The IMPOSTOR Dethron'd; OR, The Quakers Throne of Truth, Detected to bee SATANS Seat of LYES.

By way of Reply, to a Quaking and Rail­ing Pamphlet, written by Capt. Bishop, entituled, The Throne of Truth, exalted over the Powers of Darknesse.

Wherein is briefly hinted, the rottenness of the Quakers conversion, and perfection, in general, exemplified in this busie BISHOP; in special instanced

  • In his Practises against the
    • Estate of the LORD CRAVEN.
    • Life of Mr. LOVE.

By occasion whereof, this Truth is asserted, viz. If we may judge of the Conscience, Honesty, and Per­fection of Quakers in general, by this man in particular, A man may bee as vile a person, as any under heaven, and yet a perfect QƲAKER.

Come down, and sit in the dust, O Virgin, daughter of Baby­lon, sit on the ground; there is no Throne, O daughter of the Chaldeans, Isa. 47. v. 1.
Thy nakedness shall bee uncovered, yea, thy shame shall bee seen, v. 3.

By Ralph Farmer, a servant of that Jesus Christ, who was Crucified at Jerusalem, above sixteen hundred years ago, and whose Blood the Quakers trample under foot, as a common thing.

Published according to Order.

London, Printed by R. I. for Edw. Thomas, and are to bee sold at his House in Green-Arbour, 1658.

The impudent and daring Protestation, and Appeal to God, of George Bishop, concerning the business of the Lord Craven, whereof (as hee confesses) hee had the whole mannagement.

I Do declare in the presence of the Lord, before whom I fear, who searcheth the heart, and tryeth the reins, and bringeth every work to judgement, that I am clear and innocent therein; nor have I used, nor do I know of any indirect proceeding in that whole business of Craven and Faulconer.

To the Right Honourable, William Lord Craven, Baron of Hamp­steed, — Marshall in the County of BERKS.

IT'S usual (my Lord you know) in publishing books, to prefix the name of some worthy and consi­derable personage; and I now ap­ply my self to your Honour, upon several accounts.

First, Tua res agitur, much of the matter ensuing concernes your self.

Secondly, I never heard, but that you were a lo­ver of your Country, alwayes with much respect and honour, treating and entertaining your Coun­trymen that came over into the Low Countryes; (the place of your residence, for many yeares together) and hee that loves my Country, I love him, and him I honour. As for your Adversary (the man I here deal with) his tongue is no slander, for who will be­lieve [Page] a common lyar? which whether I have made him appear to bee or no, judicet mundus.

Thirdly, I understand the present Parliament hath taken cognizance of your cause, and intend to consider it next Session, and I am come (in the mean time) to bring you good newes; your Adver­sary quakes, which if it bee a symptome of true Conversion, there is hopes that confession, (an in­genuous confession of the whole design) and an en­deavour of satisfaction (if it can bee) will follow; but fearing it may prove but a false birth, I have put manum obstetricalem, in intima, search'd his bowels for a real discovery, that the world may no longer bee deceived with a windy conception. Tru­ly, my Lord, your case is hard; but what shall wee say? 'tis the fortune of the wars; and there you know (as in a common scuffle) many an honest man, that stands by, and means no harm, gets a knock, as well as those who begun the quarrel; and this your Adversary himself (who confesses to have had the mannagement of the whole business against you) seems to me clearly to acknowledge, as the ground of your Sequestration: For, in answer to an objection made on your Honours behalf, by your friends, in the Narrative, by them published, hee (your Adver­sary) doubting of the weight and validity of the testimonies produc'd against you, sayes, (in the fourth particular answer, page 22. of his book) that the time when your estate was sequestred, was, when the Commonwealth was deeply imbroiled in wars.

And then goes on, and sayes, (in the next page) that in such times and cases, they have many considera­tions, as the reason of their actions, which those who [Page] are without doors, (that is, your Honour, and your friends, who were not of the Parliament) neither know, nor apprehend, nor are to take upon them so to do: So that here (you see) is Club-law, you must bee sequestred, because the Commonwealth was im­broil'd in wars; and your Honour (being out of doors) must neither know, nor apprehend ('tis too far above your reach) the reason why; nor are you to take upon you ('tis presumption) so to do: For hee tells you (page 2.) that true Englishmen, have used to have Parliaments, and their Acts, as being the judgement of the whole Representative of the Nation, in more veneration and esteem, than to bee put into the ballance, with the contradictory assertions, of any private or byass'd spirits.

And truly (my Lord) upon this ground, we may well question, whether you bee a true Englishman, or no, who being swayed by your own private in­terest, and byass'd with a desire after your own e­state again, should dare now to move any thing a­gainst the actions of that Parliament, which (as he tells you in the same page, answ. 6.) upon the proofs by him alledged, and (because they were not full enough) for reasons best known to themselves, in time of general imbroilments, order'd your estate to bee confiscate. So that still (my Lord) you must take the fortune of the wars; and though your Honour, and all out of doors, know no reason for it, yet they did it (sayes hee) for reasons best known unto them­selves.

But will your Honour give mee leave (as a true Englishman) to say something for that Parliament, and indeed for all Parliaments, and Courts of Judi­cature; [Page] you well know, that the manner of their proceedings, in administration of Justice, is much according to that Aeconomico-Political process of na­ture in man himself, wherein the apprehensive, deli­berative, and conclusive faculties, (which in a word wee call common sense) which is the great Judicato­ry in man, doth determine all things, (with a com­mon and equal respect) as they are represented. Now the outward sences, are the Spies and Intelli­gencers of the Soul, who bring in several objects (according to their respective natures and faculties) to bee judged of, and determined by the understand­ing. And hence wee say, nihil in intellectu, quod non sit, prius in sensu.

Now if these senses (either by any defect or vice in the organ, faculty, or medium, (which wee might follow with an exact and elegant Analogy) but I will avoid prolixity) If I say the senses, either by deficiency, or redundancy, under, or over-do­ing, make a false report unto the Court (the com­mon sense) false judgement must proceed accord­ingly, and yet the Court blameless: But some men tell us of inferiour faculties (even in the soul it self) which do corrupt the superiour, and so obstruct Ju­stice, and pervert judgement: If this bee so, it is within doors, and I who am without, am not (I am told) to take upon mee to enquire into. All the hope is, the smoke of Gun-powder, (being by Gods goodness) dissipated, the noyse of Drums and Trum­pets, and clattering of Armour ceased, and those im­broilments, which hurried your estate into sequestra­tion, abated, and the confessions (and so the guilt) of your adversaries discovered; the great Judicato­ry [Page] of the Nation, will bee the better able to dis­cern and judge of your case, with serene judgement, and imperturb'd affections; and accordingly resolve upon, and execute such signal justice, as shall deliver the land from the guilt of oppression, if any such there bee in this particular, which is, and shall bee the prayer of him, who is,

My Lord, The Commonwealths, and your Honours servant, so far as your Honour is the servant of the Commonwealth.

To the Christian and understanding Reader.


I Think it requisite (by way of Preface) to give an account, why I sit not down in a retired and desirable silence; I met with one who tells mee, that, As hee that im­paireth the good name and fame of a­nother, is cruel to that other; so hee who neglects his own, is cruel to himself: And that it concernes Ministers of the Gospel in a special manner, to pre­serve their reputation, because the contempt of their persons redounds to the prejudice of their work and calling. How I have been reproached and charged by my quaking Adversary, in his railing and reviling Pamphlet, is obvious to all who read it; and how falsly, appears in the discourse ensuing; as for his foul lan­guage, I leave it to the men and women of their gene­ration; but as for the imputation of forgery, and un­der-hand practises, my soul so much abhors them, that I should think it my sin to sit still in silence under them, but rather conceive it my duty, to return them whence they came, there being so just and real a lodging for them, of which (Reader) I constitute thee a Judge be­tween us As for those vulgar bubbles, that take winde, and rise with every light and foolish story, which they receive from the men and women only of their own perswasion, and judge of things and persons by the rule of their affections, I dismiss them to Anticyra, for a purge of Hellebor, taking up the resolution of [Page] the Apostle (in cases where I appeal not to them) with mee it is a very small thing to bee judged by them, 1 Cor. 4. 3. or by mans judgement; for what more false, uncer­tain, and inconstant, than the popular ayr, who cry Hosanna to day, and Crucifie to morrow? No (Read­er) I'le dwell at home; and so long as I maintain peace between God, and my own conscience, I'le rest there. But some may say (for wee live in a querulous age, wherein every one (even women) will bee quarrelling) why did you at all appear in publick? I answer, to maintain the peace of my own conscience; for I say with David, 1 Sam. 17. 29. was there not a cause? Shall the uncircumcised Philistines, defie the Hosts and Armies of the living God? And shall David (though a stripling) stand still and bear it? No, Curse yee Meroz,Judg. 5. 23. saith the Angel of the Lord, curse yee bitterly the inhabitants thereof, because they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord, against the mighty.

I writ not this, as blaming all who have not appear­ed with mee in the like manner: But this I judge, that if (in such a case as this is) the Lord suggest it to any man, (especially a Watchman) and make his spirit willing, and hee withdraw upon selfish considerations, hee cannot maintain that peace true Christians look for: For my part, in plain English, I am not (I cannot bee) an Universalist.

There is an opinion (or at least a practise) taken up by some of universal respect, and compliance with all persons, of whatever opinion or perswasion, which is not less prejudicial to truth, than the Doctrine of the universal and equal love of God to all, is prejud [...]cial to grace. I know they are both plausible things, win­ning [Page] and taking, as much suiting to, and complying with every mans interest and affections; but how a­greeing with Gods minde, with some men, sub judicelis est, but is with mee determined. And for the for­mer, I have taken some notice of the insinuations and subtilties of it, in our last generation; for what more usual Plea (with those who lay in wait to deceive) than love, and sweetness, and meekness, and gentle­ness, and mutual forbearance, indeed in difference in matters of Religion; as if it were a vertue to Scep­ticks, ever doubting, querying, and questioning, never resolving, that either this or that, were the undoubted minde of God, and the true Religion: And how skil­fully did the Prince of Darkness play his Game in his black Regiments, by branding all those with the scan­dal and reproach of passion, and bitterness of spirit, who would not answer his ends in a luke-warm neutra­lity? Or at least, in such a sweetness of spirit, (as they call it) as should give equal incouragement. But whether the Word of Christ warrant such a deport­ment, would easily bee concluded, if men would not consult their ease and worldly advantages; and I pro­pose it to bee considered, whether one, or both of these, bee not the temper of this kinde of people? Let which side will bee uppermost, they will loose nothing. I could not but smile (but yet with a kinde of indignation) when I took notice of a Letter, heretofore written from London, to one in this City, in the behalf of blasphe­ming Nayler, when the punishment, adjudged by the Parliament, to bee inflicted upon him in this City, was to bee executed, the Author of that Letter takes an occasion, from information of some of his fellow Saints, (of the new modell) that there were some [Page] here of bitter spirits, forsooth, and fearing rigorous execution, writes for a mitigation, giving high ex­pressions of what super-excellencies hee found in that adorable creature, when as this Epistoler himself, is a Saint of so milde and sweet a temper in Religion, that hee will never bee branded for a Puritane; for Sab­bath dayes were his fittest seasons to look over his ac­counts, or to go to his house in the Country. Truly Reader, I must tell you, wee are fallen into those times, wherein most peoples Religion (I mean the wise ones) lies in making faces, and courting the rising interest, at least waiting an opportunity so to do: In the mean while, the question growes high, and Romes interest (by the subtilties of the Jesuites working amongst us) is very much promoted, and that by our own hands, men pretending (which is strange) to the Protestant perswasion; for now the question is not (as among the Separatists) whether our Parishes are true Chur­ches, but whether wee have had any true Churches at all in England, till these late years, that they were brought in by the Sword in the late Army, or those who accompanied them; and it's very like (if the Lord prevent not) Magisterially, and Dictator-like (almost in Cathedra) to bee resolved, That wee neither have, nor had true Churches, or Ministers among us, and that wee must renounce our Ordination, take it up from the people, and so make all new, after a mode, which yet our eyes, nor the eyes of our Fore-fa­thers have ever seen, or their eares ever heard of. To effect this, have those Emissaries of the Roman Facti­on, no doubt, stirred up, and set on foot these obstrepo­rous Quakers, (though the generality of them suspect no such matter) to cry down our Churches, Ministers, [Page] and Ordinances, to whom they have now drawn in, heads and pens more subtil and able, who, aliud agentes (as it were) do that for them, which they themselves (in their own persons openly) were not able to effect or accomplish, who doth not with fear and sadness (that doth consider) foresee that lamentable result, that's like to follow upon the contests raised, and en­creasing between our brethren of the Presbyterian and Independent perswasion, and which by the heat and opposition of persons of ability, (on both sides) are like to grow more high than ever: But if my poor low voice might bee heard between them, and Oh, that the Lord would perswade them to hear, I should say as Abraham to Lot, Let there bee no strife between you, for you are Brethren; and I should beseech them in Josephs language to his Brethren, Fall not out by the way: But if I cannot bee heard, I make this protestation, disclaimer, and prayer, Lord, let not my soul come into the secrets, and let mee never par­take of the delicacies of those men, who make Schismatical separation, destroying those Churches and Ministery, wherein, and by whom (blessed be God) thousands have been converted and saved; and who are willing to reform, and conform, according to what is revealed in the Scripture; Sure I am, and experi­ence (the Mistress even of fools) hath made it good unto the world, that Discipline and Government in the Church, hath (ever since the reformation from Popery) kept the Reformed Churches free from He­resie and Blasphemy getting head among them; and if there were danger of an inrode, and an incursion, by the abuse of Government, hee shall come little short of an Ideot, (and wise men will easily acknowledge it) [Page] that doth not perceive, that no Government at all, eve­ry one being left to his own fancy) will much more do it. It's a strange piece of madness, not to put a diffe­rence between inforcing men to Religion, and tolerating all Religions, to the hazzarding of the true: Or if (putting a difference) Matchivilianisme shall so far prevail with any, as that, so they can secure their own interests, they care not for the concernments of Je­sus Christ, and his Gospel. As for my own former un­dertakings (by the help of the Press) I have but en­deavoured to discover these upstart enemies, and ad­versaries to the truth, who privily brought in damna­ble Heresies, even denying the Lord that bought them. By occasion whereof, I have raised up this home-bred Adversary, my own Countryman, by hint­ing only at whose impostures in this kinde, the impo­stume is broken, and much filth and quitture hath been vomited forth from it, in most unchristian railings, lyings, and reproachings, who yet withal, pretends to higher measures of Saintship, and perfection, than or­dinary, which considering (and well knowing the man, and his practises) I concluded this with my self, that if wee might judge of the conscience, honesty, and perfe­ction of the Quakers in general, by this man in parti­cular, wee may well assert this, viz. A man may bee as vile a person as any under heaven, and yet a per­fect Quaker, which (after a brief discourse of the conversion and perfection of Quakers in general) I have endeavoured to demonstrate, from the practises and doings of him in special; and this in his dealings in the matters of the Lord Craven, and Mr. Love; the ones Estate, and the others Life.

The materials I have built my discourse with, (in the [Page] matter of the Lord Craven) are two printed pieces, the one entituled, A true and perfect Narrative, of the several proceedings, in the case concerning the Lord Craven, wherein are set forth the whole pro­ceedings, together with the Indictment, Tryal, and Conviction of Faulconer, of Perjury, in that infor­mation, upon which the Lord Cravens Estate was se­questred, which piece was printed and published by the friends of the Lord Craven; the other is a piece, en­tituled, The Lord Cravens Case, &c. with a short examination of that former Narrative; and this lat­ter, was written by Bishop himself, in excuse, and de­fence of himself and Faulconer, of which book, hee printed so few, and so disposed of them, as that I could not get one, either here, or at London, until (by pro­vidence) I was directed to send to himself to borrow it. And this I did, because in his Pamphlet against mee, hee quotes it, and refers to it, for clearing (as hee thought) of his innocency; which if hee had refused to lend mee, I intended to acquaint the world, that hee had quoted his book to clear himself, which could not bee come by, which (it may bee) hee feared, and therefore sent it mee; or otherwise, by the disposing of Divine Providence (the time being come for the disco­very of his deep hypocrisie) hee was over-ruled so to send it. For his own Confessions (therein contained) and Faulconers Confession upon his death-bed, of that perjury, (which Bishop would in his book free him from) being conferred, and compared, the whole pra­ctise, and whence it arose, and how it was carried on, is manifestly discovered; as in the discourse following, to which I have added a little of his dealings against Mr. Love, to let him, and the world see, whether hee [Page] bee not also a blood-sucker. Could I have gotten his other book, called, A Short Plea, &c. which hee also published against Mr. Love, I doubt not but thence I should have made a further discovery of him; but hee dealt as subtilly in this, as in the former, printed so few, as that they cannot bee gotten. But I suppose what I have done is sufficient; the improvement I make of the whole, is this, to let the world see, how deeply and closely wickedness may lye lurking in our natures, and what a desperate evil Hypocrisie is, that a man may continue in such wickedness unrepented of, and yet think himself a Saint, and to have attained to perfecti­on: If by what I have herein done, I may bee instru­mental to bring him to repentance, or his case may bee as a Pillar of Salt, to season and caution others, I shall bee abundantly satisfied in my labour, and shall (when I know it) give God the glory: In the mean time, I rest,

Reader, Thine, and the Churches Servant;

THE IMPOSTOR DE THROND; OR, The Quakers Throne of Truth Detected to be Satans Seat of LIES.

IT's the great Criterion and distinguishing Character of the Generation of Quakers a­mong us, that they pretend to greater mea­sures and higher stature in Christ and Christianity then others, to have attained even to perfection; such perfection, as to be without sin in their persons. This to be so, is manifest by their reproaching and vilifying the Ministers of the Gospel, and their Doctrine in this point; though we teach and press perfection as the white to be aimed at, and as that which every true Christian must, and doth endea­vour after, not as though he had already attained, either were already perfect, but following after, if that he might appre­hend that, Phil. 3. 11, 12, 13, 14. for which also he is apprehended of Christ Jesus; and which he shall attain unto, when he hath attained un­to the Resurrection of the Dead. And although we say and teach, that there is a measure of perfection, even in this life attainable (and that personal too) consisting in sincerity, integrity, and uprightnesse of heart, walking in all good conscience both towards God and men: And [Page 2] that we must and do daily cleanse our selves from all filthi­nesse of the flesh and spirit, 2 Cor. 7. 1. perfecting holinesse in the fear of God. Although (I say) we preach and press, and (by grace received) practise this, yet this will not content them: No less then such a manner and such a measure of Christ within them, as shall put them out of need of Christ without them, will serve their turn: If this be not so, they have no cause to charge us as they do, for we do (with all seriousness possible) profess and urge a necessi­ty of Christ within us, renewing, transforming, and changing us from our dead and perishing estate in nature, and conforming, and making us more and more like un­to himself by grace, and the mighty and powerful ope­rations of his Spirit within us. When we sin (which we would not do) giving the grace of repentance (and the exercise of it) unto us: Rom. 7. By his mediation and intercessi­on in heaven, procuring pardon and peace for us, and as our Head and King, by degrees, subduing our sins and iniquities (which are our greatest enemies) under us. This is our Doctrine; this we profess, preach, and practise. And for the truth of this (that we do so, even all of us u­nanimously, and with one mouth) I appeal to the whole world to bear us witness. But this (I say) our pre­sent Adversaries disapprove of; their perfection is of a­nother nature, a high form of perfection, absolute and en­tire, wanting nothing. And we are (with them) false teachers, because we say, we cannot here attain it. To ar­gue this a little, because 'tis (cardo & caput controversiae) the great and main thing they seem to drive at, and to profess; witness their morese and severe carriage and con­versation, their demure looks their abstinences in meats and drinks, the pulling off their Points, Laces, and Ribons from their cloaths, their separating and withdrawing from the society and familiarity of all others, as unclean and polluted. And last of all, witness their living without, and despising all former Ordinances and Administrations since Christ and his Apostles, as if too low and mean, and not suiting with their perfection. We shall therefore a little [Page 3] examine this matter, and try their Title, and doubt not but (upon trial) we shall finde them as those in the Reve­lations, whom the Angel of the Church of Ephesus tried,Rev. 2. 2. who said they were Apostles, and were not, and so were dis­covered to be liars: Perfection then is two-fold, Doctri­nal, and Practical; Doctrinal perfection, is such a height and measure of knowledge, as beyond which a man can­not go: To be perfect in knowledge. Practical Perfection is such a measure of holiness, as not to sin at all, at any time, in any thing, but to be perfect in the measure of eve­ry grace, and in the practise of every duty. I suppose this is so plain a distribution of humane perfection absolute, as is very clear and obvious. And if our Adversaries mean less then this, they fall in with our Doctrine, and then they quarrel and charge us wrongfully. Now if I shall shew from Prophotical and Apostolical Doctrine (and conse­quently from the Doctrine of Christ) that perfection in either kinde, (Doctrinal or Practical) is not in this last sense in this life attainable, then the Quakers are found to be out of the Doctrine of Christ, and are hypocrites and li­ars; and it will not need many words to prove either. And first for Doctrinal Perfection, that we cannot here attain that full measure of knowledge allotted us, that one place of the Apostle is a sufficient testimony, 1 Cor. 13. 9, 10. We know in part, and we Prophecie in part, but when that which is perfect is come, then that which is in part shall be done away. And ver. 12. For now we see through a glass darkly, but then face to face; Now I know in part, but then I shall know, even as I am known. If any shall be either so simple or perverse, as to question whether the Apostle speak this of our imperfect state in this life, in point of know­ledge, I shall not think him worthy of an answer; the clearness of the truth will sufficiently argue such a mans imperfection; And as for Practical perfection, that we cannot here attain such a measure of holiness, as not to sin at all, at any time, in any thing, but that we may be abso­lutely perfect in the measure of every grace, and in the practise of every duty. I shall not need heap testimo­nies, [Page 4] a few places will sufficiently evidence this truth, without any further argumentation, 1 Kings 8. 46. There is no man that sinneth not. Prov. 20. 9. Who can say I have made my heart clean, I am pure from my sin? Eccles. 7. 20. There is not a just man upon earth, that doth good and sinneth not. These are the testimonies of Solomon. More might be produc'd from the Old Testament, take onely two from the New. The first from St. John, 1 John 1. 8. If we (I John, and the Saints to whom he wrote) If we say that we have no sin, we deceive our selves, and the truth is not in us. The next from St. James, Ja. 3. 2. In many things (not in a few only) we offend all. So that here we attain not a sinless perfection, we shall not here be, I say, fully like Christ in holiness or knowledge, this is reserved for hereafter; and this the same St. John attesteth, 1 Jo. 3 2. Beloved, now are we the sons of God, and it doth not yet ap­pear what we shall be; but we know that when he shall ap­pear, we shall be like him, for we shall see him as he is, when we shall see him (as St. Paul sayes before, face to face) then our imperfect measures shall be made perfect. That which there follows in John (and other places produced for per­fection) intend it, and press it (viz. absolute perfection) as our duty and the matter of our endeavour.

