A brief Account of some of the late Incroachments and Depredations of the Dutch upon the English; and of a few of those many Advantages which by Fraud and Violence they have made of the Brittish Nations since the Re­volution, and of the Means enabling them thereunto.

IT may justly astonish, as well as Surprize those who give themselves liberty to think, that a Nation pretending to so much Wit, and good Sense (and that very rightfully) as the English do, should suffer themselves both in the view, and to the amaze­ment of the world, to be Tricked, Cheated, and Bubbled to the degree they are by the Dutch, who were never much esteemed for the Greatness and Transendency of their Understandings, tho' they have been so well known for Treachery and Fraud, as the peculiar qualities they excell in, and which they have never failed to excercise, and display themselves by, when and where they have had opportunity. For tho' now and then a few Individuals may have been found, and still are among them, who for Probity and Intellectuals, have been, and are secured against this Imputation and Charge, yet these are the characters, which they have commonly lain under as a State ▪ and to which the generality of that People, have been as Meritoriously as Commonly entitled. And which tho' most Nations have in some measure Experienced, who have either had the misfortune to need, or the folly to Confide in them; yet none have so often and so sensibly felt the Effects both of their Ingrati­tude and Deceit, as we of Great Brittain have done: Whereof it were eas [...]e to give Innumerable Instances, since the very first Mo­ment, that by a friendly and vast, if not too lavish and improvident an expence of our Blood and Treasure, they became rescued from [Page 2] the Jaws of ruine, vindicated into Freedom, and established into a [...] Republick. But that I intend for reasons which any man may pe­netrate into, to confine the account I am now to give of their fraudulent and rapacious behaviour towards, and the Gains they have made of us by tricks and violence, only to that circle and peri­od of time which hath elapsed since the Commencement and Con­summation of the late Revolution. And besides all the other Influ­ence, this is as well proper as designed to have upon us, if we have not both renounced common Reason, and our Native Country, It may serve not only to awaken us, to a perusal of those many former Relations of their Treacherous Supplanting, and their hostile Us­urpations, but to give a fresh and raised credit to all those ante­cedent detections of their Villanies, which either thro a strange Oscitancy we were willing to forget, or thro the Inhumanity of them, too much disinclined to believe.

I suppose it is needless now to tell any man that is not qualified for Bedlam, tho he be one that hath renounced all Revealed Religion and moral Honesty, and ridiculeth every thing that is superstructed on, or which fasteneth obligation and duty upon us in the vertue of the acknowledgment of those Fundamentals: That it was not out of any love to these Kingdoms, or for any real concern for what we value and challenge a property in, either as Protestants or Englishmen, that the States of Holland lent their Men and Ships to the Prince of Orange, and encouraged his coming with an Army into England. Alas! both his Conduct and theirs since, do so interfere with those pretences, that it were as easie to reconcile Contradictions, as to resolve that Undertaking into those Motives. And tho I cannot de­ny it to be very natural to all true Hollanders to be furnished with a great deal of assurance, and to claim it as a Prerogative entailed upon their Country not to blush, as those other Climes retain the modesty to do, when they obtrude the most notorious falshhoods upon the faith of Mankind; yet the present tottering and precarious state of the Church of England, and the little room it hath in their thoughts, unless it be how to subvert it, as well as the many In­vasions made upon our Laws, Rights, and Civil Liberties, besides the Rapines committed upon our Trade, and the many guileful Arts that have been practised to enslave and impoverish us since the be­ginning of 1689. have not only refuted, but exposed these State pretences of rescuing us from Popery and Thraldom, which had been made use of to wheedle us into those Crimes, whereof we became [Page 3] guilty thro their Delusions, and to prepare us to entertain, and tamely to undergo and suffer the Miseries which they had projected to bring upon us. And as the transporting our Coin; the having our Seas and Merchant Ships unprotected; and the many Sham plots upon our lives, as well as the various arts, methods and projects, of worm­ing us out of our Estates, shew what we are to expect from Dutch-Councils, in relation to our Persons, Property and Wealth; So the cold and disdainful Reception commonly reported to have been given lately to those of the Conformable Clergy at Al [...]hrope, when they went thither to pay their Complements, and make their Addresses, and where they were not accounted worthy either of a word or a salute, no more than any of those common Decencies, which have been customarily vouchsafed to persons of their Order, Habit and Com­munion, while the Dissenters were at the same place, not only Wel­comed with Hat in Hand, and entertained with the respect of standing up to them, during the whole time they were attending, but Caressed with the tenderest expressions declarative of his love unto, care of and confidence in them, and afterwards treated in an Appartment by themselves, with Wine and Tobacco, and other civilities of the house, with an allotment of some Noblemen to bear them Company, and to bubble them into Court-Measures, do more than abundantly testifie under what contempt the Established and National Church is, thro' the Influence of Belgick Advice, and in com­placency to the Hogen Mogen Constitution abroad. Which tho it be but the beginning of a Just Recompence of Reward upon your Episcopal men for their Apostacy, from the Doctrine of their Church in Reference to civil Government, and legal Governours, yet it both sufficiently proclaims some Peoples Ingratiude, and intimates what those deluded, credulous, missed; and revolting Clergy-men are to expect, in relation to all those Dignities and Emoluments they have been advanced unto, and hitherto kept in possession of, by standing Laws in preference unto, and contradistinction of all other Prote­stants. And should not that story be so Authentick, as it is uni­versally vouched to be; yet his behaviour upon all occasions towards those of the Established Church, is so scornful as well as unkind, as abundantly testifies, not only his Distrust and Hatred of them upon the motives of Dutch Counsels; but a design to mortifie their per­sons, and to alter and subvert the Establishment, which our Laws do at present give them: Nor are the late Caballings, Animosities and Prosecutions against a certain Person Orn [...]mented with a George, [Page 4] and a blue Ribbon, owing to any other Motives, than that he both understands and asserteth the Interest of his Country, without Justi­fying of, or conniving at Dutch Encroachments; and that he has the Fortitude to avow himself the Advocate and Patron of the Established Ecclesiastical Constitution, and who will not be brought to sacrifice at once both our Legal Worship, and Discipline, and the Commerce, and Treasure of the Kingdom, to the Pleasure and Appetite of our Outlandish Neighbours; nor be gained to betray our Church and State, to the lust and humour of those Court Minions, who are gained by Bribes and Pensions to be Brokers and Factors for our Rivals and Underminers, tho at present thro a Solecism in Speech as well as in Politicks, they be stiled our assured and good Allies. Nor need we any other evidence of the Commencement and Continuance of the Quarrel against the tacitly formentioned Nobleman, than the Proposals that were made to him by a person of his own Order and Dignity, about stifling the Enmity against him, and that those who are his boldest Accusers, and most passionate An­tagonists, should depart from and deposite their Accusations of him, and not only enter into a Truce, but into an united and firm Friend­ship with him, provided he would abandon the defence of the Church, and Joyn with them in promoting an Oath of Abjuration, both which are the Contrivances of the Dutch, and the Results of Councils given at the Hague, partly to obviate the revenge they know themselves Justly obnoxious unto from King James, should he at any time come to be reestablished; and partly to kindle a Civil War amongst our selves, by which we may be both diverted and disabled from in­flicting those Punishments upon them hereafter, which they so much deserve, or at least to turn and enflame the King's wrath (in case he return) against his own Subjects, in hopes thereby to prevent the ef­fects of his Resentment against them. And that the quarrel which I have intimated to be raised against this Honourable Person, is the product of Foreign Councels, appears not only from the Tools, and Instruments emba [...]ked in pursuing of it, who are all of them Favourites and Partizans of the Court, but is made evident beyond all controul from hence; That when the said Noble Peer, told his Master for news at Burford the application that had been made to him, and by whom, and the tenor of it, he found that he was antece­dently acquainted with, and possessed of the whole; which well he might as being in the quality of Executioner of Belgick Advice and Measures, both the Author and Fomenter of the [...], and the Pro­jector [Page 5] and Instigator of the Accomodation and the terms of it. How­ever, we may easily dis [...]rn from hence, what the whole Nation, as­well as single Individuals may Expect from a Dutch King influenced by Dutch Councils; when the only Person in the Kingdom to whom He and They stand most indebted for Promoting the Revolution, as­well as for former and subsequent Favours of the greatest Dimen­sions and Importance, is thus singled out to be hunted and run down by Clamour and Obloquy; and this not for his Crimes against the Crown, or for his being the Principal Person in Abdicating of the King, Altering the Succession, and Subverting our Hereditary Monarchy; but because that after He had brought us to the Altar, he should now Demur as to the letting the Church annd Nation fall Victims to Dutch Malice and Avarice.

And if we had not been Infatuated by Bigotry, and made Inso­lently Wanton by too much Prosperity: And had our Intellectual Faculties Distorted by Disloyal Malice, we might have easily Foreseen and Prognosticated, what the Infidelity of the Dutch would be to the Kingdom, by their more than Heathenish Treachery to the Late King; in that notwithstanding the Alliance Solemnly Contracted and Rati­fied by Oath, in which they stood Sacredly Engaged to observe all terms of Amity and Friendship with him, yet whilst his Majesty relied upon the Assurance of that Compact and Stipulatior; they did under the Cloak and Vail of being His Confederates, Clandestinly con­trive the Subversion of the Throne. And tho they neither then could, nor have had the [...] Impudence to this day (albeit not a People Accusable for unseasonable Modesty, when they can either recurr to weak Pretences, or probable Fictions for Justifying their Conduct) to alledg any matter of Just Complaint he had given them, and much less any cause of Hostile Quarrel. Yet by a Treachery custom­ary to Them, but which neither Turks nor Pagans would have been guilty of; They both gave Eencouragement to the Prince of Orange, to Invade his Dominions: and Commissioned, and Author­ized their Fleet and Troops to Support and Assist him in doing it. Nor did they only Perpetrate this Treachery towards his Majesty in Defiance of Vengance from Heaven, and in Contempt of every thing that has been held Sacred amongst Men, as well as in Derision of all those Pacts, and Agreements upon which the intercourse and Peace of Nations, and the Tranquillity of Societies do depend; But at the same Juncture of time in which they were Plotting his Ruin, [Page 6] and had entered into Correspondency and Combination with his Disloyal Subjects, for driving Him from his Kindoms; they gave him all the assurance which any Prince could desire or expect from a Neighbouring State, that they Prized his Friendship; and did and would Persevere in Amity with him; and that the Ships and Forces whch they had in a readiness to make a Descent into his Territories were Designed for, and to be Employed in Affairs wherein he had no Concern, and that he neither should nor could receive any Pre­judice from them, and therefore was not to be allarmed at those Preparations: Which Barbarous as well as guileful Be­haviour of theirs, tho' we have hitherto overlook't, and not received that Warning and Instruction from it that such a Procedure towards a Crowned Head, and one to whom by Stipulation they were bound to be Friends and Allies, and who then Actually was and still rightfully is the only Legal Monarch of these Kingdoms was Ad­apted, and should have have had Efficacy in it to give: Yet it is Now Hoped that the Lessons, which Experience that is the School-Mistress of Fools, hath refreshed our Memory with, of their In­veterate Malice to these Kingdoms, and of their Fraudulent Me­thods to render us Poor, Impotent and Contemptible, will at last a­waken us, if not to seek and persue revenge, at least to lay aside our Confidence in them, and to give over the Wasting our Men and Treasure, in Defence of a Perfidious People, who are en­deavouring our Ruine, as the Recompence of all the Services we have had, the Simplicity, Inadvertency and Folly, to be rendering them, and in the doing whereof we have made our selves Knaves to our Country, as well as Persevered in Obstinate Rebellion against the King. Nor is it to be doubted, but that after they have seen us, who are their chief and envied Rivals in Trade Impoverished and Weakned in the Management of this War, into which, in order to those Ends they have Wheedled and Invegled us, under the Pretence of Humbling Curbing and Reducing France, they will be the first both to abandon the Confederacy, and to Unite their Forces with those of that Monarch, for the Consummating of our Ruine by Power which they have begun and so far Promoted by Fraud. And that I may not reflect too far backward, nor put my [...] upon Examining their Practices Forty or Fifty Years since; their Behaviour about seventeen years ago towards the Emperour, and the King of Spain, but especially towards the King of Denmark, and the la [...]e [...]ector of Brandenburgh, who had Embarked in their Assistance, and [Page 5] come to their Succour, when they were likely to be totally Subdued in that War which they had provoked the French King to enter into against them, Anno. 1672. May teach all that help and relieve them, under the firmest and most Sacred Confederacy, and the high [...]st as­surances of their Stedfastness and Fidelity in their Alliances, what they are to expect from that faithless People, who do always con­sult and prefer their Interest before all the Obligations they can be brought under to God or Men. The truth whereof, tho' the Re­monstrances of all those Princes do abundantly manifest, which they made unto the States General; and Published to the World, up­on the Separate Peace which the Dutch Concluded with the King of France, at the Treaty of Nimeguen, Anno. 1678. yet I shall in Con­firmation of what I have suggested, Transcribe and Exhibit some part of a Pathetick Letter written upon that Occasion to the said States by the Elector of Brandenburgh bearing date at Postdam, July, 11. 1679. Namely, That in the Deplorable Condition his Countries were then in, It is easie to Judge (saith the Elector) whether we have more reason to Complain of those who are Enemies, and had fallen thus upon him, or of those for whose sake all this happened to him, who instead of giving him the assistance required by Treatie, have neglected them and made a separate Peace, thereby abandoning as well his as their own Affairs, and laying upon him the whole burden of the War, in which he should have had no part had it not been for his desire to help his friends in their Misfortunes, as if it were a Consolation to their High and Mightinesses to see him (who had en­deavoured with all his Might to save them from Destruction) as a Recom­pence totally Ruined. Adding that he had expected an answer to his former Letters, and to those Memorials given into them by his Ministers, in which he had advized them of the dangers that threatned him, and desired their Assistance, that so at least, he might have had the Comfort to see the Concern they had for his Misfortune, which he had the more reason to expect, for that it must be fresh in their Memories, how in their greatest necessity he hazarded All for them, and preferred their Friendship before all the advan­tageous conditions that were offered him. And therefore that he writes to their High and Mightynesses this Letter, That they may not think that he tamely Digested their Unjust Proceedings, or quitted the Obligation which his Alliance with them laid upon them; but, that as on his part he had al­waies performed his Promises and Engagements, so he requires the like from them, or in default thereof, Satisfaction for the same, and reserveth to him­self and his Posterity, all the Right thereunto belonging. And indeed such has been their Perfidiousness, as to the O [...]sevation of most of [Page 8] [...]he Treaties wherein they have been Engaged; That should the seve­ral Princes of Europe be provoked at last to resent their Infidelity, ac­cording to the Demerit of it; They would, instead of choosing to be their Allies or Confederates, associate and unite to be their revengefull and implacable Enemies, Nor, till they be Condignly Punished, for the many repeated Violations of their most solemn Stipulations, will it prove Wise or Safe to Trust them upon the most Sacred Security that they can give to Kings and Nations, by concerted and sworn Contracts. For, until then, it will be but a necessary Prudence in all those, with whom they seek and endeavour to be in a Foederal Amity, To ask them as Livy tells us the Roman Senator did the Carthaginian Ambassadors at the end of the second Punick War, when they came to Supplicate for a Peace, Per quos Deos Foe dus icturi essent; cum eos per quos ante ictum esset fefellissent? By what Gods they would confirm and ratifie their Stipulations; seeing they had despised the Omniscience Power and Justice of those Deities by the Invocation of and Appeal to whom they stood obliged to the Observation of former Contracts. But, when they are once so sufficiently Chastised for their Treacheries and Infidelites of this kind, That they can reply as Asdrubal at that time did, namely, Per eosdem qui tam Infesti sunt Faede­ra violantibus. That they will swear their Leagues, by the same God who hath taken Vengeance of them for their Perjury, and their Fraudulent Vio­lations of former Agreements; Then and not before, are they to be Trust­ed and Relied upon, by reason and in the Vertue of any Compacts, Covenants and Alliances, how Solemnly soever Sworn and Rati­fied by them.

Nor, will it be improper or unseasonable for me here, considering the present Juncture, and the Circumstances We of Great Brittain are now Reduced unto, to put my Country Men in remembrance that among other of the Motives upon which the Dutch Contrived and Promoted the Revolution, how that their Obviating and Pre­venting the Reckoning and Account, which King James was a­bout calling them unto, for their Wresting Bantam by Fraud and Violence from the English East-India Company, was not only One, but that which most Influenced that Avarous and Rapacious Republick thereun [...]o. For, having during our Convulsions here, and the many Jealousies and Misunderstandings which had arisen between the late King Charles and his People (to the begetting and foment­ing whereof they had contributed all they could) Guilfuly and Ho [...]tilely wormed us out of, and Drove us from thence, where [Page 9] of a large and Beneficial Trade, therefore to Anticipate their being forced to restore what they had unrighteously Usurped by Deceit and Power; and to avoid making Satisfaction for the Dishonour they had therein done unto the Crown; as well as to decline repair­ing the Injury they had done to the East India Company and to the whole Kingdom; They came with Warmth and Readiness into the Design of Invading these Kingdoms, and of Supplanting his Ma­jestie's Throne. I suppose it needless to repeat, how they had elu [...]ded all the Applications made unto them by King Charles his Mi­nisters, in reference to that Affair; and how they delayed and eva­ded giving Satisfaction to the East India Company, during the time that remained of his Reign, after that Usurpation, tho often requi­red and demanded of them, both by his Majesty's Envoys, and by the Deputies and Agents of the Company. Nor will I so far Reflect upon the Memory of that Prince, as to assign the Reasons why they came to Treat him with so much Superciliousness and Neglect, in that and other Concerns as they did; Seeing, besides the too great Encouragement they had to it from somthing in his own Constitu­tion and Temper, they were Embold'ned thereunto by the muti­nous Humour, that was then Predominant in many of his Subjects; and by the great and unaccountable Divisions which were arisen between those who were Stiled the Court and Country Factions. But, finding that his Royal Brother King James, who, on his Decease Rightfully Ascended the Throne was not a Prince that bore that careless respect to his own Honour, to the Reputation of his King­doms, and to the Prosperity of his Subjects; as to digest the a­forementioned Affront, Injustice and Injury, with the Tameness that King Charles had done; and that he Carried not that Indiffe­rency to his Peoples Welfare, and to the Traffick of the Nation; as for a private Gratuity, either to Connive at, or to Forgive a Wrong done to the Meanest of those under his Protection and Go­vernment; And much less an O [...]fence of so heinous a Nature, Committed not only against the Chief Trading Society of the King­dom; but to the Obstruction and Loss of a Commerce, by which all his People received considerable Profit and Advantage: They thereupon, by a Violation and Contempt of the Obligatoriness and Sacredness of Leagues, both Encouraged all the Seditious and Dis­loyal here; aswel to Rebel against, and Revol [...] from the King, as by Clamou [...]s and Ryots to Disturb the Tranquillity of his Reign: [Page 10] And they took Hold of, and Encouraged the Prince of Orange's, Ambition, whom Pride had disposed and prepared to despise and transgress all the Laws of God, and to Trample upon all the Con­stitutions of Nations for the Gaining of a Crown; whose aspiring Haughtiness they resolved, in that Matter to Gratifie, in order to the Supporting themselves in the quiet Enjoyment, of what they had Treacherously, Unjustly and Rapaciously Seised. And, accor­dingly they Lent unto, and Furnished him with a great part of their Army and Navy to Enable him, in Conjunction with the Traitors that were here at Home, to drive the King both from his Throne and Dominions. And, had not the People of England been at that Time strangely Infatuated by Bigottry, and made Un­capable by their Disloyalty, of all just and rational Thinking and Arguing; they might from the forementioned Depradation of the Dutch upon Us in the Business of Bantam, have very easily Foreseen and have naturally Concluded, how far they would Usurp upon Cheat and Rob us afterwards, when they should come to obtain one of their own Complexion and Mould, as well as of Belgick Birth, Education, Authority and Inheritance, to be chosen and Advanced to Reign over us. Nor is it unworthy of Remark, how far in this very matter his being a Dutchman, hath made him for these Seven Years last past, live in a continual forgetfulness of the Justice he ow­eth to the Nation, upon the Foot and Foundation of being Stiled our King. For whereas both the Belgick East-Endia Companies, and the States General had before the Revolution made and sent Overtures of giving Satisfaction, and had offered a Vast Summ of Money, in Expiation of that Crime, and for repairation of the Injury they had done us in the Case so often mentioned, we have not dared since to Pretend unto, or Claim the least Compensation for that Wrong, and much less to be so Presumptuous, as to Require to be Re-establish­ed there again; Tho according to the Modern Methods of Merit, and the ways and means which recommended People most Distinct­ively to the New Monarch; This Kingdom hath deserved as much of his Highness for Perjuring themselves, in order to Serve and O­blige him, as the Dutch have done by the Violation of their Treaties. Nay! whereas they broke their Alliances, upon the Motives of In­ [...]erest, and have found their Advantage in their Perjurious Treacheries: We by rendering our selves Forsworn, in departing from our Allegi­ [...], have only gained the being wholy shut out from that which [Page 11] we had both so good a Right unto, and were in so near and assured Prospect of recovering. So that all which, by Co-operating unto, and Concurring in the Revolution falls to Our Share, is the acquiring the Preheminence of a Double Character, Namely that of Fools, as much as that of Knaves, whilst our Belgick Neighbours are con­tent to acquiesce in the single one of being Villains, and that chosen and submitted unto for their Gain, and not for their Loss. But the English being esteemed naturally a generous sort of People, may possibly think it but Congruous to that Opinion which Men have commonly had of them, that when they have so wilfully done all they can by their late Practices to forfeit Heaven, to Part with, Re­sign and Contemn the World also, and not to be like the Avaritious, Covetous Dutch, who are indeed willing enough to Renounce and Disclaim their Portion in the former, but then it is with a Proviso of Bartering it away for the later, which they take to be a Cunning and Wise Exchange.

