumphs were made, and publick Thankſgivings were returned to God. So in Savoy, and elſewhere, both in former and latter Times. And this was that which the late Conſpirators aimed at ſo fully intending a Maſſacre. Thoſe that eſcaped a Maſſacre, ſaith 5. Jeſ. Trial, p. 28. Dugdale, muſt be cut off by the Army. And Col. Lr. to the Internuncio. Coleman tells the Internuncio in his Letters; That their Deſign proſpered ſo well, that he doubted not in a little time, their Buſineſs would be managed to the utter Ruin of the Proteſtant Party: The effecting where of was ſo deſirable and meritorious, that if he had a Sea of Flood, and an hundred Lives, he would loſe them all to carry on the Deſign. And if to effect this, it were neceſſary to deſtroy an hundred Heretical Kings, he would do it Prance's Nar. p. 4.. Singleton the Prieſt affirmed, That he would make no more to ſtab forty Parliament-Men, than to eat his Dinner. Gerard and Kelley, to encourage Pranëe to kill Sir E. B. G. told him, It was no Murther, no Sin, and that to kill twenty of them was nothing in that caſe; which was both a charitable and meritorious Act. And Cauſ. Ep. p. 189. Grant, one of the Maſſacring Gun-powder Traitors, ſaid, upon his Execution, te one that urged him to repent of that wicked Enterprize, That he was ſo far from counting it a Sin, that on the contrary, he was confident, that that noble Deſign had ſo much of Merit in it, as would be abundantly enough to make Satisfaction for all the Sins of his whole Life. See Everard Digby ſpeaking to the ſame purpoſe alſo; the Provincial Garnet did teach the Conſpirators the ſame Catholick Doctrine, viz. That the King, Nobility, Clergy, and whole Commonalty of the Realm of England (Papiſts excepted) were Hereticks; and, That all Hereticks were accurſed and excommunicated; and That no Heretick could be a King, but that it was lawful and meritorious to kill him, and all other Hereticks within this Realm of England, for the advancement and inlargement of the Authority and Juriſdiction of the Pope, and for the reſtoring of the Romiſh Religion. This was that Garnet whom the Papiſts here honoured as a Pope, and kiſſed his Feer, and reverenced his Judgment as an Oracle; and ſince his Death, given him the Honour of Saintſhip and Martyrdom Five Jeſ. Trinis, p. 25.. Dugdale depoſed, That after they had diſpatched the King, a Maſſäcre was to follow.

But ſurely, it may be ſuppoſed, that the Temper of ſuch a Prince, or his Intereſt, would oblige him to forbid or reſtrain ſuch violent Executions in England. Yea, but what if his Temper be to comply with ſuch Courſes? Or his Temper be better? What if it be over-rul'd? What if he be perſwaded, as other Catholicks are, that he muſt in Conſcience proceed thus? What if he cannot do otherwiſe, without hazard of his Crown and Life? For he is not to hold the Reins of Government alone, he will not be allowed to be much more than the Pope's POSTILLION, and muſt look to be diſmounted, if he act not according to Order. The Law Caput Offici • m. tells us, That it is not in the Power of any Civil Magiſtrate to remit the Penalty, or abate the Rigour of the Law. Nay, if the Prince ſhould plight his Faith by Oath, that he would not ſuffer their Bloody LAWS to be executed upon his Diſſenting Subjects, this would ſignify nothing: For they would ſoon tell him, That Bon •• i • a de print. p • a • . Diſp. 3. q. 2. Contracts made againſt the Common Law are invalid, though confirmed by Oath; And; That he is not bound to ſtand to his Promiſe though he had ſworn to it: And, That Faith is no more to be kept with Hereticks, than the Council of Conſtance would have it. So that Proteſtants are to be burnt, as Jo. Huſs and Jerom of Prague were by that Council, though the Emperor had given them his ſafe Conduct in that Solemn manner, which could ſecure them only (as they ſaid) from the Civil, but not Church-Proceſs, which was the greateſt. For 'tis their General Rule, That Faith is either not to be given, or not kept with Hereticks. Therefore, ſaith Simanca, That Faith ingaged to Hereticks, though confirmed by Oath, is in no wiſe to be performed: For, ſaith he, if Faith is not to be kept with Tyrants and Pirats, and others who kill the Body, much leſs with Hereticks who kill the Souls. And that the Oath in favour of them, is but Vinculum Iniquitatis, A Bond of Iniquity. Though Popiſh Princes, the better to promote their Intereſt, and to inſnare the Proteſtant Subjects, to get advantage upon them, to their Ruin, have made large Promiſes, and plighted their Faith to them, when they did not intend to keep it. As the Emperor to John Huſs and Jerom; Charles the Ninth of France to his Proteſtant Subjects before the Maſſacre; the Duke of Savoy to his Proteſtant Subjects, before their deſigned Ruin; and Queen Mary, before her burning of them. But if there were neither Law nor Conſcience to hinder, yet in point of Intereſt, he muſt not ſhew favour to Hereticks, without apparent hazard, both Parſon's Philop. p. 109. of Crown and Life, for he forfeits both if he doth. The Pope every Year doth not only curſe Hereticks, but every Favourer of them, from which none but himſelf can abſolve. Becan. Cont. Aug. p. 131, 132. In Fowlis, p. 60. Becanus very elegantly tells us, If a Prince be a dull Cur, and fly not upon Hereticks, he is to be beaten out, and a keener Deg muſt be got in his ſtead. Henry the Third, and Henry the Fourth, were both Aſſaſſinated upon this Account, becauſe they were ſuſpected to favour Hereticks. And are we not told by the Diſcoverers Oats's Nar. p. 4. N. 5, &c. of the Popiſh Plot, That after they had diſpatch'd the King, they would depoſe his Brother alſo, that was to ſucceed him, if he did not anſwer their Expectations, for rooting out the Proteſtant Religion.

But may not Parliaments ſecure us by Laws and Proviſions reſtraining the Power which endangers us? Not poſſible, if once they ſecure and ſettle the Throne for Popery: For, Firſt, They can avoid Parliaments as long as they pleaſe; and a Government that is more Arbitrary and Violent, is more agreeable to their Deſigns and Principles: It being apparent, that the Engliſh Papiſts have loſt the Spirit of their Anceſtors, who ſo well aſſerted the Engliſh Liberties, being ſo generally now fix'd for the Pope's Univerſal Monarchy, ſacrificing, all to that Roman Moloch, being much more his Subjects than the King's; and though Natives by Birth, yet are Foreigners as to Government, Principle, Intereſt, Affection and Deſign; and therefore no Friends to Parliaments, as our Experience hath told us.

But, Secondly, if their Neceſſity ſhould require a Parliament, there is no queſtion but they may get ſuch a one as will ſerve their turns: For ſo have every of our former Princes in all the Changes of Religion that have been amongſt us: As Henry the 8th, when he was both for and againſt Popery; Edward the 6th, when he was wholly Proteſtant; Queen Mary, when ſhe was for Burning Alive; and Queen Elizabeth, when ſhe ran ſo Counter to her Siſter. And the Reaſon is clear, that he who has the making of the publick Officers, and the Keys of Preferment and Profit, influenceth and ſwayeth Elections and Votes as he pleaſeth. And by how much the Throne comes to be fix'd in Popery, the Proteſtants muſt expect to be excluded from both Houſes, as they have excluded the Papiſts: For as Hereticks and Traitors, they, as ignominous Perſons, &c. you have heard, forfeit all Right, either to chuſe, or be choſen in any Publick Councils: And then all Laws which have been made for the Proteſtants, and againſt the Popiſh Religion, will be null and void, as being enacted by an incompetent Authority, as being the Acts of Hereticks, Kings, Lords, and Commons, who had forfeited all their Rights and Priviledges.