Thus from Canonical truth I have shewed you the im­perfection of our perfection here: And what ground our Adversaries have, to plead their exemption from the same condition, I cannot discern. Suppose we should grant them to be led by the immediate and infallible teachings of the un-erring Spirit, let them then tell us, who are the liars, Solomon, and Paul, and James, and John, or they? Or was that true which they affirm'd of themselves and all men, that they are sinners? And is this, which these men affirm to the contrary, true also? Or was it truth then, and is not so still? Doth new light make the old a lie? Rom. 3. 4. Or doth the Spirit speak contraries? No, let God be true, 2 Cor. 11. 30▪ & 12. from 5, to the 10. and every man a liar; and that I am sure is a sinner. And for our parts, if we boast, we will (with the Apostle) boast and glory of and in our infirmities, not that we are [Page 5] sinners, (that's our burden) But that God for Christs sake is righteous and just to forgive us our sinnes, 1 Joh. 1. 9 when we confess them, and that Christ by his grace, will cleanse us from our sins, and all iniquity; That so his strength might be perfected, and manifested, and magnified in our infirmi­ty. With this further. That if we were so perfect, as to be free from sinning on earth, we should not need Christs intercession in heaven; nor should wee need to pray daily (as Christ taught his Disciples) father for­give us, Heb. 7. 25 And therefore wee say, Blessed bee God for Jesus Christ in heaven: 1 Io. 2. 1, 2 who ever lives to make intercessi­on for us. And who, when wee sinne, is there our ad­vocate, and the propitiation for our sinnes; and thereby a­ble to save us ( [...]) to the uttermost, to per­fection: till all bee perfected, and if the Quakers will not for themselves joyn with us in this Christian confes­sion, let them speak out, and say so: And wee know what to say to them, and if they will joyn, let them cease to condemn us, for the acknowledgement of our imper­fection.

And thus have wee argued human imperfection, by an argument ad rem. And now wee shall prove it by arguments ad hominem; Even the Quakers themselves. And discover the imperfection and unsoundness of their pretended perfection, and consequently their Hypocrisy. And first from the manner of their conversion, and then from the matter or quality of the persons converted. And thirdly from their conversion it self. And this, first a little from the conversion of the Quakers in generall: And then of my quaking adversary in particular.

And first of the manner of the Quakers conversion in general, and that which I shall here observe is from the suddenness of their conversion, and I may adde the vio­lence of their conversion. And first from the suddenness of it, it may render it justly suspected, for suppose a drunkard, or a sottish Buffoon, a fellow that makes him­self a Fool (an ape) to make prophane persons merry (for some such among us have turned Quakers) suppose I [Page 6] say, such a one, shall all of a sudden leave his drunkenness, or leave his apish conversation, and (without any more a­do) become a Quaker, shall wee call this conversion? Its a saying of that great Lecturer of nature Hipocrates, that omnes repentinae mutationes, sunt periculosae: All sud­den changes or alterations are dangerous: They forebode no good, but evil. These sudden leaps, are from violent mo­tions. Nature in its regular course is more lent and mode­rate, making its progress from one degree unto another; And although sometimes there are found such violent motions in nature, yet they are very rare, but alwaies doubtful, this is true in religion and grace also.

These sudden Converts are (if not miracula) mira gra­tiae, wonders. As wee say of late conversion, from the instance of the Theef upon the Cross; One was so conver­ted, that none might despair, and but one, that none might presume. So of this sudden Conversion, they are Rare. A Paul or so, That (as hee himself saies, 1 Tim. 1. 16.) Christ might in him shew forth all long-suffering, for a pat­tern, to incourage others to come into God, notwithstan­ding they were Persecutors, and grievous sinners. But I say, These patterns are rare. As one Job was made a pattern of Patience. Such dispensations being not or­dinary; For as wee say, Nemo repente fit pessimus, none come to the height of wickednesse at once, so Nemo repen­te fit optimus: A man comes not to his stature of good­nesse on a sudden.

There are several ages in Christ: There are little chil­dren, young men, and Fathers, 1 John 2. 12, 13. And there is a growth in Grace, 2 Pet. 3. 18. as well as in Nature.

In order to the appearances of grace, in true conversion, there is a previous and precedaneous act of godly sorrow, which works repentance and true humiliation; whereby the soul (being cast down under the sense of its former e­vill waies and ungodly conversation) is made humble, meek, and lowly; judging and condemning it self as the vilest of all others: Or at least as vile as any. And thence (by the power of the spirit fetching strength from Christ, [Page 7] by faith) comes up by degrees, to some stature and growth in him, till hee come up to his appointed mea­sure. But these persons (as wee have observed them) do per saltum, skip from the lowest degree of baseness; to high measures of perfection, in a moment, all of a sudden. But some may say, how can you tell whether they have not been so humbled, or truly repented? The sin and evil conversation was open, but the repentance may be secret. We see a change, an alteration.

Ans. I'le ask then this question (and let it be seriously considered) May not Satan be contented that a person leave a base, a wicked conversation; that a man cease to be a drunkard, (or the like) that he may become an Here­tique, a Blasphemer? Is it not his advantage? Doth not the devil gain Proselites by such Converts as these are? Oh sayes a poor simple honest-hearted Christian, who judges by appearance, and suspects no evil, What a change is here wrought in this man? Surely this must needs be by some immediate and extraordinary power of Gods Spirit, it is good therefore to be of his Religion, whereas the man hath but shifted spirits. One or two are gone out, to make way for more and worse. Is not this the meaning of that Parable, where an unclean spirit (it may be a whorish one,Mat. 12. 43, 44, 45. or a drunken one) being gone out of a man, comes again and findes his old habitation (as there) swept and garnished, swept from his former filthy lusts, and garnished with specious shews and pretences of piety (indeed an hypocrite) empty of true grace, and find­ing it thus, concludes, there's a fit dwelling for my pur­pose, and then goes and takes seven devils more, worse then himself, devils of pride, censoriousness, faction, railing, lying, heresie, blasphemy, and all these enter and take pos­session, and so the man's worse then ever, his latter end is worse then his beginning: So that you cannot call this mans change, a conversion, though there be an alteration. But yet to shew the uncertainty, and (for the most part) hypocrisie of these sudden changes, and to make an esti­mate in that which may appear. Suppose a person hath [Page 8] got an estate by cheating, cozening, bribery, forgery, per­jury, extortion, oppression, or the like, and this person be­comes a Quaker, and so a witness of the truth, even of that Christs appearing the second time, and without sin unto sal­vation, as my friend George hath it in the Title Page of his railing Pamphlet; and you must suppose this appear­ing of Christ the second time without sin, to be so in him, or else he cannot be a witness, which he sayes himself to be. Now I say, suppose such a person become a Quaker, and so an eminent Saint, of the highest form of the Quakers mo­del, and hath not made restitution, nor given satisfaction for that estate so wickedly, impiously, and villanously gotten, can any one in the world say, this man hath re­pented, that he is converted, or a true Christian? Will a­ny one dare to say other of such a one (if he profess to be godly) then that he is a most wretched hypocrite and dissembler? and such persons we finde among them; and therefore the very suddenness of their Conversions, with so little evidence of truth, doth justly render it su­spected, especially if you consider the violence of the mo­tion in which they are hurried. We have another saying, that nullum violentum est perpetuum, what is violent, is not lasting. And surely, if we observe their violent unusual and uncivil actings, following (or rather going along) with their sudden Conversions, we may easily conclude the un­soundness of them. For as for the Spirit of Christ (which they so highly pretend to) it was not of their temper: He did not (as was Prophecied of him) strive, Mat. 12. 19, 20. nor cry, neither did any man hear his voice in the streets: He did not quench the smoaking flax, nor break the bruised reed; He did no sin, neither was there guile found in his mouth; when he was reviled, 1 Pet. 2. 22, 23 he reviled not again; when he suffer­ed, he threatned not, but committed himself to him that judg­eth righteously. And how contrary this peoples demean­our is, and how unlike this pattern, 'tis easie to discern: Never were there such bold, open, and unparallel'd Rai­lers and Revilers in the world as these are, as if they were the Masters of Scolding, and Billingsgate Professors; and [Page 9] which is remarkable, their rage and malice is thus violent­ly belched out, most against the Ministers of the Gospel, by which we discern whose Scholars they are, and whose work they do: The malice of Satan hath been alwayes most against Christs Ministers; and therefore hath his practise been, by his instruments, to slander and cast dirt in their faces, that by calumniating their persons, he might hinder the acceptation of their Doctrine; and this with singular confidence and boldness and (no doubt) by this means they gain with some people: They have learnt that Machivilian Maxime, Calumniare audacter, aliquid haerebit; Lie, calumniate, slander, and do it boldly, and with confidence, and some of it will stick, it will take with some or other; according to the Hebrew Proverb, If all enter not, half will. And indeed it will not be believed (but by observing persons) how much bold, confident, and peremptory asserting and holding out an Opinion, or Relation (though false in it self) will take, and prevaile with such simple and unexercised people, who cannot judge, and put a difference between words and matter: And it's strange to see, how in matters of debate and con­troversie, they will determine of his side that is most da­ring, and carries on his cause with most words and confi­dence: Nay, most certain it is, that the very Title Page of a Pamphlet, boldly stuff'd and languag'd, shall be a sufficient confutation and satisfaction to many, against that person or side they fancy not; so that sense, or non­sense, truth or falshood, their Adversaries (say they) is answered and confuted, though possibly they read nei­ther one nor tother; or if they do, they do not under­stand them; and so from the bold revilings of their lead­ers, take up a prejudice against both our Doctrine and persons: But as for the latter, we can be contented to be reproached for Christs sake, and the Gospel; and we can with comfort read and think upon these words, Blessed are ye when men shall revile you, Mat. 5. 11, 12. and persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil of you falsly for my sake, rejoyce and be exceeding glad, for great is your reward in heaven, for [Page 10] so persecuted they the Prophets which were before you. And in the steps of these their railing Fore-fathers do this people tread, much unlike our Lord and Master Christ Jesus: True it is, wee finde him angry, and much displeased sometimes, but 'twas with two sorts of persons, those who profaned the publike place of worship, and those hypo­crites, who under specious pretences of more holiness and higher perfection than others, devoured Widdowes houses, and made void Gods Commandements, teaching, that Children were free from honouring their Parents, upon their Corban, some religious pretences, and that now they were free from doing any more for their Father or Mother, contrary to that Commandement, Thou shalt ho­nor thy Father, and thy Mother. And Solomon ranks them that do not bless their Mother,Pro. 30. 11. 12. 13. with them that curse their Father: And who are they? Proud self-conceited hypo­crites. I'le give you all together, There is a generation that curseth their Father, and doth not bless their Mother; There is a generation that are pure in their own eyes, and yet is not washed from their filthiness; There is a generation, oh how lofty are their eys, and their eye-lids are lifted up. And surely these things have never been exemplified in any age more, than in this present generation of Quakers, wherein, un­der pretext of more holiness, piety, mortification, self-de­nial, voluntary humility, abstinences, and the like, they put forth so much pride, scorn, rancour, censoriousness, self-exalting other-men condemning practises, that ne­ver was the like known (or heard of) by any people un­der heaven. With such as these (Profaners of the pub­like places of worship, and dissembling hypocrites that de­spised all others) I finde our Lord dealing very roundly, whipping the one out of the Temple, and denouncing dire­ful and dreadful woes and judgements against the other: But as for all other sorts of sinners, I finde him manifesting much tenderness towards them, being meek and gentle, benigne and gracious, eating and drinking with Publicans and sinners; which reads mee this lesson, that Profaners of Gods Worship, and hypocrites, are to be dealt with more [Page 11] severely and sharply than others. And the same course doth the Apostle Paul direct his Scholar Titus (a Mini­ster) to take with unruly and vain talkers, and deceivers, who subvert whole houses, teaching things that they ought not, for filthy lucres sake, Titus 1. 13. Rebuke them sharply, that they may be sound in the faith: And therefore if these peo­ple be found to be hypocrites, and we deal plainly with them; if they call our plain dealing railing, we will fol­low our Master in bearing his reproach, for doing the same work that hee did, and his Apostles enjoyned us, and leave it to him to judge between us.

And for mine own part, if any man shal be displeased with mee, for telling people of their sins, and neglect of their duties (as desiring their amendment) keeping my self within the bounds of truth and soberness (of which those who are guilty of base cowardise, flattery, or unworthy compliance; nor those who kick, because their sores are touch'd on, shall be my Judges) I shall not account my self to have discharged my Ministery faithfully, if some be not angry. Sore eyes cannot endure the light, and a toothless Minister will best please a careless and a secure people; and if they will have such Teachers, the best way (which they have pretty well learn'd) is to get such that must live upon their almes, that they and theirs may starve, if they will not flatter them; and which (I am confident) is not the least of Satans design at this time up­on this Nation. I write not this in reference to my own condition, for I bless God, I am otherwise honestly provided for; and the shutting of peoples Purses, shall not stop my mouth from speaking what my Lord and Master commands me: And as the Apostle (in another case) so I in this, could wish that all other Ministers in the Nation were as I am, for then I should hope we should have a better people, I mean for the general; and as for those reproa­ches which some would cast upon mee, I can, and do re­joyce in this, that it is not for any false Doctrine, or scan­dalous conversation, or for any thing of personal or pri­vate concernment, but for home, and plain, and faithful [Page 12] applications, from zealous and hearty opposition against faction, heresie, and blasphemy, and against unworthy and unchristian practises in some people, especially hypocrites, who will not easily be rouzed: And if any shall hence apprehend themselves justified in the like reprehensions towards mee, I prevent them with this proposal; when they shall finde mee devouring Widdowes houses, or ru­ining the estate of any man; when they shall see me (with the hypocritical or quaking Pharisee, wearing broader or narrower Philacteries than others; that is, making great­er or higher shewes and out-sides of Religion (one way or other) on purpose to be taken notice of, and to be seen of men, and pointed at; when they shall finde me (as their fellowes) compassing Sea and Land to make Proselites; when they hear of me running up and down from Country to Country, from one Parish to another, disturbing, revile­ing, railing at, and persecuting those who are in their law­ful and setled stations (following and pursuing their law­ful callings) when they finde me (and they can prove it) preaching false doctrine and heresie, when I do any of these things, let them call me hypocrite, and deal sharply with me, I will not call it persecution. And since I am thus fal­len upon this particular, give me leave to write a word or two unto it.

The Quakers charge us (and according to their guize and guile) make loud out-cries on us for Persecution: But I appeal to all the world, who are the Persecutors; Do not they disturb, revile, and persecute? Are not we in our rightful possessions and imployments? And did, or do we go or run after them, to hinder or disquiet them? Do we desire any thing of them, more than that we and our people might meet and serve God peaceably, accord­ing to our rule? And may we not require it of our Ma­gistrates? And is it not their duty, to secure and protect us and themselves from tumults, frights, and fears? Must they revile and reproach us, and our doctrine, and render us vile at their pleasures? Must all they say be good and warrantable? And must our just defences of our selves, [Page 13] calling, and worship, be persecuting and railing, because they say so? Was there ever such a breed of peremptory Controllers of words, Lawes, and actions, as these are? Must all the world bow down and kiss their feet, and wor­ship James Naylor, upon their bare and un-grounded affir­mations? And if at any time, any of them do suffer im­prisonment, or the like, what is it for? Is it for Religion, or conscience sake? Who meddles with them upon that account? Is not their suffering for riotous disturbances in our Publique Worship? And if they say their conscience or light leads them to it, and therefore they must be suffer'd, and not punished, which if we do punish, 'tis Persecution. I ask, What if their light lead them to take away our e­states as well as our good name, must they (because they pretend conscience) be let alone and suffered? Or if they suffer, is it Persecution? I leave it to all sober men in the world to judge, and who are not willing to be led blinde-fold: Nor is this a groundlesse or a blinde suggestion, that such a thing as this may be; for did not the Anabaptists in Germany heretofore do the same, upon the like preten­ces? Did they not rob, and take away the estates of all that were not of their Faction, because forsooth they were the wicked and ungodly? And was not this the level­ling principle of that thing, which my opponent George in his imaginary Throne of truth, page 104. calls a Parlia­ment, and highly magnifies? Whose speech was that to the Officers of the Army at White-Hall, concerning that Parliament (if we must so call it) That they did fly at liber­ty and property, insomuch, that if one man had twelve Cowes, they held, that another that wanted Cowes ought to take a share of his neighbour: And (as he most consideringly said) Who could have said any thing was his own, if they had gone on? And blessed be God for their dissolution. And thus much of the Quakers perfection, from their Con­version, Mark 9. 18. 20. in respect of the manner, sudden and violent, more like a possession, then a conversion.

And now a word or two of the matter (the stuffe) these Quakers are made of; and truly (all things consi­dered, [Page 14] their sudden rise, growth, and perfection, together with the matter whereof they are generated) I know not to what more fitly to liken them, than Mushroms, or Toad-stools, one of natures hasty productions, sprung up and perfected in a night or two; a kinde of excressence, of a light and thin substance, like a Sponge, white and fair to look to, generated for the most part out of rottennesse and putrefaction; most of them of a dangerous and pernicious quality; at the best good for nothing. Hence (by transla­tion) they use to call an unprofitable and empty fellow, a Fungus, which is a Mushrom. He that will be informed of them, let them read Gerhards Herbal, where among other evil qualities of them, you shall finde some of them (for there are of several kindes) made use of to kill and smother Bees, to drive them out of their Hives, and bereave the poor Bees of their meat, houses, and lives: And in some places they serve, sayes he, to carry fire from place to place, and which being open'd, send forth a thin powder like to smoak, This of the Puck foists, which is one kinde of Mu­shrom. which is very noy­some and hurtful to the eyes, causing a kinde of blindnesse, which is called Pur-blinde, or Sand-blinde; and they grow, saith he (some of them) where old rusty iron lies, or rotten clouts, or neer to Serpents Dens, or roots of trees that bring forth venemous fruit. In sum, they are a sli­my excrementitious matter, suddenly arising out of the earth, having no root, and so of no continuance, tending as suddenly to putrifaction and rottenness, whence they had their original. And how this doth quadrare, and al­most run upon all four, and fully suit to hypocritical pro­ductions, is easie to discern: For a little to apply, and but a little, for an ordinary capacity may carry it on; Is it not strange? and is it not that which makes the won­der now a-daies, that sots, drunkards, wheres, whoremon­gers, covetous persons and oppressors, persons stupid and ignorant, of no brains or knowledge in morality, less in Religion, silly clownes, and simple women, whose capaci­ties reach not beyond their breeding and imployment, persons fanatical, vertiginous, factious, of un­stable and unsetled [Page 15] spirits, and indeed almost all sorts of vile persons, that these should be the matter of which the Quakers are gendred? Doth not the world wonder at this, as it did after the beast which arose out of the Sea? Rev. 13. But a­las friends cease your wondering, Is it such a strange thing to see old rusty iron, dirty clouts, and rotten trees bring forth dainty Mushroms? Is not this the mode of the un­grounded, unrooted Professor? Know you not? or have you not heard of the Parable of the Sower? There are a sort of Professors which quickly (suddenly) take, but not having depth of earth (not well rooted) they dry a­way and wither? Matth. 13. And it's observable what Matthew hath,Mark 4. ver. 5. concerning them;Luke 8. and Mark also, ver. 5. That forthwith (immediately, [...], all of a sudden) it sprung up, And why? Because they had no depth of earth; slight and ungrounded Professors start up suddenly; and for the same reason they suddenly wither, as in the following ver­ses: Ill weeds (we say) grow apace; not so good herbs, and fruit-bearing plants; they bring forth with patience, they must have time to perfect them. And here let me not be mistaken, I do not any way judge or limit the Al­mighty in his operations upon souls to be converted, either for the matter (the persons to be converted) or the manner (the suddenness of it) for he is a most free, and a most powerful Agent, and in my soul I bless and do adore him. But let it be considered, his workings are not ordi­narily so sudden, violent, and so general, especially with such as have been grosly ignorant and scandalous; he doth not usually bring souls from the lowest condition of dark­nesse, ignorance, and stupidity (both natural and spiritual) and of profane and ungodly conversation, to the heights of light, knowledge, and holiness (even to perfection) at an instant, in a moment, within a few daies, or weeks, or moneths, as these pretend to be. These sudden, vio­lent, and hasty progressions are not usually well ground­ed, or perpetual; for indeed they have no bottome, no sta­ble foundation, and argues, that though there be a change, 'tis not true conversion, every turning, every [Page 16] change is not conversion. The Scripture tells us of some who turn aside after Satan, 1 Tim. 1. 15. and that some shall turn away their ears from the truth, 2 Tim. 4. 4. and shall be turned unto fables, which is the third thing considerable in the Quakers con­version, and will evidence their imperfection; for perfecti­on stands in these two things, to be perfectly fully inform­ed and established in truth of doctrine and faith, and to be absolutely, fully compleated in holinesse, and if a person come short in either, he is not absolutely, compleatly per­fect. And now if a man turn from prophaneness to heresie, from an ungodly conversation, in point of practise, to an un-christian or anti-christian perswasion, in point of do­ctrine, he cannot be said to be truly converted, much lesse absolutely perfect; The greatest Heretickes have been so­ber and seri­ous persons. and I do sadly, seriously (and with re­spect to the welfare of peoples soules) propose it to be weighed by honest, yet simple hearts (and so easie to be seduced.) And let them tell me, Is there not as great dan­ger? and doth it not bring upon the soul as certain perdi­tion and damnation, to be under the devils dominion by heresie and false doctrine, as by a wicked conversation? If not, What matter is it, whither a man be a Christian or no▪ or what Religion he be of, so he be otherwise an honest man, and of a good conversation? Doth not the Word tell us of damnable heresies, which bring swift destruction; and that the damnation of such as imbrace them,2 Pet. 2. 1, 2, 3. slumbers not? 1 Tim. 4. 1, 2. And of some that depart from the faith (i.e. true do­ctrine) and give heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils, vented by such as speak lies in hypocrisie; and that some are thereby in the devils snare, 2 Tim. 2. 25, 26. and led captive by him at his will.

Much more might be, and hath been elswhere spoken and written to this purpose, not to be denied: If then the Quakers do turn from one ungodly way to another, as certainly destructive and deadly, we cannot account them perfect: Nor will their own sayings, boasting, pretend­ings avail them, for he is not just who acquits himself, but he whom God acquitteth.