And, all Men must Grant that more is to be said in their Favour and for the Extenuation of their Folly, who would not choose Damnation, but for the Obtaining of Wealth, than can be reasona­bly said of those, that not only give themselves over to Eternal Wrath, gratis; but, who choose to Pay Dear for, it and to be Rob­bed of their Liberties and Estates, that they may Superarrogate for Hell; and be the better Entitled and have the more deserving Right to future Vengeance. Yet, I ought not to omit mentioning one thing which falls to our Lot even in this World; as the Reward of having Purchased the Name, Guilt and Infamy of Rebells, at the Expence of our Wealth and Traffick, and of all we were happy for at Home, and Reputable for Abroad; namely, That the Cap and Coat, which were heretofore only the Enclosure and Peculiar of a few; ought now and henceforward, to be the common Badges, Habit and Dress of most of the Kingdom, and especially of our Westminster Senators.

To what I have already said, I will add in the next Place, that our Electing the Prince of Orange King, hath not only Emboldned the Dutch both to Detain from us what they formerly Usurped, and to make fresh Encroachments upon us in all parts of the World, as well as in all things; but they plead [...] it as a ground Authorising them so to do, and Improve it as a Mean to Facilitate Countenance and Promote the Depradations, which they do since Commit up­on [Page 12] us. For not to look nearer home. Asia and Africa can witness how they Triumph over and Insult us, in those Remote parts of the Universe; Representing us a Poor, Feeble and Dastardly People, over whom they have Constituted their Servant a Monarch, and thereby reduced us unto the Condition of a Province, Tributary unto and Depending on the Hollanders. Now the Material part of this Harangue being too true, tho not in all the formal Circumstances in which they relate it, they thereupon not only themselves Hector us, and Withdraw and Alienate the Natives of those Countries from Valuing us as they were formerly wont to do; but having Di­minished our Esteem and Reputation among them; they do conse­quently, Baffle and Worm us out of our Trade in all those Parts. And, as the taking one from among them to be our King, who had no rightful Title to be so; and his having been their, and still being no more than an honourable a Servant and dignifi'd Minister of that Republick; gives a Speciousness to what they say and alle [...]dg of this kind, among illiterate and credulous People: So, his having made a Descent into this Kingdom with a war like Fleet and mili­tary Land Power of their Preparation and Supply; and having since his Election to the Thrones of these Kingdoms, assumed the con­fidence to Publish by his Mercenary Scriblers, as well as to assert by severall others of his Sychophant Pensioners, that his Title over us is founded and Established in Conquest; and That he hath a Right to rule over us, as so many subdued Vassals, gives a kind of moral Certainty to Language of that Nature; where the Methods, Arts and Tricks of his coming to the Im­perial Crown of these Kingdoms are not known and understood. For tho under the Influence and Conduct of Madness, Dis­traction and Folly, We have Invited and Advanced a Dutch Prince to be our King. Antecedently to our waiting the Time he might possibly in Right have come to have been so: Yet, it deserves our warmest and most angry Resentments, to hear that the Hollanders boast and glory in their having Imposed such a one upon us. Nor can we Vindicate our Selves from the Disgrace and Reproach, until We have both Renounced Him, and severely Chastised Them, for the Insolency of pretending to have done it. But alas! Should we Overlook this Allegation, which proceedeth merely from Boorish Pride: And their being bred in Mosses and Quagmires, there are many other Advantages accruing unto them, by the Esta­blishment [Page 13] of the Prince of Orange upon the English Throne, that both Heartned them unto, and Afforded them proper and natural Means of Encroaching upon, Impoverishing and Supplanting us: Which they neither do, nor will ever fail Effectually to Improve, according to those respective Tendencies that they lie in to our Damage and to their Profit. Whereof the first that I shall name is this. That Whereas the sole Power of Issuing out Edicts and Plac [...]ats, is intirely Lodged in the States General, without their being either Obliged to Consult their Stadtholder, or his being Vested with any Power to Controul them in what they Publish: The only Authority of Ordaining and Emitting Declarations and Proclama­tions, is placed in this Dutch Prince and Belgick Stadtholder, by ver­tue of the Right made Inherent in him, on the Foot of our having Elected him King. For, as all the Priveledg appertaining to our Privy Council is only to Advise him; but not to Club with him in an Authoritative Power; so it Appears by too many modern Presidents, that few of those that are Members there, have the Integrity and Fortitude to Contradict him in what he has a Mind to Publish; and that his Pleasure is sufficient Reason with most of them to Concur, and with others not to be so rude and unman­derly as to Oppose him, but silently to Acquiesce. And should some be so Bold, as at any time to Express their Dissent; the most Part have that Dependance upon him, in respect of Pensions, Offi­ces and other gainful Places, that he is alwaies sure to have the Majority of the Board to joyn with him in what he would have done. So that whensoever the Dutch do emit what Edicts they please, in Subserviency to the Interest of their Provinces, Preclusive of any Consideration of these Kingdoms, and to their sensible Pre­judice: Our Monarch by his Interest in, and Oath and Obligation un­to them as their Stadtholder, must not only Approve as well as Con­nive at what is prejudicial to great Brittain Ireland; and the Dominions thereunto belonging; but must Concur and Co [...]ope­rate in the Execution of what their High and Mightinesses have thought fit to Ordain. To which, should I under this Head sub­join, how that while the States of the United Netherlands, do Retain fully and wholy in themselves, the Right of making Peace and War; The Jurisdiction of Constituting Ministers to foreign Princes and States; the Power of Repealing old, and the enacting new Laws &c. And this Ex­clusively of the Prince of Orange's having the least Authoritative Con­cernment in any of these Matters: At the same time, this Gentle [Page 14] man hath under the Notion and Quality of being our King, not only a Negative upon all Parliamentary Bills; but the sole Power of nominating and appointing Ambassadors and Envoys &c. and the whole Right and Jurisdiction of making War or Peace: On which respective Differen­ces of his Power there and here; should I insist and enlarge, answera­ble to the Weight and Merit of those Particulars; it might be made appear what vast Advantages the Dutch have of and over us upon all these Accounts; and how they became thence furnished with means of Ruining, as well as of Weakning and Supplanting us in all where­in we are Interested, either at Home or Abroad. Not that I would have the forementioned Prerogatives, which by our Consti­tution and Laws, stand Vested in our Monarchs, withdrawn and pillaged from the Crown. Seeing not only without them our Su­pream Rulers would immediatly cease to be Kings, and be reduced to no better Condition than that of Doges of Venice; but because it is necessary for the good and safety of the Subjects, as well as for the Strength and Glory of the Government, that they should remain inseparably Setled where they are. But all that I would insi­nuate is, that it is Inconsistent with the Prosperity of these Nations, to have one and the same Person allow'd and continued to be our King, and yet to remain at the same time Stadtholder of the Belgick Provinces. Nor do I need to Enumerate, much less to Demon­strate the many Prejudices and Mischiefs, which must unavoidably attend our being thus postur'd and stated; in that they not only lie obvious to Persons of the meanest Understandings, who give them­selves liberty to think; but, because we have already Felt and Expe­rience [...]d many of them in divers and repeated Instances. And therefore, I shall only make this Reflexion upon, and Deduction from what hath been Suggested; namely, that the Dutch and We being so differently Circumstanced, by reason of the discrepant Re­lations which the Prince of Orange stands in to us and to them, there an absolute and indispensible Necessity, that he Renounce being their Stadtholder, or cease to be our King. It being impossible for him, with Justice and Equality, to discharge the Duties of both, to Nations whose Interests are so Irreconcilable, as well as Different, a [...] ours and theirs are known to be. And seeing his first and natural, a [...] well as legitimate Tyes are to them, and that their Humors are agreeable, and their Concernments interwoven: It will be the Wis­dom as much as it is the Duty of these Nations to Return and Remit him back to them, to whom we have found him so partially link'd in [Page 15] his Affections, and so intirely swallow'd up, in Promoting their separate and particular Designs, as in Recompence of the Honour we have bestowed upon him; the Services which we have done, and the Treasure we have Wasted to Support his Ambition, and Gratifie him in the Upholding and Carrying on an unjust and de­structive War; to Sacrifice and Offer Us up as Victims to their In­solency and Covetousness. For it is Apodictically Evident; that thro his having so much Power here, and so little there, we are only Pro­perties and a Prey to the Hollanders; and that it lies within their Circle to Encroach upon us, as much as they please, and to under­mine and Baffle us what they will in all our Concerns; So it is no less Apparent that by his Countenancing, Encouraging and protec­ting of them in their Treacheries, Rapines, and Depradations, we both are, and must be left without Relief, Shelter and Defence, while we remain so Stupid and Sottish as to continue him on the Throne.

Nor are they merely accommodated with Means of impoverish­ing, depopulating and ruining us, by having thro English Folly and Dutch Wheedle, obtained their Belgick Stadtholder to be elected and advanced to Sit upon our Throne; but they are farther Impow­er'd to accomplish all those Ends upon us, thro having so many of their Countrymen Received into our Councils, Established over our Troops Employed by the Crown of England into foreign Courts, and Dignify'd with those Titles and Honours in Virtue whereof they sit in the Supream Court of Parliament, and have a Vote both in the Enacting and Repealing our Laws, and in Adjudging Causes which arrive before that High Court of Judicature en dernier Resort. It would afford too much matter fo [...] Satyr, as well as for Piquancy, to find the chief Honours and Dignities of the Kingdom so ignominiously debased and prostituted, as to be lavishly bestowed upon Outlandish Men, who have neither Birth nor Merit to Entitle them thereunto; but who receive them as the Com­pensations of their Master's Gratitude for Qualities and Meanesses in them, and Services performed to him, which it would be offen­sive to persons either of Religion or of moral Vertue, to have them mention'd. And the conferring English Grandeurs upon so worth­less People; and that upon so Vile Motives as these have been granted, will in a little time render those Titles and Dignities, which used heretofore to be the Rewards of distinguishing Worth and Vertue, and the Signatures of the innocent and just Favour of our Princes to those that deserved meritoriously of them and of their [Page 16] Country, to be more scorn'd and despis'd than the Order of the Star is now in France, where it is become a Disgrace to receive it, and is wholy grown obsolete and disus'd, since Lewis the XI. split­ting the Collar, which was the Mark of, and gave Investiture in it about the Neck of the Captain of the Night-watch or of the Con­stable, who is therefore called Chevalier du Guet. Nor can any acquainted either with our own, or with foreign Histories, be ig­norant how unacceptable and disgustful Outlandish Men have been to Natives and what fatal Mischiefs they have brought first upon the People, then upon the Prince, and at last upon themselves, where they have been raised to Superlative Dignities, and placed at the head of Affairs. Which, without travelling Abroad for Ex­amples to Confirm, we may find sadly verify'd in the Lives of Hen­ry III. and Edward II. And it would be prudent in Benting, if he would Consider the Fate and Destiny of Gaveston and Spencer whereof our Histories can inform him; as likewise of the Monopoly which they made of the Ears and Authority of our Princes; and of the Mischiefs which they occasioned to the People.

And then for Dutch and Outlandish Officers, as the advancing them over the English Troops is a Disgrace to the Kingdom, and the Diminution of the Honour that belongeth to the Crown of En­gland, and giveth general Dissatisfaction to the Subjects; so it is an Affront put upon the Parliament, and a Ridiculing as well as a Des­pising of the Address made to the Prince of Orange, Feb. 18, 1692. by the House of Lords, wherein they desire, That the Chief Comman­der of the English Forces under His Majesty, should be a subject Born in his Majestie's Dominions, to which he gave answer, That he would Consider of it, but hath all along since done in this, as in every thing else, Namely, treated the Councel of Peers, with Neglect and Scorn, and left the Brittish Soldiers not only under the Command of For­reigners as their Supream Officers, but to be Insolently Insulted over by them▪ But, to wave many Reflections, which the particulars now mentioned, are liable to have made upon them, I shall only observe in what Subse [...]viency these things ly to our being Ruined by the Dutch, and what Improvement they have already made of them to that Purpose. For by having Batavians in our Councils, they are not only made acquainted with all the Secrets of the Board, relating either to State or Trafick, but they have those present there, who will Countermine as well as Betray them, if they be not Calculated and Adapted to a Dutch Interest and Design. And [Page 17] whence was it that our East India Company came to be so long neglect­ed in all the Applications they made to the great Man at Kensington, but that the Hollanders were to be Encou [...]aged and As­sisted in the supplanting and and worming them them out of that opulent Trade, and have Time vouchsafed them for doing of it. Yea, the late Seisure of so many of their Ships, which were the richest that ever were Fraught from thence to England; by which both the Nation is so much impoverished as well as depriv'd and pil­laged of those Commodities which it stood so greatly in need of, and that Society vastly sunk in their Stock as well as Reputation, if it were pursu'd to the Original and true Source of it, will be found to have proceeded from the Treachery of Dutch Ministers in our Coun­cils, and from their hired and brib'd Pensioners, who gave Informa­tion to Holland, whence it became Betrayed and Discovered to the French, at what Ports in Ireland the Company had Order'd their Ships to put in, till they might be furnished with a Convoy to protect them home. And that Passage in the late Speech to both Houses, Novemb. 23. That they would have a Regard to the East India Trade, least it should be lost to the Nation; was only to Cover the Treachery, and to prevent its being enquired into. And it lies so much under every ones Prospect, that it needs only be pointed at and not insisted upon, how much the Dutch stand advantag'd to Endamage us by their having the same Benting qualify'd to sit in the House of Lords, under the Character of an English Peer ▪ In which Capacity, abstracting from the Influence he has over his Master, to Sway and Determine him to put a Negative upon such Bills as may be prepared there and in the House of Commons to Skreen us from Belgick Encroachments and Rapines, he is Capable sometimes by his own single Vote, and often so by the many Proxies, which some [...]hro Fear, others thro Flattery and many in order to Court a place and Preferment, do lodg with him to get those Bills thrown out, which were either Introduced there by some generous Peer that loves his Country; or framed and sent up thither by the House of Commons for their Lordships Concurrence, in order to protect our Trade, preserve our Constitution, and to prevent the Slavery, as well as the Poverty which the Dutch seek to have Overthrown, and wish and endeavour to have us reduced unto. Nor was there ever a good Bill formed upon the Design of being a Fence about our Lives, Liberties and Estates, whether it began in the Upper House, or came conveyed thither from the Lower since the Revolution, which [Page 18] this Gentleman raised to the Honour of Peerage, by a Merit singular and peculiar to himself, hath not both given his own Vote, and if Occasion was applied, all the Right, Authority and Power vested in him by Proxies, for the casting it out and the rejecting of it. To which, under this Head I shall only briefly add: That it is no less than an avowed and visible Betraying both of the Honour and In­terest of England to the Dutch, to employ a Batavian under a Character derived from the Crown of England, to any Foreign King or State about Brittish Affairs and Concerns. And for any one stiling him­self King of England, to appoint a Dutch Man Amhassador or Envoy to any Court in Europe, can be upon no other Motive than of Sa­rificing the Concernments of England, in that Court and Country, to the Pleasure and Profit of the Hollanders; seeing we want not Men of Quality, Sense and Merit of our own, to be sent Abroad under those Characters. And yet this Belgick Prince, now set over us, and whom our wise Senators have accustomed themselves to call their and our most Gracious King, Values himself upon Treat­ing us after this rate, as appears by his Interposing in the Vindica­ting, Justifying and Protecting of Myn Heer Schonenberg at Madrid, whom in his Letters to the King and Court of Spain, he calls his Ambassador. And according Resents the Driving him out of that City, as a Violation of the Rights and Laws of Nations; tho it was for Crimes that any other Prince besides ours, would have Chastised and not have Defended him. Nor does the Prive­lege belonging to the Character he bears, give him Security by any Laws in reference to the Cause for which he was Insulted, from being as justly as he was ignominiously Dealt with. Nevertheless, this Belgick Prince hath espoused and pushed the Vindication and Defence of this Dutch Heer so far, as to have Forbid the Spanish Am­bassador to present any Memorial, or to Appear at Court, till he hav [...] Satisfaction given him in Reference to that Batavian, whom he hath the Indiscretion and Confidence, in the View and Face of the World, to stile an Ambassador from the Crown of England. And, were the Wheedle of Rescuing Nations from Popery and Slavery, as proper to Influence the Subjects of his Catholick Majesty; and to Pervert them from the Allegience to their Monarch, as they did the weak and credulous People of these Kingdoms; This Prince Errant, who not only Fancieth himself another Hercules, born and raised up to tame Monsters; but one Divinely Commissioned to give Laws to all Nations, and to Trample on Crowned Heads, and [Page 19] wrest Sc [...]ptres out of the Hands of Kings; he would Embark spee­dily with his Dutch Janizaries for Cadiz, to Drive his Catholick Ma­jesty out of Spain, as he did the King of Great Brittain from his Do­minions▪ In the mean time, the Fraud to which this Schonenberg was accessary, and the Insolence he was guilty of towards the King of Spain, shews the Prince of Orange's Skill in the choice of his Min­isters to be Employed Abroad under publick Characters; and how well Qualified this Dutch Man was for being Constituted the Am­bassador of the King of England: Seeing it is most certain, that as Dutch Stadtholder, he could not give that Title, nor the Powers be­longing to it. But is not England in the mean time, in a safe and fine Condition, to have all the Affairs of the Kingdom, that are to be Transacted by a Person vested with that Character, in the only Nation and Court of Europe where we have now most to do, and are most embarkt in Commerce and Traffick, and where our Con­cernments do chiefly lie▪ to be not only Trusted in the Hands, and put under the Care and Conduct of a Dutch Man; but of one whom the Hollanders themselves have given the same Stile and ap­pendant Powers unto, for the Management of what appertains to them both in the way of State and Trade? To whom we may be not only sure that he will be Truer than to Us, but that it was in­tended by the Prince of Orange, he should be so. And should any be so foolishly Favourable as to Entertain a better Construction of his Highness's Intentions; Yet it is Demonstrable that Nature and Interest will be prevalent in most Men, especially in a Hollander, above Duty and Obligation. Accordingly, Mr. Stanhop who is both an English Man and sent from hence to Reside there in the quality of William's Envoy, is not only sensible of the Affront done to himself, thro a Dutch Man's being Authorised under a higher Cha, racter, to meddle at that Court in Brittish Concerns; but of the In­jury done to the Kingdom by reason of that Hollander's Sacrificing them to a Belgick Interest. So that by this Conduct of the Gentle­man at Kensington, the Sheep are committed to the Wolves to keep; and the Guards allotted for our Defence, are Placed upon us in Order to Assassinate Us. Nay, at other Courts, and particularly at the Hague, where he pretends to Employ English Men, under the Character of Envoys and Ambassadors from this Kingdom: He Trusts none of them in the great Affairs and Concerns of State which are Transacted in that Court; but Useth them only in Com­plements, Trifles and Baggatells; or at most, in receiving and de­livering [Page 20] such Letters as are of no Importance. Witness, among others, my Lord Dursly, whom I do therefore name, because, he is both a Person, who for Honour, Prudence and good Sense, is qualified to discharge the Duties of a Publick Minister in any Court whatsoever; and is one who preserves that Regard to his Country and to his own Dignity and Reputation, that he would neither be accessary to see the Nation Betrayed, nor Silently Connive at it, and whom therefore tho the Prince of Orange kept a great while at the Hague, under a Publick Character from hence, yet he was let into none of the Secrets, nor trusted in the Management of the Weighty Affairs of State; which were Agitated and Adjusted be­tween our Belgick King, and those who have assumed to themselves the Haughty Stile of High and Mighty Lords, and in whose hands is the Administration of the Government of the Seven Provinces, in all things relative to Peace, War, Traffick and Commerce. Nor, is it matter of Wonder or Surprize, that he Treats those English with Disdain as well as Reservedness, whom he pretends to Employ under Publick Characters Abroad, seeing the Ministers who are sup­posed to be at the Head of Affairs at Home, and who are believed to be admitted into all the Secrets of the Government, are made acquainted with very little, Previous to it's coming to be [...], but then they whom he did not think worthy to be his Councellors, tho they bear the Name, are called upon and set at work as his Tooles, to see that performed which only himself and his Minion Benting, and may be one certain Person more, who is in credit with him for having formerly betrayed unto him both his Master and the King­dom, had Debated and Resolved upon. Yet those whom he calls his Principal Secretaries of State, signifie no more, nor make no better Figure in the most important and weighty Matters, than that of little and Servile Commis; which one of these so Resented hereto­fore, that he Surrendered his Post and withdrew from business, but being Tempted with the Profits, Salaries and Perquisites of the Place, and Allured by a Lofty Title, and a Blew Ribon, and like­wise Flattered with the Hopes that were given him of being other­wise, and more Honourably dealt with for the future, he hath re­assumed it again, but meets with the same Reasons, and has the same Cause given him of Abandoning it afresh, as he Pretended to have for his Deserting it before.