But, Thirdly, ſuppoſe our Laws were valid, as enacted by competent Authority, and ſuch good and wholſome Proviſions, as were thoſe Statutes made by our Popiſh Anceſtors, in thoſe Statutes of Proviſoes in Edward the I. & Edward the III. Time, and that of Praemunire in Richard the II. and Henry the IV. for Relief againſt Papal Incroachments and Oppreſſions: Yet being againſt the Laws and Canons of Holy Church, the Sovereign Authority, they will be all ſuperſeded: For ſo they determine, That when the Canon and the Civil Laws claſh, one requiring what the other allows not, the Church-Law muſt have the obſervance, and that of the State neglected: And Conſtitutions (they ſay) made againſt the Canons and Decrees of the Roman Biſhops, are of no moment: Their beſt Authors are poſitive of it. And our own Experience and Hiſtories teſtify the Truth thereof: For how were thoſe good Laws beforemention'd, defeated by the Pope's Authority, ſo that there was no effectual Execution thereof till Henry the 8th's Time, as Dr. Burnet Hiſt. Ref. p. 110. tells us? And how have the good Laws, to ſuppreſs and prevent Popery, been very much obſtructed in their Execution by Popiſh Influence?

An Anſwer to a late Pamphlet, Intituled, A Short Scheme of the Uſurpations of the Crown of England, &c.

THE World may very juſtly wonder at ſeveral Paſſages in this ill-deſigned, and as ill-writ Pamphlet, which the Author has taken the pains to collect from ſome perty Grubſtreet Chronicle. Henry II. is call'd an Uſurper (pag. 4.) becauſe he accepted of the Crown of England in his Mothers Life-time; tho' by her not oppoſing his Claim, it may very reaſonably be concluded, that ſhe freely conſented to his Promotion, as the moſt eſſectual means to ſecure the Crown to her Poſterity.

But we are told, That a Crown is no Eſtate to be made over in Truſt: If our Author's meaning is, that a Crown is an Eſtate which the Poſſeſſor cannot diveſt himſelf of by a voluntary Reſignation; both Reaſon, and a multituide of Examples in ſeveral Ages, and Nations, prove that the Principle our Author has laid down, is founded on a groſs Miſtake. Therefore if our Author deſigns to publiſh any more Schemes of Uſurpation, let him firſt inform us what it is, and how far it extends, leſt the World ſhould accuſe him of having as notoriouſly uſurped to himſelf the Title of a Writer, as any of our Princes ever did the Crown of England. He would perſwade his Readers to believe, that God puniſh'd King Edward III. and King Henry V. for their Uſurpations, with frequent and unexpected Victories; in the acquiſition of which, tho' there was ſome Engliſh Blood ſhed, (as it was impoſſible it ſhould be otherwiſe) yet the Enemies paid an exceſſive Price for it; after the defeat of their great Armies, and the Impriſonment of their King, they being forced to buy their Peace upon ſuch Terms, as our conquering Uſurpers pleaſed to impoſe. Nor did ever any well-wiſher to the Engliſh Nation deny, that theſe Two Princes were the Glory of their Age, and of our Britiſh Hiſtory. If I ſhould reckon up all the evident Miſtakes and ſalfe Inferences in this Libel, it would be too tedious, ſince a careleſs Eye cannot eaſily overlook them.

If the Pamphlet finds ſo undeſerved a Reception in the World, as to need a Second Impreſſion, the Author is deſired to add to it this Poſtſcript; which being founded on the Principles aſſerted by him, will ſhew the World that he hath wilfully, and perhaps partially, forborn to ſpeak of as notorious an Uſurper, as any that are mentioned in his Scheme.

Queen Mary, the Off-ſpring of an Inceſtuous Marriage, had no other unqueſtionable Divine Right to the Crown of England, than what was given her by an Act of Parliament, made in her Father's Reign, and the common Conſent of the Nobility and People after the Death of her Brother King Edward VI. whoſe diſpoſal of the Crown, by Letters Patents under the Great Seal, being directly contrary to the former Entail of it, limited by a higher Authority; His Siſter, the Lady Mary, was acknowledge Queen. Therefore, according to our Author's abſtruſe Notions, She (as well as her Grand-father Henry VII.) muſt be reckoned among the Uſurpers of the Crown of England. Let us now ſee what ſucceſs attended her, and whether the Nation was happy under her Government. As ſoon as She ſaw her ſelf fixed in the Throne, She impriſoned and deprived ſeveral of the Proteſtant Biſhops, contrary to the then Eſtabliſh'd Laws of the Realm: She intruded Popiſh Biſhops into the Sees, thus declared vacant; the ſmall remainder of the Proteſtant Biſhops, who had been called to Parliament by Writ, were, nevertheleſs, violently thruſt out of the Parliament-Houſe, for refuſing to worſhip the Maſs. The Members of the Houſe of Commons, in her Firſt Parliament, were choſen by force and threats: the Freeholders were hindred by violonce from exerciſing their Right of chuſing Repreſentatives: falſe Returns were made; and thoſe who were for the Reformed Religion, tho' duly elected, were by force expelled the Houſe. So that we cannot wonder at the Statues made in this pretended Free Parliament; which was in every Thing influenced by the Court-Party. Shortly after, her Marriage with the haughty jealous Spaniard (of which She her ſelf felt the ill Conſequences) was juſtly diſliked by the Nobility and Commonalty. Her baſe Deſign of ſetting up a Suppoſititious Child for Heir to the Crown, was not only happily defeated, but deſervedly expoſed to the Cenſure of the Nation: Her Deſign to erect the Spaniſh Inquiſition in England was diſappointed. Calais (after having belonged to the Crown of England about two hundred and eleven Years, and which was gained with great difficulty, after eleven Months Siege) was, in the depth of Winter, loſt in a Weeks time: And quickly after, all the Engliſh Territories were, with ſmall difficulty, recovered by the French. We muſt not forget how exactly She put in practice the baſe, treacherous, and deſtructive Principles of the pretended Catholick Religion, in theſe remarkable Particulars. She barbarouſly uſed her only Siſter, the Lady Elizabeth, and deſigned to have taken away her Life, for no other Cauſe, but her firm adherence to the Proteſtant Religion. She impriſoned and burnt Arch-Biſhop Cranmer, who had formerly ſheltered her from her Father's Fury. She deprived and impriſoned Judg Hales, who alone reſolutely oppoſed King Edward the Sixth's Will: and preferred Judg Bromley to be Lord Chief Juſtice, though he had, without any reluctancy, prepared the Letters-Patents for her Excluſion. The Inhabitants of Norfolk and Suffolk, who were the firſt that took up Arms for her, (upon her Promiſe to permit them the Exerciſe of their Religion) were the firſt that ſuffered Perſecution under her. And after ſhe had put to death near three hundred Perſons, (without reſpect to Quality, Age, or Sex) it pleaſed God to put an end to the Romiſh Cruelty and Idolatry, by her unexpected and unlamented Death. Nor is her Memory preſerved from Oblivion by any thing, but her repeated Acts of Cruelty and Injuſtice. This was the Succeſs that attended her, this the Happineſs, the Liberty, the Religion eſtabliſh'd in the Engliſh Nation, during her five Years Tyranny.

That I may not detain the Reader any longer, I will conclude this Advice to our Learned Pamphleteer; That for the ſuture he do not ſo poſitively aſcribe all unhappy Accidents, as frequent Wars and Rebellions, the Effuſion of Engliſh Blood, the unfortunate End of ſome of our Princes, to the Divine Vengeance upon them, for the Uſurpations he accuſes them of; ſmce, if he will conſult our Hiſtorians, he may find that Edward II. Richard II. and the Incomparable Prince, King Charles I. though their Title from William the Conqueror is indiſputable, were far unhappier than any of the Uſurpers he mentions. That in Edward the Fourth's, and Henry the Eighth's Reign, a great deal of Engliſh Blood was ſhed both at Home and Abroad, though their Right was unqueſtionable, and univerſally acknowledged. And that as to the promiſcuous good or ill Succeſs of all Affairs in this lower World, the obſervation of the Wiſeſt of Princes, and of Men, is very often exactly verified; There is one Event to the Righteous and to the Wicked: To the Prince who aſcends the Throne by an unqueſtionable Right, and to him that aſcends it by Violence and Uſurpation. To the Prince that religiouſly performs the Solemn Oath taken at his Coronation, and to him that wilfully breaks through all the Obligations he is under, and endeavours by the moſt baſe Methods to diſſolve the Eſtabliſh'd Government.