And now as for the Anti-christian doctrines of the Qua­kers, [Page 17] they have been sufficiently discovered, and whether they acknowledge their heresies, or no, makes not to the matter,2 Cor. 4. 3, 4. for Satans captives are blinded by him, and the Lord in judgement gives some men over to the efficacy of errour,2 Thes 2. 10, 11, 12. to believe lies, to their condemnation. And let it here again be minded (to evince the unsoundnesse of the Quakers conversion, aad thence their imperfection) the effect or end of Gospel conversion is, to change and alter men both in minde and manners, and to bring them to that Gospel temper prophecied of and promised, Isa. 11. 6. 7. 8. The Wolfe shall dwell with the Lamb, and the Leopard shall lie down with the Kid, and the Calf, and the young Lion, and the Fatling together, and a little childe shall lead them, &c. So tame and gentle shall they be, walking lowly and meekly, under the sense of former vileness, with humble acknowledgements of their own unworthinesse, of such grace they have received, not boasting, exalting, or (Pharisee like) lifting up themselves above others, with a stand further off, I am more holy then thou: Whereas the Quakers change is of a quite contrary temper, what­ever they were before: How meek, how milde, how gentle soever, they now become fierce, and heady, and raging, running up and down like mad dogs and tygers, barking, biting, suarling, raving, and railing at all others; nay, even women and maidens, (the ornament of whose sex is a meek and quiet spirit) changing their natural tem­per, 1 Pet. 3. 4. become (not spiritual, but) unnatural, uncivil, and immodest, lifting up their voices in the very streets and publike Congregations: So that had that conceit of those Phylosophers, of Transmigration of the souls of men and women into beasts been true, we might have thence fan­cied another, and that is, that the souls of beasts had trans­migrated, and shifted themselves into the bodies of women and maidens, and informed them, it being otherwise al­most impossible (sure not imaginable) that that more modest and milder sex should so far forget themselves, but not to seek after such uncertain light (indeed false) for the ground of this miscarriage. The true light of Scripture [Page 18] tells us,Rom. 1. 25. 26. that those who change the truth of God into a lie, the Lord in justice gives them up to vile affections, and passions, so that even women change the order of nature into that which is contrary to nature, as this people do: So that from the manner of the Quakers conversion, the matter, and the end and term, we may well conclude, their change is not true conversion, but unsound and rotten, and then they are not perfect. Thus of the Quakers in general.

And now to deal with my quaking friend in particu­lar: And first, as for the person of the man, I profess I do not hate him; and should the Lord be pleased to hum­ble him, to give him a sight of his sins, and the grace of true repentance, that so he might be truly converted. I shall (notwithstanding all his unworthy dealings with me) gladly receive him into my bosome; but for the present, and as yet he appears to be, I look upon him with a heart full of trembling, and beg of God, that he would never leave mee (or any good man) to fall into the like conditi­on. For truly, as I look upon Francis Spira, as a dreadful instance of a poor despairing creature, so I look upon George Bishop, as a fearful example of a poor wretch, whose heart is judicially hardened, and his conscience sear­ed, and both, for sinning against the light of the Gospel re­vealed to them; for the Lord hath several wayes to deal with Gospel-despisers and contemners, who receive not the truth with a love of it. When I read my opponents Pamphlet (oculo currente) as we say,Throne of Truth, page 100. and with a super­ficial eye, I met with his Protestation, concerning the mat­ter of the Lord Craven, (with the iniquity whereof I knew he had been highly charged) I made a stand, and seri­ously observed it; and I do confess I was somewhat asto­nished at that bold and daring Appeal, which he therein makes unto the all-discerning eye of the Almighty, of his innocency and integrity, which made me (consi­dering the notoriousnesse of the fact, and of his being char­ged with it) to read again, and to consider whether there might not be some equivocation in the language and ex­pression, which not appearing to me, I then began to [Page 19] think, that possibly he might not be guilty, this being an age, wherein many things are charged upon many men very slightly and ungroundedly, and sometimes very falsly: But when I more closely, and with a more obser­vant eye, read again his writings, and took notice of his practises and devices, his juglings, wrestlings, prevaricati­ons, and pervertings of my plain sense and meaning; his putting of blindes and fallacies upon his Reader, (which artifice possibly he learned of his Master the Jesuite, whom he served till he was discovered.) And when I observed his railing and reviling language, with his malicious and revengeful tendencies, I then saw, that as he had dealt with a shameless forehead in this matter, so he had done in that also; and that he was a person of a profligate spi­rit, and that there was some mental reservation in his pro­testation; or that (which I most incline to believe) he is a man of a most supernaturally, and God-forsaken-har­den'd heart, and seared conscience. And I affirme, that if we may judge, and take an estimate of the Conscience, honesty, and perfection of the Quakers in general, by this man in particular, we may safely say, that one may be as vile a person as any under heaven, and yet be a perfect Quaker. For certainly, he that shall dare to make such an appeal to the all-seeing eye of God, of his innocence, and shall be guilty, will dare to do any thing. But the Proverb is verified; She that will dare to play the Whore, will dare to deny it; Custome is a second nature: So that, in what a man is accustomed unto, it is a hard matter for him to do other­wise: Can the Ethiopian change his skin, Jer. 13. 23. or the Leopard his spots? then may ye also do good, that are accustomed to do evil: Frequent and reiterated acts beget a habit, and hard and much working, doth not more harden the hand, than often sinning hardens the heart:2 Pet. 2. from 10. to the end. So that as S. Peter sayes, they cannot cease from sin; who (as S. Paul describes them, Eph. 4. 18, 19.) through the darkness of their mindes, and the blindness of their hearts, being past feel­ing, give themselves over to work all manner of wickednesse, even with greedinesse: 1 Kin. 21. 20. And with Ahab, who by wicked [Page 20] practises got away Naboth's vineyard, sell themselves to work evil, even in the sight of the Lord. And when they have perpetrated their leudness (with the Whore in the Proverbs) eat and wipe their mouthes, Pro. 30. 20. and say, I have done no wickednesse: Nay, so prevalent is Satan with such per­sons, that they will pretend to God, Religion, and the pub­lick interest, to promote their evil practises. So did Ahab; but the devil is never a worse devil, than when a Saint, Dissimulata Sanctitas, est duplex iniquitas, Dissembled (counterfeited) Sanctity, is double iniquity, none so dan­gerously tempting and taking;2 Cor 11. 14. and therefore doth Sa­tan himself transform himself sometimes into an Angel of light, 1 Thes. 2▪ 9. coming with greater power than ordinary, and more specious shewes of holinesse; he comes as an imme­diate messenger, an Angel from heaven, with great light, when 'tis but a new Gospel, (if it be a Gospel) and the old devill, who upon pretence of teaching our first Pa­rents in another way than God had declared, made their children blinde ever after, till restored and recovered of their sight, by a new Creation, and till then, no marvell if they go on in their wickednesse with resolution as (too much to be feared) this man hath done, in many par­ticulars.

For to come to his dealings and practises, and to be­gin (and to consider) what he begins with, how vain­ly (and like the bragging souldier in the Comedy) how Thrasonically, and with long-winded expressions, doth he lift up the hands of that blaspheming wretch, James Naylor? And how daringly doth he ask the question? What law hath he broken? Or what offence against man hath he committed? Whom the Parliament hath censured (and in part punished) as a horrible blasphemer: It's free to this man (Geo. Bishop) to arraign and censure the actions of the Parliament; but, is James the Champion of the Lord of Hosts, before whom none of the Priests could stand, as George sayes? And was his light so clear (so infallible; so sure?) How comes it to pass that this glo­rious son of the morning, is like Lucifer so cast down, and [Page 21] darkned, by that woman and her company,Martha Simons. with all their filthiness and deceit, as he phrases it, page 5. beg. What Spirit was that: and what darknesse was that which he speaks of, page 4. that clouded him? When began it? And is it not still upon him? And how came it to pass, that being delivered, he became dark again? (page ead.) These things would be known, that so wee might say, when James is in the dark, or when he is in the light, that so we might not be mistaken in him; for we must not be altogether led by George Bishop, lest wee agree not with those, who (notwithstanding his, and his fellow Foxes disclaimes) did, and do still own James Naylor. But to let this pass, (for he is not worth inquiring after) by the wisdome of God that fore-sees all things (sayes he, page 5.) it was so ordered, that there was found (among the papers that were about James Naylor) one paper where­in that spirit (good or bad) the woman and her compa­ny, Martha Simons. and their practises were expresly discerned and judged.This was the Letter sent from Fox and Bishop to Nay­lor; mentioned both in my Narrative, and Geo. answer. In which Letter they disclaim, and judge James Naylor, and his crew, as deceivers. But now mark (horrendum facinus) the false and mischievous spirit of the Priest, that publish'd that Narrative, and his foul and dishonest dealing, and how un­faithful he is in his relation: The Priest out of devillish wick­edness (Georges words) forges such a word, as had it been truly so, might have rendred George Fox a blasphemer un­der his own hand; and this is such a fact, that words need not further to express it, which in its very face is so manifest­ly wicked and abominable, a wickedness not found in the roll of those evils, which the Apostle mentions, should make the last daies perillous; and 'tis manifest, this act is wil­full.

All this, and more, page 7, 8. of his Pamphlet, and part of the 9. To all this out-cry, by way of answer, one would have expected, that one so eminently perfect in charity as George is (for if hee have not charity, hee is nothing, hee is not what hee pretends) would have judged the best, which is one main property of cha­rity, it would have taught him, as v. 5. not to be ready to think evil of another,1 Cor. 13. 1, 2. and not to have triumph'd and re­joyced [Page 22] in my sin, and made so many words of it; and to aggravate it so highly; Charity would have suggested this, or the like, Possibly through his (the Priest) and his Scribes neglect, or mistake, or the hand of the Clerk (from whom hee received the Copy of that Letter) being obscurely written, there being not much difference between these two words (own and am) as they may be written, might mislead both, or either of them. Or, it may be a mistake of the Prin­ter, and the Priests over-sight in correcting. Or (if none of this could have pleaded my excuse, to clear me from so great a crime as foul forgery) he might have (in reason) considered me from his own condition, before he became so singularly illuminated. For I ask, was he never (in the time of his darkness and ignorance) guilty indeed of forgery? (of which hereafter) Or was it not, because he had been so often criminous in such practises, that hee so easily, so readily, and so (confidently charges others. I leave it to his light within him: But (to satisfie every honest person) the truth is, It is just so (as I have set it down) in the Copy of the Letter, which I received from the hands of the Clerk, who took the examination, and that as plainly written, as any words in the world, which Master Dorney will acknowledge, and which the Copy it self will justifie, which I have to shew to all that desire it. As for the Letter it self, it was sent up to London to the Par­liament, and there continues. And (as Mr. Dorney said upon sight of the Copy) it might be so as I have exprest it (for ought hee knew) in the original, which whe­ther it be or no, in this case is not material, I am clear, I did not forge it; and yet upon this base doth he build the great weight of his discourse, charging and re-charging (like a doughty Captain) again and again, in several places of his Pamphlet, making this his great Achilles. And so much in discharge of that great calumny which he makes so much use of. And I wish him to consider, whether hee did not willingly take it up, as a matter to re­proach mee, when as (probably) hee might bee in­formed, I followed my Copy. For sure I am, I have [Page 23] been divers times asked (before the publication of his scurrilous Pamphlet) how it was in my president, or copy: To which I gave satisfaction, if he did it wilfully, the Lord humble him, and forgive him.

And whereas he sayes (page 9.) that what I have publish'd in my Narrative (p. 10, 11.) of the exami­nation of Martha Simons, is enough to prove mee, my design, and title, and book, to be a lie. Surely he pre­sumes highly upon the blindness, ignorance, or negli­gence of his Reader; for it clearly demonstrates, that Fox, and his Crew, were against Naylor, and his; and so that they were not all guided by one spirit, or at best, by that spirit which is the spirit of division, which was part of the design and title of my book, and so not a lie. But that which sticks much in the Captains teeth, and puts him to picking (from page 11. of his Pamphlet, to 24.) is the Quakers confusion with which I charge them. And truly, I believe, had he been left at large, to choose his own testimonies, and to have suborn'd and produc'd his own witnesses, he would perhaps have pack'd his matter handsomer, and more to his own purpose; but being con­fin'd to my relation, how miserably is he be-dabled and confounded, in seeking confusion where it was not, in my book.

The sum of all that matter is this, for I could not bring you into every stinking corner of his discourse, but help you to view it, and him at a distance, lest the noysomness of it should offend you. I did (in my Narrative) by way of dilemma (which what kinde of argument that is Scho­lars know) propose two things, by way of supposition, but positively affirming noither: But if either were true, (as one of them must, the matters propounded being apparent) I had my end upon them. The matter thus, There was opposition and witness bearing (that's plain, and confest, not only by words of mouth and writing, but also by blowes and sore beating) between Fox, and his followers, and Naylor, and his. Now, say I here's opposi­tion manifested and declared, Party against Party, in ap­pearance.

[Page 24] I consider'd the Quakers, (Fox and Naylor, and all of them one and another) as pretending to be led by one and the same unerring spirit; and that, as they said, they were all one; but here was division, and daggers drawing (as it were) one against another; I look'd upon them in general as deceivers, their fruits discovering it. This opposition (if true) I concluded could not consist with unity and oneness, to which they pretended I had no way to determine the matter, but thus: This opposi­tion of theirs (say I) was either reall, i.e. Fox and his Crew were realy and indeed displeased, and did judge Naylor and his, or they were not indeed displeased and of­fended, and this opposition and quarrel might be but from the teeth outward and to blinde the world; one of these two must of necessity be granted; if the former, sc. that it was a reall quarrel, then their brags of Ʋnity was a l [...]e, a cheat, and they deceivers, and impostors that way. If the latter, sc. If their opposition were but feigned, they were cheats and liars that way, in pretending opposition where it was not reall.

Now that either might be true, I gave divers grounds or reasons, not determining for either, but absolutely con­cluding one, which was sufficient to my purpose, which was, to discover their impostures and deceivings: And yet hereupon so simple, or so—is this fellow, as to cry out, Is not the matter granted, and the Priest grants it? when as 'tis easie to discerne, I do but argue exhypothesi, and by way of supposition. Thus, if so, then they are di­vided (notwithstanding their professions of unity) if thus (as it may be) then (notwithstanding their out­ward oppositions) they are secretly agreed, and they are one, either way, Impostors. And this discovers his delusi­ons in those fourteen pages: And yet we see how simply he pleases himself at the end of his thirteenth page, and the beginning of the fourteenth, vapouring and bragging with high language, as if my discourse in that matter, were nothing but confusion and contradiction. I am not willing to put my self to so much paines to write it out. [Page 25] And here I might end with his 24. page for the matter▪ But there are some things I must take notice of, to disco­ver his blindes and juglings with his Reader, and his most miserable begging a thing in question; nay, utterly denied him. In the fourteenth page, (and so on, to part of the twentieth) hee seems to mee to deal with his Reader as a cunning Thief, who over-taking a simple-hearted, and un­wary Traveller, and not well acquainted with the way, falls in with him, and entertaines him with a long dis­course, and (unawares to the man) draws him out of the way, to rob him: So doth hee make a large story of Moses leading Israel out of Egypt, and of his transactions with Corah and his company; and of Aarcus business with Nadab and Abihu, and other such like matters, and of the opposition between Paul and Peter, and of Paul and Barnabas, &c. and asks, Whether, because of these oppositions and contests between the good and bad party, (the one being in the right, and the other in the wrong) Whether therefore the Quakers, because of their oppositi­ons, be a pack of cozening Impostors, and lying Mounte­banks: And he sayes, if my argument be good, or of force to prove the Quakers confusion, and that the one true infallible spirit by which they are led, is a Babel, bauble, cheat, an Impostor, &c. because of Foxes and Naylors oppositi­on: Then he sayes, Moses and the Israelites, who kept faithful with God, and the Law, &c. must bee so too. And upon this score, calls me high blasphemer, and arrogant Priest, &c. Before I make answer, I must observe the wretched, perverse, and prevaricating spirit of this man, and how unworthily, and indeed dishonestly hee wrests and changes my expressions at his pleasure: For where (in all, or any part of my book) did I say, that the one true infallible spirit, by which the Quakers are led, is a Babel, bauble, cheat, an Impostor (as hee would make mee to say page 15. of his Pamphlet) All that I said was, that their pretences to be led by that Spirit, was a Babel, &c. And I deny that they are led by the one true infallible Spi­rit: And now I say further, the Spirit by which the Qua­kers [Page 26] are led, is a Babel, &c. And now to the matter in question: And seriously (Reader) I'le tell thee truth, when I observed his reasoning (if I may give it so good a name) I could not chuse (though alone) but smile, and was affected, I cannot well say, whether more with the simplicity of the man in his own understanding (in respect of his darkness) or with something else, whereby hee would impose upon the ignorance of some silly Reader, in all, and every one of those instances produced by him, which is to this end, sc. to evince this truth, (for I'le do him all the right in the World) That good men may disa­gree, and not be Impostors, as did Moses and Aaron, Paul and Peter, &c. wherein he might have spared himself, and Reader, a great deal of labour. For I readily grant, That because some sin, therefore all sin, is no good argu­ment: But what's this to the Quakers? Doth this clear them from being Impostors? Wee say, whether they a­gree, or not agree, they are both wrong, both deceivers: May not Knaves fall together by the ears? Doth their falling out, make either side honest? Suppose the Quakers and the Ranters (who pretended to as high a principle, even the same) should fall out, would that justifie either? No, no, my friend George (or who ever helpt him) is out; they shall not get that by begging, which they will ne­ver prove; nor will wee ever grant them, that either (Fox or Naylor) are in the right, or to be believed: True it is, had either (Fox or Naylor) been in the Truth, as Moses was, and Paul was, and those other Worthies (whom hee instances) these allegations had been to purpose; but Fox and Naylor both, being Deceivers, all this matter of Georges, is besides the cushion.

And I cannot but note one thing, how bold this man is with all the Quakers that are not of his perswasion, as if hee had monopoliz'd the Spirit of Truth and Infallibility, he brings in Naylor and his Party, as Aaron, and the Calf­makers, and Fox and his Party, as Moses; the one sinning, the other reproving; for if this be not his meaning, hee produces that, and his other instances, to no purpose: [Page 27] So that hee would have Naylor the Calf, and his Party, those that worship him. Are all the Quakers of England of his minde? If not (as sure it is they are not) where is still their unity? And they may well question George, as arrogating and assuming unto himself (and Foxes fol­lowers) the spirit of stability and setledness: In derogati­on of Naylor and his Adherents, as he doth in page 20. whom they deny, as being under the spirit of darkness, page 21.

And whereas hee (sillily) seems to triumph over us Priests (as hee calls us) because wee do not hypocritically and lyingly (as they do) pretend to bee led infallibly, by the Spirits discovery of new doctrines to us, as were the Apostles: Let him know, that wee are led and guided by the Spirit, into the knowledge and belief of those truths which were so revealed, by belief whereof, wee attain salvation, (and as many as by our preaching im­brace and follow the same truths with us) without more or further revelations. And wee affirm, and prove, that so preaching, our people ought to hear us, and wee are to be believed.

But doth not the Reader perceive the blinde, that George would put upon him? Doth hee not discern the end of that long discourse, whereby hee would draw him out of the way to cozen him, that hee might not look after the matter that was of great concernment, and incumbent upon George (as the Quakers great Advocate) to have undertaken and discharged? But of that ne gry quidem (as wee say) not a word: That which an understanding Reader would reasonably have look'd for, was, that George would have done them this service, to have shew­ed how this can stand with truth, That the Quakers are all at an agreement, and led by one Spirit of truth; When as Fox, (one great Apostle, (who also hath many fol­lowers) shall charge Naylor (another great Apostle, who also hath many followers) that hee and his Disci­ples are joyned against the truth, As in that for­mer Letter. and that he trained up a company against it, and that their iniquity doth encrease, [Page 28] and that accompanied with wilfulness and stubbornness. Is this to bee one in the truth, when one considerable Party are joyned against the truth? &c. And another thus bear witness against them, and yet they stubbornly persist. If George now could have unfolded this riddle, hee should have been the Quakers Oedipus, or their great Apollo, to resolve all their doubts, and help them at a dead lift, but not being able to do it, hee decoyes his Reader out of the way, and tells him a long story, of nothing to the pur­pose: And yet a little further, it would be known, for the information of all Quakers in general (for I see I must bee their friend) What is, or was James Naylor's sin and wickedness, that such high testimony is born against it, as that the matter must come to blowes: Wherefore do these infallible ones thus judge him, and his company, (who are not a few) and spirit? It is not (it seemes) for his and their blasphemous practises, for which the Par­liament did censure him, for this testimony was born a­gainst him, and the sin witnessed against, was long before James riding in pomp. No, this Fox and his Crew can al­low of, and so become participes criminis, guilty of the same crime, witness Foxe's, and others papers published in print, for extenuation and vindication of Naylor, wit­ness the Petitions of those eminently godly and conscienti­ous persons, who interceded for him with the Parliament; and witness Bishop himself, page 3. who asks, What Law hath it been made appear to the Nation that Naylor hath bro­ken? And then highly aggravates his suffering▪ as unpar­rallelled: So that in this, the Priest will grant they are a­greed. But still wee are to seek what was James his sin, Was it; because that woman (Martha Simons) struck him dumb, and made him silent; so that hee hath not since spoken in publike? Why, Is not this now in fashion among them generally? Their silent meetings, wherein like Pigs and Swine they come together, and grunt, and snuffle, and so depart.

Wee read in the Gospell, sometimes of a mad and ra­ving devil, that no man could tame, Mark 2. 3, 4. And [Page 29] Matthew sayes he was so fierce,Mat. 8. 28. that no man might pass by that way. And sometimes wee read of a dumb, a silent devil, so called, because hee made those hee possessed dumb and silent, so that they were not then free to speak. And it seems the Quakers must witness these various dis­pensations, as a part of their perfection. This then is not James Naylors sin, George Fox, or Bishop, shall do well (in charity) to acquaint the World of Quakers with it, that they may avoid it, lest they come into the same condem­nation, and to greater confusion, and hee bee more puzled; wee shall expect it, when George gets up into his Throne again; and if it bee that Bastard that James Naylor was charged with, let them deal plainly with the World, for there is (since the publication of my Narrative) some further discoveries of it, more fully; as in a book entitu­led, The Grand Impostor examined, printed for H. Brome, at the Hand in Pauls-Church-yard. As also another entitu­led, An exact History of the Life of James Naylor, with his parents, birth, education, &c. printed by Edward Tho­mas in Green-Arbour, both published by one John Deacon, wherein there is also mention made of a Maid, seduced to be a Quaker, and got with childe, by one Duesbury, a­nother Quaker, which was confessed by her self, who also affirmed, that Naylor did solicite her to lie with him; and possibly this may bee it, for George doth not deny it, nei­ther in Text, nor Margin, nor doth hee say, it is a lie, as hee doth page 6. in the behalf of Howgil, whose mouth Martha Simons affirmed shee had stopped: It was a lie (saith hee) for his mouth was never stopped by her, but al­wayes open to declare against her, and their deceit (that is, James Naylor, and his company.) They were Deceivers then, and the Matter of their deceit would be known.