But mo [...]eover, besides all these Advantages; the Dutch are posses­sed for the Undoing us, thro the Interest they have in their Stadt­holder, [Page 21] and our Brittish King; or by reason of the Services which a Hollander can do them to our Prejudice by being Constituted Am­bassador o [...] Envoy from the Crown of England to foreign Courts; or, by vertue of the Capacity that Benting is in to Betray us, and to be useful unto them and promote their separate Designs and Un­dertakings, by the Room he filleth both in our Council and Senate House; as well as by the Post of special Access and Favour which he enjoyeth about his Master: This same Gentleman, Benting, who is the Minion and Darling of our Monarch for Familiarities and Privacies which I blush to mention, has Granted unto him as well as Assumed the whole Superintendency of the Kingdom of Scotland & Governs it intirely by his Creatures, who are the only Persons there Trusted with the Administration, and to whom he gives such Mea­sures, in Reference both to the Legislative and to the Executive Part of the Government in that Kingdom, as may best Quadrate with the Benefit of Holland, and prove most Disserviceable to the Pros­perity of England. Witness among many other Things, the New Erecting of a Scotch East India Company, and the Terms and Immu­nities upon which it is Established, whreof I shall discourse hereafter

Having now briefly Detected and Declared the known perfidious and encroaching Temper of the Dutch Nation; what awak'ning Examples and Premonitions we had antecedently to the Revolution, to Fear and Expect their dealing Treacherously and Rapaciously with us, should we have the Folly and Madness as to Trust them, and of which Means and Advantages they became thereby posses­sed, for Encroaching upon and Undermining us in all our Con­cernments. I shall proceed in the next Place to Discover and lay Open, some of those many Methods, Ways and Instances wherein since that time, they have Committed Depradations upon us, and made us both the Tooles of their Sel [...]ish and Ambitious De­signs, and the Prey of their Malice, Craft and Avarice. And the Granting away such large Estates ▪ and the Settleing such ample In­heritances upon some Individuals of the Dutch Nation, may be just [...]y accounted a Robbery Perpetrated upon the Kingdom, and a Plun­dering of the Crown and People, to Enrich both those Persons upon whom those La [...]ds are bestowed, and the whole Belgick Republick, which is not only made Opulent, by this Accruing Wea [...]th of its particular Subjects, but whither the Profits and Emoluments of those Estates are Carried and Transported. For not to insist upon the vast Summes of Mony which many of that People have Acquired [Page 22] Here, in the way of Salaries, Gifts and Bribes since the Prince of Orange made a Descent into this Kingdom, and which they have Conveyed and Transmitted thither, to the Enriching that Common­wealth as well as themselves; how many Noble Real Estates have been Conferr'd upon and Vested in them. And to omit the many other Alienations of Lands from the Crown; and the Ravishment of Ancient Freeholds and Inheritances from divers of of the Subjects of these Dominions that have been lavishly bestowed upon your Ginkles and your Rovignies, the later of whom besides the Grant of the Title and Honour of Lord Viscount Galloway, has the Estate of Sir Patrick Trant given unto him, which has been represented and is held worth Three Thousand Pounds Sterling. Annually; and the Former is not only Created Earle of Athlone, but has the Estate of the Earle of Limerick, as likewise that of the Lord Baron of Stone Conferred upon him, of which the Last, is reckoned to be, at least, worth Two Thousand Five Hundred Pounds per Ann. and the First, Three Thousand Pounds Yearly. But, I shall only take Notice, and think it Proof enough of what I have Suggested, of the Large Grants made to Benting of the Lands at Theobalds, and of the Lordships of Denbigh Land, Bromfield and Yale in the County of Denbigh: And which a [...]e not only Given unto Him from the Crown for a certain Term of Years, or merely during his Master's Life; but are Disposed aw [...]y and Alienated for Ever to Him and his Heirs. For the Dutch Gen­tleman knowing his own Invaluable, tho Secret Merits; and how and in what Manner he had Debased and Prostituted himself to Deserve of his Highness, by Accommodating and Serving him in his unnatural Pleasures, thought that if Mrs. Villars, for Gratifying him in his Lusts in a more natural Way albeit not a lawful, hath Merited the Gift of the King's Lands in Ireland, which without an­other Revolution, or a Resumption of them by Act of Parliament, will come at last to be worth Twenty Thousand Pounds per Ann. to her and her Posterity: He might well Pretend unto, and Claim some­thing more Considerable, as having Contracted a higher Guilt, and Submitted to a worse Infamy for the Purchasing of it, than She is believed to have done. And therefore not being Contented with Lands of Theobalds, which were bestowed upon him soon after the Prince of Orange was Advanced into a Condition and Capacity of making Grants and Alienations of that Kind; and of which he has made large Improvements, and Raised vast Summes from thence by Sales and otherwise, to the wonderful Wrong and Damage of all those [Page 23] that had Leases of and Tenant Right in them, from and under the late Duke of Albemarle, to whose Father they were Judged a very Royal and Valuable Recompence, for the Noble Service He did, in Retrieving and Re-establishing the Government upon its Ancient Le­gal Bottom; the Restoring the late King Charles to his Rightful and Hereditary Soveraignity, and for Re-estating these Kingdoms in the peaceable Possession of their Laws and Liberties: I say. that not being Satisfied with this ample Donative and Gift, He hath lately Begged of King William the other Lands I have Mentioned, and hath had them Granted unto Him without the least Regard to the Right of the Crown, the Property of the Prince of Wales, the Laws of this Kingdom, or to the Interest which some Hundreds of Persons have more or less in them, Of which Acquisition on Benting's part and Alienation on William's, it will not be amiss to in­large a little, that we may the better Discern, and come the more Sensibly under the Impression, both of the Despotical and Unlimi­mited Absoluteness which the Usurper and his Minions Challenge over us; and of the Slavish State and Tenure we are Reduced unto, of having our Estates wrested from us and given away, to what Degree, Measure and Proportion one Dutch Man shall have the Impudence to Demand, and the other the Insolency and Ty­ranny to Grant. For, if we look into the Extent and Largeness of this Grant; it is the Giving away no less than the Dominion and Property of Five Parts of Six of one Entire County; which as it is too great a Power and Inheritance for any Foreign Subject to Pos­sess and Inherit: So it may hereafter prove Unsafe for the Go­vernment, to have so Numerous a People made Subject unto, and Dependant on Him: Seeing it is of that vast Dimension, and am­ple Jurisdiction, that near Fifty Mean Lordships Hold of those Man­nors, and above Fifteen Hundred Freeholders are Tenants there to the King, and thereby Obliged unto Him under a particular Allegiance, besides that which they ow him in the Quality, and on the Foot of their being his Subjects. And it is so particular a Revenue Anci­ently Vested in the Prince of Wales, that it cannot Legally, and ac­cording to the Customs, Constitution and Laws of England be Alie­nated from him. And therefore, upon the Creation of a Prince of Wales, there are upon the Right of Tenure under him, and of Ten­ancy unto him, Mises of Eight Hundred Pounds payable to the said Prince. Nor is it unworthy of Remark, that in the Preamble of the Statute of the 21. Jac. Cap. 29, it was brought into Doubt and [Page 24] questioned, whether Charles the First that was then Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwal, whom the Statute Declares to have an Inhe­ritance in both, tho under special Limitation, could Let or Rent Leases for Three Lives or any longer than his Own: And it is there Declared that he could not unless such Leases were Confirmed in Parliament. And the Reason is, Because upon want of a Prince of Wales, that Inheritance becomes immediatly Vested in the Crown. So that if the Prince of Wales himself, who has an Inheritance in that Revenue, cannot Grant Estates out of it for any longer than his own Life, without the Consent and Authority of Parliament; it demon­stratively Follows, that the Prince of Orange, who by the very Title that he possesseth the Crown, hath at most, only an Estate in it for his own Life; cannot Grant away and Alienate it, without the Consent of both Houses of Parliament Declared in and by a formal and express Statute. To which I will presume to add, that in Case of a Failure of a Prince of Wales, it doth not settle in the Crown as a Propriety ▪ but as an Usufructuary ▪ till a Prince of Wales be Created, to whose Creation that Revenue is Annexed, by those words in our Law, To him and his Heires who shall be Kings of England. Nor was there ever a Disposal or Alienation of that Estate from the Crown, save when Queen Elizabeth who was as much the Idol as she was cal­led the Protectoress of her People, ventured to grant it unto and bestow it upon the Earle of Leicester; but that both occasioned such an Insur­rection and Rebellion and was likely to raise and continue such a Civil War in the Kingdom, that Leicester was glad both to depart from all Pretence of Claim that was made unto him by that Grant, and qui­etly to Resign it; and the Queen, who wanted neither Spirit to Assert her legal Rights and Prerogatives, nor Interest in the Af­fections of her Subjects, for Support and Justification of them, was joyful to put an End to those Intestine Divisions and Troubles, b [...] Reassuming those Lands to the Crown, where they have ever since continued. Nor can a rightful and heredita [...]y King of England even in the Case, and on the S [...]pposal that there were no Prince of Wales, legally Alienate and Give away those Lands from the Crown; seeing they are no otherwise Vested in it, than in Trust to be Preserved forth coming to the Use, Profit and Honour of such a Prince when there comes to be One, and at what time he is Created and De­clared. And therefore in and by the very Statute of Charles II. which gave Power as well as Liberty for the Sale and Disposal of the Fee Farm Rents, there is a particular and express Exception of the [Page 25] forementioned Welch Rents, tho there was then no Prince of Wales, nor any Prospect that there would be one of that King's Body: which plainly Imported, that the Parliament took the Welch Revenue nor to be Alienable. Much less then can the Prince of Orange, that hath no hereditary Right to the Crown, but hath only Obtained it by the illegal and merely pretended Choice of the People, which is in other Terms, to have Usurped it; and who by the very Act of Settlement, has but an Estate for Life in the Possession of it, Grant away the Inheritance and absolute Fee of the Principality of Wales. For, it is no less an Absurdity in Law to say that a Tenant for Life can Grant a Fee, than to say, that a Tenant in Fee can Grant no more than for a Life. But it appears that that tho the Power of a law­ful King, and of a legitimate Prince of Wales, be Limited and Restrai­ned within the Precincts of Law; yet that the Power of an Usur­per is boundless and unconfined. However, it is no way incon­gruous, that he who has violently Snatched his Father in Law and Uncle's Crown from his Head, and Drove him from his Dominions, should also take upon himself to Grant away and Alienate the In­heritance of his Cousin, and to Disinherit him of it. But why doth he not as well make Benting Prince of Wales, as to give him the Re­venue of that Principality? Seeing he may as lawfully, and by the same Measures of Justice do the First, as he has done the Last.

And no doubt but that as he hath Inclination to it, we may also live to see it done, if he can but once Emerge out of the present War, and thereupon bring over from the Continent, a numerous and triumphant Outlandish Army to support and protect him in his Usurpation and Tyranny, and make us with Tameness and Decency wear our Chains. In the mean time, considering the Depopula­ation and Poverty which thro a long and costly War, the Nation is already reduced unto, we may make this Reflection upon, and this Inference from the Prodigality of our Belgick King to his Dutch Mi­nion and to his Outlandish Janizaries, viz. that it can be done upon upon no other Design than to gratifie the Commo-nwealth of Holland, and to raise them to an Ascendency of Wealth and Power over us. For had he the least Rega [...]d to the Welfare of England, he would blush to ask such immense Summs of the Parliament, when he is ali­enating and disposing away the standing Revenues of the Crown to his Whores and Burda [...] For how can we imagin that any thing should be held needful to be Levied of the People, if it were not in Subse [...]viency to an Outlandish Interest; when we see not only [Page 28] those Lands that are pretended to be forfeited, but those Ancient Inheritances that the Sovereign and Royal Family should Subsist upon, squander'd away upon little Foreigners, which were bred and heretofore accustomed to live upon the Fragments of their Mas­ter's Table. Surely we may expect from the Justice and Wisdom of this Parliament; That before they Empty the Purses of those they Represent, they will enquire how the Revenues vested in the Crown are bestowed and applyed. For whatsoever Usurpers may dare to do, in wasting the Treasure and Inheritance of the Throne by Build­ng Palaces, and furnishing them splendidly at Loo, and for making Indorsements on the posteriour Parchments of those I have mentioned. Our Natural and Lawful Kings never used to demand Succours of their Subjects, till they had Exhausted themselves, and Disbursed their whole Revenue in the Service, and for the Protection of their People. Nor is there any thing more frequently met with, and better known in our Law, than that there have been Acts of Re­sumption of former Grants and Donations from the Crown, whenso­ever the Nation has been Engaged in an expensive War, and the People have Groaned under large Taxes. And as this is the first Original of the Kind, that ever we had Experience of in this Kingdom, and for which we are indebted to Holland; so I hope, that after our Deliverance from a Belgick Prince. we shall have no Copy of it; or that any King hereafter will make Alienations of Lands from the Crown, when he is under Necessities of demanding Aids of his People, for his Support and Assistance in Wars wherein he may come to be engaged, To which I will only add, that under all those lavish and squandring Wasts and Consumptions of our Prince upon Dutch, for Closet and Chamber Services; he hath not only been Narrow and Parcimonious enough, but Niggardly and highly Ungrateful to the English; because it could not benefit Hol­land. Whereof among others, Talmash that is Dead, and old Danby who is Alive▪ are known Instances; tho they Served him both in Policy and War, and Contributed farther to his Exaltation to the Throne, and to the keeping him in it, than Thousands of his Country-men were capable of doing; and especially beyond what the Chocolate and Carpet Gentleman I have been speaking of had either Courage or Brain to Attempt. In recompence whereof, in­stead of any Lands, and much less those of the Crown; the one was sent and abandoned to be Killed by the French, but Murthered by the English abroad; and the other is Forsaken, Given up and Sacrificed at [...]me, to the old Envy and bigotted Rage of his Enemies.