The following Paper was publiſhed by Mr. Samuel Johnſon in the Year 1686. for which he was ſentenc'd by the Court of Kings-Bench, (Sir Edward Herbert being Lord Chief Juſtice) to ſtand three times on the Pillory, and to be whipp'd from Newgate to Tyburn: Which barbarous Sentence was executed.

An Humble and Hearty Addreſs to all the Engliſh Proteſtants in this preſent Army. GENTLEMEN,

NEXT to the Duty which we owe to God, which ought to be the principal Care of Men of your Profeſſion eſpecially, (becauſe you carry your Lives in your Hands, and often look Death in the Face). The ſecond Thing that deſerves your Conſideration, is, The Service of your Native Country, wherein you drew your firſt Breath, and breathed a free Engliſh Air. Now I would deſire you to conſider, how well you comply with theſe two main Points, by engaging in this prſent Service.

Is it in the Name of God, and for his Service, that you have joined your ſelves with Papiſts; who will indeed fight for the Maſs-Book but burn the Bible, and who ſeek to Extirpate the Proteſtant Religion with Your Swords, becauſe they cannot do it with their Own? And will you be Aiding and Aſſiſting to ſet up Maſs-Houſes, to erect that Popiſh Kingdom of Darkneſs and Deſolation amongſt as, and to train up all our Children in Popery? How can you do theſe Things, and yet call your ſelves Proteſtants?

And then what Service can be done your Country, by being under the Command of French and Iriſh Papiſts, and by bringing the Nation under a Foreign Yoke? Will you help them to make forcible Entry into the Houſes of your Country-men, under the Name of Quartering, directly contrary to Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right? Will you be Aiding and Aſſiſting to all the Murders and Outrages which they ſhall commit by their void Commiſſions? Which were declared Illegal, and ſufficiently blaſted by both Houſes of Parliament, (if there had been any need of it) for it was very well known before, That a Papiſt cannot have a Commiſſion, but by the Law is utterly Diſabled and Diſarmed. Will you exchange your Birth-right of Engliſh Laws and Liberties for Martial or Club-Law, and help to deſtroy all others, only to be eaten laſt your ſelves? If I know you well, as you are Engliſh Men, you hate and ſcorn theſe Things. And therefore be not unequally yoaked with Idolatrous and Bloody Papiſts. Be Valiunt for the Truth, and ſhew your ſelves Men.

The ſame Conſiderations are likewiſe humbly offered to all the Engliſh Seamen, who have been the Bulwark of this Nation againſt Popery and Slavery ever ſince Eighty Eight.

Several Reaſons for the Eſtabliſhment of a Standing Army, and Diſſolving the Militia.

1. BEcauſe the Lords Lieutenants, Deputy Lieutenants, and the whole Militia, that is to ſay, the Lords, Gentlemen, and Free-holders of England, are not fit to be truſted with their own Laws, Lives, Liberties, and Eſtates, and therefore ought to have Guardians and Keepers aſſigned to them.

2. Becauſe Mercenary Souldiers, who fight for twelve Pence a Day, will fight better, as having more to loſe than either the Nobility or Gentry.

3. Becauſe there are no Iriſh Papiſts in the Militia, who are certainly the beſt Souldiers in the World, for they have ſlain Men, Women, and Children, by Hundreds of Thouſands at once.

4. Becauſe the Dragooners have made more Converts than all the Biſhops and Clergy of France.

5. The Parliament ought to eſtabliſh one ſtanding Army at the leaſt, becauſe indeed there will be need of Two, that one of them may defend the People from the other.

6. Becauſe it is a thouſand pities that a brave Popiſh Army ſhould be a Riot.

7. Unleſs it be Eſtabliſhed by Act of Parliament, the Juſtices of Peace will be forced to ſuppreſs it in their own Defence; for they will be loth to forfeit an hundred Pounds every day they riſe, out of Complement to a Popiſh Rout. 13. H. 4. c. 7. 2. H. 5. c. 8.

8. Becauſe a Popiſh Army is a Nullity. For all Papiſts are utterly diſabled (and puniſhable beſides) from bearing any Office in Camp, Troop, Band, or Company of Souldiers, and are ſo far diſarmed by Law, that they cannot wear a Sword, ſo much as in their Defence, without the allowance of four Juſtices of the Peace of the County: And then upon a March they will be perfectly inchanted, for they are not able to ſtir above five Miles from their own Dwelling-houſe. 3. Jac. 5. Sect. 8, 27, 28, 29.35. Eliz. 2.3. Jac. 5. Sect. 7.

9. Becauſe Perſons utterly diſabled by Law are utterly Unauthorized; and therefore the void Commiſſions of Killing and Slaying in the Hands of Papiſts, can only enable them to Maſſacre and Murder.

A Diſcourſe of Magiſtracy; of Prerogative by Divine Right; of Obedience, and of the Laws.

CHAP. I. Of MAGISTRACY.

I. RELATION is nothing elſe but that State of Mutual Reſpect and Reference, which one Thing or Perſon has to another.

II. Such are the Relations of Father and Son, Husband and Wife, Maſter and Servant, Magiſtrate and Subject.

III. The Relations of a Father, Husband, and Maſter, are really diſtinct and different; that is, one of them is not the other; for he may be any one of theſe who is none of the reſt.

IV. This diſtinction proceeds from the different Reaſons, upon which theſe Relations are founded.

V. The Reaſon or Foundation, from whence ariſes the Relation of a Father, is from having begotten his Son, who may as properly call every old Man he meets his Father, as any other Perſon whatſoever, excepting him only who begat him.

VI. The Relation of an Husband and Wife is founded in Wedlock, whereby they mutually conſent to become one Fle • h.

VII. The Relation of a Maſter is founded in that Right and Title which he has to the Poſſeſſion, or Service of his Slave or Servant.

VIII. In theſe Relations, the Names of Father, Husband, and Maſter, imply Soveraignty and Superiority, which varies notwithſtanding, and is more or leſs abſolute, according to the Foundation of theſe ſeveral Relations.

IX. The Superiority of a Father is founded in that Power, Priority, and Dignity of Nature, which a Cauſe hath over its Effect.

X. The diſtance is not ſo great in Wedlock, but the Superiority of the Husband over the Wife, is like that of the RightHand over the Left in the ſame Body.

XI. The Superiority of a Maſter, is an abſolute Dominion over his Slave, a limited and conditionate Command over his Servant.

XII. The Titles of Pater Patriae, and Sponſus Regni, Father of the Country, and Husband of the Realm, are Metaphors and improper Speeches: For no Prince ever begat a whole Country of Subjects; nor can a Kingdom more properly be ſaid to be married, than the City of Venice is to be Adriatick Gulph.

XIII. And to ſhew further, that Magiſtracy is not Paternal Authority, nor Monarchy founded in Fatherhood; it is undeniably plain, that a Son may be the Natural Soveraign Lord of his own Father, as Henry the Second had been of Jeffery Plantagenet, if he had been an Engliſh-man; which, they ſay, Henry the Seventh did not love to think of, when his Sons grew up to Years. And this Caſe alone is an eternal Confutation of the Patriarchate.

XIV. Neither is Magiſtracy a Marital Power, for the Husband may be the obedient Subject of his own Wife, as Philip was of Queen Mary.

XV. Nor is it that Dominion which a Maſter has over his Slave, for then a Prince might lawfully ſell all his Subjects, like ſo many Head of Cattel, and make Mony of his whole Stock when ever he pleaſes, as a Patron of Algiers does.

XVI. Neither is the Relation of Prince and Subject the ſame with that of a Maſter and hired Servant, for he does not hire them, but as St. Paul ſaith, They pay him Tribute, in conſideration of his continual Attendance and Imployment for the Publick Good.

XVII. That Publick Office and Imployment is the Foundation of the Relation of King and Subject, as many other Relations are likewiſe founded upon other Functions and Adminiſtrations. Such as Guardian, and Ward, &c.