But I must not stay here, for my friend George hath, page 24. something further to say to mee: And I must acknowledge, when I took a survey of his strength, and following forces (for what is past, was (it seemes) but his forlorn.) And having a desire to gather up as much as I could together, (to ease my self and my Reader of [Page 30] impertinencies, and tautologies) I was confounded with his disorder. True, in his page 25. he begins with my Ti­tle page, but in the very next page, he leaps to page 30. 31. And in the next, to 44. of my book; and then in his page 28. to the 30 of mine, and 39. and then presently to the 30. again, and some seven lines after, back again to my 17. then to my 45. and within two pages after, to my Epi­stle to the Reader, and instantly to page 48 of my book, and shortly after to my title page again, and so runs (Fox­like) skipping up and down, that it would tire any man in the World to follow him, speaking to the same things in several places, as if hee did it on purpose to make work for one that had nothing else to do, but to be so idle as to follow him. And truly, if his skill in Martial affaires were no better, to order and muster his forces, hee is fit­ter to bee a Captain to lead Apes and Monkies, than rea­sonable creatures. And I am half jealous, that this was done by him upon design, to take up so much of my time and leisure to follow him in his Serpentine motion, that I might glut my reader with these litigations, that so hee might have less stomach to what I have to say to George in particular. And therefore, as to my Narrative and relation, for the truth of it, I say thus much in the gene­ral, That when hee hath said, and I have said, wee must leave it to the judgement of those who live here in this City, to conclude of the truth of either: And I have said Only thus much further, I desire it may be observed, that in my Epistle to the Reader, I did profess I had not in­serted all the letters, nor all the examinations and page 4. I expresly said, I should give in so many, & so much of their letters and papers, as was pertinent to their discovery, and no more, as being unwilling to make my book swell too much in bulk and price; so that if I have not inserted all that might have been, and George would have: I am not, (I cannot) therein be found a liar, because I have not gone against my promise; for I did not propose, nor in­tend an exact and full relation of all things concerning it, as I have exprest my self. Sufficient it is to mee, that [Page 31] there is nothing therein contained, but what is truth, which was that I promised, and have performed. And as to the order of time (wherein things were acted) when I came to a close in that particular, I told my Reader, page 59. that I had not been exact, to observe the order or cir­cumstance of time in every particular; for (as I there say) I intended not an exact Diary, but had been careful to give in the substance in truth, and reality, which (as in Gods sight) I was careful to observe and do: if any thing therefore be short or mis-timed, it doth not follow that I am a liar and deceiver, &c. as hee (most uncharitably and unchristianly) charges mee with; to all which I say, the Lord rebuke him, and give him repentance for it; and these two things being observed, will serve to answer much of his cavils and reproachings of mee: But yet I must not pass over all so lightly, but I shall make answer to some things, which I conceive of concernment, in special, lea­ving the rest as not worth the troubling my self, or the Reader with; and in this I shall study brevity, and in them observe, how short this man comes of that Christi­an perfection which hee pretends to.

And passing by his railing, and sending mee to the lake, to be tormented with the devil and his Angels (who hee sayes is my father and portion) I shall make a stand a lit­tle at his charge against mee in his page 27. concerning the Oath of Laurence Raymond: And herein I shall discover the wretched nature and practise of this Quaker and his fellow, I having heard that this Laurence Raymond had heard that blasphemous and unchristian expression spoken by Audlands Wife, That whosoever did think to be saved by that Jesus Christ that died at Jerusalem, should be de­ceived; and being assured from his own mouth of the truth of the relation, I did some time after (that these Wretches might be discovered) desire the Magistrates to send for this young man, and to take his testimony upon oath, for greater satisfaction, as occasion should require, which accordingly (at their own leisure) they did, I not be­ing present, or speaking any further with the young man [Page 32] in it. Now this testimony, my friend George would in­validate, because in my Narrative, the place (where the words were affirmed and expressed by the young man in his deposition to be spoken) were left out, which to be done upon design (as hee affirmed) I utterly deny, nor can, or could there be any design in it, for any thing that did appear to mee, for I doubted not, nor had heard any thing, that might occasion mee to doubt of the truth of his oath, either in the substance (which was that I onely look'd at) or the circumstance, which was not by mee much considered, which possibly made mee less wary, and observant of the omission in that, as of another passage, and non-moment anous sentence, in Foxes letter to Naylor; of which George took notice, but it would not afford him ground to cavil upon, as this it seems doth. And for the Readers satisfaction here, I desire him to know, that the discoursive and declarative part of my Narrative, was wholly written to him (who coppied them out again for the Press) with mine own hand: But as for those letters, examinations, and other things, which I had in loose pa­pers, I only marked the place in my discourse, where they were to be inserted, leaving it to him to inscribe and write them; and in hasty examination, I might (as it seems I did) pass over, and not take notice of an omissi­on, especially in a matter of circumstance, which my thoughts were not, as I said, so much upon; as here the main thing intended to be declared was, that such words were spoken by this Quaker: And as for the truth of the oath in every particular, which this Caviller would ener­vate by this nicity, I did (upon the publication of his Pam­phlet, and observation of this passage) repair to the young man (Laurence Reymond) and there I discovered a notori­ous piece of jugling, and wretched practise of these Qua­kers; for shewing to him what George had written, and asking him what hee could say unto it, in that hee had charged him as a liar, and forsworn. Hee made mee this answer, that Hollister had got him over into his shop, and had been tampering with him, to intrap him, or draw him [Page 33] from his testimony, affirming it was false, using many words to that purpose, till the young man was weary, and left him; but then asserted and maintained the truth of what is contained in his oath, in every particular, as hee doth still, insomuch that Hollister, seeing hee could not prevail before hee left him, threatned him, that the plagues of God would, or should over-take him, as they had done (as hee affirmed.)

Cowlishaw, for taking a false oath, (as hee call'd it) a­gainst the Quakers formerly, and this the young mans Master (Mr. Stephens) told mee, the youth informed him of, so soon as hee came from Hollisters. Now my Reader must know, that Mr. Cowlishaw (since his oath taken as aforesaid) is failed in his trade; and I wish it may not bee the case of many an honest man besides him. And it's strange it should not, in such times as these are of dead trade in general. But mark the bold, daring, and uncharitable presumption of these wretched Quakers, who step up into the Judgement Seat of the Almighty, and assign the particular causes of his dispensation; as if those upon whom the Tower of Siloa fell, were greater sinners than others, because of that hand of providence; or as if his oath were false, because of this accident. No, hee still owns the truth of his deposition also. And divers o­thers there are in this City, who can attest much to the substance of it: But see the malicious spirit of these wret­ches; and yet further, seeing they could not draw off this young man from the truth of what hee had deposed, nor get any advantage (by tampering with him) against mee (which was the thing intended; for Hollister then told him, hee had a hand in a book to that purpose:) Now not being able to compass their ends upon him, Bi­shop by Hollisters instigation (I believe) (for I suppose the young man is almost as much a stranger to Bishop, as to my self, who never spake with him but twice, and that upon this occasion) Bishop, I say, falls to reproach this young man, and to stain his reputation, as one of evil course, and bad conversation, from which hee would [Page 34] needs have us believe, Quakerisme had restrained him; and to which (since hee left quaking) hee affirms hee is again returned, page 28. of his Pamphlet; How far the young mans Father is concerned in this (a person of qua­lity, Collonel Raymond a Justice of Peace in the County of Glocester) I shall not inquire. But for his comfort, his Sons Right, and the discovery of the spiteful, malici­ous, revengeful, and lying spirit of these deluded, and de­luding wretches; I do affirm, that both from his Ma­ster and Neighbours (persons I am sure of better credit than Hollister or Bishop) I received a most ample and full Testimony of the youths most sober, piously conformable, and good conversation; By which wee may see, what spirit these Quakers are of, and how ready they are to reproach all that are not with them; A Generation of Vi­pers, and Adders, that when they cannot reach the head, will bee biting at the heels of those who come near them, and must vent their venome one way or other, so that (notwithstanding his cavillings) the young mans Testi­mony stands good against him, that these blasphemous words were spoken, as is alledged; Nor must his denyals, (no nor of many more) pass for currant, or bear weight against a positive affirmation, so solemnly confirmed: Nor is blaspheming language of the Quakers so strange or rare, as hee would make; for it is but the same, which was spo­ken by one Simon Dring, another of them, as I have de­clared, which allegation Bishop would also enervate, and null, because I do not name him to whom the words were spoken; and from thence, sayes it is of my own invention▪ page 77. I was not, I confess, over-forward to mention the names of persons, by whom things were related to mee, because all are not willing to have their names so publikely mentioned.

But now (for satisfaction) I let him know, it is one that is not ashamed to appear in the face of Captain Bishop, and it is Mr. Timothy Parker, whom, I suppose, he will not deny to bee a person of credit, and who is ready to at­test the truth of what I have set down concerning it. And [Page 35] for a further discovery of the impostures, prevarications, deceits, and juglings of this generation, I'le give one in­stance more, from a person, of whose faithfulness, I am as­sured, who himself upon London rode, meeting with one with whom hee had been formerly well acquainted, and knowing him to bee turn'd Quaker, amongst other dis­course, said unto him, (by way of dislike of his present judgment and opinions of Quakerisme) you did look and hope for righteousness or justification by Jesus Christ; the Quaker answered, so I do still; yea, (but replied the o­ther) Do you look to bee justified, and to have your sins pardoned for that blood which Christ shed upon the Crosse? whereunto the Quaker replied, What can that blood bee worth, which was shed so long ago. This (for substance) will bee made good, both parties I know very well; and this Quaker not one of the dull, simple, or sottish sort of them (who know not the worst of their own opinions) but one of an ingenuous education, and of abilities more than ordinary, in comparison of the generality of them, one acquainted with the mysteries of their own iniquity, and blasphemous Doctrine. And this not much unlike a­nother (but a Shee Quaker, yet not of the simplest rank) who being confer'd with by one who had heard much of their opinions, and asking her by whom she hoped to bee saved, she answered, by Jesus Christ: By what Jesus Christ, said hee? By that Jesus Christ that died at Jerusalem, said shee: What (replied hee) by that Jesus Christ that di­ed at Jerusalem, and that is now in heaven? Yea, said shee: Whereat hee something wondring, and yet suspe­cting some equivocation, (or mental reservation) Where, said hee, is that heaven? In mee, said shee, and so disco­vered the juggle.

Now who (but one who knowes them throughly) but would have been satisfied with her first answers? And who would have thought it needful, to have carried on the question any further? And so in the former, any honest, simple, well meaning heart (that is not acquainted with their collusions) would have been satisfied with the first [Page 36] answer: But you see how hard a matter it is for every one to discover them, and how loth they are, that what they hold should bee fully known, lest it should (as it deserves) render them abhorred, by all honest Christi­ans. And hence also you see, how little they are to bee believed in what they say, having reserved meanings to themselves, and speaking contrary to the sense of those expressions, which are commonly used amongst Christians. And now, as the rest of his niblings at my Narrative, and observations thereupon, I shall leave the truth to bee de­termined by the examinations themselves, which hee can­not impeach; nor will his affirmations, negations, or wrestings, any way impair. And for matter of fact, in the rise, growth, and setling of these people among us, I appeal to those who were eare and eye-witnesses of these things.

And for his atheological cavillings, and Scripture wrest­ing, and misapplyings, I refer to those who are judicious in such matters, to conclude between us, onely there are some few things, wherein I must observe unto my Rea­der, the malicious and revengeful temper of this man in his dealing with mee. I confess, neither the person of my Opponent, or the things are (in themselves) worthy of the thoughts of any serious man; and I should therefore have past it over, but that I minde my ingagement and promise, which is, to let the world see (in the instance of my adversary) that the conversion and perfection of a Quaker, (if to bee estimated by this mans.) is very un­sound, imperfect, and rotten, notwithstanding all their outward shewes, and specious pretences; any man (even with half an eye, as the saying is) my easily discern, (by the matter and manner of his language) that his de­sign, all along, and throughout his whole Pamphlet, is to render mee (all the wayes hee can) obnoxious to dan­ger, and the displeasure of others that are above mee, wherein (besides his malice) his impotence is discerned, in that being not able to revenge himself upon mee, hee would bring mee within the reach of others, who might [Page 37] do it for him. And see how hee goes out of the wayes of truth and honesty to do it; (so revengeful is hee) yea, out of the way of his own profession (so impetuously is hee hurried in his rage and passion; for but minde his Courtship, giving flattering titles, and having respect to persons (as they call our due tenders of reverence and ho­nour to our Superiours) in page 27. Justice Fell, a dis­creet grave man, one of the Judges of the Nation, and Chan­cellour of the Dutchy of Lancaster: Well, what of all this? Why sayes George to mee, Art thou assured hee will put up all this? Oh, sayes hee, the instance is so foul and o­dious, and so fill'd with scoffs and jeers, that thy wickednesse therein is hard to bee exprest.

Thus hee there. Oh lamentable! Is it not pitty that a­ny man (much more a Minister of the Gospel, and if you will, a Priest) should commit so great a crime? Surely it can be no less than betraying Mr. Love to death, or ruining some great mans estate, by base practises, per­jury, bribery, or some such thing? No, but 'tis as bad: Why, what is it? Oh hearken, and wonder! In page 31. of my Narrative, I produc'd Judge Fells wife (as one bearing witness in the behalf of James Naylor) and (here's my sin which hath rais'd all this out-cry) I said, such discerning folks cannot easily bee mistaken. Ah poor impotent creature, how hath rage, and malice, and ha­tred, and envy besotted him? Is not this man guilty of ha­ving mens persons in admiration for advantage, that hee might have advantage against mee? Or doth hee mock the Judge, in giving him these titles, so much contrary to their quaking principle? The Lord help him to see the baseness of his Spirit. But yet, why doth hee add an, &c. to the criminous words quoted by himself? Why, surely, to let the world see, that his malice out-bid and out-brib'd his conscience; for being convinced in himself that the words quoted, would not bear so high a charge against mee, as of a crime so great, the wickedness whereof can hardly bee exprest, hee would have it understood, that the danger lay in the word, &c. which if it do, 'tis none [Page 38] of mine. And let any one in the world read my book, and say, whether they can finde any thing else in that whole matter, to bee charged as an offence upon mee: And is this such an offence, so heinous, so grievous? to say iro­nically, that such discerning folk as Judge Fells wife, can­not easily bee mistaken: What's this to the Judge? May not a wise man, a good man, have a simple, a perverse, or a quaking wife, which is not in his power to remedy, fur­ther than to restrain her from their assemblies; hee cannot change her judgment: As for the Judge himself, I med­dle not, I do not know him, I have not heard (to my re­membrance) other than well of him: Well, the Lord forgive my adversary, and humble, and alter him: Sure I am, this is far from that simplicity, charity, goodness, that was, and is in Christ Jesus. Hence ex ungue leonem, by this paw of the Lion (or rather hoof of some more silly creature) judge of the man; or if you will, you may take him both wayes: A Lion, or a Bear, for his rage and fierceness, and a more sottish beast, for his silliness. I have discovered the venom of his teeth, in this the more fully, to save my self and thee (Reader) some labour, in being as brief as possibly I may, in the following particu­lars; and the next is, his endeavour to traduce mee, with traducing the Magistrates of our City. And whereas I plead their excuse, in that, by their lenity at first, (over and above what other places in the Nation exercised to­wards these croaking frogs) they gave them too much incouragement to nestle amongst us, imputing this (as just cause I had) to their too much fearfulness, and ha­ving been formerly over-topt, and over-born, by an o­ver-swaying power, by the usurpation of inferiour Offi­cers, exercised upon them; and looking upon this as a part of their weakness and infirmities, which (because of the common frailty incident to all men, even the best) I did (as being in the body, and sensible of the same frail­ties) Christianly and soberly alleviate, (not justifie) how does hee most Pharisaically and proudly fall, both upon mee, and them in it? And because I say (and say now) [Page 39] that the best Magistrates have their spots, defects, and fail­ings, hee concludes them to bee no Magistrates of God, but men of sin, evil doers, and the born of the devil, page 34. But because this (nor any thing in my Narrative) would afford matter to incense them; hee runs abroad, licking up the vomit of every malicious and venomous Spider, to belch it out against mee; and this lyingly too, (more suo) for hee sayes, that I endeavoured in the Pulpit to render them vile and odious; one while likening them to Jupiters log▪ and to George on horseback, and reproaching them with the abilities of Tom Pain, which hee puts in great letters, as if I had mentioned his name in the Pulpit. But what a bold and daring wretch is this, to judge of my in­tentions and endeavours, as if they were to render the Magistrates vile and odious? When being call'd to preach unto them, upon a publike occasion, for administration of Justice: The Lord knows my heart, my endeavour was to render them honourable and precious, by [...]ssing them to discharge their duty; and to that purpose, I told them, that Magistrates should not bee as Jupiters log, which by lying still, and doing nothing, made the frogs bold with it, and to leap upon, and make sport with; and that they should not bee as the picture of George on horseback, with his arm and sword alwayes lifted up, but never smiting; telling them further, that if the bare name, ornaments, and accoutrements of a Magistrate were sufficient, then that poor creature (that was then walking up and down in their presence) might make a Magistrate; but I utterly deny, that I likened or compared them with, or to either, or named him. And of this, all those who heard mee with their right ear, must bear mee witness. But what will not a malicious person do to revenge himself, though hee do it never so impotently? But indeed (George) did I deal so plainly with them, even the Magistrates, and that to their faces, and being their Chaplin too, and having many large dinners and feastings from them, besides my sallery of ten pounds a year for that service, And when I have fair words and advisings from them? (all this in his [Page 40] pages 37. 38.) Why sure (friend) it seems the Magi­strates were so honest, that they did not chuse a Chaplin to flatter them, they had divers years experience of mee, and my temper: And further, it's clear from hence, I am no respecter of persons, which I am sure amongst you is accounted a vertue, and a high piece of your perfection, though in a perverted sense: And is it now a sin (a vice in mee?) I see nothing will please him, who is resolv'd to quarrell: And you see (friend) that their large dinners do not so fill my belly, but that I can speak plainly; if I re­flected upon some who were guilty of doing nothing, (which is a great sin in a Magistrate) doth that condemn (doth it not honour) those who are active? I might mention your railings at, and despisings of all Magistrates, 'tis too gross and palpable; and that hee might bee still, sibi constans, like himself, in his mischievous practises. In like manner doth hee charge mee with abusing Major General Sk [...], whereas whoever reads, shall finde, I make no other than an honourable mention of him, as a discreet and sober person, who did not usurp authority o­ver the civil Magistrates, but held (as I say) a good cor­respondence with them. And is this to abuse him? What a hard thing is it,Although hee [...]ad bef [...]dre charged the same things, page 41. for a man habituated to an evil course, (lying, railing, or the like) to leave it? So also towards the end of his Pamphlet, page 103. and so onwards, hee falls to the same malicious work again, charging mee of abusing that reverend Parliament, concerning which I have spoken already, of which, and such like, I desire ne­ver to speak more onely this, Wee may well guess what a pure convention it was, when such pittiful fellowes, as his fellow Hollister should bee a principal member there­of.

And wherein (as George phrases it) page 45. he tast­ed as much (yea more) of the power and glory of this world (oh lamentable world!) than any in this City, which hee sayes, hee might still have had, could hee bow down and worship; bow down to whom, to him whose nose George would have held to the grinde-stone? Hee [Page 41] and his fellow Hollister will not then, it seems, bow down, nor worship, not so much as civilly; a stiff-necked and stubborn generation: Thus wee may see, what it is, to lift up the head of a dunghil brood, how highly they will swell, and how hardly they will bee reduc'd again: And truly I cannot here (upon this occasion) but think, how Nebuchadnezzar-like, Dennis Hollister did strut it, and pride himself in his ayery Kingdome; and how hee did scorn and despise all the opposite party in that Assembly: Read his words, in a Pamphlet publish'd by him against that Congregation (or Church) in this City, whereof hee was once (till turn'd Quaker) the Leader; And well may hee call them so, which I shall elswhere discover. the ti­tle of which Pamphlet is this, The Skirts of the Whore discovered, and the mingled people in the midst of her. In a Letter sent by Dennis Hollister to the Independent baptized people, who call themselves a Church of Christ in Bristol, but are found to bee a Synagogue of Satan; together with ano­ther letter written by him to Thomas Evens, a Teacher a­mong them, who before several witnesses hath often denied himself to bee a Minister of the Gospel. This, and more is Dennis his title.

Now suppose him in his heights, and hear his language, page 13. 14.Such as were so high, as that they were a­bove all Ordi­nances. For my own part, I must deal plainly, and tell you, the beholding and observing the unrighteous actings, and deceitful hypocritical dealings of many of the eminent members, and other high pretenders to Religion, whilst I sate with them in Parliament, and other chief places of Councel and trust in the Nation (brave words) was one of the first things that put mee upon consideration what the root of that profession (of Anabaptisme, I suppose hee means) should bee, from whence such sowre grapes, and fruits of bitterness proceeded; and so on, telling them their own sufficiently. And then hee lets them know, that hee has known what it is to bee accounted something among those called Churches, and what the preferment of Pharoahs Court is, (wee know whom hee means) and the great things of England; and that hee had a nature prone enough (which wee all well know) to imbrace the same, but that his peevishnesse was [Page 42] as great as his pride, which made him side with that fa­ction, which acted by those levelling principles I formerly mentioned, which gave just occasion to his Highness to ding many of them down to the dunghil, from whence those vapours were exhaled, which yet hee in his pride, (such is his stomack) calls a suffering affliction with the people of God, rather than to enjoy the pleasures and trea­sures of England, which belike then were in their hands; and if hee could have bowed down, hee supposed hee might have still enjoyed (and George thinks so too) even for ever: For then (no doubt) the fifth Monarchy would have been erected; but it seems they were not then infallibly inspired; for then they carried their Bibles to their Parliament, there to seek out the pattern, but there it seems it was not to bee found exactly; and there­fore now (throwing away their Bibles, and) being more immediately guided by the Spirit (of bloud,The Levellers standard being now discover­ed. and of re­bellion) they betake themselves to their weapons, to build and raise their Kingdome, which possibly may bee the reason why so many Bricklayers and Carpenters (and such like persons) turn Quakers, in hope of imployment, it may bee of preferment; and why not, as well as Mas­cinello, a poor Fisher-boy in Naples, or John of Leyden, a Taylor in Germany, who made themselves Regents, by the assistance of the rude rabble, the one upon civil, the other upon religious pretences? But (to meddle no more with this Parliament) in the next place (malice making him very industrious) hee renders mee obnoxious to the Protector, and his Councell, which needs no long answer. For whereas I had said nothing against them, hee would make mee criminous by way of inference and insinuation, and the like, concerning Major General Desborow, (to whom, for advantage, hee will afford a title of honour) whom hee sayes I intimated to have been easily and mis­chievously instrumental to wicked, ungodly, and unchri­stian practises; 'tis wonder hee did not directly charge mee: But let any man read what I have therein written, and say, wherein have I abused him. And thus much I [Page 43] say, (as to that) as I hope the Major General, and others in power, did not by their lenity intend to countenance such practises before: So now (seeing what their lenity may produce) they will not bee so easie to bee intreated for the future, which was that (and all) I aimed at; and the like envious dealing hath hee in the matter of Colonel Scroop, and there hee charges mee with flattering him: So that let mee speak how I will, I must (it seems) bee concluded an offender. But (hee alledges) I had spoken against him, why, what of this? Because I deal plainly with a man when I finde hee doth ill, may I not therefore commend him when hee doth well? Is not this an argu­ment of ingenuity? I hope hee will pardon mee this of­fence. And truly, had I not apprehended him really to have disclaimed these Quakers, (as I then believed hee did) I should not have made that honourable mention of him.