[Page 27]But whereas what I have now Represented may seem to Issue only in the Enriching a few Hollanders, at our Loss and Expence; and not to amount to the Benefit and Advantage either of the Community of that People, or of those States, unless Secondarily and after several Removes; I shall therefore advance to the laying open and dis­playing, wherein to our Vast and infinite Damage we are Bubbled out of our Money and Treasure, and made a Prey to that Republick, thro the large Sums daily Allotted and Paid them out of our Exchequer. Nor is the way wherein it is done such a Mistery as needs Accuracy of Parts, and great Penetration to Comprehend it, seeing it can­not escape Proving Demonstratively Obvious to every One, who will give himselfe leave to Consider how many of the Dutch Troops, and of those that Constitute their Particular Quota, are upon the English Establishment, and Paid with English Mony: For as if it had not been enough to have been Guilty both of that Prodigal Folly, and that Treasonable Crime of giving them at one time Six Hundred Thousand Pounds, as a pretended Re-imbursment of the Charge and Expence they Alleadged they had been at in sending their Fleet and Army hither, upon the Motives as they had the Hypocrisy and Impu­dence to say, and We the Simplicity and Lunatism to believe, of Rescuing Us from Popery and Slavery, but as appears by the Event, for Introducing Atheism, Thraldom and Poverty; We did not only over and above that, Maintain and Pay their Whole Army here for a Considerable time, but have had ever since Six or Seven Holland Regiments upon English Establishment, and both Maintained with good English Mony, and at the Proportion of our Pay, which is larger then they allow to those Troops which remain under their own Establishment. Sure it might have been thought sufficient, and would be so by any Prince, save this Dutch one, who inwardly hates Us, and by all the Methods of his Administration seeketh and Pursueth our Ruine, that besides the Raising and Maintaining the largest Body of Brittish Troops, that has for many Ages been Im­ployed upon the Continent, and over and above the Charges we are at in Assisting and Relieving the Duke of Savoy, and on those par­ticular Forces, which are on English Pay in Piedmont, We should be at the Expence of Purchasing, Subsisting and Paying all the Danes, most of the Hess, many of the Lunenburgh, and divers of the Swiss, and some of the Brandenburgh Forces that are now in the Confederate Army in Flanders; but that after all this Prodigal▪ Expence, which tho it may possibly give us the Reputation of a Rich, yet will not even [Page 28] with our Allies themselves acquire us the Credit of a Wise Nation; We should be so Ridiculously silly as to Beare and Defray the whole charge of so many Regiments belonging directly to the Dutch, and who being entirely under the Authority and Command of the States General, and of the Belgick Provinces, will in Reward of our Indis­creet and Wastful Liberality to them, be ready to Invade Us and to Cut our Throats whensoever their Masters the High and Mighty Lords, and their Dutch Stadtholder shall require them to do it. And tho it may seem a Paradox to Soft-headed Unthinking People, yet it is a Measured and Certain Truth ▪ that as all the Confederates give not one Moyety of what is both necessary, and applyed to the up­holding and carrying on of this War; so scarcely a Moyety of that which is granted and raised as the Share and Quota of England is dis­bursed and laid out upon our Troops. But it is either bestowed in the Hireing Foreign Princes to continue in this united and conjunct Alliance; or in the paying Outlandish Forces, who being ready to Starve in their own Countries, will serve the Devil, or the Mogull for Mony; or it is lavished away in reproachful Gratuities upon Minions under the Notion of being expended for private Service, as indeed it is, tho for a Criminal and Villainous one; or it is dispo­sed in the bribing Members of Parliament to betray the Trust repo­sed in them, by those that have Chosen them, and to Sell their Country; or it is consumed in the making and keeping up of Sham Plots, and upon Scoundrels and Varle [...]s to Swear peaceable Men fals­ly out of their Lives and Estates. And least it should remain any lon­ger a Mistery, why William is so fond of Foreign Soldiers as to receive them in those vast Numbers he doth into English Pay; when the Natives of these three Kingdoms, do not only equal those of all Nations in Valour and Bravery, and without being thought a Disparagement to those of other Countries, are acknowledged to excel those of most; and who have at all times been forward and ready to take Arms, when the Cause has been just and honourable, and where their Treatment has been humane, compassionate and good. I shall therefore resolve this Riddle, and detect both upon what Mo­tives and Prospects he doth so; which accordingly in brief are these, namely, That having formed Designs both of Enslaving us to Him­self, and of making us Vassals and Tributaries to his beloved Dutch, whensoever he can Emerge out of the War: And being apprehen­sive that Native and Brittish Subjects will be so far from being his Tooles to Enthrall themselves and their Off spring, as well as their [Page 29] Country-men and their Posterity; That they will both abandon and withstand Him in the Attempt, and be provoked to revenge the Affront and Injustice which shall be offered of this Kind, to these Kingdoms, and the People of them: And the [...]eupon that he may be in a Condition to Execute hereafter without hazard what his Soul, thro Pride and Malice, is now in Travail with; he both secretly Lists and Armeth the French Hugonots here, and draws what Outlandish Troops he can, into his immediate Pay and Service from Abroad. Nay, in subserviency to this Projection, he not only puts Foreigners into the supream Command over all the English and Scotch Forces, tho contrary to an Address of Parliament; but there is not one Brittish Regiment in the whole Army in the Low Countries, into which he hath not by his despotick Power and absolute Authority introduced Aliens both as Commission Officers and Subalterns. Which being done in Contempt, as well as Neglect of an Address of the House of Peers, that I have formerly mentioned, their Lordships do now seem sensible of the Affront put upon them­selves, as they are not only the Consiliarii nati of our Princes; but as they are the chiefest and noblest part of the Great Council of the Kingdom. And therefore like unto what the Peers of England used to be, and as becomes the Patriots of their Country, they have demanded a List of all the Officers that Command our Brittish Troops, and of what Country they individually are. Which if King Wil­liam cause to be Presented to them with that Truth and Sincerity, which ought to be the inseparable Qualities of a Prince, both their Lordships and all the World will have Reason to be Astonished at the Wrong and Dishonour done to these Nations, in the setting so many Foreigners over our Forces to Command them. Whereof we have already seen and felt the fatal Effects, in the late Count Solme's Abandoning so many of our Men to be Butcher'd at the Battle of Steinkerk; when instead of supporting them as he ought, and as they expected, he lay at distance Covered and never Advanced towards their Relief. And where our Men behaving themselves with that wonderful Bravour that is natural to them, it is Com­monly believed, even by our Enemies as well as by others, that a Defeat might have been given the French, if those Brittish Troops, which were so shamefully Deserted and treacherously Sacrificed, had been reinforced and succoured as they should have been. But as to the List which the House of Peers have demanded; it is too probable that King William will with the same Regardlesness [Page 30] both to Truth and to his Honour, endeavour to Sham them off with a false and imperfect Account of those Officers, as he hath ventured to do the House of Commons, in the State of the War he hath caused lay before them of the Quota's of the several Confederates for the Year 1696. if their Lordships will have the Tameness to sit down with, and acquiesce in it, without farther Examination and En­quiry. But to proceed; It may not be amiss to observe, how that in order that none of those whom he hath already Mustered, in order to this future Design; or of whose Service he thinks himself sure, when the time arrives of Accomplishing it, may in the Interim lan­guish and decay in their Zeal towards the Enterprize, he loseth no opportuni [...]y of placing Marks of his Favour and Kindness upon them; tho it be sometimes to the Forfeiture of his Discretion, and prove the giving too early an Alarm to England, of the lurking and malicious Intentions which he entertains for us. So that when he Addressed his Parliament on Nov. 23. last, he could not omit Recommending his Muster'd and Regimented Hugonots to their Care and Supply; tho he did not think those many Thousands of Starving Widows and Orphans, whose Husbands and Fathers perished in his Service, worth the being mentioned to them for Relief. And much less had he the Justice and Goodness to desire their Aids and Supplies, in behalf of those many once Wealthy and Trading Families, that are since the Re­volution reduced to extream Poverty, by his pursuing his concer­ted Measures with Holland, for the ruining of our Trade; and thro the Treachery as well as Neglect of the Commissioners of the Admi­ralty, who Act by his Order and Instructions; and rather choose to Sacrifice the Kingdom, than in any thing to Controul his plea­sure. Of whom, if the Parliament requireth not an exact and severe Account of all our Losses by Sea, and make both their Lives and Estates responsible for their Sloth and Infidelity in protecting our Commerce and Traffick, we shall have reason to think both the Houses, as well as the Gentlemen of that Commission; engaged equally to hasten and see the Ruin of the Kingdom. Nor can any other Rea­son be given, save that which I have assigned, why King William should Address his Parliament, with that Concernedness he did, for a Benevolence to be granted to the Hugonots, at a time when the other Supplies he demanded will arise to m [...]re in case they be Gran­ted, than all the Circulating, and very probably, more than all the Real Mony in the Kingdom will amount unto. Moreover, the Condition of the French Refugees, is not only infinitely better here, [Page 31] than ever it was in their own Country, but exceedeth as well as equalleth the State of our own People of Rank and Quality with them. For instead of Canvas and Sabotts, which used to be the Habit and Dress of many of them in France, they are now both Shod and Clad as decently and richly as the best of the English are; upon, as well as among whom they do Subsist. And in the place of feeding commonly upon Herbs, and only now and then upon Flesh, and that the Refuse of Markets, which was their Custom; no­thing will now content them but the choisest Provisions that Butch­ers and Poulterers can Furnish them with, and that in large Pro­portions also: Which also shews that while our Purses are almost emptied, theirs are become well filled since their Arrival hither, that they can be able to bear the Charges of living so splen­didly, as they are now known to do.

But it shews the Mean and Contemptible Opinion this Dutch Prince has of the Understanding and Wisdom of an English Parliament, otherwise he would not in the forementioned Particular have Treat-them as so many Fops, that are to be Bubbled and Cullyed out of their Own, and the Nations Mony: And indeed he hath had Just cause given him to account the Generality of the People of England, to be no less Fools than in Subserviency to his Ambition they have discovered themselves to be Knaves. And it is but Just, that upon his finding them to be People of so little Conscience towards King James, he should in Reference to his own Concernments, Esteem and Treat them as People both of as little Wit and Honesty. And this I dare Avouch, as having had it from those that are Conversant with his Privadoes, and with such as are upon his Secrets, Namely, that he looks upon most of the English as no better than Rogues and Traytors; and as he knows no difference in this Point betwixt Whig and Tory, so he Resolveth to Treat them all equally and alike, if he can but once put an end to this Present War. And what we may then Expect from him answerable to those fine Characters he is pleased to give Us, may be easily guessed by the Murder of Glenco, and so many other Innocents as were there Massacred by his Express Order and Command, after having had all Assurances given them by those in Commission under him of their Protection. Nor can we after that Treacherous and Bloody President question the Entertain­ment we are to meet with from this Dutch Prince's Cruelty and Malice, as soon as he hath his Hugonots here, and his Outlandish Jani­zaries from Abroad in a readiness, and all Mustered together upon [Page 32] the Spot to Execute his Commands. And as his Outlandish Troops A­broad have such Officers Commanding them, who will as readily put in Execution all his Barbarous and Inhumane Orders, as well as those Degenenerate Natives, Hill, Hamilton and Glenlion, &c. Did that which was sent down to Require and Authorise the Massacre in Scotland, Anno 1691. So We have little reason to believe otherwise, than that the French and pretended Hugonot Schombergh, whom in derision of the Nation and in Contempt of the House of Peers, he hath Advanced to be General over all the Forces in England, will be forward enough both to employ such of them as he can Debauch to Perpetrate a Cruelty, and to Instigate and to make use of his Refugee Country-men, to Concur and Assist in Inslaving Us, and to Cut our Throats, if we will not Tamely Submit whensoever the time comes, that such a Work is Seasonable to be put in Exe­cution. And the late Insolence, as well as Illegality Committed by the Hugonots, who live within the Precincts of Westminster, in the not only daring to pretend to have a Vote in the Election of Members and Burgesses for that place to serve in Parliament, and in having the Impudence to come Four or Five several Persons out of one House upon that Errand, where they live crowded together, or rather as Soldiers disposed in Baracks and quartered upon the Kingdom, than as Tenants or Inmates; but their Hectoring, Insulting and [...]rudely Attacking those English, who were disposed to give their Votes for others than they had received their Cue from Whitehall and Ken­sington, may teach us what they are capable of attempting for the Subversion of our Laws and Liberties, and what we may justly look for at their hands, when they have an opportunity, and the Word is given them. For it is an Affront to our Laws, and a Ban­ter put upon our Understandings, to say that Aliens who remain under the Character and Quality of such, and who neither can Pur­chase nor Inherit Lands should have the Right and Priveledg to Vote in the Choice of Members of Parliament. And we shall deserve that all Mischiefs should Ove [...]take [...]us, which he De­signs to bring upon us, if the De-Witting in Holland, the Gaffnying in Ireland, the Glencoing in Scotland, do not Warn us to provide for our Safety, which we can never have Assurance of, if this Man con­tinue in the Authority and Power he has; and much less can we [...]ope for it, if he Arrive at more.

But, to advance a Step farther in an Enquiry after and into the Spoils and Depradations, as well as the Gains and Advantages, [Page 33] which the Dutch have made, and continue to make of these Na­tions since the Revolution, and that their Belgick S [...]adtholder became Seated in the Throne of England: Besides the Obt [...]ining so many of their own Troops, to be brought upon an English Establishment, and to be paid with our Mony, as hath been already declared; have also made a vast and unconceivable Profit by the Mony that hath been Allowed and Transmitted for the Payment of our own Troops. For, as in order thereunto, much of the ready Cash of the Nation hath been Exported from hence; so most of that Mony hath come to Circulate in Holland and a great part of it to Centre there▪ And surely it must be a great Damage to us, and an answe­rable Gain to them, to have Two Hundred Thousand Pound [...]; or at least Fifteen Hundred Thousand Pounds, Carried yearly in Specie from hence, and all to come either first or last into the hands of the Dutch, and Annually to encrease their Treasure in that proportion▪ To which let this be subjoyned; That besides the Mony remitted to Pay our Army; there has been a great deal of Silver car­ried over Year after Year in the King's Yatchts, as well as in other Vessels; Partly to be distributed among several Princes of Europe, to keep them in the Confederacy, and to gain Men from them for the Upholding the War; and partly to be squander'd away among the Ministers in those Courts to Counsel and Advise their Masters, suitably to the Instructions which King William should give them and partly for the Bribing of the Burgher-masters and Pensioners of the most considerable Cities of the Seven Provincs, to be Zealous in Moulding and Influencing their respective Towns to to persevere in the Interest of their Stadtholder, and to support him in all the De­signs, in which his Ambition should engage him, as being contri­ved and adapted to their Advantage. But that which is more to be adverted under this head is, that all or much the greatest part of this Silver thus Transported, whether in order to the paying our Army, or for other Ends and Designs, has been the [...]e melted down and Coyned into Skillings, that are not worth half the Int [...]insick Va­lue of what they are either Current for there, or paid to our Soldiers for their Salaries and to Subsist upon, or made passable in the pro­curation of the whole Equivalent in Bills, of what they go at in Holland to be Conveyed and made Solvable elsewhere. By which means alone, the Dutch have since the Revolution ▪ made an Advan­tage to themselves of many Millions. And therefore when the Soci­ety stiled the Bank of England, which was Establisted by the late [Page 30] [...] [Page 31] [...] [Page 32] [...] [Page 33] [...] [Page 34] Parliament, and to whom upon their Undertaking for the Remis­sion of Mony for the payment of our Army, or to any other, in order thereunto; there was Liberty granted by a particular Sta­tute for Conveying over so much as is there limited, either in Bullion or in Specie Coyned. I say, when the fore-named Company would have Erected a Mint on the other Side, in order to have Melted down and Re-coyned, what they had Transported in such embased Mony, as was there current and passable, the Dutch not only refu­sed the suffering it to be done in their own Provinces; but by the Interest they have among, and Authority they bear over their bordering Neighbours in Flanders, did obstruct our obtaining of that Freedom and Privilege, and thereby did wholy frustrate and defeat that Project and Design; so that by this single, fraudu­lent and avaritious Trick and Artifice, they do to this day make Cent. per Cent. of all the Mony that is remitted to Holland, either for the payment of our Army, or for other uses and ends. Nor is it unworthy of Remark; that whereas whilst they were drawing our Bullion and Coyn from us, and in order to get most of the Trea­sure and Silver of England into their possession, and have it lodged in their Country, they willingly paid and allowed Three and Forty of their Skillings as the Equivalent of one Pound Sterling of ours, and gave our Soldiers so much readily in Exchange for it; that now having gained and engrossed the greatest part of our Mony, and find­ing that what we continue to remit in Specie at present, is not out of Choice but upon Necessity, they have sunk the value of our Mo­ny to Eight and Twenty of their base Skillings, which is the most they have given of late, and will give no more at present for One Round Sterling of ours. Which being less by near a third part than what they gave in exchange for it before, is an incredible Damage to us, and a vast Gain to them at our Loss and Expence. And which villainous Depradation of theirs upon us, cannot without our utter Impoverishment and Ruin be much longer suffered or connived at. To which may be added, that since the Di­minishing and Clipping of our Silver Coyn which we are indebted to the Revolution for, and which had never befaln us in the degree it hath, but thro the ill Administration of our Dutch Prince, who is glad of and encourageth all the Methods, that may render us poor and make us despicable: The Hollanders will either receive none of our clipt Mony, tho it is in a manner all that is left current in the Kingdom; or if they do receive any of it, it is only in propor­tion [Page 35] to the intrinsick Value, and not according to the Rate that it doth pass for here, and hath done for a great while; So that if any of that Mony be sent over, either in payment to our Soldiers, or come to be carried abroad upon other occasions, the Dutch will take it but for a Moyety of what it commonly and universally goes for here. And yet in this very Interim, while they either wholy refuse the taking our clipt Mony, or depress the Value of it to half what it now passeth for in England; our poor Soldiers beyond Sea, are forced to take their base Skillings, and other of their de­based Mony, at what Rates they are pleased to make them current, tho not worth half of it with respect to their intrinsick Value. And all these things are some of the Felicities which we enjoy du [...]ing this Reign of Restoration to our Liberties, and of Exaltation to greater Wealth, Prosperity and Happiness, than our Belgick Prince will, by his Outlandish Logick, allow us to have known heretofore. Yea, besides the fore ment ioned Spoyles and Rapines which they have Committed upon us in the Methods that I have Detected, to the enriching themselves, and the imyoverishing us in our Silver Coyn. I might also upon very good Authorities, Charge them with the fraudulent Importation both of light and false Mony, bearing the Stamp and Impression of our own, but Minted in Holland, and then Vended among us at the Rates which our best and weightiest Silver Pieces of such and such Denominations have used to go. Nor will any Man who knows the Morals of the Dutch, and the Practices of the same kind, whereof they have been Guilty in most parts of the World to which they have had Access; or who hath observed in what other ways of Cozenage and Deceit they have bub­bled and injured us in the matter of our Silver, judg it unlikely that they should first Mint abroad and then palm upon us both false and light Mony; seeing the much counterfeit Metal, and the great quantites of true Mony, only with a [...]atements of Weight which have been Coyn'd and Stampt by Villains among our selves, do af­ford the Dutch so plausible a Cover and obvious a Ma [...]k and Dis­guise for Cheating us in this way and manner that I have suggeffed▪ and whereof the Nation hath been and still is so full of Clamour against them. But which being so agreeable to the Inclinations and Designs which our Belgick Prince entertains towards this King­dom, and being so much to the Advantage of his beloved Country­men, he hath neither taken care to have it enquired into as it ought to be, nor hath he used proper and effectual means to obviate it.