XVIII. The Office of a King is ſet down at large in the 17th Chapter of the Laws of King Edward the Confeſſor, to which the ſucceeding Kings have been ſworn at their Coronation: And it is affirmed in the Preambles of the Statutes of Prout Regalis Officii expoſcit utilitas. Malbridg, and of the Statute of Quo Warranto, made at Sicome le profit de Office Demaunde. The Kingly or Regal Office of this Realm, Mar. Seſſ. 3. cap. 1. Gloceſter, That the calling of Parliaments to make Laws for the better Eſtate of the Realm, and the more full Adminiſtration of Juſtice, belongeth to the Office of a King. But the fulleſt account of it in few words, is in Chancellor Forteſcue, Chap. XIII. which Paſſage is quoted in Calvin's Caſe, Coke VII. Rep. Fol. 5. Ad Tutelam nam que Legis Subditorum, ac eorum Corporum, & bonorum, Rex hujuſmodi erectus eſt, & ad hanc poteſtatem à populo effluxam ipſe habet, quo ei non licet poteſtate alia ſuo populo Dominari. For ſuch a King (that is, of every Political Kingdom, as this is) is made and ordained for the Defence or Guardianſhip of the Laws of his Subjects, and of their Bodies and Goods, whereunto he receiveth Power of his People, ſo that he cannot govern his People by any other Power.

Corolary, A Bargain's a Bargain.

CHAP. II. Of Prerogatives by Divine Right.

I. GOvernment is not matter of Revelation; if it were, then thoſe Nations that wanted Scripture, muſt have been without Government; whereas Scripture it ſelf ſays, that Government is the Ordinance of Man, and of Human Extraction. And King Charles the Firſt ſays of this Government in particular, That it was moulded by the Wiſdom and Experience of the People. Anſw. to XIX. Prop.

II. All juſt Governments are highly beneficial to Mankind, and are of God, the Author of all Good; they are his his Ordinances and Inſtitutions. Rom. 13.1, 2.

III. Plowing and ſowing, and the whole buſineſs of preparing Bread Corn, is abſoluely neceſſary to the Subſiſtence of Mankind; This alſo cometh forth from the Lord of Hoſts, who is wonderful in Counſel, and excellent in Working. Iſa. 28. from 23d to 29th Verſe.

IV. Wiſdom ſaith, Counſel is mine, and ſound Wiſdom; I am Ʋnderſtanding, I have Strength; by me Kings reign, and Princes decree Juſtice: By me Prinees rule, and Nobles, even all the Judges of the Earth. Prov. 13.14.

V. The Prophet, ſpeaking of the Plow-man, faith, His God doth inſtruct him to Diſcretion, and doth teach him. Iſa. 28.26.

VI. Scripture neither gives nor takes away Mens Civil Rights, but Ieaves them as it found them, and (as our Saviour ſaid of himſelf) is no Divider of Inheritances.

VII. Civil Authority is a Civil Right.

VIII. The Law of England gives the King his Title to the Crown. For, where is it ſaid in Scripture, that ſuch a Perſon or Family by Name ſhall enjoy it? And the ſame Law of England which has made him King, has made him King according to the Engliſh Laws, and not otherwiſe.

IX. The King of England has no more Right to ſet up a French Government, than the French King has to be King of England, which none at all.

X. Render unto Caeſar the things which are Caeſars, neither makes a Caeſar, nor tells who Caeſar is, nor what belongs to him; but only requires Men to be juſt, in giving him thoſe ſuppoſed Rights, which the Laws have determined to be his.

XI. The Scripture ſuppoſes Property, when it forbids Stealing; it ſuppoſes Men Lands to be already butted and bounded, when it forbids removing the Ancient Land-marks: And as it is impoſſible for any Man to prove what Eſtate he has by Scripture, or to find a Terrier of his Lands there; ſo it is a vain thing to look for Statutes of Prerogative in Scripture.

XII. If Miſhpat Hamelech, the manner of the King, 1 Sam 8.11. be a Statute of Prerogative, and prove all thoſe Particulars to be the Right of the King, then Miſhpat Haccohanim, the Prieſts cuſtom of Sacrilegious Rapine, Chap. 2.13. proves that to be the Right of the Prieſts, the ſame word being uſed in both places.

XIII. It is the Reſolution of all the Judges of England, that even the known and undoubted Perogative of the Jewiſh Kings, do not belong to our Kings, and that it is an abſurd and impudent thing to affirm they do. Coke 11. Rep. p. 63. Mich. 5. Jac. Note, Give us a King to judg us, 1 Sam. 8.5, 6, 20. upon Sunday the Tenth of November, in the ſame Term, the King, upon Complaint made to him by Bancroft, Arch-biſhop of Canterbury, concerning Prohibitions, was informed, That when Queſtion was made of what matters the Eccleſiaſtical Judges have Cognizance, either upon the Expoſition of the Statutes concerning Tythes, or any other thing Eccleſiaſtical, or upon the Statute 1 Eliz. concerning the High-Commiſſion, or in any other caſe, in which there is not expreſs Authority by Law, the King himſelf may decide it in his Royal Perſon; and that the Judges are but the Delegates of the King, and that the King may take what Cauſes he ſhall pleaſe to determine from the Determination of the Judges and may determine them himſelf. And the Arch biſhop ſaid, That this was clear in Divinity, That ſuch Authority belongs to the King, by the Word of God in Scripture. To which it was anſwered by me, in the preſence, and with the clear conſent of all the Juſtices of England, and Barons of the Exchequer, That the King in his own Perſon cannot adjudg any Caſe, either Criminal, as Treaſon, Felony, &c. but this ought to be determined and adjudged in ſome Court of Juſtice, according to the Law and Cuſtom of England. And always Judgments are given, Ideo conſideratum eſt per Curiam; ſo that the Court gives the Judgment —. And it was greatly marvelled, that the Arch-biſhop durſt inform the King, that ſuch Abſolute Power and Authority, as is aforeſaid, belonged to the King by the Word of God.

CHAP. III. Of OBEDIENCE.

I. NO Man has any more Civil Authority than what the Law of the Land has veſted in him; nor is he one of St. Paul's Higher Powers any farther, or to any other purpoſes, than the Law has impowered him.

II. An Uſurped, Illegal, and Arbitrary Power, is ſo far from being the Ordinance of God, that it is not the Ordinance of Man.

III. Whoever oppoſes an Uſurped, Illegal, and Arbitrary Power, does not oppoſe the Ordinance of God, but the Violation of that Ordinance.

IV. The 13th of the Romans commands Subjection to our Temporal Governours, becauſe their Office and Imployment is for the Publick Welfare; For he is the Miniſter of God to Thee for good. Verſe 4.

V. The 13th of the Hebrews commands Obedience to Spiritual Rulers, becauſe they watch for your Souls. Verſe 17.

VI. But the 13th of the Hebrews did not oblige the Martyrs and Confeſſors in Queen Mary's Time, to obey ſuch bleſſed Biſhops as Bonner, and the Beaſt of Rome, who were the perfect Reverſe of St. Paul's Spiritual Rulers, and whoſe Practice was murdering of Souls and Bodies, according to that true Character of Popery, which was given it by the Biſhops who compiled the Thankſgiving for the Fifth of November; but Arch-Biſhop Land was wiſer than they, and in his time blotted it out.

The Prayer formerly ran thus: To that end ſtrengthen the Hands of our Gracious King, the Nobles and Magiſtrates of the Land, to cut off theſe Workers of Iniquity (whoſe Religion is Rebellion, whoſe Faith is Faction, whoſe Practice is murthering of Souls and Bodies) and to root them out of the Confines of this Kingdom.

VII. All the Judges of England are bound by their Oath, and by the Duty of their place, to diſobey all Writs, Letters, or Commands, which are brought to them, 18 Edw. III. 20 Edw. III. Cap. 1, 2. either under the Little Seal, or under the Great Seal, to hinder or delay common Right. Are the Judges all bound in an Oath, and by their Places, to break the 13th of the Romans?

VIII. The Engagement of the Lords attending upon the King at York, June 13. 1642. which was ſubſcribed by the Lord Keeper, and thirty nine Peers, beſides the Lord Chief Juſtice Banks, and ſeveral others of the Privy-Council, was in theſe words.