And I confesse, had hee been still here in power over us, I might well have been thought, in so doing, to have flatter'd him; but it is well known, when hee was here, I did it not, and lesse reason to do it now, in that he is absent.

But I must here observe what George sayes concerning him, which very much tends to the justifying of my Nar­rative, concerning the rise, growth, and setling of the Quakers among us, by the over-topping, and over-bear­ing of our Magistrates, and making them Cyphers, by a forraign power, so that they could not reform things, though they had a will to it; for page 106. George, sayes hee (Col. Scroop) was so far from denying the Quakers, to speak publikely, that hee said to Dennis Hollister, by name, that if the Magistrates did put them in prison one day, hee would put them out the next, which no doubt Dennis acquainted them with, for their incourage­ment, which very likely made them so bold and daring, and to out-face (as they did) the Magistrates, and not to care for their commands to depart the City: How will revenge and malice blinde a man to tell all, which hee had better forborn? As for the remainder (ejusdem farinae) [Page 44] which follows, it is a further discovery of the same spirit which I shall passe over, intending (as the Lord shall give time and opportunity) to give a full and distinct answer to the particular of Thomas Evens; for as for Morgan Lloyd, whose doctrine he sayes I had reproached, and con­cerning which, hee sayes, hee sent mee a sober note, to reason with mee publikely in my Steeple-house (as hee calls it) which I refused. To that, I say, it's not so, I did not reproach his doctrine, for I knew not what it was, nor heard it; that I took offence at (and justly) was, that any man should intrude, and thrust himself, yea, force himself into my Pulpit, upon a day, and at a time, which was not assigned for Publike Lecture, whereas himself, and Erbury, had not long before made a kinde of a publike contest, to the disturbance and unsetling of the people in another Congregation; Erbury at that time be­ing sufficiently known to bee tainted with unsound opini­ons, and Lloyd himself much disliked. And truly (to speak my minde in this matter) if Morgan Lloyds note had been, or were to that purpose, I suppose, that Mini­ster, that in these brawling and heretical times, shall enter­tain motions for publike contests, with such as run up and down, and make it their businesse to wrangle, and contend in things doubtful and uncertain, shall not provide for his own peace, nor the peoples establishment in the truth, by giving them entertainment. If the doctrines wee teach were unsound, or our selves not able to discharge our du­ty, it would bee a favour for some to come and help us, when orderly, and peaceably sent, or called; but other­wise, for men of unquiet and rambling spirits, to impose themselves upon us, is neither Christian nor civil: And I conceive, those who are careful to preserve the people from infection, do not well to encourage (much lesse to invite) them.

Nor are the people competent Judges in doubtful mat­ters, and are (as I said before) much swayed by the impudence and confidence of a bold and daring Oppo­nent.

[Page 45] I have now but two or three things more to speak to, and so I shall come to deal, by way of charge, upon my Adversary, wherein I shall have so much matter, as that I must of necessity avoid all debates, and altercati­ons with him, in matter of doctrine, and this upon a double account:

First, because their doctrines, judgement, and way of arguing, are sufficiently known, and answered already, and I am not willing to draw the same Saw of contention everlastingly, not caring for the last word in the quar­rel.

And secondly, lest by taking up too much time in those things, of which the reader may be else-where bet­ter satisfied, (as in Mr. Thomas of Ʋblegs most sober and Christian answer, Mr. Baxter, Mr. Ford, and others) I bee prevented of what I principally intended, which is to discover the hypocrisie and unsoundnesse of a Quakers conversion, and to exemplifie it, in this man in particu­lar, which you see I have in part performed, by discove­ring his railing, lying, and malicious dealing, in which trade hee still continues; and therefore, page 47. hee charges mee, that I would have joyned my self as a member of Hollisters Congregation, but finding by dis­course with him, that there was no place for my imperious, proud, and pragmatical Mastership over them, they heard no more of mee in that particular, till the state of things were changed, and then I became an adversary to sepa­rated Churches, and to that in Bristol especially; this is the full of the charge. This story I assure my self hee had from Dennis: But how doth hee know that Dennis sayes truth? To this, I oppose this true relation, when Thomas Evens came first to this City, (I desiring to know him ful­ly) had a purpose to invite him to my house to dinner, and understanding that hee would bee at the house of Robert Purnil in an evening, went thither, where I met him, and most (I think) of that Congregation, at an ex­ercise of Religion, where I continued, Mr. Evens being the man that then exercised, wherein something being [Page 46] delivered unsound and erronious, I forbore (for divers reasons) to speak to it, till most of the company were dismissed, when (conceiving it convenient) I told him of that erronious doctrine which hee had delivered, and spake fully to it; to which Mr. Evens making nei­ther answer nor excuse. Mr. Purnil (for now I am not speaking to, or of Quakers) and therefore let me use our ordinary and civil language) with many good words approved of what I said, and spake something in excuse of Mr. Evens. Whereupon, Moon (being present) with much affection used these words, Why should not Master Farmer bee one of our Congregation? (for I had never met them formerly) which was seconded thus by Mistress Nethway: Aye, Mr. Farmer, if you would bee one of our Congregation, you may bee chosen Pastor after­wards, which words (the very thoughts of the matter being strange to mee) I do professe, made mee wonder? which produc'd this reply from mee, Chosen Pastor Mi­stress Nethway! What mean you? To which (after some other words) shee said, shee was told, that if I might bee chosen Pastor, I would joyn with them, which I denying, and shee affirming again that shee was told so, but would not tell mee by whom (but 'tis easily suppose­able) I then presently appealed to Mr. Purnill, then pre­sent, to witness for mee to the contrary, to whom for­merly (in discourse) I had declared several times, that I could not joyn with them, which hee at that time witnes­sed; and this to bee a truth, I appeal to that light and truth of God that shines in his and their consciences, and which I hope they will not dare to stifle, (notwithstand­ing that distance which is now between us.) And the rea­sons why I would not joyn with them, were, because they performed their Lords day duties in private houses, to the prejudice of the publike, (which I ever honoured (as I shall declare in another discourse, Christ assisting mee.) And for that they had no lawfully constituted Pastor to take the charge of them: True it is, I should likely have joyned with them, had those two hinderances been remo­ved. [Page 47] And to this purpose I did divers times solicite Ma­ster N. I. a rightly constituted and able Preacher, to take the charge of them, promising my self to sit down as a private member, only exercising my publike Ministery, by way of preaching, which hee refused; and this I doubt not hee will testifie.

And further, to make it appear, that I desired not to bee their Pastor, being conscious to my self of the weight of that work, and my unfitness in divers respects, I did (in an occasional discourse with some of them) declare my unfitness, which is so true, that one of them (now a Qua­ker) did since (by way of reproach) upbraid mee with my own acknowledgment, so that then I had no intenti­on of joyning with them; and since that, I gaining fur­ther light, in matter of Churches, and their appendant questions, and they drawing more and more towards Anabaptisme, I more and more declined, and disowned them.

And whereas hee sayes, I became an adversary to separa­ted Churches, when the state of things were changed: I ask, to what were the times changed? or from what? Not from that way of separated Churches, but more to it: If I did it then, then I did it not to serve the times, but to secure my conscience. But wherein did I? or did I e­ver appear an enemy to separated Churches? Why doth hee not shew wherein? But of this, more in another dis­course.

And so much in answer to that ly of George, and his Master Dennis: Another there is of the same Forge, I am sure; and that hee speaks to page 59. 60. And again (being chafed with the business of the Lord Craven) page 109. where hee joynes them both together: The charge is this, from both places, That I earnestly solicited some then in power, for turning out of Nicholas, one of my brethren, Constant Jessop, by name, for his differing in judgement in some particulars, urging as an argument for this purpose, that till then the City would not bee in quiet, into whose place (by diligent seeking) I did climbe, and [Page 48] domineered ever since over his people, and him, as the issue of that prosecution; and that I forced my self upon his peo­ple to this day, by procuring an order from above; and that thereby I got my self out of poor Thomas, into rich Ni­cholas.

Now this whole story is a most wilful mistake (as its grounded upon what I urge, page 49. of my Narrative) and in this I appeal to his light within; for that person (and thing) which hee cannot but know I meant, was this, that Hollister and his company (then domineering) threatened the Magistrates, and the rest of the Committee (who were not of their faction) that if they might not have him whom they sent for out of Wales to bee their Teacher, one of no breeding, and that hath since often denied himself to bee a Minister, (and is now turned A­nabaptist) to bee one of the publick Lecturers in the City, they would turn out of the City a godly and Orthodox Minister, who had been imprisoned, and suffered much more than any of them, (for his good affection to the Parliament) hee differing that time in judgement in some particulars, and so they had their end, which (as is well known) hath proved a reproach and scandal to this City, from many strangers that come hither, and take notice of it.

Now this person (hee knowes very well) was Ma­ster Paul, for as for Mr. Jessop, hee was never committed to prison upon my occasion: Is this man now a true Convert? Is hee not a manifest prevaricator? And did hee it not on purpose to bring in that ly, and malicious slander of his fellow Hollister? Whom to bee a lyar, a piece lately published by those who were his fellow-mem­bers (with his Teacher aforesaid) doth amply testifie;The Church of Christ in Bristol recove­ring her vail. and which I my self also have had sufficient experience of oftentimes, insomuch that I desired one, a Minister of this City (who was then wont sometimes to visit him) to tell him from mee, that his shop was a forge of lies: And for the matter of Mr. Jessop, I shall give a true and full account of it (so far as concernes my self) thereby to [Page 49] discover these lyars to the world. It's well known (up on the death of the late King) what endeavours there were by the then Parliament, for setling the Nation in peace: In order whereunto, there was an engagement drawn up, and required to bee subscribed by all persons: And it is as well known in this City, how opposite Ma­ster Jessop, aforesaid, (together with that other Brother) was thereunto; and what expressions, concerning that matter, were used by them, both in prayer and preach­ing, I need not mention: By which means there was much aversenesse in many of this City to this settlement, they being honest men, and having a great influence upon the people: At this, I (thirsting for a setled peace) was much offended, and did endeavour, with themselves, pri­vately to take off their opposition, and publikely to settle the people, declaring my dislike of their doings. With this, and the like expressions: that if they (the Preach­ers) did apprehend those actions of State (whereby they endeavoured a settlement) as evil, they should go up to Westminster, and declare it to those who had the power, and not trouble the people with those things, which they had no ability to amend, or power to withstand; and for that their doings would but raise an impotent disgust and opposition, with the publike prejudice; further, telling them of an evil which I had formerly observed, and was now by them practised, that men would preach Court Sermons in the City, and City Sermons at Court, which I conceive an unprofitable kinde of preaching, when our Sermons are not suited to the capacity and condition of our Auditors.

And indeed, as to the matter also, I alwayes conceived it, (and do still) as savouring too much of the beyond-sea temper, for Ministers to meddle with State matters: Of which see a large discourse, entituled, A Case of Con­science, concerning Ministers, medling with State matters; in, or out of their Sermons, resolved more satisfactorily than heretofore, which was then written by Mr. John Dury, one of the Assembly of Divines, a man of a peaceable [Page 50] and publike spirit, and one with whom Bishop Hall, and Bishop Davenant, had several endeavours formerly, for setling peace in the Churches; which book was licens'd by Mr. Joseph Carril▪ containing about twenty five sheets of paper; sold at the Star in Corn-hill, 1650.

But to go on, they st [...] persist in their way, during which time, Mr. Craddock coming to this City, and lodg­ing (as I was informed) at Hollisters, I went thither, (which I seldome used to do) to desire Mr. Craddock to preach for mee at Thomas; but hee not being then with­in, and staying for him, Hollister, and myself, talking of the times, and several matters, and (among others) of their oppositions in publike, I did then say, it was not fit to bee suffered, so to hinder a settlement, and to alienate mens affections; and this was all, and this (as you see) but occasional: And before that special occasion was given by Mr. Jessop himself, for his removal, in a Sermon which hee preached afterwards, upon which, and for which, hee was outed; and of which, I knew not, nor had any hand in, one way, or other, either by writing, speaking, or suggestion to any person what soever: Nor did I ever speak with Hollister at any time, after that occasional dis­course, aforesaid, concerning it; and what I did speak, having respect to that other Brother, as well as Mr. Iessop; which outing and banishing from the City, was so far from my expectation, and seemed to mee so rigorous, that I publikely taxed and declared against their hard dealing, as is (I doubt not) well known to divers that heard mee, the notes whereof I have still by mee; so that my declaring against their rigorous and harsh prose­cutions, raised the spleen of that froward adversary Holli­ster against my self, and procured that scandal upon me; I confess I then thought it fit they should bee silenc'd from opposing Authority, and hindring (as much as in them lay) the settlement of the peace of the Nation; (where­of this City is no inconsiderable parcel) but banishment from it, was far from my thoughts.

And whereas my Adversary alledges, that I urged as [Page 51] an argument to this purpose, that till then, the City would not bee in quiet: If hee say that I used these words to Hollister, (for I never spake with any other, nor him, other than as aforesaid) it is very false: But this I ac­knowledge, some of these words were spoken by mee, to, and mistaken, (to say no more) by Mr. Iessop him­self, upon this occasion. A few daies before the time al­lotted for his departure, I met him upon the Tolzey, and supposing that much of Hollisters heat against him, was for his zealous asserting of Presbyterial discipline, in op­position to Independency, (of which hee had treated much in his Lectures) I endeavoured to perswade him to an accommodation and compliance, (as not thinking the quarrel worth so much contention) and offering my self to mediate between them; (as being indifferent in that matter) but M. Iessop stiffly persisting in his way, (and knowing Hollisters temper, who was then in his heights) I told Mr. Iessop, that then there was no quietness to bee look'd for among us, which words, how they have been misapplied by some, let it bee considered by them who are concerned.

And for Mr. Iessop, I desire him to remember, that hee and I parted not in discontent each with other, which no rational man will conceive could bee, if I had spoken those words in such a manner as I am charged. And Ma­ster Iessop may further remember, (if hee please) that I went to Mr. Youngs to speak with Mr. Ingelo, (who was there at a marriage that morning) to procure him to mediate the matter, in behalf of Mr. Iessop, for his continu­ance, but Mr. Ingelo was (a little before) gone his journey towards London, so that my intention was fru­strate, and (as I perceived afterward) would have been so, notwithstanding▪ for I after understood, the quarrel was old, and inveterate against him in special, as appeared by their violent prosecution. For whereas his sentence was, to depart ten miles off the City, they followed him, with their rage, as far as Tewksbury, thirty seven miles distant, hindering there his entertainment; which deal­ing [Page 52] of theirs so far provok'd my spirit, (in his behalf) as that I drew their odium upon my self, as aforesaid. And whereas it's further charg'd, that I did promote the outing him, to in my self into Nicholas, and that I forc'd my self upon them, and that I procured an order, &c. this is so false, that there is not the least shadow of truth in it, more than this, that I am now in. But it's well known (and will bee acknowledged) that above half a year (and more) after Mr. Iessop was gone, and the Church lay void; and notwithstanding I was divers times desired by some of the Parishioners to preach the Tuesday Lecture, and Sabbath-day Lecture,And it was neer a year af­ter hee was gone, e're I ac­cepted it. or either; I refused it, and did endeavour to settle my self at the Colledge, (as being loath to take a Pastoral charge) which thing by the help of Mr. Aldworth, and Mr. Hodges, (and other friends of mine in the then Parliament) I did effect and compass, and had 150. pound per annum, setled upon mee by or­der, and which is since still paid to him who doth there officiate; and one Sermon I preached in order to it; where­upon the chief of the Parish of Nicholas (perceiving I would remove from Thomas) the occasion I will not mention, because I am not willing to offend any: They calling a Ʋestry, sent the principal of them unto mee, to desire mee to come to them, which I (acknowledging their love and respect) refused; but they still urging me, I took time to consider, and about a week after they came unto mee again accordingly, and obtained their desire; and afterwards they drew a Petition, subscribed by them, and many of the Parishioners, intending to present it to the Committee here, for my establishment; and under­standing that this Committee here, had no power to do it, they sent up to the Committee above, and effected it; and since I am (in a sort) inforc'd to it, I shall declare the two principal reasons of my acceptation: The one was, I was perswaded by them, (and many other of my friends) that in regard most of the inhabitants neer and about the Colledge, were persons of another judgement than my self, in civil matters, I should have little converse [Page 53] or comfort among them, but rather the contrary; nay, some did suggest to mee, that my settlement there, was procured by some who bore mee no good will, on pur­pose to make mee weary, and so to leave the City; but that I satisfied them, the matter was of my own seeking, and endeavour; and the other reason was, that going so far out of the City, I should not have any opportunity of any Church communion, and Christian fellowship, with any considerable number, of which I was convinc'd to bee a duty, although I was then unwilling to under­go the burthen of a Pastor. And indeed, considering that some honest-hearted Christians in Thomas Parish (with whom I had there communion) did still desire it; and hoping that divers of Nicholas, (having formerly been exercised in it) I should finde them more comfor­tably complying, than those who had been a long time strangers to it, I did the more willingly imbrace it; but as for the advantage, in removing from poor Thomas, to rich Nicholas, (as the Calumniator phrases it) let him, and the world know, that upon these grounds I removed from the rich Colledge, to poor Nicholas; nor was it the poverty of Thomas (though poor enough) that made mee leave them; nor was it (or could it bee) filthy lucre, or sordid covetousness, that drew mee to Nicholas, which could by no reasonable man bee imagined, would amount to what was setled upon mee at the Colledge. And since I must boast, (but 'tis to secure the credit of my Ministery, that it suffer not damage in any thing, I will do it a little further. (having good witness of the truth on't) After I had consented to come to Nicholas, and came to give them a meeting at their Vestry; although I knew, that with much difficulty they raised, what some of them had ingaged unto by bond, to M. Jessop, and which, as I have heard, was not above eighty pound per annum; yet when they ask'd mee, what would content mee for my labour, so far was I from seeking my self, as that I told them, I would not make a bargain for preaching the Gospel, but that I would do my duty, and leave them to do theirs; [Page 54] and how richly it hath been performed by them, (I speak not of all) I am asham'd to mention: Sure, not beyond poor Thomas, nor so much (by two parts in three) which M. Jessop now reaps, as I am informed; and which place was setled upon him, upon my commendations of him to M. Strong, at Westminster, and which M. Strong in­tended to let him know, had hee not been prevented by death, heu premature, if hee hath not done it formerly: But much good may it do him, and much good may he do them: I envy no mans gain or preferment; nor will the inhabitants of Nicholas say, I contend with them in that matter, although I have cause enough to take notice of their neglect (yea, and sin) in this particular. For I dare say, there are few handy-crafts men that work upon so small incouragement; for, I suppose, their calling feeds their family.

I have been the large in this matter, because some persons are, and have been as willing to take up, and spread this ly and calumny, as others have been to raise, and make it: And truth it is, I should hardly have un­dertaken to answer his railing Pamphlet, but to satisfie the world in these two last particulars, and to wipe off the aspersion of base forgery, which my soul abhors; and to make good what I promised, concerning the disco­very of this Quaker, to which I'le hasten with all expe­dition.

As for his charging of several Trades upon mee, it is but the lickings up of the excrements of William Erburies black pudding,A book so call­ed, written by W. Erbury, wherein hee would prove mee to bee a black pudding: In which fool­ish Pamphlet, most (if not all) of these things are. whereby, I see, George was very hungry, and wanted matter to feed upon, being, it seems, troubled with that disease, which Physitians call, Caninus appetitus, The dog-like appetite, which makes them huge greedy, and to catch at any thing; but I wish his after-mess may do him more good, than the Pudding it self did Erbury: For a few daies after hee had publish'd it, he went home, and died; whether hee died for shame, or what it was, I know not, nor dare I say this was the cause, or occasion of it; no, God forbid, I should presume to meddle with [Page 55] the secrets of the Almighty, or to judge any man: But I mention this, because a hare-brain'd fellow came (as himself said) to revenge Erburies death upon me, which I no wayes promoted; but probably this poor fellow might take up the thoughts, upon what hee might hear some sober persons speak of it: But bee it what it will, George, it seems, having swallowed it, must vomit it up again the second time, that the world may see his foul stomack.

But, see how the vapours of it (whilst there) had cor­rupted his brain, and be fool'd his intellectuals? Did ever any man in the world understand, being a member of an Independent Church, or of a Presbyterian Church, to bee a trade? And it is a trade, when a man in the former troubles ingages, for a time, in some publike service, (as most active spirits did) and then lay it aside: Is this a trade? How many trades has George had then? And for a man living in the Country (as I did) to practise Phy­sick, (being thereunto lawfully licens'd by the Univer­sity of Cambridge, upon tryal, and examination) I say, for a man so living in the country, (and having a house fitted for such a purpose, no other convenient house being there to bee had for a pleasant dwelling) Is it a trade, if a man make malt there for a time? Doth not many a Gentleman, many a Minister do so? And did I not (so soon as I could get there a more pleasant dwelling) give it over? And being a Physitian, do men call that a trade? Or is it a trade (being so) to apply ones self to the in­genious experiments of Chimistry, in order to the ina­bling himself to deal in his profession, with more security and understanding? (without which, Physitians are no better than Empericks) Or is it a trade, if a man living in London, (as a Physitian) the Earle of Berkshire keep an Office in his house, for that which is not a Monopoly, but a priviledge granted to him by the Law of the Nati­on, and no man forced (nor attempted to bee forced) to it; no, nor intended to bee forced, which I know, and write for the honour of that Noble and ingenious Earle, [Page 56] under whom I had no imployment in it, bee having his Clerks, and Registers, and other Agents under him? And for the other things mentioned, Are they trades? Are they mechanical? Are any bound Apprentices to them? Are they handicrafts men? Are they not callings and imployments for persons of liberal, and (in some mea­sure) learned educations? The meanest of them, (I mean, in respect of abilities) is that of Chamberlain; and of my desire to it, I may possibly else-where give an ac­count, in another discourse, upon another occasion, (if God permit) and yet that is not a trade neither, but, as hee himself calls it, an Office, and not unworthy of an in­genious person; so that none of all these are trades, nor were they, nor are they any calling, the honourable call­ing of the Ministery excepted: Of my call and entrance whereunto, I shall (I hope by Gods blessing) give a satisfying account to the world: And as for the other, which I only own as my calling, (in reference to my first imployments) I look not on them as several callings, having all relation to one and the same office; namely, the Chancery; in the last whereof, viz. one of the Clerks of the Chappel of the Rolls, (if the Lord had not design'd mee to another, and better imployment, and driven mee thence by a long and consuming sickness, which drove me into the country, and set mee upon the study of Physick) I had aboad, and continued: But both in that, and the former, which hee termes a Subscriber in the Six Clerks Office; (which is a notorious lye) for though there be Subscribers there, yet I was never one of them, (having never been any mans servant) I say, in both those pla­ces, I kept my Clerks under mee, being liberal imploy­ments, wherein men of the best rank in their countryes, (some of them Esquires, and Justices of the Peace) had a station.