[Page 36]And then as for our Gold, whereof we are next to speak, whatso­ever of it hath been at any time sent over thither, either for the Subsist­ence and Payment of our Troops, or for any of the other fore­mentioned Ends, they have for some Years wholy refused it, except upon the Terms of Half a Crown, less in the Guinea than it readily went for in England; So that by the Remission of it again hither, and the Transmitting it back to them, which hath been done at least Four times in the Year, they have clearly Gained of us Fifty per Cent Annually by that sole Species of our English Coyn; but more especially since the rise of Guineas here to Thirty Shillings a Guinea, (that hath been occasioned by the scarcity of Silver, which the Transporting it hither and their Melting it down hath proved the cause of) it is in­credible what a Prodigous Profit they have made to themselves, and what proportionable Damage and loss they have brought upon us, in bringing over not only all the Guineas can be found in their own Provinces, but all they could Procure and Purchase in other Places on the Continent, and which they have put Off and Vended here at that Excessive Rate which they do now go at, and have done so some time; Whereas they went both from us heretofore to Hol­land, and [...]re lately bought up by the Dutch from other Foreigners, at a Price and Value not exceeding Nineteen or Twenty Shillings of our Mony. To which I may Subjoyn that the Value of all other Gold being risen in England, in Proportion to the growth of the Value of Guineas, they have thereupon brought over as much Foreign Gold as they saw any likelyhood of Buying up our Grain, Manufac­tures and the other Productions of our Country with, and have there­by both made Vast Depradations upon us, and suitable Gains to themselves thro their vending that Gold here at high and exorbi­tant Rates, which they before Possessed or had lately Procured at the moderate and intrinsick Value of it. Whence upon a little Con­sideration and less Arithmetick, we may easily Calculate how great by this means alone, their Gain and our Loss have been in that by all the Guineas, and Proportionally by other Gold [...] they have brought over and put off to us, they have m [...]de of every Two Pounds above Three. Nor is this all the Damage that thereby ariseth to Us; but there are Worse and more Fatal Mischiefs that must unavoidably overtake us very Speedily, in that all our Productions and Manufactu­res which from Year to Year, have been Transported into the Seven Provinces, either to serve them or the Neighbouring parts of the Continent about them, have been Bought up in Extraordinary [Page 37] portions and Measures, thro their vent of their Guineas at so high a value, and for as much as they can neither Consume themselves, nor Dispose to others with whom they drive a Commerce, what of our Productions and Manufactures they have bought in the Way, and and on the Terms I have mentioned; it will be therefore im­possible for them, and is beyond their intention to transport from us, for these several Years to come, what this Kingdom fabricketh and yieldeth. So that by a necessary Consequence thereupon, there must very soon ensue an extraordinary Decay in Trade, to the starving both most of our Manufacturers, and all others who gain their Subsistence, and have heretofore liv'd plentifully, by carrying out and vending abroad the Productions and Superfluities of our Country. For as the Dutch, who for several Years to come will need none of them; so by reason of the large Stores of all kinds of Eng­lish Commodities and Goods, with which they have furnished themselves, will be able to forestal and undersel us in all the Mar­kets of Europe. Moreover, to all the forementioned ways of their making their excessive Advantages by, and criminal Depradations upon us, thro and by reason of the Mony that hath been exported hence in Specie for the payment of our Troops, they do also gain an incredible and vast Profit to themselves, and cause proportionable Loss and Damage to us, by those immense Summs which have not been remitted in Specie, but returned beyond Sea by Bills, for the use and ends which have been specified, which they effect and accom­plish by skrewing up and raising the Exchange in profit to themselves, and sinking it in loss to us Twenty and Thirty per Cent, For no less at present is the difference of Exchange, not only on all the Goods and Commodities which we either buy of or sell unto them; but upon all the Mony which upon whatsoever Funds we draw and transfer thither by Bills. And the extraordinary g [...]in accru­ing by this means to the Dutch, was one of the principal Reasons why they would not suffer those of the Bank of England to erect a Mint on their side, for the Coyning our Silver into such mixt and embased Mony as goes current in Holland and Flanders. And it was likewise the grand Motive why they refus [...]d to lend the Two Hun­dred Thousand Pounds to the said Bank, which they would have bor­rowed of them the last Summer towards the paying our Army; and for which they offered Five per Cent. Interest, and not only to give their own Obligations for the Security of the said Principal and Interest, and which [...] should be Assignable from one per­son [Page 38] to another, as those of the States of Holland are; but that King William himself should, thro a Mortgage of his Revenue and hereditary Lands to the States, become Surety for the payment of the said summ and the Interest of it. Which tho it would have been not only very profitable▪ but highly reputable to the Dutch, and disgraceful to King William and the Kingdom of England, yet upon the score and Motive of their making a much larger Profit, than that would have amounted unto on the Remission of Mony from hence thither by Bills of Exchange, they Laughed at the Overture, and scornfully rejected the Proposal. Nor can any Man be so void of Sense, as not to discern, had all but so much M [...]ral Honesty and love to their Country left as to acknowledge it, that this exorbitant growth of Exchange between England and Holland must speedily perfect and Consummate our Ruine, considering the Poverty to which we are already reduced, and the scarcity of Mony, under which we labour. All which we are indebted for to our Belgick King, and to his Treacherous as well as Improvident Conduct towards En­gland, in his Management of the War, which to gratifie his Am­bition we were easily brought to embark in.

But before I shall dispatch the Topick I am upon, I cannot o­mit the representing one Method more, by which they bec [...]me greatly Enriched, and we as much Impoverished, thro the Mony either Conveyed from us, or from any of the Confederates to the Army in Flanders, and that is, by Furnishing most, if not all the Stores and Provisions, upon which the Army doth Live and Subsist. And the Manner as well as the Reason is obvious, to any one that can think two Thoughts Coherently, Namely, that all of one kind or another which they need, is Conveyed to them by the Dutch, and carried out of the Seven Provinces into the Spanish Netherlands, where all things are put off and disposed to the respective Troops, and to Ours especially at their own Rates; So that they carry back into their own Country all or most of the Mony: which is laid out in favour of, and upon our own Troops, as well as that which is Expended upon the several Materials which are Necessary to the Support and Maintenance of the War. which Circulating backward and forward every Week, as well as every Month, and Centring at last in Holland, they are rendred Rich by the War, which makes us so Poor, and has reduced us to the Indigent and Dep [...]orable Estate that we are now in. Yea, the burning and bombing Cities and Towns by the French, and their Seising and Destroying the Forage, [Page 39] and the Magazines, upon which the Confederate Army should Subsist, turneth all to the profit and account of the Dutch, and is improved by them to their Gain and Advantage. Because both the Materials for the rebuilding ruined Cities, and the Stores required to supply and fill wasted and destroyed Magazin [...]s, do in a manner come all from Holland, and from other of the Belgick Provinces, whither they carry back the value in Current Mony, to the enriching of their Bank, the encreasing of their Stock, and the enlarging of their Trade. And as they make a large gain by the Spoils, Losses and Deva [...]t­ations, which their Confederates suffer and undergo, so they make no less Profit by their Victories and Successes, even to the preclusion of their Allies, and especially the English from all advantage and benefit by them. For as Namur is the only Conquest since the Commencement of this War in Flanders, that has been obtained over the French, so it is but a recovery of what the Confederates had lost during the present War, and not a new Acquisition. And as it has cost infinitely more in Men and Treasure, than it and all the dependencies upon it are worth; so these three Kingdoms who contributed most to the taking of it, and had more of the Blood of their Men spilt and more of their Treasure and Ammunition expen­ded and wasted in the Winning of that City, than any one of all the Confederates, have Reapt nothing by it but the enlarging the Barrier of the Dutch, and the putting a strong and well fortified City into their power and possession, to make them more Insolent unto and Encroaching upon their Allies. And when I Consider the Customs of the Spartans who had an Order that when any of their Generals compassed his Designs by Policy and Treaty, he should Sacrifice an Ox; but when by Force and Bloodshed, only a Cock. I think that our many late Bonfires and Illuminations, and especially our prodigal and foolish Expences in St. James's Square, were ridi­culous as well as wastful Consumptions. For as the distinct Values of those Oblations of the Lacedemonians, do shew us (accor­ding to the Judgment of Plutarch) how much they preferred the Suc­cesses of calm and sober Councils, before those of Force and Strength, so there was more cause for Lamentations for the many and brave Men that had been lost before the Town and Castle of Namur, e'er they fell into our hands, (and which in all probability, will with less Cost be speedily Snatch'd from us again) than of vain, childish and expensive Triumphs for the gaining them. But to omit this, that which I am to represent and display is, that the City [Page 40] Castle which were gained at the Price and Cost of so much English Blood and Treasure, are now Consigned over to the Dutch, and stand Mortgaged to them for the Repayment of what they have laid out and disbursed in this War; which seeing there is no likelihood that [...]ver the Spaniards will be in a condition to Reimburse them; that Town is consequently become a part as well as an enlargement of their Territories and is the Addition of an Eighth Province to the former Seven. Yea out of Kindness to the Dutch, and Disaffection to us; our Belgick Prince is so frugal of their Treasure, and so pro­digal of that of this Kingdom, that much of the Charges necessary for Repairing the Fortifications of Namur is born by us, and our Mo­ny remitted and transported to Defray them. Which is such a bubbling of this Kingdom; that those most engaged in King William's Interest, cannot avoid Resenting it with Indignation. And as this new Acquisition which our Dutch King hath gained them, at the price of our blood and bones, as well as of our Mony, gives them a stronger Barrier than they had, and a new and large Jurisdiction, so it not only opens a Traffick to them with France, in time of War as well as of Peace; but delivers the Hollanders from a Necessity of depending upon Brussels, or upon any Spanish Towns, for the Ma­nagement of their Trade: Seeing by being possessed of Namur, they can supply both Flanders and France, and carry home what they want from thence, without being under the necessity of allowing the Intervention of others in the management of their Trade, or of suffering others either to intercept them in it, or to make profit by it thro Exchange: So that while the English and others Fight, they do only Win; and the Lives of our Men are no farther valuable with our Belgick King, than as they serve to purchase Power and Opulency to the Dutch. For tho we be made use of as the Jackall to hunt the Prey; yet we are not permitted to have the least Share in it. And therefore whosoever have cause to be weary of the War, and to groan under the Consumptions and Desolations that attend it, they have not; and thence it is that in kindness to them, but in hatred to us, our Belgick King labours all he can, both by persua­sions and by Authority to foment and keep it up, and resolves to do so untill he hath render'd them so opulent and powerful, and us so necessitous, despicable and weak, that we must be contented (because we will not remain in a Condition to hinder it) to be Slaves to him, and Tributaries to the Hollanders.

[Page 41]And the tyrannous Projects and Designs which K.W. hath contri­ved and harboureth in relation to these Kingdoms, as well as our own Madness and Folly in concurring and co-operating to promote them, are equally manifest, and both of them apparently evident by this; namely, That even upon the Supposition that it was needful and just to begin, continue, and uphold this War: Yet much of that Mony which hath been sent abroad from hence, to subsist and pay our Troops, might, through a very small Care, and friendly Conduct of the Prince of Orange in our behalf, and through the least measure of Discretion, Wisdom, Justice, Equity and Com­passion of those Assemblies stiled our Parliaments to the Kingdom, have been preserved in the Nation, and have remained to circu­late among our selves for the support and increase of our Manu­facture, and for the protection and enlargement of our Trade and Navigation. And the Ways, Means, and Methods in and by which it might have been done, are both so various and plain, That had there not been a Conjunction of Malice in King William, and of Treachery in our Senators towards England, it would not have escaped the being undertaken, persued and effected long ago. For why might not we with as much Ease, and with more Justice, have carried all the Provisions from hence for the subsisting the Confederate Army, or at least our own Troops, and those of other Nations under our pay, as that the Dutch should have the Privilege of furnishing it, and to be encouraged as well as suffered to go away with the Gain? Nor can any other Reason be assigned of the Conduct we have been under in this matter, but that Wil­liam intends to bring us first to Beggary, and then into Thraldom; and that too many among our selves are through Folly and Kna­very willing both to assist and justify him in the effecting of it. Had we not Ships enough (as I am sure we had before we lost so many Thousands of them, as we have done since the Revolution, and the Commencement of this War which was the unhappy Off­spring of it) to have carried over to Flanders our Grain, Butter and Cheese, Iron, Bread, and all things else that are necessary unto, or consumable by an Army, but that the buying of all those here, and the transporting them thither, should in a manner be given up and entirely consigned into the hands of the Dutch? Whence we are justly become the Derision and Contempt of the World, that be­ing stored and furnished (without purchasing of other Nations) with all the Productions either of Art or Nature that an Army [Page 42] can need or use, and the Dutch having scarce any thing of their own Growth, and little of their own Manufactures, to answer the Occasions and Exigences of so vast a military Body; yet that they should engross to themselves the supplying them with all they want, and we not only tamely connive at it, but like People who have lost their Senses, and forfeited their Understandings, as well as abandoned the Care of their Country do approve it. With what facility might it have been stipulated and provided for at our first entrance into the Confederacy, or retrieved and recovered to us since, upon renewing of Alliances with those whom we are become enga­ged to assist in this War, that all those Supplies necessary for Troops which England could afford should be applied to that end; and that as they should be transported by none but our selves, so they should be expended and laid out not only upon our own Troops, towards the saving the Remission of Money, but taken off from us, and accepted by our Allies in lieu of those vast Sums we have dis­bursed upon them. Nor will ever England vindicate it self from the Dishonour and Ignominy brought upon it, in that during all this time wherein we have been wasting our Men and Treasure to defend the Dutch Barrier, and protect the Provinces of others, and to make Conquests for them, we should never have contracted for a Port, where we might unload what we pleased towards the pre­mised Uses and Ends, without being liable to the Payment of Cu­stoms, or any other Duties of that kind which use to be exacted. Which the present House of Commons seems to be sensible of (though it is now too late) and have therefore declared in their Vote of De­cemb. 10. That it is the Opinion of that House, that all Commodities and Provisions that shall be transported from England, for the use of the Forces in his Majesties pay abroad, be exempted from any Duty and Excise throughout the Spanish and United Netherlands. But though this Vote doth sufficiently intimate their Sense of King William's Infidelity, as to the trust reposed in him under the Quality and Stile of King of England, and of his Treachery to this Nation, in not having con­tracted and stipulated with those Allies for the forementioned Pri­vilege and Immunity: Yet the Treaties between him and these Confederates being already concerted and ratified, without the men­tion or specification of any such Freedom and Advantage to be allowed us; all the Effect and Operation which this Vote of the House of Commons can have, is to proclaim them to be pragmatical, weak and insolent, in assuming a Power and Authority over the [Page 43] Rights of foreign Princes and States; and that contrary unto, as well as without regard to Articles, adjusted between King William and those States in the fresh Alliances which have been lately re­newed, made, and ratified. Nor can any thing now, after the aforesaid Vote, preserve the House of Commons from the Derision, Scorn and Contempt of Mankind, but their declaring those Al­liances to have been contracted and confirmed to the prejudice of England, and therefore not to be supported by any Taxes to be le­vied upon the Subjects of this Kingdom: And that the said House will grant no Money towards the Confederacy, till such other Agreements are made and entered into between this Crown, and those neigh­bouring States, which may correspond with, and come up to the Opinion of the said House, as they have declared it in the foresaid Vote; and by the Printing whereof they have published it to the World, as the unanimous Opinion and Judgment of the Represen­tative Body of the whole Commons of England. And may not this Treachery in the present Administration, so openly reflected upon by the foresaid Vote, cause us remember both the Memory of Queen Elizabeth and of Oliver Cromwel, with Commendations and Praises of their Conduct, while in the mean time we must convey down to our Off-spring the Name of the Prince of Orange loaded with all the Obloquies, Imprecations and Curses, that a People impoverished and ruined, by his contrived and chosen ill Conduct towards these Kingdoms, can entail upon it. For as that great Heroine, Queen Elizabeth did, upon her assisting the Dutch with a very few Troops in comparison of what we now do, cove­nant with and obtain of them the Brill, Flushing and Ramekins, to be put into her hands as Cautionary Towns, not only that she might thereby oblige them to a more firm dependency upon her, and tie them to the better observation of their Alliances, and secure unto herself the Reimbursment of some part of the Treasure which she expended in protecting them; but that she might always be in a Condition, and have it in her own Power, to reinforce, relieve, succour and supply, those Troops that she sent them for their aid and defence, according as their should be occasion, and as she should judg to be at any time needful for the Honour of the Crown of England, and for the Safety, Commerce and Reputation of her Subjects. So Oliver Cromwel, upon the Assistance of Six thousand Men which he gave the present King of France, An. 1657. did not only by a ratified Treaty take care and provide that what Ports and [Page 44] maritime Towns should be won from the Spaniards, by the joynt and confederate Forces of France and England, should be resigned unto him, and given up to the Possession of the English; but in pur­suance of that Stipulation he had Dunkirk, upon its being taken from the King of Spain, put into his hands. Yea, the late King Charles, who in the Alliances he made, was not thought by many to be so regardful of the Interest of his Kingdoms as he might have been, did in the Treaty he entred into with France against the Dutch, An. 1671. Provide and Stipulate by an express Article, That what Marine Towns on Ports should be taken from the common Enemy, should be resign'd up and delivered over to him in Compen­sation and Recompence for the Share and Charge he was to bear in that War. Whereas this Dutch Prince, whom we have been so unkind to our selves, as well as disloyal to the King, as to set over us, hath not in all the many Alliances which he hath entered into with fo­reign Monarchs and States, notwithstanding the numerous Troops and vast Treasure supplied by us to their Aid and Defence, made the least Provision for any one Advantage to accrue to these King­doms, should the War wherein we are united and embarked prove successful. And much less has he by Agreement and Contract ob­tained for us either any Cautionary Town, which may prevent our be­ing abandon'd and lurch'd by the Dutch and other Foreigners; and left alone to encounter the Power, annd suffer the Revenge of France: Or gained so much as a free Port, wherein we might send, and where we may lay up and lodg such Stores of all kinds, as would at least serve to supply our own Forces, if not those of the Confede­rates, without being kept under a necessity of remitting Month after Month such vast Sums of Mony as we have done, and still conti­nue doing, to the Robbing and Emptying of the Kingdom of all its Treasure. Yea, as if he did not treat us scornfully enough, and sufficiently betray us to the Dutch and others, by the Neglect he hath shewn both of the Honour and Profit of these Kingdoms, in all the Treaties he hath made, and all the Alliances he hath Contrac­ted since with the Connivance of all, and the Assistance of many, he Usurped the Throne of England, he hath not esteemed either Parliaments or Privy Councils worthy to be Consulted with before­hand, about the Terms, Conditions and Articles fit to be deman­ded and insisted upon, with reference to our Credit and Interest in the Compacts and Agreements he had made with those that he stiles his Allies; but whom thro this Deficiency we have found to be our [Page 45] Underminers and Supplanters. Nay, he disdains to acquaint the two Houses of Parliament with those Treaties, when they humbly Ad­dress him concerning the doing it: And instead of laying those Al­liances before them in the plain and ratified Draughts, he either Shams them off with general, imperfect and blind Accounts; and that done with the unsincerity and regardlesness of Truth, natural to a Dutch man, of which the whole course of his trans­actions with, and towards this People, since he became unrigh­teously possessed of his Father in Law and Uncles Crown, is one un­interrupted and continued Evidence; or else he ridicules and bub­bles them with false and counterfeit Copies; in which as some things are disguised so others are not expressed, though he hath concer­ted them formally with his Confederates, and especially with the Dutch. And I dare affirm, That of all the Branches of the State of War in reference to the Year 1696. which he hath caused to be delivered into them, there is none of them true, genuine and just. So that from thence the Two Houses, and in them all the People of England, may have a Specimen of his Honour and Integrity with­out travelling farther for Evidences of them. But if he do treat thus not only those he calls the Body of his Subjects with Treachery in relation to their Interest, as well as with Carelesness and Neg­lect of them in all their Concerns and Safety, but the Houses of Parliament (who ought to be his grand Council) with superci­liousness and contempt, and all this while he is yet unfledged, what will he do when his Wings are grown? For if he do thus strut, as to monopolize all Things to his own sole cognizance, and to ma­nage them to the visible Prejudice of these Kingdoms, and to the ap­parent Benefit of the Dutch, while he only stands and is upheld by leading Strings, and walks in a Go-cart, and cannot manage the War he is engaged in, but as he is aided by Parliamentary Grants: What Tyranny may not the People fear, and what Insolency and Scorn should not our Senates expect to meet with, if he live to arrive at virile Strength, and through putting an end to the War, can come to stand and go alone? For it is only the indispensa­ble need he stands in of the continual Aid of the People of Eng­land, and the fear he is under of being baffled and routed by the French, which make him now and then appear in the dress and posture of Modesty, and to put on a dissembled Humility, Meek­ness and Compassion, while in reality in respect to Ambition, De­spoticalness and Tyranny, he carries Ten Sultans, Twenty Moguls, [Page 46] and Forty Czars in his Belly. And could he but once prescribe terms to the Monarch of France, he would soon trample upon all the Laws of these Kingdoms, and tread upon our Necks: And in­stead of the Shapes and Figure of sometimes an Almansor, and some­times a Gusman, that he now puts on and seeks to appear in, he would then manifest himself a Caligula, a Nero, or according to the Title lately bestowed upon him a Galienus Redivivus, having already furnished himself with more than one Verianus. But ha­ving said enough upon the Head of which I have been discoursing, it is now time to advance to another.