We do engage our ſelves not to obey any Orders or Commands whatſoever, not warranted by the known Laws of the Land. Was this likewiſe an Aſſociation againſt the 13th of the Romans?

IX. A Conſtable repreſents the King's Perſon, and in the Execution of his Office is within the purview of the 13th of the Romans, as all Men grant; but in caſe he ſo far pervert his Office, as to break the Peace, and commit Murther, Burglary, or Robbery on the High-way, he may and ought to be reſiſted.

X. The Law of the Land is the beſt Expoſitor of the 13th of the Romans here; and in Poland, the Law of the Land there.

XI. The 13th of the Romans is received for Scripture in Poland, and yet this is expreſſed in the Coronation-Oath in that Country: Quod ſi Sacramentum meum violavero, Incolae Regni nullam nobis Obedientiam praeſtare tenebuntur. And if I ſhall violate my Oath, the Inhabitants of the Realm ſhall not be bound to yield me any Obedience.

XII. The Law of the Land, according to Bracton, is the higheſt of all the Higher Powers mentioned in this Text, for it is Superiour to the King, and made him King, (Lib. iii. cap. xxvi. Rex habet Superiorem Deum, item Legem, per quam factus eſt Rex, item Curiam ſuam, viz. Comites & Barones) and therefore by this Text we ought to be ſubject to it in the firſt place. And according to Melancthon, It is the Ordinanee of God, to which the Higher Powers themſelves ought to ſubject. Vol. iii. In his Commentary on the fifth Verſe, (Wherefore ye muſt needs be ſubject, not only for Wrath, but alſo for Conſcience ſake.) He has theſe words. Neque vero hac tantum per • inent and Subditos, ſed etiam ad Magiſtratum, qui cum fiunt Tyranni, non minus diſſipant Ordinationem Dei, quam Seditioſi. Ideo & ipſorum Conſcientia fit rea, quia non obediunt Ordinationi Dei; id eſt, Legibus, quibus debent parere. Ideo Comminationes hic poſitae etiam ad ipſes pertinent. Ita que hujus mandati ſeverit as moveat omnes, 〈◊〉 violalationem Politici ſtatus putent eſſe love; peccatum. Neither doth this place concern Subjects only, but alſo the Magiſtrates themſelves; who when they turn Tyrants, do no leſs overthrow the Ordinance of God than the Seditious; and therefore their Conſciences too are guilty, for not obeying the Ordinance of God, that is, the Laws, which they ought to obey. So that the Threatnings in this place do alſo belong to them; wherefore, let the Severity of this Command deter all Men from thinking the Violation of the Political Conſtitution to be a light Sin.

Corolary. To deſtroy the Law and- Legal Conſtitution, which is the Ordinance of God, by falſe and Arbitrary Expoſitions of this Text, is a greater Sin than to deſtroy it by any other means: For it is Seething the Kid in his Mothers Milk.

CHAP. IV. Of LAWS.

I. THere is no natural Obligation, whereby one Man is bound to yield Obedience to another, but what is founded in Paternal or Patriarchal Authority.

II. All the Subjects of a Patriarchal Monarch are Princes of the Blood.

III. All the People of England are not Princes of the Blood.

IV. No Man who is naturally free can be bound, but by his own Act and Deed.

V. Publick Laws are made by Publick Conſent, and they therefore bind every Man, becauſe every Man's Conſent is involved in them.

VI. Nothing but the ſame Authority and Conſent which made the Laws, can repeal, alter, or explain them.

VII. To judg and determine Cauſes againſt Law, without Law, or where the Law is obſcure and uncertain, is to aſſume Legiſlative Power.

VIII. Power aſſumed without a Man's Conſent, cannot bind him as his own Act and Deed.

IX. The Law of the Land is all of a piece, and the ſame Authority which made one Law made all the reſt, and intended to have them all impartially executed.

X. Law on one ſide, is the Back-Sword of Juſtice.

XI. The beſt things when corrupted are the worſt; and the wild Juſtice of a State of Nature, is much more deſirable than Law perverted and over-ruled, into Hemlock and Oppreſſion.

This Diſcourſe of Magiſtracy, &c. and the former Reaſons, were written by the foreſaid Mr. S. Johnſon.

The Definition of a TYRANT, by the Learned and Loyal Abraham Cowley, (publiſhed by the preſent Lord Biſhop of Rocheſter) in his Diſcourſe concerning the Government of Oliver Cromwel.

I Call him a Tyrant, who either intrudes himſelf forcibly into the Government of his Fellow-Citizens, without any Legal Authority over them, or who, having a juſt Title to the Government of a People, abuſes it to the deſtruction or tormenting of them: So that all Tyrants are at the ſame time Uſurpers, either of the whole, or at leaſt of a part of that Power which they aſſume to themſelves; and no leſs are they to be accounted Rebels, ſince no Man can uſurp Authority over others, but by rebelling againſt them who had it before, or at leaſt againſt thoſe Laws which were his Superiours.

Several Queries propoſed to the Sages of the Law, who have ſtudied to Advance the Publick, equally with, if not more than their own private Intereſt.

Q. I WHether the Legiſlative Power be in the King only, as in his Politick Capacity, or in the King, Lords, and Commons, in Parliament aſſembled? If in the latter, then,

Q. II If the King grants a Charter, and thereby great Franchiſes and Priviledges, and afterwards, the Grantees obtain an Act of Parliament for the Confirmation hereof, is this the Grant of the King, or of the Parliament? If the latter, as it ſeems to be, becauſe it is done by the whole, and every part of the Legiſlative Power: then,

Q. III To whom can theſe Grantees forfeit this Charter? And who ſhall take Advantage of the Forfeiture? If the King; then an Act of Parliament may be deſtroyed without an Act of Parliament? If the Parliament only can call them to an Account; then,

Q. IV Of what Validity is a Judgment pronounced (under a colour of Law) in B. R. againſt a Charter granted by Parliament? If it be of any force, then the King's Bench is Superior to the Legiſlative Power of the Kingdom: If not, then,

Q. V What Reaſon can be aſſigned, why it is not as ſafe to Act purſuant to an Act of Parliament, notwithſtanding a Judgment entred in the King's Bench, as it was to Act againſt an Act of Parliament, before the Judgment was entred? And then,

Q. VI Whether they that did the latter, were not downright Knaves? and whether they that refuſe to do the former, be not more nice than wiſe?

A LETTER TO THE KING, When DUKE of YORK, Perſwading him to return to the Proteſtant Religion, wherein the chief Errors of the Papiſts are expoſed, and the Tendency of their Doctrines to promote Arbitrary Government, proved. By an Old Cavalier, and Faithful Son of the Church of England, as Eſtabliſh'd by Law. Illuſtrious Sir!

WHEN I look up to the Greatneſs of your Quality, and down on my own meanneſs, I cannot but tremble to make this Addreſs, ſo liable to be cenſur'd as preſumptuous, and obnoxious to variety of Miſconſtruction. But ſince my Pen is guided by an Heart fill'd with profound Loyalty, and Veneration towards all the Royal Family, and a ſincere reſpect, and moſt paſſionate deſires for the particular Proſperity (Temporal and Eternal) of your Royal Highneſs, I cannot refrain diſcharging what I apprehended my Duty; and therefore with good Eſther, finding not only my Country, but your Highneſs alſo, in ſuch apparent (I wiſh it may not prove inevitable) hazard of Ruin, am reſolved to adventure forth, and caſt my poor weak Sentiments at your feet; and, If they periſh, they periſh.