And as for the first, which I reckon as the meanest, which hee lyingly and reproachfully calls a Ticket-maker, in the Subpen: Office, (there being no such distinct im­ployment there) but that George had a spiteful and ran­corous [Page 57] stomack; I was not then and there so inconsider­able a person, but that a Gentleman of the Six Clerks Of­fice, who knew mee well, and who had but one onely daughter, and heir to a hundred marks per annum, Free­land, bestowed her in marriage upon mee; and that not by stealth, or unwillingly, but upon writings between us, with whom wee liv'd afterward in house together, till he died, and then made mee Executor of his Estate per­sonal.

But here wee may see, how malice will multiply; and that Georges measure of Perfection (both in wit and ho­nesty) is very small: Nor doth all this any whit take off the exception against mechanical undertakers, who from either Coblers Stalls, or Taylors Shop-boards, step up into the Pulpit, without any just call, or competent abili­ties, (either natural, or acquired) but a good memory, whereby they can only deliver, what they have from o­ther mens Sermons, not being able to maintain what they say, more than another well instructed and ordinary Christian may do, which yet is not sufficient for a Mini­ster; and should such a Ministery bee countenanced, (to the disparagement of Learning) farewel Religion to the next Generation; which no sober and understanding Chri­stian, but will have respect unto, and which, no doubt, the Jesuites look at; and therefore have no little influence in upholding ignorant and unletter'd persons among us. But now after all this lying story of so many trades, I'le tell one story (but a short one) which this occasioned. One telling a Gentleman (a Justice of Peace) who hath known mee long, and my manner of living, of this passage of Georges, charging so many imployments upon mee, in such a ridiculous way; (by numbring them up) Yea, but sayes the Gentleman, Can Captain Bishop say that Mr. Farmer had plaid the knave in any of them all? And hee knowes George almost as well as I do. And now (as in my Narrative, page 37. 38.) And hee in his Throne of lies, page 95. 96.) behold the imposture, and the Im­postor, George Bishop (whose name I am loath to fully [Page 58] my ink and pen with) but I must crave leave to do it: Him whom they call Captain Bishop. This man (not­withstanding the former letter of defiance against Nay­lor) is charg'd by mee with complying with Naylor, be­cause hee writ a letter in his behalf to some in the Parlia­ment; and thereupon I charge him with collusion and jugling. And how doth hee discharge it? why truly, (like himself) doing the same thing again, by faining, foisting, and packing (at which hee is non-parel) I hope hee hath not his fellow in England: And thus hee doth it, hee feignes (upon information, as hee pretends, but who informed him, hee doth not tell us, whether his own spi­rit, or any other) that the Mayor, Aldermen, &c. had prepared a Petition, intended to bee presented to the Par­liament, concerning Naylor; (which is true) wherein we (saith hee) who in scorn by the world are called Quakers, are highly charged and accused: If hee mean himself and Fox, it is a lie; for they are so far from being highly char­ged and accused, as that they are not therein charged, or accused at all: And hee desires his friend (if hee bee free) to move, that the accusers, and the accused, may bee heard face to face, lest the Parliament should condemn the accused unheard, upon the bare accusation of their Adversaries: And then hee sayes, what a sad thing that will bee, if they should slay the innocent, and the righte­ous. And this is the effect of the Letter.

Now, who are they that are accused? None but James Naylor, and his Crew; not any of his (wee) Fox, &c. unless they will thrust in themselves against our minde and meaning. And to that end, see the Petition it self, as it was sent up to London.

[Page 59]

The humble Remonstrance and Petition of the Mayor, Al­dermen, and Common-Councel, of the City of Bristol, together with the Ministers of the Gospel, and other chief Inhabitants, who desire to fear God, and love our Lord Je­sus, in sincerity, in the same City.


THat wee (especially the Magistrates) have with much regret and sadness of spirit) lien long under much reproach and ignominie, occasioned by the increase of a generation of seduced and seducing persons among us, called Quakers, who at first were supported and upheld by some Souldiers, then in chief Command, in the absence of the Governour of the Garrison; the wick­edness of which sort of men, hath not in our Nation, as wee know of, been formerlie heard of, and so destitute of a Law to punish, and restrain; and therefore have not been able to suppress.

And whereas wee have waited long for some directions to that purpose, (being unwilling to run upon unknown precipices) these people have strengthened, and incou­raged themselves in their iniquities, upon some pretended countenance from thence, where wee cannot suppose it. So that although we could, and did (yet with some diffi­cultie) punish, and thereby (in some measure) hinder their open and frequent disturbances of our publique wor­ship; wee had not power to silence their blasphemies, nor restrain their confused and tumultuous meetings, although they tended to the high dishonour of God, in their un­christian principles, and practises (too well known) and in prophaning the Sabbath, by multitude of their Prose­lites, flocking from all parts of the Country round about us, upon that day.

But now, so it is, that one James Naylor (a most emi­nent Ring-leader, and head of that Faction) hath lately appeared here among us, more high than ever, in horrid and open blasphemies, expresly avowed and owned by his [Page 60] neerest followers, as that hee is the onely begotten Son of God; and that there is no other than hee; that hee is the e­verlasting Son of righteousness, and that in him the hopes of Israel stands; that hee is the King of Israel, and Prince of Peace; and calling him, Lord and Master, saying, his name shall bee no more called James, but Jesus. All which, are no other, than the natural issue of their Scripture-de­nying principles. And now wee, desiring to follow the Ductures of Divine Providence, which hath brought their iniquitie to a height, at such a time as this is, when the Legislative power of the Nation is fitting, in whom it is, to provide wholesome and good lawes against the growing evils of the times, wherein the Lord eminentlie (in our apprehensions) calls for your zeal for his glory: Wee humbly make our applications to your Honours, and with profession of our abhorrency, and utter detestation of the damnable and blasphemous Doctrines of the Qua­kers, which tend, in their own nature, to the utter ruine of the true Christian Religion, and civil Government, both in Cities, families, and all relations; (as would too soon appear, had they power in their hands) and who now, (not as heretofore, tacitly, and by way of implication, but) openly and expresly dishonour that sacred Name, by which wee are called, and trample upon that blood, by which wee are justified, by making others sharers with him, in his incommunicable excellencies.

And do therefore humbly pray, that your Honours would now take up the reines of Government into your hands, (which have too long lain loose) in this particular; and to curb the insolencies of all ungodly persons, who in this, (or any other way) do, or may eclipse the glory of our Christian Profession, by their unbridled and li­centious liberties, that so the reproach, not only of this City, but of the whole Nation and Government, may bee rolled away: And the glory of this work (being acted by your hands) might render your names worthy to bee enrolled amongst the number of those faithful [Page 61] Confessours, to whom the honour of our dearest Lord hath been more precious, than their lives, and all world­ly enjoyments:

And wee shall daily pray, &c.

So that here you see, George can make, and feign an oc­casion, to usher in his friendlie Letter in Naylors behalf, and yet would not seem to own him; this is not the first of Georges collusions and packing in this kinde: I'le but minde him of the like practise, and that was about our Burgesses chosen for the Parliament, 54. where having fram'd a Petition against the Election, putting to the hands of several persons that knew not of it, (in a base and wicked way) as was proved to the Lords of the Councel. Besides this piece of knavery, (which was most gross) their Petition presented to his Highness, and his Councel, with their Narrative of the proceedings in that Election, petitioned, that the parties nominated by them, might bee approved and established: And who were they, but George himself for one? as by their Nar­rative, Art. 5. appeareth.

Now when they thought to have surpriz'd us, by short summons, to appear before the Councel, (as one of their own party acknowledged afterwards) and supposed wee would not appear, or not provided, which contrary to their expectation, wee were, (having gotten Copies of their Petition and Narrative before hand, and so were fit­ted accordingly) when wee came to the hearing, they had foisted in another Petition, not that which was presented with their Narrative: And in this second, there was no Petition to confirm himself, as the former: (with refe­rence to the Narrative as aforesaid, prayed) And then George; very finely, with his guilt sword, did not appear there (as hee said) for himself, but for those honest men that were with him. Seriously you would have smiled (knowing of him) how demurely, and how simply ho­nest hee did look. Now this trick George wee took no­tice [Page 62] of; but never told you of it till now▪ (having e­nough else to lay you then) But now wee tell you of it, that you may see wee know you better than you are a­ware of. And that the world may know further, what a one you are, I'le acquaint them with one thing more: Do not you know who it was, that a little before that E­lection, said, that wee must chuse such Parliament men, as should hold my Lord Protectors nose to the grinde-stone. And yet see how this lamentable creature doth glose and gla­ver, and cog, and fawn, and flatter, speaking against the very light within him. And this is in their said Petitions, which that you may see that base practise, and the high conceits of himself, and his party, as the only Saints, and fit for Quakers, I'le lay before you.

To his Highness, Oliver, Lord Protector of the Com­monwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, &c.
The humble Petition of divers free Burgesses, and Inhabi­tants of the City and Councel of Bristol.


THat your Petitioners; and divers other Burgesses and Inhabitants of the City and Councel of Bristol, viz. the generality of the godly, faithful, and constant friends to the Parliaments interest, came to the place, and at the time appointed by the Sheriffs, for the chusing of Burges­ses to sit in Parliament, according to the qualifications, in the instrument of Government, supposing, that those that had been faithful to the cause of God, and the Nation, should have received countenance, and have been owned by those who were to execute your Highness Commands, in a business of so great weight and concernment, as the Election of Burgesses to sit in Parliament; for the carrying on, and securing the common interest of liberty contend­ed for, and brought through (by the good hand of the [Page 63] Lord) such Seas of Bloud, and multitudes of other un­speakable sufferings, and ruines of the Saints, and good people of the Nations, amongst whom, [...] your Petition­ers, and their friends, have borne no small share and proper­tion.

That contrariwise, they found those, who all along, both in principle and practise, have bitterly opposed the cause of God, (in the behalf of the late King, and your Petitioners, and other their friends, from prosecuting the same) countenanced, and incouraged to avote, and undertook by the Sheriffes to bee born out in so doing; and your Petitioners, with other friends, with a very high hand affronted, abused, threatned, and some or them (though rightlie qualified) denied to vote, as by the Narrative of proceedings hereunto annexed more parti­cularly, may appear; to which your Petitioners humbly refer your Highness, as that which they own, and are readie to make good.

That your Petitioners being greatly astonished, and afflicted in spirit, at these proceedings, especially upon the Sheriffes, declaring, that what they did in point of Ele­ction, (contrarie to the express words of the qualificati­on in the Instrument of Government) was the judge­ment of your Highnesses Councel, (which they cannot believe, but hope, and are confident to finde the contra­rie) did divers of them several times, object and pro­test against such elections; but all proving in vain, the scorn and confidence of the Cavalier Party encreasing, (who carried things so, as if there were no such thing as a Commonwealth, or your Highness being chief Governour, but as if Charles Stewart were again inthron'd in the So­veraignty of this Nation) before the first, whom your Petitioners nominated for them, was gone through, pro­tested to the Sheriffes against such the Elections, and de­parted immediatelie out of the Hall.

And your Petitioners bowels being even pressed down with grief, knew not where (as to [...]men) to ease their hearts, but in pouring forth their groans and sighes in­to [Page 64] to your Highnesses bosome, whom they have (with the hazzard of all that is dear unto them, and with much re­solution and unweariedness owned in all your excellent undertakings, for the true interest of the Commonwealth, against this very generation of men, whom in the time of Parliament, durst not shew their teeth; and now, when your Highness rules, (in whose Government your Peti­tioners expect them most to bee kept under) seem to pre­vail, and do triumph over your Petitioners, who have been owned and preserved, by the presence of the Lord of Hosts, as a bush unconsumed in the midst of the burn­ing, &c.

If therefore it shall please our God, to stir up your bow­els within you, to bee affected with these proceedings, and your Petitioners condition, which indeed concernes your own being, for their enemies are yours, and so you will finde it, if Providence should ever give an op­portunity: Then your Petitioners shall humbly pray, that the Election made, and intended, to bee returned by the Sheriffes, may bee null and void, and that the persons nominated, and chosen by your Petitioners, may bee approved and established; and such other Provisions made by your Highness, as may testifie the earning of your heart towards, not only your Petitioners, but the faithful in these Nations, whom these things do gene­rally concern; if otherwise, behold your Petitioners, and their friends, are in the hands of the Lord, and let him do with them whatsoever is good in his sight.

Now Reader, say, Did ever man meet with such an hy­pocrite; carrying two faces under one hood, in this man­ner? What a Monster would this man appear to bee, if one should but open the carkass of this base Petition, and let the world know the truth of things, as wee in this City know it? The generalitie of the godly, faithful to the cause of God, the Saints, and good people of the Nation, [Page 65] amongst whom the Petitioners, and their friends, bore no small share. These are the Epithites of himself, and the Petitioners; now I will not name them, because peradven­ture some of them are, or may bee honest hereafter.

But Country-men, and fellow Citizens, you know them all: And say, Would not you think the worse of your selves a good while after, if you should bee found in the company of many of them: I speak to you of my Countrymen, who are not Athiests, Ranters, Church, and Ordinance-forsakers, and haters, drunkards, Whore­masters, Sots, and Scoundrels: To you I speak, would you not blush to bee found among such Saints? Oh how easie it is to become a Saint? 'Tis but petitioning for George Bishop to bee a Parliament-man, and then a Saint presently; and then Quakers (as many of them now are.) All these Saints came together, to the business of so great weight and concernment, as the Election of Bur­gesses to sit in Parliament, for the carrying on, and secu­ring, &c. So the Petitioners, and one of the men to do it, and that these Saints had nominated (which was only in their purpose) not so much as nominated in the place of chusing, lest they should have been laught out of it: And as in their Petition (as they say chosen) which is a manifest falshood, was this St. George; Oh high arrogance, im­pudency! I want words: What a frontless man was this, to have such a conceit of himself? And how sottish and simple were these fellow-Saints, as once to think, that the Inhabitants of this City had so far forfeited their rea­son, and would so far forfeit their Charter, as to chuse such a one for such a work? As sure as can bee, had wee cho­sen him, my Lord Protector would have appointed a Guardian over the City, as a company of Lunaticks and mad men.

And see the unworthiness of this fellow, and the base­ness of his spirit: In their Petition they go on, (and you must suppose them to be in a meek, humble posture, with very meek and gentle hearts towards God, and his High­ness) your Petitioners bowels being even pressed down with [Page 66] grief, know not where (as to men) to ease their hearts, (poor wretches) but in pouring forth their groans and sighes into his Highness bosome, whom they had owned, &c. for the true interest of the Commonwealth, but now would hold his nose to the grinde-stone, as going about to promote a false interest. George, your Countrymen know you well enough. But yet for all this, see how sweetly wee express our selves (not as hypocrites, who dissemble and flatter) and go on: If it shall please God (good hearts) to stir up the bowels (his Highness) with­in you, to bee affected with these proceedings, (in putting by George from being a Parliament-man) and your Pe­titioners condition, which indeed concernes your own being, (yea, and it should appear so, had hee and his complices power in their hands) for their enemies (i.e. Georges, and the Petitioners) are yours, and so you will finde it, if pro­vidence should ever give an opportunity. But you George, (who I doubt not had the great hand in drawing this Pe­tition) you are a most special and loving friend to his Highness: Fie George, fie, wilt thou not blush when thou shalt think of thy fellow-Citizens reading this Petition, who know thee so well? I would not have taken this pains, but to let the world see, what Saints you Quakers are, being mindful of my title page, and promise.

And now to go on, and see how George can free him­self in the matter of the Lord Craven, which, sayes hee, (page 98.) I seem occasionally to bring in, but chiefly in­tended, thereby to asperse his name, and wound his reputati­on; in that I say (page 37. of my Narrative) that hee was the great Agent in breaking and tearing the Lord Cra­vens estate in pieces. Why George? What is the mat­ter? Is it an aspersing of your name, and a wounding of your reputation, to say, that you were the great Agent in breaking and tearing the Lord Cravens estate in pieces? Doth it touch? Are you sore thereabouts? (Ah guilt, guilt! This worm of conscience.) But stand, stand I say, I must touch you, and handle you there a little more? Possibly I may bee instrumental for your good, to open [Page 67] the ulcer, and let out the corruption, which lying there in thy conscience, and impostumating, might destroy of a sudden. Come, stand, better now than hereafter: Oh! how should I rejoyce, that I might bee instrumental to help him to a sight of his sin, and so to true repen­tance?

To proceed, the Lord Cravens estate is broken in pie­ces, that cannot bee denied; but, sayes George, it was confiscated by Act of Parliament, and the act was not his, but theirs: And how can that act bee charged upon mee, who had not to do in the passing thereof? Well, I shall shew you how by and by: But in the mean time, let mee ask you George, Is it not possible, that a Parliament (upon mis-information) may do that which in its self is unjust, and they not so in doing it? I pray God deliver this Nation from the guilt of unjust actions, both in mat­ter and manner. Suppose you, (or such a one as you) having accidental discourse with another, about a third person, and hee you discourse with, should let fall some words concerning that third person, which you at the present take no notice of, (or at least) seem not so to do, which yet you do; (for otherwise you cannot com­municate them unto another) and those words you com­municate to another; upon, and concerning which per­son, and words, you confer between your selves; and ap­prehending they might bring some advantage to some body, (being well improved, and handsomely manna­ged, having power in your hands) and so being order­ed, you speak with your first man again, and form up his accidental discourse, which hee judged not worth a­ny thing (as to the prejudice of that third person, to injure whom, hee was not bribed or corrupted, nor bore any malice towards) you draw up, I say, that discourse into an information of a crime, by handsome contrivance, reduce it into an oath, with your own hand, and thereup­on form a charge against the third person, to the questi­oning both of his life and substance; and this charge you present to the Parliament, and they take cognizance of it, [Page 68] and order it to bee inquired into, and examination to bee had upon it; and you (having the transacting of the whole business) so mannage it, as that (it may bee) it appears to them (by that which is before them) hee is guilty, and so adjudge him: Are they guilty who so ad­judged him, although (possibly) hee may not bee guil­ty? No, surely, the guilt lies on those who mis-represent him unto them: You well know friend, that Judges proceed not in Judgement upon their own knowledge, they act (secundum allegata & probata) as things are proved unto them. And how many persons and estates have been ruined upon base, and wicked, and designed in­formations, is too well known to the world? And whereas you ask mee, whether I have not been a Solici­tor for Sequestrations in London, in the time of, and by authority of Parliament. I answer, yes; and yet I can charge you for tearing and breaking in pieces mens estates; and do you, if you can, (or any man else) charge mee for doing the like, and I'le make them restitution, whom I have so injured, if any such there bee, as sure I am there is not.

I'le tell you George, my business there, was not to bee an Informer against any man, neither did I so; nor was it to possess my self of any mans estate (either goods or money) the Committee had both their Collectors and Treasurers to that purpose, I have sate there many a score of times Chair-man in that Committee. As also the Lord Steel, now the Lord Chancelour of Ireland) hath done the like; this hundreds (and many in this City) know: I was not their underling, or Clerk, (as you were) to sit bare to your Masters, they had several Clerks (better, and honester than you) and under-Clerks, to that purpose; no (George) my business was, to see right done between the Parliament, and those who were their enemies, not to make them enemies, who were not, but to see justice done on those who were, ac­cording to information brought in unto them; and this is the rejoycing of my heart at this moment, even the te­stimony [Page 69] of my conscience, that I was alwayes fearful of making those offenders, who were not; and if I inclined to any side, it was to the side of mercy. And I appeal to the God that searcheth hearts, that this honest and old principle (do as thou wouldst bee done by) sate and wrought upon my spirit, when informations was brought before us: And I have often had this thought upon my soul, when mens whole estates have lain in question, and even bleeding before us; what would I have done, if this mans case had been mine own, or mine had been his: and ac­cordingly I have had a respect unto them, so far as the business wherewith (upon oath) I was intrusted, would bear and permit mee; and this not of fear, or favour, nor for gifts, or bribes, either before or after: I did not think all that might bee gotten, either to my self, or the Par­liament, might bee well gotten; I did alwayes reckon, that injustice and oppression, was the way to bring guilt and judgement upon the Parliament and Nation, and to make all their endeavours frustrate, and to turn it into a curse: And I doubt, such as you, are not a little guil­ty of being Jeroboams companions, who made Israel to sin grievously, and this by false and perverted informa­tions, and that such things were not unusual: And how much Judges may bee abused by base practises, if those who act under them deal not righteously: I could in­stance in several particulars, that came within my own knowledge, whilst I was in that Committee, wherein had I readily complied with the commands of the Par­liament, and obeyed their orders, which had been sini­sterly procured (by wicked suggestions of those, who sought their own advantages, and not the Nations wel­fare) many innocent persons had been ruined: This to be a truth, I could (I say) make appear by several instances undeniable, but that I am loath to charge my discourse with any thing that is forreign, and that might make it unnecessarily tedious. And as for my self, (in respect of any gain that I reaped by that imployment) let mee tell you George, I did not make that my aim, I blesse [Page 70] my God for it; nor can I (or any man else) say, that I have made any addition to my estate by it, either in land or money; for what I earned, I expended in their service; and this will appear to the world, when my God shall take mee hence, of whom it will (or may) be said, as once was spoken of one I well knew, (who li­ved in an imployment, by which many others grew rich) Hee was an honest man, for hee died poor: This I speak, in respect of any addition to my estate, since that imploy­ment: No George, I have neither Bishops, or Deans and Chapters Lands, nor King or Queens, or Delinquents lands: And as for moneys, I am beholding to my friends to provide for my wife and children, so little have I been grasping after the world, whatever else may bee mine in­firmities otherwise; and whether you George can say this, doth appear to the world by your manner of living, (without your trade) which you would not do before, and by what will bee declared afterward▪ and therefore to go on, Whereas you charge mee page 100. with light scoffing, and slanderous stuff▪ and that by dark intima­tions of the business of Faulconer, of set purpose to wound your reputation, and to reproach the truth which you witness.

I shall now therefore (to do you right) speak no lon­ger darkly, and by way of intimation, but expresly, plainly, in words at length, and not in figures, by which I suppose every one that runs may read what a Saint you are, and what a truth you witness: But the Proverb is here verified, Like lettice, like lips, a truth and witness well met; and because I would do you all the right I can, and for that possibly some may read mine, that will not read yours.