In the next Place then I shall proceed to a more particular re­view and representation of their Invasions, Rapines and Depradations committed upon our Trade, than those I have hitherto unfolded and laid open. Nor will it require any great Enlargement, see­ing all Men do experience and feel it, though some may not un­derstand the several and particular Ways and Methods in which it hath been done. Nor shall I here repeat what I have already both insinuated and detected concerning the Decay that is brought upon our Trade, and the final Destruction that threatens it, as well through the Clipping and Embasement as through the Transportation of our Coin to other Ends and Uses then those of Commerce, and in much greater Quantities than Traffick could have ever required its being carried abroad for. Though all the Misery and Mischief that do by these means befal and overtake us, are all chargeable upon, and to be laid at the Door of our Dutch King: Seeing that of trans­porting it has been the natural and unavoidable effect of his ascent to the Throne, and of the War that thereupon he engaged us in, and especially of those ways which he has designedly chosen and persued in support of it. And then as to the Clipping and Embasing our Mony, none can be reasonably accused either of causing or conniving at it but the Prince of Orange, who has occasioned and encouraged it by his weak and improvident Administration. For both these Practices, which do eventually and in the Effects of them prove so ruinous to the Kingdom, having obtained in no other Reigns in any proportion and degree to what they have done in his, as it is commonly stiled, they must consequently be resolved into some Neglect, Weakness or Treachery in his Admin [...]stration, whereof no other Reigns were guilty or accusable. Nor will it ex­cuse him to have it alledged, That more have been executed for those Crimes, since his usurping of the Throne, than were in an [Page 47] Age before: Seeing though some of the little and indigent Crea­tures, whom necessity tempted to it, and which necessity he brought upon them, have been condemned and executed; yet your Gold­smiths and Refiners, who both bought the Clippings, and who at mighty Gain furnished them with broad Mony for continuing the Crime, have not only escaped Prosecutions, which by Law they deserved; but divers of them have been the special Favourites and Confidents of the Government. And to mention but one of many, I will be bold to say the hanging of Evans the Goldsmith, who infinitely more deserves it, for melting down and carrying abroad our Coin to satisfy his Covetousness, and make Profit by what was our milled Mony, than any of the Clippers and false Min­ters have done, would have given greater check unto, and have been a more effectual Remedy, even of the Crimes of these later, than all the Convictions and Executions for Offences of that kind since the Revolution, which we have seen but have found no be­nefit by. But instead of that, he hath been honoured and prefer­red by our Dutch Bestower of Titles, and Disposer of Places, to be both a Knight and a Commissioner of the Excise; though a Fellow void of all Merit, and destitute of good Sense, and whom only Knavery, Impudence, and the Emptying the Kingdom of our Silver, by carrying it to Holland to enrich the Dutch, have entitled to his Master's Favour. And I crave Liberty to say en passant, though it may seem alien to the subject, That I have often wondered why our Kings and Parliaments should fall upon so ineffectual a Remedy of those Crimes, as the making them Capital will con­tinue to prove in a Nation, where Men are sunk into so much Ir­religion and Atheism; and which the many Villanes attending and wrapt up in the Revolution have encreased and strengthned as to dread Death less than Poverty, and to chuse Damnation as well as Hanging and Quartering rather than want Supplies for the Feeding and for the Maintenance of their Lasciviousness and Luxury. See­ing when our Mony was both Pure and Sterling, and of full Weight, as it was generally at the Revolution, the bare imposing and exact­ing of a Mulct of Five or Ten Pounds upon every one that should have been found offering either Clipt or False Mony to another, would have deterred all Men from venturing upon it, and obvia­ted both the forementioned Crimes, and likewise the woful Effects of them. And possibly it would be no ill Policy to do in this Case as the Lacedemonians did in that of Theft, which when they thought [Page 48] not fit to prevent and hinder by punishing the Thieves, they effec­tually suppressed it, by rendering those liable to a considerable Pe­nalty that should have any Thing stolen from them. So may be the inflicting of a Mulct upon every one that should take either light or base Mony, would soon cause that there would be no Of­ferers of it, by reason there would be none found so unkind and unjust to themselves as to receive it. But to return from this Di­gression; I do say that the Dutch, besides all the Injuries they have done us, and the Spoils they have committed upon us, with re­spect to our Trade in the forementioned Methods which I have been displaying, they have also in divers other Ways, and in seve­ral Instances, either craftily supplanted, or directly invaded, and forceably assaulted us in our Commerce and Traffick since the late Revolution; which I shall presume now to lay open, as far as the brevity of this Discourse will allow, and shall discover how and wherein they have done so. And I shall begin with the Advantage they have had of protecting their own Trade, and of exposing and leaving ours open to be ruined, by reason of that small and unequal Quota and Proportion of Ships of War, that in respect of our much greater Number of Ships of that kind they supply and furnish to the forming and constituting the Confederate and United Fleet of both Nations; which is the more remarkable in that their Number of Land Forces is not much encreased towards the support of the pre­sent War, above what it use to be in time of Peace. Yea, it is hardly so great now as then, if we consider that all the Contribu­tions raised in the Province of Namur, and on the French Conquests, go for the Ease of their Establishment; and that the vast Sums spent in Flanders by the whole Confederate Army become [...] theirs, and Center [...] in Holland. However it bears no proportion with ours, ac­cording to the State of the War for the Year 1696. which as the Earl of Renelagh by King William's Order gave it into the House of Com­mons, Decemb. 3. amounts to 87440 Men; whereas if it were not to defend the Provinces of these, stiled our Allies, a very few For­ces would be sufficient for our Occasions at home, if it should not be found needless to have any at all: Whereas they in the times of the profoundest Peace are seldom without Fifty thousand Men, to which their supernumerary Addition now is but inconsiderable, if what I have said be well considered; and provided that we also observe, that divers of those Troops reckoned into their Quota are upon English Establishment, and paid with our Mony. Indeed if [Page 49] we had charged our selves with furnishing the whole marine Power, both for us and them, and stood thereby excused for affording any Land Forces to be employed in Flanders, or elsewhere, upon any part of the Continent, I should not have blamed the Conduct of requiring a few Men of War from them, yea should not have much complained if they had been acquitted from the yielding any: Seeing such a Stipulation and Agreement between us and them could not have been much to the Prejudice either of the Kingdom or of Trade, farther than as it involved us in an unnecessary and unjust War, meerly to gratify the Ambition of our Dutch King, and to hinder the Return of our Legal and Rightful Sovereign. Be­cause otherwise, as it would have been agreeable to our Interest, both as we are an Island and a Trading Nation; so it would not only have proved a means of keeping all our Mony at home, and of the having had it to circulate among our selves, but we should thereby had Treasure enough to have rigged out a Royal Navy superior to the marine Power of France, and to have equipped and maintained more than a sufficient Number of Men of War as Crui­sers and Convoys to have protected our Trade. But to be first at the vast Expence we have been in raising and maintaining so great an Army on the Continent, meerly for the Benefit of others and not our own, and then to equip and set out double the Quota that the Dutch have towards the c [...]nstituting the Confederate Fleet of both Nations, was plainly to disable our selves from having that Num­ber of Cruisers and Convoys as is necessary to be kept at Sea during the present War, against so potent an Enemy as the King of France and his Subjects are upon that Element. Nor was this concerted between our Belgick Prince, and his beloved Dutch, upon any other Motives, or to other Ends, but that we might be put out of Ca­pacity of safe-guarding our Coasts, and protecting our trading Vessels; whilst the Dutch, through furnishing a small Quota to the the General Fleet, are left in a Condition to employ the rest of their marine and naval Strength in securing and protecting their Traffick. And the Event hath fully answered the Design, in that while we, by furnishing so many Ships of War to the Royal Navy, did leave our selves destitute of such a Number of Ships of War, as might in the Quality of Cruisers and Convoys in all Seas as well as in the Chanel have covered and defended our trafficking Vessels; and as we have in consequence thereof lost above 4000 trading Ships to the empoverishing of the Kingdom, as well as of many Families that [Page 50] were before the Revolution opulent and rich, while the Dutch in the mean time, through their furnishing so small a Proportion of Men of War to the General Fleet, and being thereby provided of the larger number of Men of War, as well to defend their Merchant Ships as to guard their Coasts, have not s [...]stained the Third, nay nor the Fourth part of the Loss of Vessels and Cargoes that we have done, Not but that our Chanels might have been better guarded, and our trading Ships more protected than they have been by those Convoys and Cruisers that were appointed and ordained by Parlia­ment, had not our Commissioners of the Admiralty been treacherous and slothful, as well as blockish and ignorant in the Service, Duty and Province which they undertook. So that if the Parliament (as I have formerly hinted) do not make those Persons accoun­table for the Losses at Sea, which Merchants and in and through them the Kingdom hath sustained, all thinking Men will have rea­son to believe, That those they have chosen to be their Representa­tives do take pleasure in the [...]r Empoverishment, Misery and Ruin; and will be provoked to judge them in a Conspiracy with those Gentlemen to promote all those Desolations and Mischiefs: Seeing the Parliaments over looking the Crimes of those Commissioners, or their conniving at their Conduct, will more than intimate that they are so. And indeed, by the whole Management of publick Af­fairs for near these Seven Years, both in Parliament and out of it, those called to sit in the Senate, as well as those employed in civil Offices, have been doing to the Nation, as the Daughters of Peleus did by the Advice of Medea to their aged Father, whom they hackt in pieces, in hopes that by her Magick they should have restored him both to Life and Youth again. For through the Influence of Dutch Councils, and the Administration of a Belgick King, and by this wheedle, and under pretence of rescuing us from Popery and Slavery, of banishing Tyranny, securing Liberty, and of ma­king us an opulent and glorious Nation, they have empoverished us beyond Remedy and Retrieve; and have brought us so near to the brink of Vassalage and Thraldom, that it will require more Vertue and Courage to prevent it, than we have much ground of hoping to find the generality of this debauched, rebellious and dis­loyal Generation endowed with. And if some of those that have been principally Accessory to our Misery and Ruin be not speedily made Examples of Parliamentary Justice, who knows but upon the late President of making a King accountable for the Offences of his [Page 51] Ministers, whether the Body of the People from Wapping to West­minster may not assault Kensington and Whitehall, as well as the Ad­miralty Office, if not instead of it? For as Pleb [...] non Judicium, so furiosis nulla voluntas; as the Populace and Mob is commonly void both of Judgment and Equity, so they do not act when provoked under the Guidance of Reason, but under the Agitations of intem­perate Rage. Nor will your Dutch Ingineers brought lately over (if we may believe the Paper called the Post man from December the 10th to December the 12th St. vet. who tells, That by Letters from Brussels of December the 14th St. N. there were divers Ingi­neers ordered from Maestricht to London) to deter an injured and thereupon an enraged People from attempting more than I will say, and [...] call it the doing themselves Right, and the Nation Ju­stice. And having mentioned those outlandish Ingineers, I crave leave to recommend it to the Parliament to enquire into their Bu­siness, and what they come hither to be employed about; seeing there are no French Garisons in England to be besieged and bombed. But if it be in order to King William's erecting a Citadel for en­slaving London and Westminster, it is to be hoped that the terrour of Bombs and Carcasses will not frighten English-men quietly to sur­render their Liberties and Properties, and tamely to put on and wear Chains. To all which might be further added the very small Quota which they furnish the Confederate Fleet are not only many times subsisted upon our Provisions and Stores instead of their own, and supplied with our naval Preparations, but in the Place of attending constantly upon the Flag, as they ought, many of those Ships of War are detached from the Fleet, and employed as Convoys to their trading Vessels: Which as it may at some time or other prove of fatal consequence to the Royal Fleet of England, and the whole Kingdom, so in the mean time they make their Profit by it, through the enlarging and securing their Traffick, while ours is narrowed and crippled for want of Cruisers and Con­voys, and while such Merchant Ships as will venture upon Voyages are left exposed to be seised by French Privateers. But this being so warmly and judiciously represented by the ingenious Author of a Letter to a Gentleman elected a Knight of the Shire to serve in the present Parliament, I shall not farther enlarge upon it; especially, seeing Admiral Russel, who is now a Member of the House of Com­mons, is able to give an ample and particular Account of it, and who for resenting it as became him, when lately Admiral in the [Page 52] Mediterranean, has been coldly received by his Master since his re­turn. But to advance a step further on the Point and Head whereon I am discoursing; Can there be a greater Invasion upon our Trade, or any thing committed more to the Diminution and Ruin of it, than the Dutch assuming the Boldness, and King Wil­liam countenancing them in it, to despise and violate both our Act of Navigation of the 12 Car. 2. and divers other Statutes made during his Reign; all which were providently and wisely enacted for the Encouragement of the Encrease of Shipping and Navigation, and for the Promotion and Enlargement of our home Manufactures? For as few can be ignorant, especially of Gentlemen and Mer­chants, both of the Occasion and Design of these several Laws; so the whole Nation hath abundantly experienced all along since the making of them, what Profit and Advantage have thereby accru­ed, first to Trade, and then to the Kingdom. [...]ut now, by the Insolency of the Dutch, and the Treachery of King William to this Nation, all those Laws have been slighted and violated by them, and the Care of having them observed and put in execution to us been neglected by him; which both on his part, and theirs, is in direct subserviency to make them powerful in Shipping and opulent in Wealth, and to render us Poor, Feeble and Weak. And as there is not one Branch of all these Laws, the transgres­sion of which has not been practised by them, and connived at by their Country man on the English Throne; so they are, through his Encouragement and Protection, grown at last to that Impu­dence, and arose to that Defiance of English Laws and common Justice, That Coffee house Tables have been furnished with printed and publick Advertisements of such and such Dutch Productions and Manufactures that were to be vended at Places there named in and about the City of London, notwithstanding of their being ex­presly prohibited by those Laws to be either imported into or sold in this Kingdom. But whereas neither of the Two Houses of Par­liament, upon the present Inspection they are making into the de­cay of Trade, and their calling Merchants before them to instruct them therein, can want information from those they examin of the truth of what I have suggested, and in what Particulars and Branches all those Laws are violated by the Dutch ▪ and suffered to grow obsolete, and to remain unexecuted by the Prince of Orange. I shall supercede the saying more on this Head, because I cannot enlarge upon it as I ought, and as it deserves, without writing a [Page 53] Volume instead of a few Sheets of Paper. And therefore the next Attempt I charge them with is still more hainous, and done infinitely more to our disgrace, being not only an Invasion upon our Trade, but upon the Liberty of our Persons. For by an unpre­sidented and unparalelled In [...]olency, the like whereof no Nation did ever pretend to exercise towards, and over the Subjects of this Kingdom, they demand and exact a Tenth Man out of every Ship of ours that goes into their Ports, for and towards the manning of their Fleet; and to justify themselves in the doing hereof, they pretend to be authorised by King William's Order. This they have practised for these Two Years past, only they are grown more rampant, tyrannous and oppressive this last than they were the former. For whereas in the Year 1694. they were contented with One Man out of Ten, or 15 Guilders in lieu thereof, and for his Ransom, they have in the Year 1695. required and taken a Man out of every Ship of ours that went into their Ports, though the Sailors were never so few, or else they have exacted 25 Guilders for the excusing and redeeming him from their Service. So that if it be but a Hoy, which is sailed with a Master, one Man, and two Boys, yet they demand One; and upon its being replied that the Vessel cannot be sailed if One be taken out, they pretend it a Condescention and Favour to compound at 25 Guilders for his being excused, which is Fifty Shillings of English Mony. Nor do any Ships escape without doing the one or the other, and for which they alledg their having King William's Authority. And these Things they are so far from concealing, or seeking to exte­nuate the Injustice and Criminalness of, by the necessity of their Condition, That they glory in it both in their Trackschuytes, and in all Places of Society and Concourse, as the Badg of their Exal­tation and Triumph over us, and of our Subjection to them. The Method in which this Force and Hostility over us is practised is this, namely, before any Ship can be cleared at their Custom-house the Master must go to the Lords of the Admiralty, and bring from thence a Certificate to the Custom-house of having given a Man out of the Vessels Crew to their Service, or of having compounded at the Value I have mentioned for his Redemption. Surely it will not be unseasonable now to ask, whether we be in terms of Hosti­lity with the Dutch, or of Alliance? Seeing we are not treated by them in this as Friends, but as Enemies: Nay, it will be needful t [...]at we consult both our Understandings and Memories, whether [Page 54] England be not Tributary to Holland, and when and how it came to be so? For as much as they deal not with us as with a free and independent Nation, but as with a Province which they have sub­dued and brought into Vassalage. And if we be not Slaves, but re­main yet a free People, this Hostility in them ought to be hostily repelled by us: And in the Place of accounting them any longer our Confederates, we ought to esteem and take them for our Ene­mies, and every where to assault them accordingly. And for our Belgick King to authorise the Dutch to do what I have mentioned, is to assume a Power over the Liberties and Persons of the People of England, which no Rightful King did ever pretend unto. For our Persons and Liberties being under the Custody of the Laws, no King can claim a larger Jurisdiction over them than what the Laws give him; unless he will renounce to govern by Law, and take upon him to rule Despotically. And the Prince of Orange may with as good Right transplant all the People of England to the Deserts of Arabia, or send them to work in the Mines of Peru and Mexico, as to authorise the Dutch to seise upon one Man that is either a native Subject here, or under the Protection of English Laws, to navigate either their Ships of War, or their Vessels of Commerce and Traffick. Nor has he any more Right to deprive me of my Liberty, save when, where, and in what Cases the Laws have declared me to have forfeited it, than I have to break into the Prince of Orange's Closet at Kensington, and to snatch from thence the Testimonials of his Reconciliation to the Church of Rome. But by these little sportful Preludiums of the young Cub, we may guess what we are to expect from the Animal when grown up to the full strength and vigour of a Tyger, or a Lion.