Tis generally reported, That you are long ſince turn'd Papiſt; and ſo far believ'd, That every day many hundred thouſand Proteſtants are melted into Tears and Horror meerly on that Conſideration, and lament the ſame, as one of the greateſt Calamities that has happened in our Age. I muſt do my ſelf ſo much Juſtice as to declare, That I am none of thoſe fanatical Spirits, that either raiſe, or lightly credit Rumours to the prejudice of my Superiors. But beſides what has been ſworn by Perſons, whoſe Evidence none have hitherto been able to invalidate by any ſubſtantial Reaſons, or Incoherence in their Depoſitions; your Highneſſes Conduct, and Deportment for many years paſt, your abſenting from the publick Worſhip of our Church, Refuſing legal Oaths and Teſts, your countenancing, retaining an intimate Correſpondency with Roman Catholicks; and many other Reaſons not fit, at leaſt unneceſſary here to be mention'd, do all loudly ſpeak it: And for thoſe who would go about to deny it (as ſome wretched Pamphlet-ſcriblers, and unthinking Health-drinkers have done,) beſides the folly of the attempt, they unwarily caſt a greater load of Ignominy and Diſhonour on your Highneſs, whilſt they pretend to vindicate you.

For is it imaginable, That a Prince of your Generoſity and Prudence would ſo far ſuffer the Affairs of your Royal Brother to be imbroil'd, His Councils diſcompos'd, all the Proteſtants in the World ſwallowed up with Aſtoniſhment, and almoſt deſpair, your own Honour fullied, your Intereſt impaired, and theſe Three Kingdoms put into a deplorable Diſtraction, meerly upon a falſe ſuppoſition, without rectifying in all this time their miſtake by ſome real Demonſtrations to the contrary? If ſuch a Capricio ſhould ſway with your Highneſs, what were it but to render you the worſt Subject, the moſt unkind Brother, the moſt Impolitick Prince, and the maddeſt, or moſt monſtrous Man in the World?

I ſhall therefore take it for granted, and conſequently muſt, tho' with all Humility, and a Sorrow inexpreſſible, direct my Diſcourſe to your Highneſs as an Apoſtate from the Proteſtant Faith; and if I am miſtaken, 'tis your Highneſs has led not only me, but almoſt all the World into that Error.

I am not inſenſible of my own weakneſs, and how unfit I am to argue matters of Religion with your Highneſs, and thoſe ſubtil Sophiſters (the Peſt of Europe, and ſhame of Chriſtianity) which are always croaking about Perſons of Quality, whom they have perverted to their Idolatries; being my ſelf but a Lay-Gentleman, of little Learning, and in the courſe of my Life more converſant with the Sword, than the Pen: And I muſt wonder with Regret, if none of the Right Reverend Fathers, my Lords the Biſhops, or ſome of our other Learned Divines have not vigorouſly made Applications to your Highneſs, even in a publick Manner, to regain you to the Proteſtant Communion: If they have not charg'd you, as they are God's Ambaſſadors, to ſhew ſome Reaſons, why you have broke the League (your Baptiſmal vows) with his Church, and join'd your ſelf to the Tents of his Enemies. If they have not adjur'd you in the Name of our Lord, to ſhew on what offence taken amongſt us, and for what Beauties obſerv'd in the Church of Rome, you quitted the true Spouſe of Chriſt, to follow the Enchantments of a Strumpet, whoſe ſhameleſs Adulteries have long ſince cauſed an utter Divorce between Her and the Bleſſed Jeſus: If they have not ſolemnly called Heaven and Earth to Record, that they are ready to ſatisfie all your ſcruples, to anſwer all your objections; and to ſhew, That it is not through any default in them, for want of Endeavours, nor in our Church for want of Truth; but that your defection muſt be wilful, as well as unreaſonable, whereby to render you either convicted, or inexcuſable.

Nor do I doubt, but ſeveral of thoſe Glorious Lights of our Church, may accordingly have diſcharged without fear of flattery their Functions herein, in private diſcourſes: But certainly a matter of that ineſtimable importance, as wherein not only the Soul of one of the Braveſt Princes of the Earth, but alſo the whole Poteſtant Intereſt in the World, eſpecially within theſe Three Nations, is ſo deeply and dangerouſly concern'd, might require, ſince I am ſure it deſerves a Publick and General Application: Nor ought any, though the meaneſt of Men, to be blam'd for contributing modeſtly, his help to prevent a diſaſter of ſuch univerſal influence: And therefore who knows but that Almighty Providence, who overthrew Jericho's proud Walls of old, not with Battering Engines of War, but with the blaſt of contemptible Rams-Horns, and is often pleaſed to make uſe of the weakeſt Inſtruments to effect mighty Works; may give a Bleſſing to theſe poor unpoliſh'd, inartificial Lines, which have nothing but the Power of Truth, and the Honeſty of a ſincere Intention to recommend them to your Princely Conſideration?

That you were educated in Proteſtant Principles, is notorious. I beſeech your Highneſs therefore to ſatisfie the World what could induce you to a change. I ſhall not mention your Royal Grandfather, whoſe Learned Pen baffled all the Conclave, nor ſhall I inſiſt on that Curſe which he ſolemnly pronounced on any of his Poſterity that ſhould turn Papiſts: I ſhall only ſay, Had you not the Example, and the Commands too of a moſt Indulgent, Pious Prince, your Royal Father, for perſeverance therein; who, though barbarouſly murder'd by vile Men, yet continued ſtedfaſt, and even with his laſt breath diſcharg'd and clear'd the Doctrine of the Reformed Religion from having any ſhare in their Crimes? What Impiety is it, if you ſhould dare to profeſs your Fathers Bleſſed Soul to be eternally damn'd! and yet, if you are a Papiſt, you can do no leſs; for you cannot be ſuch without believing, That there is no Salvation out of the Pale of the Church, and that there is no Church but that of Rome; and I am confident none can have the Impudence to ſuggeſt, that He died in the Communion of that Church: What follows then? or how will you anſwer this Horrid Scandal on his Sacred Memory, when you ſhall meet his gloriſied Spirit at the laſt dreadful Judgmentday? Nor can the keeneſt Jeſuit blunt the edge of this Argument by a Retortion from the Conſideration of your Highneſſes Illuſtrious Mother: For though Papiſts are ſo audacious, as to place the Keys of Heaven at the Pope's Girdle, and uncharitably doom us All to unquenchable flames, not affording us ſo much as a Room in Purgatory: yet Proteſtants are not ſo unchriſtian (but according to Scripture) leave ſecret things to God, and allow grains for Education, Prepoſſeſſions, Ignorance, &c. which is yet no more a Reaſon for any Man to turn Papiſt, than 'tis for him that ſtands ſafe on the ſhore to leap off into a Veſſel ſo rotten and leaky as juſt ready to ſink, upon a preſumption that ſtill ſome of thoſe that are in her may eſcape the danger: Or to chuſe an impudent Quack, who boaſts he only can cure him; and refuſe a Learned Phyſician, who modeſtly grants he may peradventure be healed by the other, though very improbably; but withal, that 'tis a Million to one, but the Patient, under ſuch hands, miſcarries; and that in this caſe, eternally.

But quitting this Argument, which is only Perſonal, I beſeech your Highneſs to tell us, how you, or any Man of ſenſe can ſo far forget, not only his Education and Intereſt, but his very Reaſon, as to imbrace POPERY, frightful, deteſtable, ridiculous Popery, that Chaos of Superſtition, Idolatry, Error and Impoſture, that has no foundation but a Cheat; No Ends but to gratifie Pride and Avarice; no ſolid Argument to promote and maintain it, but Impudence and Cruelty.

Popery, That depends wholly upon nice and poor uncertainties, and unprovable ſuppoſals: As 1ſt. That Peter was Biſhop of Rome. 2dly. That He left there one to be Heir of his Graces and Spirit, in a perpetual unfailable Succedion. 3dly. That He ſo bequeathed his Infallibility to his Chair, as that whoſoever ſits in it, cannot but ſpeak Truth; ſo that all who ſit where he ſat, muſt by ſome ſecret Inſtinct, ſay as he taught; that what Chriſt ſaid to him abſolutely, without any reſpect to Rome, muſt be referr'd, yea ty'd to that place alone, and fulfill'd in it. 4thly. That Linus, Clemens and Cletut the Scholars, and ſuppoſed Succeſſors of Peter; muſt he preferr'd (in the Headſhip of the Church) to John the beloved Apoſtle, then ſtill living. 5thly. That He whoſe Life is oft times monſtrouſly debauch'd, his Judgment childiſhly ignorant, cannot yet, when in his Pontifical Chair, poſſibly erre. 6thly. That the Golden Line of this Apoſtolical Succeſſion, in the confuſion of ſo many long deſperate Schiſms, ſhamefully corrupt Uſurpations and Intruſions, and confeſs'd Hereſies, yet neither was nor can be broken.