I will here set down in your own words all you say for your self in this matter, in your page 100. and 101. and then consider it:Georges prote­station in the matter of the Lord Craven. For the stopping of thine, and all slan­derous mouths (say you) and the satis of such as desire not, nor delight in the defaming of others: I do de­clare in the presence of the Lord, before whom I fear, who [Page 71] searcheth the heart, and tryeth the reines, and bringeth eve­ry work to judgement, that I am clear and innocent there­in; nor have I used, nor do I know of any indirect proceed­ing, in that whole business of Craven and Faulconer, nor done otherwise, than in the faithful discharge of my duty. And further, that during the time of my publike ingage­ments, (which have not been a few) and my whole con­versation, as I have received mercy to have a witnesse, so have I born my testimony against unrighteousnesse and dishonesty (especially such as thou dost intimate) in whoever, as I have had opportunity, or have been call­ed thereunto, neither fearing the face of any man, nor preferring my life, or outward concernments, to the clearing of my conscience therein, as is well known; unto which I have also the witness of him who is greater than all; and a large time of Tryal I have had, wherein I have neither wanted enemies for the sake of truth, nor thy malice and opportunity to lay to my charge, could they finde, or were there any thing to bee found to the contrary; and thus much to say thou hast compel'd mee: Thus hee.

Here is you see (Reader) a bold, high, daring, confi­dent appeal of his innocency, in the matter of the Lord Craven, and of his honesty and uprightness in all other particulars, in the time of his publike ingagements. Now, what if it shall appear, (notwithstanding all this) that hee (George Bishop) who made this dreadful protesta­tion, did not only know of indirect proceedings in that matter, but that hee also was one (a chief one) that u­sed them, and that (as to this matter) Faulconer, who died in prison for perjury, was (in comparison of him) an honest and innocent person: If I say all this shall appear, will you believe, that hee doth believe there is a God, that searcheth hearts, and tryes reines, and brings every work to judgement? Or can you bee perswaded, that hee rightly entertains that Article of the Resurre­ction, though hee seems to do so.

And before I give you an account of what I have to [Page 72] deliver unto you, that you may know the daring spirit of this man, and how little respect and reverence there is in him of the Almighty; and that it is an easie and light thing with him, to make such appeals to God as this is.

Let mee minde you of the like in that his Pamphlet, which I think few men in the world (besides himself) would offer, and by that judge of this. Whereas in my Narrative, I charge him and Hollister, and other of their relations and adherents, that they joyn'd themselves to the wretched Quakers upon faction, humour, and discontent. In page 44. hee makes this appeal and protestation, Another of Georges prote­stations. I do here, for clearing of my conscience, and the satisfaction of all the sober-minded, to whom this may come, and for the stopping of thine and all slanderous mouths, in the dread and presence of the living and eternal God, who is Judge of hea­ven and earth, before whose Judgement-Seat, thou, and wee must all appear, that every one may receive the things done in his body, according to that hee hath done, good or bad. In my own, and the name of those servants of the Lord whom thou reproachest, declare and affirm, that neither faction, discontent, disaffected humour, pride, affected-singularity, (which are all of them thy slanders) nor any other thing, was the cause of our joyning unto them. But having many of us, &c.

And so goes on, speaking of waiting in the use of outward means, &c. how God had now visited them, by the Ministery of these men, and how hee had reach'd by his Eternal Power to that of himself in them, and so they became joyned to the Lord, and to the immortal word, &c. And seeing him who is invisible, &c. they hunger no more, nor thirst, nor wonder, as heretofore, &c. speaking highly of their high attainments, as if they were now perfect, so that neither faction, humour, pride, &c. nor any other thing, but the mighty and pure work of God, was the ground of their becoming Qua­kers; so sayes George.

But now if hee were to bee cleared by Compurgators, [Page 73] (viz.) such as should upon their consciences affirm, that what hee here sayes, they are perswaded is true, he would finde very few (if any besides Quakers) that would dare to do it.

For suppose hee might bee believed for himself, who, or what man in the world (that truly fears God, and knows what it is to make appeals to his most glorious Majesty, and with what righteousness and judgement it ought to bee performed) would, or can dare to make such a protestation in the behalf, and in the name of others, as hee here doth? If hee had said, hee had believed, or been perswaded, or the like, that they did it not upon such grounds, or motives, but upon a pure account, (which is impossible in this business) it had been tolera­ble, but thus expresly, fully, unlimitly, as fully for them (whose hearts hee cannot know) as for himself, to call the living and eternal God to witness in this manner, ar­gues him to be one of a presumptuous spirit.

And for a further discovery of his Atheistical impu­dence in this kinde, do but read the report and judge­ment of those who were familiarly acquainted with Hollister, for whom this daring man doth thus protest, hee being by mee charged in special for turning Quaker upon faction and discontent, before ever I saw their book, which was but lately published; it is a book published by, and in the name of that Church (as they call them­selves) whereof hee was a member, or rather Master, till hee fell away to the Quakers, and drew away from them (as they say in their Epistle to the Reader) eigh­teen or nineteen with him; in the tenth and eleventh page of which book, they say, they did observe in what height of discontent hee came home, (from that thing call'd a Parliament) and continued in that posture (viz. of dis­content) till a new Religion came (which was the Quakers) which (say they) presently, within few daies or weeks, hee imbraced.

So that I can (nor I think will any considering man) look upon him no otherwise than as one of those [Page 74] Knights of the Post, (as they call them) who will say or swear any thing; and this to let you see the spirit of the man.

And now to proceed, hee professes, and (as you see) boldly protests his innocency in the matter of the Lord Craven, and Faulconer; nor hath hee used, nor doth hee know of any indirect proceeding in that whole business.

Now that my Reader (who is a stranger in this mat­ter) may go along with mee with understanding; I shall (as briefly as I can) lay the whole business before him: The Lord Craven (having been for many years (long before the troubles in England) resident in Hol­land, and imployed in their service) having a command under the Prince of Orange; the Scots King going to Breda, the Lord Craven came thither in attendance upon the Prince of Orange, during the Scotch Kings residence at Breda, divers officers (souldiers) formerly in the ser­vice of the King his Father (being in great distress, and like to perish) drew up a Petition for relief of their ne­cessities: Now Faulconer aforesaid, having been a soul­dier (a Major) in the Parliament service, and being (as upon his death-bed hee confest) in a poor desperate condition, and going over to Breda, (as a Spy) strikes in with these Cavileers as one of them, and was intreated by them to draw the aforesaid Petition, which hee did; in drawing whereof, Faulconer moved, that they might Petition the Scotch King, that they might bee entertain­ed by him to fight against the Commonwealth of England, by the name of barbarous and inhumane Rebels; but those honest Cavaleers answered, that they were souldiers of for­tune, and it was uncivil language, and they would not have it in; and so the Petition (being drawn up by Faulconer, according to their minde) was delivered to the Scotch King, who, it seems, promised to consider them.

About three weeks after, the Scotch King (being to de­part from Breda next morning, these Cavaleers)▪ not find­ing [Page 75] answerable relief, (according to the former Petition, and the Kings promise) they drew up another short Pe­tition, to put him in minde of his promise; and meeting the Lord Craven there, (who they knew to bee a friend to souldiers) they entreat him to further that their Peti­tion, hee knowing nothing of the former; nor did it ap­pear that the Lord Craven promoted this second Petiti­on, which if hee had, there was not any thing offensive: but the Scotch King went away next morning, without giving any relief to the Petitioners, as Captain Brisco, one of them sweats, at Faulconers tryal, insomuch that Faulconer (being discontented that hee got no moneys) said, (as hee was going into the Town) This is a horrid thing, that wee should bee in this case, to follow a thing, they call a King, Goddam me, I will go into England, and do all the mischief I can, as Col. Drury (another of the Petiti­oners) informed, at Faulconers tryal: of which afterward.

Now that you may better know what a manner of person this Faulconer was, and how fit for any desperate undertaking; it was at his tryal sworn against him, that hee drunk a health upon his knees to the devil, in the open streets at Petersfield; and that then hee used these words, I have spent my brothers estate, and my own, I will never want money, for whilst there is any in the Nation, I will get one way or other, and I will doe something of infamy to bee talkt of, that the name of Faul­coner shall never die. One James Greham swore a­gainst him, that after the siege of Exeter, in a Cellar, there hee the said Faulconer put into Grehams hand a two and twenty shillings piece of gold, swearing, Dam him blood and wounds, hee would bugger his soul to hell. Another swore, that dam him, and sink him were his usual expressi­ons. One Bradley testified, that hee heard Faulconer say, our Saviour Christ was a bastard, and a Carpenters son, and carried a basket of tools after his Father: Mr Tho­mas Dyer of Bristol, (being produced as a witness) did declare, that Faulconer confest to him, that hee had ten pound of a man, by procuring one to personate Captain Bishop.

[Page 76] Thus a Citizen desiring Faulconer to get Captain Bi­shop to do a business for him, hee promised Faulconer twenty pound, ten pound in hand, and ten pound after­ward; Faulconer got one to personate Captain Bishop, and to go along with him to the Citizen, which man so personating Captain Bishop, promised the Citizen (up­on the account of Major Faulconers good services for the publike) to afford him his best assistance in effect­ing what was desired in his Petition, and so Faulconer got the ten pound.

It was also proved, that Faulconer was committed to Goal, in the County of Middlesex, for suspition of felo­ny; and thence, by order from the Lord Chief Justice Rolls, to Newgate; and that hee had been committed to Ailsbury Goal, upon suspition of felony, robbery, and murther.

Now this Faulconer having been over at Breda, (as a­forsaid) and returning into England, George Bishop (be­ing Clerk to the Committee for informations) has to do with him, from whence hee receives information of di­vers plots and designes of the adverse party to the Parlia­ment.

But (to come to the business) the Lord Craven, (having a great Estate in England of Land, besides brave houses, one in particular, that cost twenty thousand pound the building, besides brave and gallant woods and timber) being thus beyond Sea, and never acted a­gainst the Parliament in armes, a long time after Faul­coner had been over, and given in his informations, of enemies actings; and having said nothing of, or against the Lord Craven, an information is drawn up against the said Lord Craven, in Faulconers name, as the infor­mant, which is as followeth.

[Page 77]

Faulconers Examination.

Who saith,

THat about a Fortnight before the conclusion of the Treaty at Breda, the Lord Craven, the Queen of Bohemia, and her two Daughters, came to Breda, to the Scots King Charles, and went not thence till the King went to Housleidike, a house of the Prince of O­ranges; that during that time, this Informant saw the Lord Craven divers times in presence with the said King, and every day with the said King at the Court there, hee being there with the Queen of Bohemia, and her two daughters, to take their leave (as they said) of the King of Scots, before hee went to Scotland: That seve­ral Officers, about thirty in number, made a Petition to the said King, to entertain them to fight for him against the Commonwealth of England, by the name of barbarous and inhumane Rebels, either in England or Scotland, for the recovering of his just rights, and re-instating him in his Throne; and deputed this Informant and Colonel Dru­ry to present the said Petition, who indeed drew the same, that when the Informant, and some other Officers came to the Court at Breda, intending to present the said Pe­tition immediately to the Kings hand, but finding the Lord Craven very neer to him, likewise the Marquess of New-castle, who presented his brother, Sir Charles Ca­vendish, to kiss the said Kings hand, the evening before the said Kings departure, who this Informant saw kiss the Kings hand accordingly: The Lord Wilmot, the Earl of Cleveland the Queen of Bohemia, the Lord Gerrard, &c. and a great bustle of business: This Informant, with Colonel Drury, applied themselves to the Lord Craven, entreating him to present the Petition to the Queen of Bohemia, to present it to the King of Scots: The said Lord Craven taking the Petition, and reading the same cheerfully, said to Colonel Drury, and this Informant, there is the Queen of Bohemia, deliver it to her, and I [Page 78] will speak for you; upon which they applyed themselves to the said Queen, and shee presented the Petition; af­ter which, the King of Scots, the Lord Craven, the Mar­quess of New-castle, the Queen of Bohemia, with some other Lords, went into a with-drawing room, where this Informant and company could not enter; but the Lord Craven came forth of the with-drawing Chamber, and told this Informant and company, that they should receive an answer from the Queen of Bohemia to their Petition, and that hee had spoken to the Queen of Bohemia in their behalf, who afterward came and told this Informant and company, that shee had delivered their Petition, and that the King had taken order for it. The next morn­ing, at three of the clock, the King departed; but this Informant and company had their quarters satisfied by the Princesse of Orange, according to the said Kings Or­der upon their Petition, and thereby to inable them to fol­low the said King in the prosecution of these wars against the Parliament of England, which was the effect of their afore­said Petition: That this Informant saw the Lord Cra­ven very often, and familiar with the said King, and enter with the said King into the with-drawing Cham­ber, and staid there the last night the said King was at Breda, very late.

Richard Faulconer.

To this were added these two following examinations.

Colonel Hugh Reyleys Examination.

Who saith,

THat during the late Treaty at Breda, this Infor­mant did oftentimes see my Lord Craven with the now King of Scots in his Bed-chamber, and also walked abroad with him, there being no man more conversant [Page 79] with the King than hee: That the said Lord Craven, du­ring the said Treaty, did twice go to Rotterdam, and Dunhagh, and back again, being imployed, as was com­monly reported at Court, there by the said King, that the said Lord Craven had a charge from the King to look to one Mrs. Barlow, who (as is reported) and he believes to bee true, had a childe by the King of Scots, born at Rotterdam, which hee did; and after the King was gone for Scotland, the said Lord Craven took the childe from her, for which shee went to Law with him, and recover­ed the childe, as is reported:

Hugh Reyley.

Captain Kitchingmans Examination.

Who saith,

THat the said Captain Thomas Kitchingman, in April and May, 1650. saw the Lord Craven several times with the King of Scots at Breda, and waiting upon the said King several times at his Table at Breda. This In­formant also saw the Earle of Oxford, at the same time, with the King of Scots at Breda, waiting upon the said King at his Table; and saw the Lord Craven, and the Earl of Oxford, many times going into the withdrawing rooms after the said King. This Informant also saw the Lord Craven, and the Earl of Oxford, in a Bowling-al­ley in Breda Castle, with the said King.

Tho. Kitchingman.

In these two latter Examinations,Reyleys, was but report. you see there was nothing that would render Lord Craven criminous. But upon this his estate was ordered to bee confiscate, and af­terward sold, and sold it was, and is, accordingly. Of the [Page 80] endeavours of the Lord Cravens friends to prevent it, and what was agitated in Parliament, I shall not men­tion, for that I refer the Reader to a printed piece, entitu­led, A true and perfect Narrative of the several proceedings in the case concerning the Lord Craven, printed by R. White, 1653.

Now if this information of Faulconer bee the onely material testimony, upon which the Lord Cravens estate was sequestred; and that Faulconer in this information was perjured and forsworn, and this bee a false informa­tion, then this will clearly follow, that there was indirect proceedings in some body, in this business; and that this information of Faulconers was, and is false, and hee perjured in it, and forsworn, appears by two most preg­nant testimonies, neither of them to be denied. First, by his legal tryal, and conviction. Secondly, by his own con­fession on his death-bed: For Faulconers tryal and convi­ction of perjury, (in, and for this very information) that appears by the Records thereof; for the Lord Cra­vens friends prefer'd an Indictment of perjury against him in the County of Middlesex, which Indictment was found against him, one Sir Henry Blunt being fore­man of the Jury: Delayes were used to hinder Faulco­ners pleading to it, notwithstanding the Prosecutors for the Lord Craven had procured a Habeas Corpus, to bring him to the Bar to plead to the Indictment, which hee sailing, they procure another Habeas Corpus; hee yet gets further time, and a peremptory day assigned by the Court, or else Judgement to bee entred against him. And the very last day (when needs must) and not before, when the last rule was out, hee pleaded, not guilty. Now Faulconer having pleaded not guilty, a Jury is summon­ed, Councel appear in the Ʋpper Bench at Westminster, Mr. Maynard, Mr. Hales, Mr. Twisden, Mr. Philips, Mr. Baldwin, and Mr. Drury, for the Commonwealth, and the Lord Craven; Mr. Windham, Mr. Letch, Mr. Lech­more, and Mr. Haggat, of Councel for Faulconer, where (upon five hours debate) the said Faulconer was found [Page 81] guilty of perjury, in this very matter against the Lord Craven, the whole proceedings whereof you have fully related in the Narrative before mentioned. This tryall and conviction of Faulconer, was May 20. 1653. Here­upon Faulconer was committed to the Upper Bench pri­son in Southwark, where hee lay till hee died. Now for the second evidence of Faulconers perjury, in his testimo­ny (upon which the Lord Cravens estate was sequestred and sold) you have here the sad and lamentable confes­sion of poor Faulconer himself upon his death-bed, under his own hand and seal, confirmed in the presence of se­veral credible persons, who were present with him on his death-bed, which is to the effect following.

IN the Name, and through the gracious mercy of God, I Richard Faulconer, being of sound memory and understanding, do under my own hand and seal, on my death-bed, make, and confirm this my confession, with a contrite heart and penitent soul, to the honor of my good God principally, and particularly concerning the Lord Cravens business.

And first; I confess I have sinned grievously against my God, in taking my oath upon his holy Testament, that all my information was true; for after a twenty weeks sickness this was done, my body being low, and in much haste, being much enfeebled, and above three quarters of a year after I came over Sea; so that I here solemnly pro­test, that I did not then absolutely remember, whether the words, barbarous and inhumane rebels, were expunged; and these words, being once named by mee, they were as quickly inserted, and I (the Lord pardon me) swore it; but since I really remember, those words were put out of the Petition, and the Petition which Drury produced in the Upper Bench Court, was the true and right Petiti­on: Drury did say, that the Lord Craven would not bee seen to deliver such a Petition, but hee would speak to the Queen of Bohemia. I did not hear the Lord Craven say [Page 82] this. I sinned, swearing the Lord Craven said so, when as Drury told it mee.

And truly these great sins, since they perfectly came to my memory, and to touch my conscience, have wo­fully perplexed my soul, so, that I many times wished that the Lord would expiate them, by taking my life a­way, and granting mee repentance and pardon, through the merits and sufferings of my Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the which the Lord for his mercies sake vouch­safe to grant. Amen.

And here I utterly renounce all Books and Pamphlets writ by mee, or any one in my vindication, and espe­cially a late Pamphlet sent to mee by Captain Bishop. The cause of my writing that Pamphlet, was the shame and disgrace of the world, which I feared then, more than the provoking of my good God: besides, other under actors told mee, until I did that, I could not think my friends would supply mee, as they would, if that were done; liber­ty and money were falsly promised mee.

And whereas it was sworn in Court, that I was im­ployed, I here protest before the Almighty God, that I never undertook any imployment, nor ever any one motioned it to mee, or I to any; but I went over in a poor desperate condition, supported by others. And here I dare not say that any one bribed mee, no, none did, but I was hastily, after a great sickness, provoked to it; and when I made a demur at the words, barbarous and inhu­mane Rebels, Captain Bishop said, if you leave that out, you do nothing: So I let it pass, being speedily brought be­fore the Committee, where I falsly swore it. True, I had done great services for them, but not by imployment, and Captain Bishop kept mee low with small pittances, so that I was at his bow, &c.

Richard Faulconer.

An Advertisement to the Reader.


I Thought here to have given thee in, the attestation of this confession and acknowledgement, who were pre­sent when it was signed: Also some further testimony of other practises of this Quaker; and how poor Faul­coner to his dying day, cryed out against that Rogue Bishop, (for so it is languaged to mee.) But in regard the hearing of the Lord Cravens Case in Parliament, is not yet past, (although they have taken cognizance of it already, and have appointed to enter further upon it, the beginning of their next Session) I shall therefore for­bear, not doubting thou wilt hear further of it, by some hand or other.

So that here is (you see) manifestly, undeniably, un­just proceedings: here is perjury proved, and confessed: What's this to Captain Bishop? Hee declares in the pre­sence of the Lord, before whom hee feares, and who searcheth the heart, and tryeth the reins, and brings e­very work to judgement, that hee is clear and innocent therein; and that hee hath not used, nor doth hee know of any indirect proceedings in this whole business of Cra­ven and Faulconer. Well, God send him a good delive­rance, at the day of Judgement; and to that end, I heartily beg for him the grace of true repentance, and par­don, through the blood of Christ, shed at Jerusalem. And to further this work for his conviction, wee shall endea­vour to try, and examine him here; and clear I am, that if any Jury in the world (of discreet, sober, impartial and understanding men) were to pass upon him, they would give in this Verdict, That hee (George Bishop) doth know of many indirect proceedings, in the matter of the Lord Craven and Faulconer; and that hee (George Bi­shop) himself hath used them; and that therefore hee is not clear and innocent in this matter. And now hear [Page 84] the evidence,This book was written by George, partly to testifie the proceedings a­gainst the Lord Craven to an­swer the Nar­rative, and to justifie Faulco­ner. there is a book published, entituled, The Lord Cravens case, as to the confiscation and sale of his estate, by judgement of Parliament related, and argued, and objections answered on the behalf of the Commonwealth, together with a short examination of a certain Pamphlet, en­tituled, A true and perfect Narrative of the several pro­ceedings, in the case concerning the Lord Craven, &c. which is the Narrative before quoted, wherein are all the proceedings against Faulconer. Now this book (the Lord Cravens case, &c.) was printed by William Du­guard, 1653. and that this book was written by George Bishop himself, I suppose hee will not deny, though no name bee to it; the book is said to bee written on the be­half of the Commonwealth, and this exprest in great Cha­racters: I would now but ask George this question, why hee (of all men in the world) being but a Clerk or Se­cretary (call him what you will) to a Committee, should undertake this private and personal quarrel a­gainst the Lord Craven, in the behalf of poor perjured Faulconer, and the Commonwealth? I should think, that a Clerk or Secretary, (if an honest man, and im­partial) when hee had performed the d [...] of his place, should have sate him down, and not espouse any per­sonal quarrel (unless hee were particularly concerned in it)

But sayes George, that Pamphlet tends to the blemish­ing of the Parliament, and their Ministers; so hee, page 1. of his book (for so I shall call it all along, as I have occasion to quote it;) and therefore hee puts pen to pa­per, and writes that book. Mark, the Parliament, and their Ministers, are blemished: Who those Ministers are, (at least one) wee shall see anon; 'tis the securest way to save ones ears, to joyn in the Ministers of the Parlia­ment, with the Parliament it self: But the Parliament may bee honest, though their Ministers may bee knaves; and therefore George presently sayes, that that book of his, is not purposely to Apologize for the Parliament; well then, it is for some body else, he would not have writ it [Page 85] to no purpose: But why not for the Parliament? Why, sayes hee, 'tis a thing needless among true En­glish men,Mark here, George would have actions of Parliament so highly re­ [...]enced, that none might question this business. who are used highly to reverence actions of Par­liament, &c. Sure George [...] no [...] say, that Parliaments are so infallible.

But wee'l take it for granted, that this Apology is not for the Parliament, but for their Ministers; but who, or what are they? Sure it is some [...]? Some busie Bishop in another mans Diocess, so the word signifies;1 Pet. 4. 15. but 'tis rendred in our translation, a busie bo­dy in other mens matters, matters they should not have medled in: But who is it? why, 'tis George Bishop, busie George Bishop, who had the transactions of all that business. So hee sayes himself, page 14. line 25. of his book, two or three lines before, hee hath these words, How dare any thus falsly, to charge a State with such gross wickedness. (as to corrupt Faulconer; Though Cap­tain Bishop himself writ the book, yet hee speaks, as if it we re writ­ten by ano­ther, and so playes behinde the Curtain, which let the reader remem­ber for his better under­standing what I quote from that book of his. hee means) And then goes on, but as there was not a tittle produc'd to prove corruption, malice, or wilfulness, in the said Faulconer, against the said Lord, so Captain Bishop, who had the transactions of all that bu­sinesse, upon his oath, cleared him of all. These are Georges words.