But the next Depradation and Invasion committed upon our Trade is more vilanous, and ought to be more provoking, as well as surprising, than any of the former; seeing it was neither com­passed nor executed by meer Cunning and Fraud, nor upon Pre­tences of avowed Authority derived and received from King Wil­liam, but which they perpetrated by open Force and direct Vio­lence. Whereof though there may possibly be found divers In­stances, yet I shall only assign one, but which shall be of that hai­nous Nature, that we need require no more, and ought hence­forth to think how to do our selves Right, and take our Revenge upon them. The Hostility and Violence which I mean is that committed by the Dutch upon the African Company of England, in [Page 55] driving them by armed Force out of two Factories in Africa; the one whereof brought the Company Forty Marks of Gold per Mensem, and the other not much less, besides other Commodities. For the said Company having, among other Factories which they had erec­ted and quietly held in Africa, established one at a Place called Commenda, and which they stood possessed of, and had furnished with all Things necessary for the defence and protection of their Servants, and for the management of their Trade, both in the Sale of what they transported thither from hence, and for the obtaining and securing whatsoever the adjacent Coast, and the neighbouring Ports on that Continent afforded fit to be brought hi­ther; the Dutch having a Factory adjoyning thereunto did, about Two years ago, instigate and stir up the Natives against the Eng­lish Factory, by telling them that the English were a conquered Na­tion, and not able any longer to help and assist, or to trade with them, in that they had subdued the Kingdom of England, and made their Stadtholder, who was but their Servant, King and Mo­narch of it. By which fraudulent Means, and Language as re­proachful of us, as it was false in it self, the Natives who are all a kind of unthinking Mob, and easily misled, as well through the Habitude and Dulness of their Understandings, as through the little Acquaintance and Knowledge which they have of the Euro­pean Parts of the World, made an Insurrection against the English, and in Multitudes assaulted and attacked their Factory. But the Africans being no better than an undisciplined Rout, and not well furnished with the Materials and Utensils of War, and especially being unprovided with great Artillery, were easily repelled and beaten off by those of the English Factory; which the Dutch obser­ving, and being sensible that time would both asswage the muti­nous Passions of the Natives, and discover the Fraud by which they had hur [...]ied them into that hasty and intemperate Rage against the Factory, there having been no [...] just Cause administered by the English, whereby the Natives might be provoked to fall upon them; thereupon the Dutch did not only make fresh Applications unto, and renew their Instigations of the Africans to persevere in and persue the Design of expelling the English out of the forementioned Factory; but these treacherous Hollanders did hostily turn and fire the Guns of their own Fort against the English Factory that stood near unto it, and by armed Violence drove them from thence, and forced them to leave and abandon it. And as these are some [Page 56] of the blessed Fruits and Effects of the Revolution, so having by our departure from our Loyalty, lost together with our Vertue, our Honour, and our Concerns for the safety and welfare of our Country, these Encroachments, Rapines, and Robberies of the Dutch, are not only overlookt by most, tamely digested by all, but have a Merit and Sanctity ascribed to them by some of our Sycophant and Mercenary Clergy, under the Notion of the Tri­butes of our Gratitude paid to the Hollanders as our Deliverers from Popery and Slavery. And it is but Reason, That owing our Lives, Liberties and Estates to the Friendship and Bounty of their Assistance, when the Gospel and every Thing that is valuable in it self and dear to us was at Stake, they should at pleasure claim and exercise a Jurisdiction over them, and we be contented with a precarious Right in all that we are and have. For through the Bigottry of most, and the Treachery of a great many, it is now arrived at this, That even for a House of Peers to take upon them the representing the Decays and Sufferings of the Nation in point of Trade, is by your Salisbury Burnet thought worthy of being branded with the alarming and ignominious Name of Remonstra­ting against the Government. But I will venture to say, That if speedy Remedies be not fallen upon and used by the Senate of the Kingdom, for the relieving us from our Distresses and Miseries of that kind, that the forenamed mi [...]red Gentleman will soon find the Heats of the Nation to rise beyond the Remedy of his Vinegar-bottle; how effectual soever he may have found that Liquor to have been to check and allay warm and [...]ustful Insurrections in himself. Yea, in vain do both Houses of Parliament labour to help and relieve us in this matter, while we have a King so linked and united to the Dutch, by manifold ties of Interest and Affection, and who thinks himself no otherwise obliged by the Title and Au­thority we have given him over this Nation, than to sacrifice us to their Safety and Prosperity, and to raise them to Greatness, Power and Wealth, upon our Poverty, Thraldom and Ruin: So that the only mean of Deliverance and Rescue is to dissolve the Bonds between him and us, and to return and leave him where we found him in the separate and amorous Embraces of his darling and beloved Hollanders.

All I have further to add in reference to the damage done to the Trade of this Nation by the Dutch, and of the Design which King William out of kindness to them has been promoting for the [Page 57] Ruin and Subversion of our Traffick, shall be briefly to take no­tice of, and to reflect a little upon his erection of a Scotch African and East India Company, with such Immunities and Privileges as will prove destructive of the Trade of England to those Parts. Which Scotch Company, as it is established by a late Act of Parliament of that Kingdom, to which King William gave the enacting Fiat and Royal Sanction; so he did it without giving his English Privy Coun­cil, or any other of this Nation, the least antecedent Notice of it, and much more without asking or taking their Advice about it, though a matter both of great Importance in it self, and of vast Consequence to the Trade of this Kingdom. Nor can it be ima­gined that the said Act for erecting of a Scotch Company was surrep­titiously obtained, or precipitately passed, without his Knowledg and Information of the Tenor of it: Seeing the Instructions were formed and digested here, and signed by him; which upon being sent down thither, gave occasion and encouragement there to make and enact such a Statute at this Juncture. And it is highly worthy of remark, That this Scotch Law, containing so many un­usual Privileges, and beneficial Concessions, as were never gran­ted heretofore by any King of Great Britain, should be made at a Season when the Trade of England is so loaded and depressed by late grievous Impositions and Taxes laid upon It, by several Laws since the Revolution, in order to the carrying on of the present War, and for the defraying the Charges of it. Nor is it concei­vable, how after so many Discouragements given to the English East India Company, not only in refusing them an Establishment by Law, but in Delaying for several Years to grant them a Confirma­tion of their Charter; and thereby putting them both to vast Ex­penses, through their being so long in soliciting of it, and the lea­ving them all that while naked and exposed to be undermined and supplanted by Interlopers, that this unwonted and exuberant Grace should be exercised to the Kingdom of Scotland, were it not done upon the Influence of Dutch Councils, and in pursuance of Mea­sures from Holland for the ruining the Trade of England. And whosoever considers the little respect, and the less affection which King William hath for the Scots Nation, and with what disdain and contempt he speaks o [...] that whole Kingdom, and treats those of the first Quality of it, will easily believe, That he did not autho­rise the Establishment of the forementioned Company out of kind­ness unto, or concern for the Prosperity of that Nation; but that it [Page 58] was done upon the Motives, and in pursuance of foreign Councils. Not that I do envy the Scots any Favour that is shewed them, up­on whatsoever Inducements it be done; or that I blame the Par­liament of Scotland for what they have done in this particular, to­wards the raising of the Genius, and encouraging the Industry of their People, to the pursuit of Trade; but what I would say is, That as King William's Kindness to the Scots in this matter is to the apparent and visible Damage of the English, so it is morally cer­tain, that both the first overture of such an Establishment sprung from Belgick Councils, and that the Prince of Orange's Instructions, which led that Parliament to such a Bill, and the Royal Assent gi­ven thereunto by his Commissioner, upon which it is become a Law and Statute, is all in order to encrease the Trade, and raise the Grandeur of the Dutch, and to depress and lessen the Trade of England, and thereby to weaken and impoverish the Kingdom. For as the Author of a Paper called, Some Considerations upon the late Act of the Parliament of Scotland for constituting an Indian Company, has with Candor and Ingenuity told us, Pag. 4. That the Original of that Design of settling a Company of Commerce for Strangers as well as for Scotch-men was not from Scotland, nor from hence, but altoge­ther from foreign Parts; which, as he there tells us, he had from good hands. So we have reason upon his Testimony to receive what he says, being so avowed a Patron of the Wisdom, Justice and Equity of the said Act. However it will not be amiss to unfold a little more distinctly, what he hath only obscurely and briefly insinua­ted. In the doing whereof I must crave pardon for revealing a Secret committed to me in a private Conversation, and the rather because I have always valued my self upon an inviolable Fidelity toward all that have trusted me, and upon a tenacious Retentive­ness and steddy Secrecy in reference to such Things as have been privately, and under the Notion of friendship conveyed to me. But where my Discretion has only been confided in, but neither my Honour nor my Conscience have been engaged, I do judg that I not only may, but that in Duty I ought to disclose what hath been, and is contrived and machinated, in order to divide and separate these two Kingdoms, and thereby to weaken if not ruin both of them: namely, That the Dutch [...] being afraid that ei­ther through the Prince of Orange's Death, or through King James's Restauration, these Nations may be awakened to consider how they have been first deluded and misled, and then wronged and [Page 59] injured by the Hollanders; and thereupon may be provoked to de­mand Reparation, and grow enraged to persue Revenge, they have therefore studied and concerted how to separate the King­doms of England and Scotland the one from the other: And have proceeded so far therein, as in either of the foregoing Cases to have allowance for it from Willam's Dutch Minions and Confidents, which is equivalent to the having it from himself. And accor­dingly they have treated with some of the Scotch Nation about it, whom they have not only gratified with Mony to make them pli­able, but have given them assurance, That there shall be Three or Four hundred thousand Pound ready, to bribe and gain the chief and most leading Men of that Kingdom to comply with this Design, at what time it may be needful for the Dutch to have it put in exe­cution. In pursuance whereof they have started the Project of a Scotch East India Company, which that Nation had all the reason in the World to take hold of, and they will be thought not only kind but just to themselves in gaining this Grant and Concession from the Crown, for their coming into the Interest of this Man at a Season when their adhering to their Rightful King, as was their Duty to have done, would have made this Man's Title very un­certain and precarious, and would have rendered his Abode in, and Reign over these Kingdoms of a very short Duration and Continuance. Nor will it escape the recommending the Wisdom of the Scots Nation to Posterity, That whilst the English, who have lavished away and wasted near 40 Millions sterl. upon their Dutch King, have not obtained one Beneficial National Act or Law in recompence of all that they have so foolishly and prodigally be­stowed for the support of his Government; the Scots, by taking the Benefit of his foreign Inclinations and Affections, have gained something that may be useful to them and their Off-spring. It were high Presumption in me to undertake to declare how far the Scots Act is directly calculated and adapted to the Prejudice of England, seeing that were to invade the Province, and to break into the Rights of both Houses of the Parliament of England, who being extreamly sensible of, and having maturely weighed it, have not only the Integrity and Fortitude to represent it by a solemn Address to King William, but who in their profound Wisdom are considering both how to obviate the Evils which that Law threat­neth to the Traffick of the Kingdom, and how to settle the Trade of the Nation upon such a Foot and Bottom as may give Encou­ragements [Page 60] to it, and make it revive and flourish. I do know that all which the two Houses are to expect from their Belgick King in answer to their Address is, That he was surprised into the passing of the Scotch Act, which I hope all Men will believe he as truly was, as he pretends to have been into the Massacre of Glenco, for the perpetration whereof he gave several positive and reiterated Orders: For Fides Belgica, and Fides Punica, are equivalent; and the Word of a Carthagenian Senator or General, and that of a Dutch Prince, are of the same alloy and stamp. But as the Scots are a wiser Nation, having obtained the passing of such a Law, than upon any Consideration whatsoever to be prevailed upon to re­peal or to part with it, either to gratify King William, or to hu­mour and accommodate this Kingdom; so no Man in the present Circumstances in which England is, will judge it the Interest of this Nation to quarrel with Scotland, or too much to rally and vex the Scots upon this Account. Not but that there are many ways and means within the Circle and under the Power of the Parlia­ment of England, by which they may not only vent their Anger against those English that have subscribed to the Scots East India Stock, but make Scotland it self first uneasy and then enraged. But as this were to spend their Resentment and Anger where they ought not, seeing all their Indignation ought in Justice and Equity to fall no where but upon Kensington and Holland; so it were to make themselves Tools in promoting the Design of separating these two Kingdoms, which the Dutch contrived this Act for the Esta­blishment of the forementioned Company as a Foundation of, and a Path unto. For should they at Westminster, as they easily may, make all those English that have put in their Shares into the Scots Stock pay quadruple Taxes to the War, which they are upon Ways and Means to support; this would but make many wealthy and industrious Merchants to forsake England, and retreat to Scot­land, where they will be heartily welcomed, and effectually pro­tected against all the Operation of such a stingy Law. Or should the Parliament of England enjoyn these English that have subscribed to the Scots Stock to abandon and renounce their Membership in that Company, this would not only entitle the Scots to so much Mony as was the Quota of thei [...] first Payment, which having already re­ceived, they are not so silly as to refund; but it would also occa­sion those that have ventured so much in that Bottom rather to carry their whole Capital after it, than to be both shut out from [Page 61] the Benefit of such a Proportion of their own Estates, and likewise to forfeit so much of their very Principal. Nor would the Par­liament of England act with less imprudence, and in greater in­consistency with their own Interest, should they suffer themselves to be provoked to turn the Payment of all the Scots Regiments in Flanders off from the English Establishment, and cast it upon the Scots as the equivalent of the Customs which they are excused from by the forementioned Statute; but which they would be obliged to pay to the Government, were they to trade to Africa and the East Indies upon the like bottom and terms which the English do. But as this were to enfeeble the Confederate Army, by robbing it of Seventeen thousand as good Men as any it is constituted of, or else to necessitate England to hire and pay so many Foreigners in their room, which they cannot in that Method of acting avoid doing towards the compleating of the Eighty seven thousand four hundred and forty Men, which the House of Commons by their Vote of Decem­ber the 14th have declared necessary for the Year 1696. So such a Pro­cedure of this Kingdom towards Scotland would enforce the Scots both to call home their Troops, and to employ them where Eng­land will not find any Advantage in giving them Provocation as well as Occasion to do it. So that in a Word, all the Anger that boileth in English Breasts upon the Account of this Scots Act ought to vent it self upon the Dutch who gave the Advice, and upon our Belgick King who gave it the legislative Stamp, and ratified it into an Act, by what he calls his Royal Authority. And to shew that all his little Excuses, and particularly what he gave in answer to the Address of the Two Houses when presented to him Octob. 17. viz. That he had been ill served in Scotland, is all Cheat, pure Gri­mace, in that he has not in Evidence of his being imposed upon and misled, turned out or laid aside one of those Ministers of State whom he would have this credulous Nation believe to have delu­ded him to it. Which were it true, as it no wise is, it ought not to vindicate him from being accountable for the wrong he hath therein done to the Kingdom of England; seeing he who drove away King James by a President of his own making, meerly for the Offences of that King's Ministers, and which Ministers he has not only taken into his Friendship and Confidence, but made some of them the chief Superintendants of all his Affairs, must not think to Sham the World off with Pretences that the Ministers are only guilty, whilst he is to be looked upon as one as innocent as [Page 62] the Child unborn. Yea I will presume to add, That whereas K. James was not by any Laws of the Kingdom responsable for the Transgressions of his Councillors and Off [...]cers, but his Person and Royal Dignity were in all Cases to remain Sacred and Safe, K.W. is justly and legally Arraignable for all the Crimes of his Ministers, as well as for his own; and that both by his authorising that un­just and barbarous Fact of abdicating his Uncle and Father in Law, and also by virtue of the Stipulation, Contract and Term upon which he accepted the Crown. But if nothing else will serve and content the Parliament of England, save the making Re­prisals, and taking Revenge upon the Scots, for their establish­ing an East India Company with so many ample Privileges and Immunities, the way of doing it is open and easy, without their committing any thing that the Scots can call unjust, or which they themselves may either repent or be ashamed of: namely, To grant unto their own trading Company, especially to those of Africa and the East Indies, such an Establishment by Law, with ease from Custom and Impositions, at least with such an Abatement and Moderation of them as caeteris paribus may be an Equivalent to all the Privileges and Immunities in the Scots Act, and thereby discourage and cripple, if not stifle and smother their Undertaking. And it is a surprise to all thinking disinterested Men, that Trade being the Source and Fountain of the Wealth, Strength and Populace of a Nation; and that this Kingdom be­ing more adapted for it by its Situation, Harbours, and the Ge­nius of its People, than any other Country whatsoever, that yet it should be so far from being encouraged in the way, man­ner and degrees it ought, that the Trade of England is more Clog­ged, Loaded, and has greater Burthens laid upon it, than that of any other Nation. But if this Method of counteracting the Scots should not be thought convenient, when the Kingdom is to be charged with so many and large Grants of Mony to the Govern­ment for the upholding and carrying on the present War, there is still another way of obviating all the Evils we are apprehensive of from the Scots Act, and from the old East India Company; yea and not only of defeating the Design of the Dutch, who were the first and under-hand Advisers to it, but of improving it into an Occa­tion of strengthening our selves to chastise the Hollanders, and to exact Reparations from them for all the Injuries of one kind and [...]other which they have done us: And that is the bringing [Page 63] these two Kingdoms into an Union of Councils, Laws and Privi­leges of all Sorts, as they are already united under one Monarch, encompassed by the same Seas, Inhabitants upon one Island, and not differing in Language farther than in tone and dialect. Which as it would be to the mutual Safety and Prosperity of both Na­tions, so it is not to be questioned but that the Scots, in considera­tion and acknowledgment of the Benefit that would accrue to them by an Incorporation with England, would chearfully surrender their late Act, and be as forward as we can wish to repeal it. Nor would it be sound so difficult as some do imagine it, to effect, compass and perfect such an Union upon Terms that both King­doms may think equal, could we on each side renounce national Piques, and give up little private Interests, in order to the ob­taining a general common Good.