Popery, That teaches Men to worſhip Stocks and Stones, and painted Clouts, with the ſame Honour as is due to our Creator; and leſt that practice ſhould appear to her ſimple Clients too palpably oppoſite to Gods Law, moſt ſacrilegiouſly ſtifles one of the Ten Commandments in their vulgar Catechiſms and Prayer Books.

Popery, That utterly confounds the true Humanity of Chriſt, while they give unto it Ten thouſand places at once, and yet no place; Fleſh, and no Fleſh; ſeveral Members without diſtinction; a ſubſtance without quantity, and other Accidents; or Subſtance and Accidents, that cannot be ſeen, felt or perceived; ſo that they make a Monſter of their Saviour, or nothing.

Popery, That utterly overthrows the Perfection of Chriſt's ſatisfaction; for if all be not paid, how hath he ſatisfied? If Temporal Puniſhments in Purgatory be yet due, how is all paid? And if theſe muſt be paid by us, how are they ſatisfied by him?

Popery, That hath made more Scriptures than ever the Holy Spirit dictated, or the Ancient Church received; and thoſe which it doth make, Imperiouſly obtrudes upon the World; and while it thunders out Curſes againſt all that will not add theſe Books to God's, ſeems to defie the Curſe pronounc'd by God himſelf to thoſe that add unto his Word, Rev. 22.18.

Popery, That erects a Throne in the Conſcience to a meer Man, and many times rather a Monſter than a Man; and gives him abſolute Power to make a ſin of that which is none; and to diſpenſe with that which is; to create new Articles of Faith, and to impoſe them upon Neceſſity of Salvation; to make wicked Men Saints, and Saints Gods; for even by the Confeſſion of Papiſts, lewd and undeſerving Men have leap'd into their Calendar; yet being once inſtall'd there, they have the Honour of Altars, Temples and Invocations; ſome of them in a ſtile fit only for their Maker.

Popery, That robs the Heart of all ſound Comfort, whilſt it teachethus, That we neither can, nor ought to be aſſured of the Remiſſion of our ſins, and of preſent Grace, and future Salvation; that we can never know whether we have receiv'd the true Sacraments of God becauſe we cannot know the Intention of the Miniſter, without which they are no Sacraments.

Popery, That racks the Conſcience with the needleſs torture of a neceſſary ſhriſt, wherein the vertue of an Abſolution depends on the ſulneſs of Confeſſion; and that upon Examination; and the ſufficiency of Examination is ſo full of ſcruples (beſides infinite Caſes of unreſolved doubts in this feigned pennance) that the poor ſoul never knows when it is clear.

Popery, That under pretence of Religion plays the Bawd to ſin, whilſt both in practice it tolerates open ſtews, and prefers Fornication in ſome caſes before honourable Matrimony, and gently blanches over wilful Violations of God's Law with the favourable title of Venial Crimes.

Popery, That makes Nature vainly proud, in joining her as Copartner with God in our Juſtification, Salvation, and idly puffing her up with a conceit of her Perfection and Ability to keep more Laws than God hath made, whence their Doctrines of Merit and Supererogation, &c.

Popery, That requires no other Faith • o Juſtification in Chriſtians, than may be found in Devils themſelves; who, beſides a confuſed Apprehention, can aſſent to the Truth of God's revealed Will, and Popery requives no more.

Popery, That inſtead of the pure Milk of the Goſpel, hath long fed her ſtarved Souls with ſuch idle Legends, as the Reporter can hardly deliver without laughter, nor their Abettors be told of without ſhame and diſclamation; ſo that the wiſer ſort of the World read theſe Stories on Winter Evenings for ſport, which the poor credulous Multitude hear in their Churches with devout aſtoniſhment.

Popery, That requires nothing but meer Formality in our Devotion; the work wrought ſuffices alone in Sacraments, and in Prayers; if the number be repeated by Rote, no matter for the Affection; as if God regarded not the Heart, but the Tongue and Hands; and while he underſtands us, cared little whether we underſtand our ſelves.

Popery, That hath been often dyed in the Blood of Princes, that in ſome caſes teaches and allows Rebellion againſt God's Anointed; and both ſuborneth Treaſons; and excuſes, pities, honours and rewards the Actors.

Popery, That overloads Men's Conſciences with heavy burdens of infinite, unneceſſary Traditions, far more than ever M • ſes Commented upon by all the Jewiſh Rabbins; impoſing them with no leſs Authority, and exacting them with more Rigour, than any of the Royal Laws of their Maker.

Popery, That cozens the vulgar with nothing but ſhadows of Holineſs in Pilgrimages, Proceſſions, Offerings, Holy-Water, Latin Services, Images, Tapers, rich Veſtures, gariſh Altars, Croſſes, Cenſings, and a thouſand ſuch like, fit for Children and Fools, robbing them in the mean time of the ſound and plain Helps of true Piety and Salvation.

Popery, That cares not by what wilful Falſhoods, Equivocations, Perjuries and Abominations it propagates it ſelf, and maintains its credit: And therefore being conſcious of her own Villainies, goes about to falſifie and deprave Authors, that might give Evidence againſt her, to outface all ancient Truths, to foiſt in Gibionitiſh Witneſſes of their own forging, and leaves nothing unattempted againſt Heaven and Earth that might advance her Faction, and diſable her innocent and juſt Accuſers.

This, this is the true figure of Popery, through whatever falſe Opticks your Highneſs may have view'd it: This is that for which you are reſolv'd to hazard a Crown of Glory, and three temporal Diadems to boot; and to which you ſacrifice both your own Fortunes, and the Tranquillity of many Millions of Souls.

What then can the World, that knows the clear light of your Higneſſes Elevated Underſtanding, imagine can be the Cauſe of your Revolt? Will they not be apt to conceive, that you have not eſpouſed this block Religion purely for its own ſake, but for ſome promiſed Dowry of an Abſolute Monarchy, or Arbitrary Power, which ſhe might pretend to bring one day with her to your Embraces? But as this is far below the Juſtice and Generoſity of your Highneſs, ſo 'tis unworthy the thoughts of any conſiderate Politician. For ſuppoſe any Prince, to whom the Britiſh Sceptre may hereafter devolve, intoxicated with the Tinſel Glories of the French Monarch's bluſtering Grandeur, ſhould be ſo vain, as to hope to ſubjugate the Engliſh Liberties, and deſtroy the Conſtitution of the beſt Eſtabliſh'd Government on Earth, by aſſuming to himſelf the whole Legiſlative Power, raiſing Money, and draining his Subjects at Pleaſure without their common Conſent in Parliament, &c. and ſhould be ſo extravagantly enamour'd on this fatal Project (fatal I ſay, becauſe for above Five hundred years it has ſhipwrack'd all that coaſted that way,) as to be content to ſhift his Religion, and exchange his Faith, and turn Papiſt, on a preſumption, that the ſame might facilitate and accompliſh his Enterprize: As King John, 'tis ſaid, reſolv'd once to embrace Mahumetiſm, rather than not to be reveng'd of his Barons, claiming their juſt Liberties. Suppoſe I ſay all this ſhould be, and that the preſent Papiſts, to get their Religion publickly eſtabliſh'd, ſhould comply with his Deſigns; yet ſtill is it not moſt reaſonable to believe. That having once gain'd their Point therein, they, or their Poſterity, will ſoon recal to mind their Birth rights and Privileges due to them as Engliſh-men; and will they not then be perpetually tugging and ſtrugling to regain them, whence continual diſturbance will enſue, and a ſtanding Army muſt be kept on foot to ſupport this ill acquired Grandeur? For thoſe Subjects that contended with King John and King Henry the Third, &c. tho' they were Papiſts, and of the ſame Religion with thoſe Princes, could not brook it, to be Slaves to their Arbitrary Pleaſures in their Civil Rights: Beſides, what a waking dream is it for any King, that is free from the Roman Yoke, to think to make himſelf more Abſolute by involving himſelf and his Kingdoms in Thraldom to the Church of Rome; wherein not only the Pope pretends a Right to domineer over him, but every Eccleſiaſtick eſteems himſelf wholly exempt from his Juriſdiction, and all his People will be but half his Subjects, viz. in Temporals; for in Spirituals, and in ordine ad ſpiritualia (a monſtrous draw net, that may include almoſt all the Actions of Humane Life,) they are wholly to be Conducted by his Holineſs and his Subordinate Miniſters. How therefore can your Highneſs, if a Roman Catholick, complain of the late ſucceſſive Houſes of Commons for preſſing a Bill to exclude you? Is it any Diſloyalty to endeavour to preſerve the Imperial Crown of England from a truckling and ſhameful Servitude to a Foreign Uſurper's Power? Or is it any ſuch unheard of thing to debarr a Prince from a Throne, that hath obſtinately diſabled himſelf? Certainly, above all Men, the Roman Catholicks ought not to murmur at this; for did not the Pope iſſue forth a Bull to exclude your Grandfather, King James, unleſs he would turn Papiſt? And did not the Romaniſts, though they acknowledged the Title of your other Grandfather, Henry the Great, to the French Diadem; yet refuſe to pay him any Obedience, becauſe a Proteſtant, and on that only ſcore fought againſt him, as long as he continued ſo, and thought it no Rebellion? Your Highneſs perhaps will ſay—What though they did ſo, true Proteſtants, and the Church of England do not own ſuch Principles? Well then, if the Proteſtant Principles be better than thoſe of the Church of Rome, what Madneſs is it in your Highneſs to abandon the firſt, and chuſe the latter?