I am told that some are so ignorant, and others so impudent, as say, That King William in virtue of that Sovereign Power which that Kingdom hath granted him, may, by his own personal and immediate Authority, without the concurrence of a Parliament, or the Prescription of a Law, impose upon Trade what Duty, Customs or Taxes he pleaseth; and this they alledg to stand vested in him as a part of his Prerogative, by the Gift and Concession of an Act of Parliament made in one of those Sessions when Launder­dale was King Charles the Second's High Commissioner. To which I reply three Things: 1. That such a Supposition were to put all Traders of the Kingdom of Scotland into the state and condition of Slaves, by making their whole Property acquirable by the way of Traffick to be under the protection of no Law, but to be s [...]isable and disposable at the arbitrary Will and despotical Pleasure of the King; which I think that Nation which justly boasts it self a free Kingdom, as much as any other whatsoever, will not easily ac­quiesce in, and submit unto from any King: But especially not from one of their own making, who being as the Clay in their hands, of which they have made a Vessel of Honour, they may either break it or mould it again when the Humour takes them in­to a Vessel of Dishonour. 2. Whatsoever Prerogative this Man, un­der the Notion of being their King, may have as to the laying Im­positions upon Goods and Merchandise, where no Law doth pre­clude and bar him from doing it, and where the Concession, Li­berty and Right for them to trade to such and such Places, and in such and such Commodities, proceed and are derived mee [...]ly [Page 64] from his personal Grant and Charter, which gives them all their Title so to do; yet it is most absurd to imagine that he can have any such Prerogative or Power where a publick Law hath given them both a Right and Authority to trade, and an Immunity from all Impositions whatsoever in reference to such Places, and the Productions and Superfluities thereof; and it is also Tyranny in him to challenge it. For by this means no Laws can be a Fence about Mens Estates and Properties, nor give them the Security which they both promise, and were made and enacted for the en­suring to them. And for King William to claim and exercise such a Jurisdiction and Authority were to usurp a dispensing Power that is both infinitely worse in it self, and more fatal in its consequen­ces, than that for which we so much blamed, and have hostily treated King James: Seeing all the dispensing Power King James challenged was only in reference to penal Laws, and those also re­lative meerly to Religious Matters; as to both which the King has a greater extent and latitude of Jurisdiction inherent in him by reason of his Sovereign Power, than he hath in reference to other Laws. But should King William take upon him to dispense with the Act we are speaking of, it were to usurp a dispensing Power both in reference to beneficial Laws, and those made for the protection of our Civil Rights, Properties and Estates, which all Men who have common Sense know to be more out of the verge and reach of Kings to supercede and controle, than those are which refer to Ecclesiastical Officers, and which are likewise of a penal Nature. 3. Should it be admitted that by that Act of Lauderdale's Parlia­ment an absolute, unlimitted and despotical Authority became vested in King Charles, and stood conveyed to King James, in re­lation to this laying Taxes and Impositions on Trade; yet no Power of this kind accrues by this Act to King William, in that it was complained of as one of the Grievances which were presented to him antecedently to his having Crown conferred upon him, and whereof Redress only was demanded: But it was stipulated, and made a part of the Original Contract, betwixt the Kingdom of Scotland and Him, That no such Power as Lauderdale's Act impor­ted should ever be claimed, or exercised over them. And for King William now to pretend to it, were not only to violate his Coro­nation Oath, and proclaim himself perjured to all the World; but it were to discharge that Nation from all Obligation of Fealty to [Page 65] him, and to give them a legal Right as well as Cause to proceed to the deposing and abdicating him.

Before I shut up this Discourse, which the variety and impor­tance of the matter has already made longer than I at first desig­ned it, though I hope it will not be found tedious, I shall for the sake of many Thousands; as well as my own, humbly applying my self to the Senate of the Kingdom, to the Members of the Privy Council, and to the Gentlemen of both the Gowns, for their resolving me Two or Three Questions; which it is of great Concernment with respect to our Constitution, our Laws, our Relig [...]on, and our Con­sciences to have Satisfactorily answered. The first is, That they would tell us what the meaning of a King de facto is, and how such a One differs from a King de jure? For I find that many both of the Lawyers, Gentry, as well as of the Clergy, who do wholy dis­believe, and in their Minds disclaim the Prince of Orange's Right to the Sovereignty, do yet allow themselves to swear Allegiance to him, and do pay him the Duty of Subjects, meerly because he is got into Possession of the Throne and Royal Title, and de facto hath assumed the exercise of the Kingly Power. Nor am I igno­rant that the pedant Writers of Politicks do speak of a King de facto, as well as of a King de jure; but so far as I am capable of under­standing Reason or good Sense, no Man can be called a King de facto, who is not either antecedently or concomitantly a King also de jure: Seei [...]g he that is stiled a King, but who is not right­fully so, is by all the Laws of God and Man a Robber and an Usur­per; but a King he is not, nor can he be. A Thief may as well be called a legal Proprietor of what he hath stolen from his Neigh­bour, and he that Pads upon the Road may have as just a Claim to the Purse he hath forcibly taken from a Traveller, though the Law makes both the one and the other obnoxious to be hanged, and that very justly too, as he can have either Right or Pretence to the Regal Title and Power, who attains not to them by the Methods, Rules and Measures, and in the Virtue, Force and Ef­ficacy of the Constitution. And as the Names of Intruder, Usur­per and Robber, and not those of Prince, Sovereign and King, are which such a one ought only to be called by; so instead of Allegiance due unto him, or of our being under the Obligation ei­the [...] of divine or human Laws to render unto that Person the Du­ties of Subjects, we are bound bo [...]h in Law and Conscience to raise Hue and Cry after him, and to persue him, and make him [Page 66] accountable for the Crimes which have entitled him to the Names of Robber of his Neighbours Crown, and Intruder into and Usurper of another Man's Throne. Things are stubborn and inflexible, and will not change their Natures, because of the complemental soft Words that are fastned upon them. Theft, Robbery and Usur­pation, will not cease to be the same evil and abominable Crimes which God hath denounced Curses against, and which Men in all Ages have annexed Punishments unto, notwithstanding the smooth Whitehall and Kensington Language with which we varnish them over. And whereas the Word and Name King hath been hither­to taken for a fair, honest, and honourable Word and Name, and held no ways reproachful for a vertuous Man to have it ascribed unto him, and to be denominated by it; I will venture to say that it is one of the worst and most scandalous Words in the World, and the most disgraceful and injurious Title that a Person is capable of having given him; if it be allowed to express an Usurper by, and used of one that has no Right to a Crown, but meerly the Posses­sion of it. But whereas there are some who through want of Sense, and others who through Ignorance of the Law, may take the Prince of Orange to be a King de jure, and may thereby hope both to save their Consciences and their Credits, and think to ju­stify themselves from Treason and Disloyalty in their swearing Al­legiance to him, and yielding him the Fealty due from Subjects; I desire therefore in the second Place to ask our Senators of Wisdom, and our Gentlemen of the Gowns, how this Right to be King ac­crues to the Prince of Orange, and from what Sources of Law and Justice the Royal Stile and Authority come to be derived unto and vested in him, and by what Tenure he bears the Royal Name, and exerciseth the Sovereign Power? For as there are but Three ways in any Nation of arriving lawfully at the Supream Authority, and of coming legitimately and honestly to be a King, namely, either by the Right of hereditary Succession, or by the Right of just and law­ful Conquest, or by the Right of Election, where through the known Laws, and the fundamental Provisions of the Constitution, there is upon every Vacancy of the Throne a Privilege vested in the People, or in their Representatives, or in some select Number of the most honourable and qualified Persons, to chuse one to fill it. And as none can have the Impudence to say, either that the Prince of Orange is King of England by the Right of hereditary Succession, seeing there are divers Persons who have an hereditary Right of in­heriting [Page 67] the Crown antecedently to him. Or that he attained to be King by a lawful Conquest in a just War; seeing that is not only disclaimed by himself, and repr [...]bated by the Parliament, but because the offering to establish his Title upon that Foundation, and to justify it by that Plea, were to put us into the State of Slaves instead of Subjects, and to make us enjoy all we are and have by his Pleasure and Will, and not to have any Property in them by our antient Laws. So in the third Place none who have the least Acquaintance with the Nature of our Constitution, the Frame of our Government, or the many Laws of the Land re­lative to the Right and Manner of Succession in the Sovereignty, will dare to pretend that upon a Demise of the Crown the Peo­ple, or any certain Number of Persons whatsoever, stand legally vested with a Power of chusing who shall succeed: And the reason is obvious, because our Monarch is and has been always an hereditary Monarch, and not an elective. Wherefore though there have been sometimes Interruptions in the Rightful Succession, and Translations of the Crown from one Family to another, yet save in the Cases of direct Usurpation, such as Oliver Cromwel's, it was never attempted on the Foot and Principle of the Peoples ha­ving a Power resident in them by Law to elect their King; but it was always on the Motive and Foundation of doubtful and con­troverted Titles. Which Claim, though in some it was very weak, yet it was always insisted upon; and what their Title wan­ted in legal Goodness, they endeavoured to make out by military Power. I might add, That there was no Demise here, neither by Death nor by Resignation, and much less were there any vested with a Regal Power of abdicating, deposing, and driving away King James. So that upon the whole, the Prince of Orange can upon [...]o Foundation whatsoever, nor in any Sense received, among Men of coming Lawfully to a Crown, be King of England de jure, and by consequence he must be contented to be held for no other than an Usurper, and as such ought all Men to account him, who according to the Laws of Revelation, and of the Kingdom, would either approve themselves to God, or have peace in their own Minds. But then thirdly, admitting the Prince of Orange to be King of England, (whether de Jure or de Facto I further enquire not▪) I desire to ask the Two Houses of Parliament, as well as our Lawyers and Divines, of what Signification and Importance in their Judgments and Opinions the Word King is, that the People may the better [Page 68] know the Nature, Extent and Bounds of their Allegiance, that being on their part Reciprocal and Corrolate to Kingship on the Sovereigns? And this Question is the more necessary to be resolved, in that the Notion and Idea of King is much different in the present Estimate of the Generality of Men, as well within the Houses of Parliament as without them, from what it is represented and found to be in our Laws, and from what it has been always heretofore taken and acknowledged to be. That therefore which with reference to my self, as well as to many Thousands besides, I would earnestly beg to know, is, Whether by King they mean a Sovereign Prince, whose Person (by virtue of the Authority lodged in him, and by reason that the Peace and Welfare of the whole Society depends upon his Safety) is Sacred and Inviolable; who cannot legally be resisted, opposed or withstood, and much less be judged, deposed and abdicated by any Power on Earth, on any Pretence whatso­ever, and one without whose Call and Authority all Meetings, As­semblies and Consultations about Matters of Government and State are Treason and Rebellion? Or whether by King they do intend only a Person that is meerly in the Quality of a Trustee, en­trusted by and accountable to the People as his Principals, and who being only vested with a delegated Power, may therefore be re­sisted, arraigned, judged, abdicated, and drove away, if he offend those over whom he is advanced to rule, and act dissonantly from and contrary to the Laws, of all which his Subjects are to be Jud­ges? For if King be taken in the first Sense, to signify one that is un­accusable, irresistable and unabdicable; than we of this Nation neither have, nor lawfully can have, any other King than King James while he liveth, and hath not renounced and disclaimed his Right: And by consequence the Prince of Orange is no other than an Usurper. And we out of our own Mouths, and by our own Sentence, no better than Rebels in abdicating the former, and in submitting unto and owning the later. And indeed the Princi­ples upon which the Salisbury Dictator of Measures of Obedience, Dr. Burnet (who out of disloyal Malice to us endeavoured to sub­vert our antient Government, and to battle all our Laws, by his modern and treasonable Politicks) striveth to justify the Abdication in a Book he hath lately published, called, Reflections on a Pamphlet entitled Some Discourses upon Dr. Burnet and Dr. Tillotson, occasioned by the Funeral Sermon of the former upon the later, plainly shew both how self condemned the Author is, and what Rebellion he and [Page 69] the Nation are, according to the Laws of God and Men, become guilty by that Transaction. For whereas he owns, That illegal Acts, and Acts of Tyranny, and the remote Consequences of them, do not justify the resisting of Princes; and that they can be then only lawfully withstood, when their going about to subvert totally the Constitution shall be plainly apparent, P. 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37. there is no more needful to be said for the loading of him, and for the branding the Nation with the just Imputation of the highest and most detestable Trea­son committed in the Abdication of the King, and in the Choise and Exaltation of the Prince of Orange to his Throne. Seeing whatsoever illegal Acts (which were not many, nor of any mena­cing Importance to the Kingdom) the King might be misled and hurried into by treacherous Councillors; yet it is so far from be­ing plainly apparent that he designed to subvert the Constitution, that the contrary is demonstratively evident; and that no Prince ever bore greater regard to the Laws, Liberties and Prosperity of Eng­land than he did. And as his Majesties sending an Ambassador to Rome, his appointing Popish Bishops, and his claiming a dispensing Power in reference to penal Laws about Religion, are all the Instances which that traiterous Doctor gives of the King's being embarqued in such an Attempt; so they are such weak and impertinent Proofs of such a Design, that it is to banter Mankind, to raise a Suspition of it upon them, and much more to stile them plain and apparent Evidences of it. Nor needs there any more to shew that the Con­stitution was in no danger of being totally subverted by those Means and Overt Acts of Government, than that neither the noble Per­son that went to Rome, nor those that were constituted Popish Bishops, nor any of them that gave Advice for the dispensing Power, have been so much as arraigned, and much less capitally punished, as they would and deserved to have been, if those Things had been of a direct and immediate Tendency to destroy totally the Constitution. Nor would any Man have betrayed at once the Weakness and the Impudence as to have assigned those Acts of Administration, and no other, as convictive Proofs of an appa­rent Design in King James to subvert totally the Constitution; but this noisy, treacherous and disloyal Doctor, who like to him that fired Diana's Temple to protect himself from Oblivion, has been stu­dying to raise himself a Monument upon the Banishment of his Sovereign, the Ruin of our Antient Government, and the Invol­ving of these Kingdoms in a bloody and destructive War. But [Page 70] then on the other had, if King be taken in the second Sense, for one that may be resisted, arraigned, deposed and drove away from his Throne and Kingdom; then as the Prince of Orange hath but a flippery Seat of it, and a thorny Crown, so no Man can be law­fully required to take an Oath of Allegiance to him, and much less justly punished by double Taxes, or otherwise for refusing it: See­ing if that be the Signification and Importance of King, it may be every Man's Duty to assist in deposing and dethroning him. And upon what I have said of his Miscarriages in Government, and the Designs he is carrying on to the Ruin as well as Impoverishment of the Kingdom, there is nothing remains to be added or adviced, But to your Tents O Israel, for this Man ought no longer to be suffer'd to pretend to reign over us. For as he hath in many Instances apparently attempted the total Subversion of the Constitution, (which even by our Salisbury Doctor's Principles of Politicks, justifieth the deposing him) and particularly both in the commanding a whole Tribe of Men that were under the Protection of the Laws to be massacred, without any previous Tryal or Conviction; and in his taking the Earl of Bredalbin by meer arbitrary Power, not only out of the hands of Justice, when he stood impeached by Parliament (which whether he was justly or unjustly makes no Change in the Nature of what the Prince of Orange hath therein done) but in putting him into the Administration of the Government as a Privy Coun­cellor: So he hath likewise in effect destroyed the very Kingdom, and hath brought us into those Circumstances of Confusion, Mi­sery and Want, out of which it is impossible to recover and de­liver us, while he is permitted to sit at the Helm. And which, if we be so sortish, and so much Enemies to our selves and to our Posterity as to connive at any longer, it will be out of the reach and power both of our Rightful King, and of a well constituted Par­liament ever to redeem us; or either to retrieve the Nation from final Ruin, or to save us from being Conquered by any potent Neighbour that may have a mind to invade us.

Nor will I enlarge this Discourse any further, save to tell those who out of rebellious Enmity to a Rightful King, and Idolatry of an Usurper, may complain of the Acrfmony of some Expressions which will be found to occur in the foregoing Leaves, That all the Language I have used is either consecrated by the Tongues or Pens of your Williamite Divines, in their Pulpit Invectives a­gainst King James, and the King of France; or else it is all au­thorised [Page 71] by the Licenced Pamphlets, published in way of Elog [...]e up­on the present Government, and Satyr upon the last. And who­soever will waste so much time as to peruse a Paper stiled, A Dia­logue between the King of France and the late King James, occasioned by the Death of the Queen, will justify me in the Reprisals and Reta­liations I have made. Only whereas little is to be met with in these Sermons and Pamphlets but ridiculous Fiction, and impudent Slander, as well as dull Malice; there will nothing be found in these Sheets but weighed and measured Truth, though sometimes a little piquantly expressed.


Page 2, line 30. before other read of, ibid. l. 38. for sta [...]e r. state. p. 4. l. ult. for stuff r. strife, p. 5. l. 25. dele same, p. 6. l. 36. for Redress r. Readers, p. 9. l. 1. r. where we had for a great while been in the quiet and peaceable Possession, p. 11. l. 37. r. plead, p. 12. l. 15. dele a before Servant, p. 13. l. 8. r. Placat's, ibid. l. 20. r. Rude, ibid. l. ult. for their r. these, p. 14. l. 8. r. become, ibid. l. 20. for th r. to, p. 15. l. 7. before it r. as, ibid. l. 13. for were r. we, p. 16. l. 3, 4. r. putting, ibid. l. 6. r. Guet, p. 20. l. 21. r. executed, ibid. l. 27. for yet r. yea, p. 22. l. 35. after with r. the, p. 23. l. 8. r. Donative, p. 25. l. 38. r. Bordacho's, p. 32. l. 33. be­fore Mischiefs r. the, p. 33. l. 6. before have r. they, ibid. l. 12. two Mil­lions, p. 34. l. 7. after transported put, p. 35. l. 33. for mark r. mask, p. 36. l. 12. r. thither, ibid. l. 19. for so r. for, ibid. l. 20. for more r. were, ibid. l. 33. r. they thus, p. 37. l. ult. dele they, p. 38. l. 8. after unto put, ibid. l. 21. r. become, p. 43. l. 14. r. whereof, p. 47. l. 28. r. Villanies, p. 48. l. 28. r. become, ibid. l. 29. r. Center, p. 50. l. 25. r. Officers, ibid. l. 30. r. the, p. 51. l. 3. r. Plebi, ibid. l. 11. dele to, ibid. l. 22. before the r. that, p. 55. l. 32. r. no.

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