I am a dutiful and hearty Lover of Monarchy, and when eſtabliſh'd on ſuch an Equi-pois'd Baſis of Wiſdom as ours is, ſhall ever aſſert it to be the beſt Form of Government in the World, and moſt agreeable to the Genius of Engliſh-men: But that lineal deſcent is ſo ſacred a thing, that the Heir preſumptive can for no default or crime whatſoever be debarr'd from the Crown by an Act of Parliament, or publick Decree of State, I do not underſtand; For I am ſure the practice in all Ages, both at home and abroad in almoſt every Nation in the Earth, hath run contrary: And as to Right; thoſe that pretend ſuch Succeſſion in all Caſes to be Jure Divino, would do well to ſhew in what Texts of Scripture the ſame is preſcribed; till then, they do but talk, not argue; and if a Candidate to the Crown, for any Reaſons whatſoever, may without offence to the Law of God or Nature, be Excluded by an Act of King, Lords and Commons; Then the June-divino-ſhip vaniſhes, and nothing is left to be conſidered: But whether ſuch next Heir have done ſuch Acts, or is ſo qualified, that in Prudence it be neceſſary for the Tranquillity of the Publick to Exclude him. Now I believe there are but few of the Church of England, but if the Bill had paſſed the Lords, and his Majeſty had given his Royal Aſſent to it, would have acquieſc'd therein, and conſequently they do not believe the Excluſion to be ſimply unlawful by the Law of God or Nature, for againſt either of them no Humane Ordinances ought to prevail.

But all true Loyaliſts do not deſpair, but your Highneſs may yet prevent all Occaſions of ſuch Diſputes by opening your eyes; or rather that God (in whoſe hands are the Hearts of Princes) may irradiate your Royal Underſtanding, and let you ſee the horrid Blackneſs of thoſe Men who have endeavour'd to ſeduce you, and of thoſe Principles to which they would have inveigled you, on purpoſe to have made your Highneſs a Property to their Ambition and Avarice, and that under the ſhadow of your Illuſtrious Name they might one day Tyrannize at Pleaſure over theſe Three Kingdoms.

If Heaven ſhall be pleaſed to work ſuch an happy Inclination in your Highneſs, you ſhall preſently ſee the whole Britiſh Empire echoing with Praiſes and Acclamations, and inſtead of murmurs of Secluſion, every good Subject ſhall erect you a Throne in his heart.

But the grand difficulty will be to ſatisfie the prejudiced World of your ſincerity herein; for if your Highneſs (which God forbid) ſhould declare your ſelf a Proteſtant only to ſerve a preſent turn, and uſe the Sacred Name of our Religion but as an Engine to advance the deſign of our bloody Enemies, you would act at once the moſt diſhonourably and (in the end) moſt prejudicially to your own Intereſt, in the world, and muſt certainly expect the blaſts of Heaven, and curſes of Earth on all your future proceedings 〈◊〉 for Hypocriſie is odious to God and Man, nor is there any Monſter ſo abominable to ſerious Men of both ſides, as a Church-Papiſt.

Your Royal Highneſs, I hope, will excuſe our fears, for we are not ignorant of the Arts and Craft of Rome, that ſhe eſteems no means unlawful to obtain her ends. How ſhall any Oaths be ſufficient Teſts, when a private diſpenſation may at once allow the taking, and warrant the breaking of them? Or what ſignifies the participation of our Sacraments to one that is taught, We have no true Miniſters of Chriſt; if ſo, no conſecration, conſequently nothing but an ordinary Breakfaſt of common Broad and Wine, and who ſhall loſe the hopes of three Crowns rather than not taſte ſuch harmleſs viands? Not that I dare imagine your Highneſſes Underſtanding would ſuffer you to believe the lawfulneſs, or your Princely Generoſity permit you to practiſe theſe lewd diſſimulations; yet ſince ſuch Doctrines are daily taught in the Roman Church, how ſhall Proteſtants be aſſured they have no. Influence on your Conduct? I muſt therefore with all humble freedom aſſure your Highneſs, that after ſo general an Opinion of your Highneſſes having been a Roman Catholick, though you ſhould go never ſo duly to Church, receive the Sacrament a thouſand times, and take Oaths all the way from Holy-rood Houſe to St. James's, yet the People would ſcarce believe the reality of your Converſion, unleſs withal they ſee it accompanied with ſome other Demonſtrations. For as Faith without works is dead, ſo Profeſſion of a Religion, without agreeable endeavours to advance it will be vain. If his Royal Highneſs, will the People ſay, be a good Proteſtant, he will undoubtedly diſcourage all Papiſts, the ſworn inveterate Enemies of our Religion, he will not ſuffer a Popiſh Prieſt to approach his Perſon or Palace. If he have had any intimation of any ill deſigns, if any have been tampering to reconcile him to Popery (which is no leſs than Treaſon) he will preſently detect thoſe miſchievous Inſtruments, that they may be brought to condign Puniſhment, and applaud the Juſtice that has been done on Coleman, the five Jeſuits, Godfrey's Murderers, &c. thereby ſtopping the Mouths of that brazen Tribe who would make the World believe they died innocently. He will declare againſt all Arbitrary Deſigns, deteſt thoſe who by ſneaking flatteries would unhinge the ancient and moſt wiſe Conſtitution of our Government. He will heartily recommend Parliaments to his Sacred Brother as the wiſeſt and ſafeſt Councils, and even thank the late Houſes of Commons for their zeal againſt him, whilſt they apprehended him as an Enemy to his King, and the Religion and ſafety of the Kingdom. He will vigorouſly by his Counſels and Intereſts oppoſe the growing greatneſs of the French, which at this day threatens all Europe with Chains, and immediately tends not only to the decay of Great Britains. Trade and Glory, but alſo to the diminution, oppreſſion, and (if it lay in humane Power) utter ſubverſion of the Reformed Religion throughout the World.

Theſe and the like Noble Fruits, will the People not unreaſonably expect from your R. H. when ever you ſhall pleaſe to declare your ſelf a Proteſtant; which that you may ſpeedily do, not Politickly or Superficially, but with that ſincerity, as ſo ſerious a matter (of infinite more value than the Three Crowns you are Preſumptive Heir to) is the Prayer of all good Men, and particularly of

Your Royal Highneſs's Moſt Humble and Faithful Servant, Philanax Verax.

LONDON, Printed, and are to be ſold by Richard Janeway, 1688.