Well then, stop a little here, and (though wee break order in the form of proceedings in legal tryals) you Gentlemen of this Jury, who are to give your verdict, in this matter of George Bishop, I pray take notice; Geo. you see, upon his oath, (it was at Faulconers tryal) clears Faulconer of corruption or malice against the Lord Craven, Poor man, hee intended no such thing at first against him; no, Faulconer was altogether a stranger to the Lord Craven, and since hee came over, hee confest to some of good credit, that the Lord Cravens deportment at Breda (where this horrible treason should bee by him committed, and for which his estate is sequestred) was altogether inoffensive, as to the Commonwealth of England; and that hee (Faulconer) understood nothing of the said business, (namely, of that dreadful Petition, for which hee was so sequestred) more, than that a consideration was [Page 86] defired, to hee had of the present wants and great ne­cessities of the Petitioners. This you have in the fourth Petition presented to the Parliament, on the behalf of the Lord Craven, in the Narrative aforesaid, page 19. Aye, these were their words, will George say. But I an­swer, they offered to prove them to the Parliament, if they might have been admitted. But to second this, I'le shew you what George himself sayes in his own book for Faulconers honesty, simplicity, and harmlesness, (as to the Lord Craven) and this upon Bishops oath, (if it bee a­ny thing worth) page 13. line the last but 10. he sayes, that when Faulconer gave him accounts of designes agaist the Commonwealth, The same hee hath again, in page 42, 43. hee said nothing to him of the Lord Craven, nor of any thing of this passage of the Petition; (upon which the estate was sequestred) nor notwithstand­ing many discourses with him, said hee any thing, till about five moneths afterwards, and then but accidentally, not of his own accord; as page 43. Captain Bishop asking him, who were at Breda with the King, not thinking of the Lord Craven, Faulconer reckoned the said Lord amongst the rest, and being asked, said something of that business, which Captain Bishop not much valued then. Thus hee. How this was improved, you shall see afterwards; so that here Faulconer is cleared of any intention of mischief a­gainst the Lord Craven; the man (poor Faulconer) is yet honest in this matter. But yet you see, hee was after­wards perjured and forsworn. How comes this about? Oh see what a fearful temptation 'tis to bee in poverty and want! it will put an honest heart into great straits. I now think upon that prayer of honest Agur, (Prov. 30. 8, 9) Give mee not poverty, lest I bee poor and steal, and take the name of my God in vain: Poverty is a sore tryal, even to a good and honest heart; but when it shall meet with a wretched and profligate spirit, what will it not put him upon? I minde that dreadful expression of poore Faulconer, before expressed, whilst hee was ranting and drinking healths to the devil, I have spent my brothers e­state, and mine own, I will never want money, for whilst [Page 87] there is any in the Nation, I will get it one way or other, and I will do something of infamy to be talkt of, the name of Faulconer shall never die. Oh how dreadfully did the Lord say Amen to this poor creature! And what a la­mentable thing is it for such a poor wretch to fall into the hands of such as will make use and advantage of his low condition? Why, you will say, what's the matter? Do you ask what's the matter? look back upon Faulco­ners confession, and there hee tells you, hee was provoked to swear falsly: How? read the last words of his con­fession, Captain Bishop kept mee low, with small pittances, so that I was at his bow. At his bow! what to do? Hee (Faulconer) made a demur at those words, barbarous and inhumane rebels, (whether they werein the Petition or no, which hee did not then remember, but now did) and so (it seems) scrupled to swear to them; and Cap­tain Bishop said, if you leave that out, you do nothing; and (so sayes hee) I'le let it pass: Being speedily brought before the Committee, where I falsly swore it; and con­cludes, Captain Bishop kept mee low, with small pittances, that I was at his bow.

What think you of this Sirs? Is this direct, just, honest proceedings, to provoke a poor man in want to swear with a scrupling conscience, and to that which now appears to bee false? Hee was resolved, it seems, hee should swear something to the purpose. Do you want any more evi­dence? This is enough, you will say, but if you have a­ny more, produce it, and pray tell us, How do you conceive this game began? Why, I'le tell you, what George him­self sayes, as hee goes on, in page 13. lines 3 last, and so on to 14; and the same also, page 42, 43. of his book, when Faulconer (as before) in that accidental discourse with Bishop, (five moneths after Faulconers coming over) had mentioned the Lord Cravens being at Breda with the King, and had spoken something of the Petition, which made all this stir, which Bishop said, hee did not much va­lue then.

Hee goes on, and tells you, that though hee did not [Page 88] much value it then, yet hee acquainted some of the Councel of State therewith, and they ordered him (the said Bishop) to ask him (namely Faulconer) further about it; who thereupon took his information; hee (the said Faulconer) judging it then also (as Geo. himself said) not to bee worth any thing; poor Faulconer still continued his good opini­on of my Lord Cravens innocency; but well (or ill) fare a good (or a bad) head and heart, that can make some­thing of nothing, and bring something (a great estate) to nothing; 'twas a huge sin to bee so rich, and yeeld no­thing but contribution to the Parliament: Who those were of the Councel of State that you (George) acquaint­ed with it, if you did acquaint any with it, (for I know not how to believe you) I do not know. But sure they had more skill in Chimistry than ever I had, or desire to have, that they could make so great a transmutation upon so little matter: I doubt they were some such as I met with, when I was in the Chair of the Committee for Se­questrations, when an information being brought in a­gainst one, and the Prosecutors prest for a Sequestration of his estate in London, (being money) the party living in the country; all that could bee proved against him, was but words, declaring some malignancy of spirit against the Parliament: Some of the Committee inclining to se­quester him, I told them, that by our Ordinance wee could not do it, for words alone, without some action: What, (sayes one of the Committee) the Parliament wants money, and hee hath it; but wee stopt it; it's a dan­gerous thing to bee rich in troublous times. But George, you would seem to put that which you lookt upon as no great matter, (of which notwithstanding a great matter is made) you would put it upon some of the Councel of State: How the matter was secretly contriv'd, I know not, nor will I enquire.

But now Sirs, you that are to give judgement upon George, you shall hear how this information was taken, and by whom, and how. It was proved at the tryal, by Bishops own acknowledgement, that hee himself prepared [Page 89] Faulconers information, before the Commissioners (be­fore whom hee was sworn) were sent for. (of this again afterwards) And Bishop said again, I prepared the infor­mation which hee made oath of, page 40. of the Narra­tive, well.

Now see how it was prepared; and for that, hear poor Faulconer upon his death-bed. Look back to his confession: After twenty weeks sicknesse (sayes hee) my body being low, and in much haste, being much infeebled; and above three quarters of a year after I came over Sea; so that (as hee solemnly protests) hee did not well remem­ber whether these words, barbarous and inhumane Rebels; (which as I shew'd you before, hee motioned to have put into the Petition, and might therefore have some confused remembrance of them) I say, hee could not well then, in haste (as hee sayes) remember, whether they were expunged or no.

But now mark; Those words (sayes hee) being once named by mee, they were as quickly inserted, and I (the Lord pardon mee) swore it. The poor man, after a long time, and much weakness, taken hastily, (and so incon­siderately) mentions those words, (of which some for­mer motion had been) and they are suddenly catcht at (be­ing, as hee sayes, but once named by him) and are quick­ly put in for him to swear to. Ah George, George! poor Faulconer, 'tis too late to pray for, or to say any thing to him, hee stands, or is fallen to his own Master: But George, what hast thou to answer for, especially consider­ing, that when the poor wretch, his heart seemed to re­lent, and that hee demurred and scrupled at the words be­fore hee swore them, (and having met with an honest, tender-hearted, conscientious man, might have prevent­ed his crying sin) for which (poor creature) his name is infamous) that thou shouldst tell that poor necessi­tous creature, (whom thou hadst thereby at thy bow) that if hee left out that, hee did nothing; and so hee went on, and perpetrated his villany: Well George, well, Quake, or not Quake, 'tis dreadful: Ah poor Faulco­ner! [Page 90] Ah poor George! the Lord convert thee, and for­give thee: I profess, (in the sight of God) I beg it heartily, I desire not thy condemnation; but these pra­ctises cannot yeeld comfort, nor a safe and secure consci­ence, though possibly quiet for a time. Readers, you that are to give your judgment upon this man, when I have done with him, is not here indirect dealing? But I pray stand by a while, and hear what I shall further in­terrogate him in: You (George) declare in the pre­sence of the Lord, &c. that you do not know of any indirect proceeding in this whole business of Craven and Faulco­ner, which how true (or rather how false) it is, appears sufficiently already, too much. But I ask you further, Faulconer sayes, monoy and liberty were promised him, though not performred: Though hee were not bribed with money before hand, yet it was promised him, and liberty too.

Let mee ask you, who promised this? Did not you? who (as you say your self) had the transactions of the whole business; I doubt not you can tell; and why was it promised him? no doubt, that hee might not flinch from his oath: And why did hee write a Pamphlet in his own vindication? (which upon his death-bed hee dis­claimed as false) but that (as hee sayes) hee was told by under actors, that until hee did that, hee could not think his friends would supply him, as they would, if that were done: And did not you (Captain Bishop) send him that Pam­phlet? But I pray, why was not that money paid him which was promised? Thomas Dier (who was your Clerk, as was sworn in Court at Faulconers tryal) paid him by your direction, twenty pound at one time, and about thirty pounds more at other times, in several portions; and that Faulconer confest to him, that hee had twenty pounds after­wards; and that being demanded what it was for, hee would not tell him, saying, I will not speak to that, I can­not speak to that. Why, was not the money promised him now paid. And when as Faulconer was (as is before exprest) imprison'd in Newgate, upon suspition of rob­bery [Page 91] and felony, did not you write a Letter to the Lord Chief Justice Rolls, signifying, what a servant Faulconer was to the Commonwealth? and how much depended upon the upholding of his credit, and testimony? And when as the Judge slighted such applications unto him, saying, if hee were innocent, that would prove his best vin­dication: Don't you know what was done, and how unquiet you were, till hee was inlarged? Was not Affi­davit made, that hee was imployed upon publike con­cernments? and did not Faulconer give it under his hand, what services hee had done for the publike, and how he was the chief witness against the Lord Craven? And was it not so carried, that there was slack prosecution of the Indictment; and when Faulconer was set at liberty upon Bail, to appear at next Sessions at Newgate, they never appeared, and so the matter ended? which whe­ther it were Justice and honesty, to pervert, or obstruct Justice, and whether this bee not indirect proceedings, let all the world judge.

To this you answer, page 41. and say, For Faulconer to bee releast without tryal, fixes no crime upon him; and an honest man may bee committed upon suspition. True, but you should have suffered him to come to tryal; and sure hee was no honest man that hindred it, it was a crime, and a great one, in him that hindred it; you know who it was George: It seems the Lord Craven must bee a Delinquent, and a man for the purpose must bee countenanc'd against Law and Justice: but I say, why was not his liberty procured him now? and the money promised, paid him now? Oh! the business was done, the estate sold, let him hang, let him starve now. It may bee the sum promised was too great, and they could not agree who should pay it, the estate being sold: Ah poor Faulconer! how art thou befool'd? no marvel thou cry­est out against Bishop to thy dying day. But let mee ask you further (George) concerning your indirect pro­ceedings; the direct proceedings against Delinquents was, that the informations were taken before the Commission­ers, [Page 92] at their usual place of sitting, and set down in wri­ting by the sworn Examiner thereunto belonging, who was thereby ingag'd, to bee a person just and indifferent be­tween the Commonwealth, and party accused: And was not this indirect proceeding, that you should frame the Oath and Information before hand, in your Cham­ber at White-Hall, and in such a manner, as aforesaid, catching at hasty and inconsiderate words (which were the only material words) and then send (as you did) for the Commissioners at Haberdashers Hall, to your Cham­ber, who (knowing you to bee Clerk to the secret Com­mittee, (and supposing you had some secrecy of State to communicate unto them) came, and there you ten­dered to them Faulconers oath, so ready drawn, to bee sworn to; and hee was there (contrary to the ordinary and direct way of proceedings, upon some little alterati­on made by them upon their examination) sworn to it, I know how smoothly you wipe your mouth, (or rather, how you would wipe your Readers nose) and how slightly you come off in this matter, page 43. of your book, saying, that because of the season, and the danger of discovery, the Commissioners of Sequestrations were desired to come to White-Hall, and there took his deposition: What you mean by the season. I know not; but indeed, the dan­ger of discovery was considerable. But would you se­quester a mans estate in hugger mugger (as wee use to say) 'tis honestly said, though not honestly done, that you con­fess you sent for the Commissioners to White-Hall, to take the information, because of the danger of the disco­very.

Go too George, go too, are you innocent? are not these indirect proceedings? I ask you again further, when the Indictment for Perjury,Narr. page 16. was brought against Faulconer in London, where the Bill was found by the Grand-Jury, and Colonel Drury (before mentioned) being served with a Subpena to appear at Guild-Hall, to give in further evi­dence against Faulconer, in the behalf of the Lord Cra­ven; did not you take away the Subpena from him, say­ing, [Page 93] How durst you be examined against the Commonwealth, and not acquaint mee first therewith? Further, saying, Mr. Mayor (meaning the Lord Mayor) had better have done something else, than to have suffered that Indictment to bee found.

And did not you (George Bishop) thereupn imme­diately call for a Messenger, and commit the said Drury to the custody of one Middleton, (a Messenger to the Councel of State) who forthwith carried away Drury a prisoner to the Strand, to the house of the said Mid­dleton, where the said Drury was kept in strict custody, from Munday, when the Indictment was found, till Saturday, that the Session was past, that no further pro­ceedings could bee had against Faulconer, at that time, by reason of Druries restraint, who had Faulconers own hand-writing to produce against him, and being the most material witness against him; and before the next Sessions, the Bill for the sale of the Lord Cravens estate was passed.

Were not these indirect proceedings towards the Lord Craven, to hinder and obstruct the discovery of Faul­coners perjury? (upon whose oath the Lord Cravens E­state was sequestred) was this direct, and honest, and e­ven carriage? Are you innocent? To excuse this, you shuffle so miserably, and catch at such strawes: In your book, page 34. and 35. that I cannot but commend your wit, (though not your honesty) in printing so few of your books, that every one cannot see how poorly you come off in your answers. And I take it as a great Pro­vidence, (I hope for your good) that I was so directed, as to send to your self for one of them, and which (I thank you) you sent mee, it is no doubt from that hand (which as you rightly said before) orders all things, that you were over-ruled so to do; and I wish that this discovery of you to your self, (from your self) I mean your own book (in great part) may bee for your con­viction and conversion: And because your book is not to bee had easily, I'le give in the weight and substance of [Page 94] your answer; (for the whole is very long) and if you suppose I do you wrong in concealing any thing thereof, that may tend to your vindication, print your whole book, and let them ordinarily bee had, and if any understand­ing Reader will say I have injured you, I will be content to bee accounted as you are.

You say, that Drury being a Papist, a Traytor, appre­hended upon a Warrant from the Councel of State, and in safe custody, and being examined by you of his Trea­sons, should have been continued in safe custody, but that (upon his sad complaint, that hee had neither money nor friend, to relieve him there, and that hee must needs perish) you gave him his Parol, (which in English is) as I suppose, you let him go at liberty, to return when re­quired.

After this, Drury having acquainted you, that he had been sworn at Guild-Hall London, and given in evidence to the Grand Jury against Major Faulconer there, and examined upon part of what hee had been examined by you before. I perceive your meaning Sir in these last words: But I pray (before you go any further) be­cause you had examined him before in one part, was it unjust that my Lord Craven should examine him (or cause him to bee examined) on another part, to cleare himself? Doth, or should your examination, take him off from being examined by others? They did not exa­mine him of secrets or mysteries of State, but of Faul­coners perjury, and your mysteries of iniquity. Well, but then you were a man in power, and hereupon you say, that (Drury) shewing you the Subpena, you asked him, whether hee told them that hee was under the war­rant of the Councel of State, and under examination of their Committee of Examinations. As to that particular, amongst others, (but I must tell you, hee was not un­der their examination to that particular of Faulconers per­jury) hee answered, no. Then you say, you asked him, why hee had not acquainted you with the Subpena before hee went to Guild-Hall, and was sworn (yea, there was his [Page 95] fault) since hee was a prisoner under examination, and un­der Parol? To which (as you say) hee giving no rea­sonable answer, but that hee knew not what the business was, and such like; when as (as you say) the Indict­ment could not have been drawn without the consent of, and converse with Drury; (yea, still there was the sin) and who, you say, was the chief witnesse upon which it was ground­ed, it being prepared and found that day. (and had hee not been committed by you, Faulconer had been convi­cted that Sessions, of that perjury, which was afterwards proved, and himself confessed.)

But you go on, and say, That you perceiving thereby how hee did prevaricate, and how things were done in de­sign and combination against the State. But stay, Was it a design against the State, that the Lord Cravens inno­cency should bee cleared? Oh base! Yes, now I re­member my self, it was; for then the design against the estate of the Lord Craven, (in all likelihood of Justice) might have proved ineffectual.

But you go on, and say further, that you not knowing what other inconvenience might come to the State by his (Druries) further liberty, since hee had made that use of it, aforesaid, reproved him therefore, (with that high language against him, and the Lord Mayor (as before) which you do not deny) received the Subpena from him, and taking of his Parol, returned him into custody, from Munday evening, to the Friday following. And was it not to Friday evening following, as well as from Mun­day evening before? which you reckon up with a four nights, and no longer, and I say four dayes too, so long, that no proceedings could bee expected that Sessions a­gainst Faulconer.

The last day of the Sessions, being no time for such prosecutions, but calling over the Goal, and concluding former businesses; and then you say, upon information of the poverty of Drury, and that hee had no money to pay for his diet and lodging, which you knew well enough be­fore, and have acknowledged, when you gave him mo­ney [Page 96] for his supper, and would not commit him, lest hee should perish. And now (you say) in meer charity, (when there was no opportunity for him at Sessions) hee had his liberty upon his Parol again, and enjoyes it. Cha­ritable wretch! And did you in charity commit him? Fie upon such base hypocrisie. And then you go on with a company of blinde supposals, to argue the im­probability of your committing of him, to the end, to obstruct the proceedings against Faulconer, which are so childish, (and coming in but by way of additional aid, to your former answer, which is your chief buckler, but a silly one) I shall not trouble my self, and the Reader with, which if you think any thing worth, print it, and I'le bee your bondman, if it any way help you; nay, if it don't further discover your folly; and I would have writ it, but that 'tis as long, as impertinent; and this is enough. And your main answer, which how it clears you, let all, or any man of common reason judge: And say, is George Bishop innocent in this matter?

And one thing more I finde charg'd against you George, which I suppose is an unjust and indirect practise,Narr. page 40. and u­sed by you in the matter of Craven and Faulconer: And in the Margin of the Narrative (where this matter fol­lowing is spoken to) there is written, Observe; and 'tis observable, 'tis short, but home, and therefore print­ed in another Character, in these words, By way of digres­sion observe, that Druries and Briscoes informations, which Captain Bishop had taken, above twelve moneths since, and which tended to clear the Lord Craven, hee concealed, till this hour, that hee produc'd the same in Court, and never transmitted these two mens examinations to the Parliament, though before the Bill of Sale did passe, hee did transmit Bardseys and Kitchingmans re-examinations, taken by him­self, and which hee apprehended made against the Lord Cra­ven.

Here now is a heavy charge; and certainly these pro­ceedings (if true) are very indirect, and hee cannot bee in­nocent: But hear him speak for himself, and I'le give [Page 97] you every word: And thus hee begins, page 44. of his own book, What Captain Bishops imployment was, is al­ready spoken, his duty was to take, and to keep such infor­mations, as concerned the Committee, and to do with them according to their, or the Councels, or the Parliaments or­ders; but neither the Council nor Committee ordered him to transmit them to the Parliament, though they were not igno­rant of them, and several times shewed by him to some of the members of the Councel, and to the Committee; nor did the Parliament call for them, or what papers concerning the Lord Craven were in the custody of the Councel or Commit­tee, nor take the depositions into debate, after the first vote of confiscation; and whether those examinations advantage the Lord Craven, let the reader upon consideration of what is already mentioned, and argued thereupon, judge. Nay, but George, let mee put in a word or two by the way; it had been very honest and fair for you, to have put down their examinations themselves, that the reader might judge upon them, for wee can't see them, nor must wee take your word.

But you go on, Nor were any papers at all transmitted by him, (meaning himself G. B.) to the Parliament, ei­ther for or against the Lord Craven; for Bardseys exami­nation, when hee had taken it, hee sent it in to the Councel, for Bardsey to make oath thereof, which after hee had made, it was put presently into the hands of one of the members (viz.) Mr. Gourdon to report to the Parliament, who recei­ved it, and lodged it with Mr. Scobel, it being not returned to Captain Bishop; and for Kitchingmans re examination, hee transmitted no such thing, nor was any such taken whilst the Committee for examinations was in being, Kitchingmans information being deposed by him at Haberdashers Hall.

Now I pray, what's all this to the purpose? doth this excuse you? will you give mee leave to interrogate you? If you will not answer chuse, let the reader judge: You took such informations from Drury and Brisco, did you not? 'Tis plain you did; Did not their depositions ex­cuse and acquit the Lord Craven, and prove Faulconer [Page 98] perjur'd? 'Tis plain they did: Had not Drury the ori­ginal draught of the Petition, under Faulconers own hand­writing, which at his Tryal was produc'd, and hee could not deny, and which hee confest upon his death-bed, to bee the true and right Petition? This is most certain, it cannot bee gain-said; the testimonies of these two men so vex you, that in your book, page 12. you do what you can to bespatter them as incompetent witnesses, be­cause Cavaleers.

And whereas you say, your duty was to take and keep such informations as concern'd the Committee, and to do with them according to their, or the Councels, or the Parliaments orders. Did any of them order you to suppress or conceal the testimonies of these two men? If they did, tell us who they bee, and wee'l say of them almost as much as wee do of you? You say some of them did know of them; like enough such a businesse as this could not bee so mannaged, but by the knowledge (and somewhat else) of more than one: It's plain that Faulconer was a perjur'd wretch in his testimony; hee was convicted of it by two, nay, three several Juries, of men sworn to give true judgement; and upon his death-bed hee confest it, and his conviction was upon the testimony chiefly, if not onely, of these two men, who were the principal actors in the business of that Petition at Breda, Narr. page 35. which gave colour to the Lord Cra­vens sequestration; and Drury at Faulconers tryal said, that what testimony hee then gave to the Court, hee ac­quainted you with, when hee was examined by you, and no doubt Brisco the like; and no question had the Parlia­ment in general known of these testimonies, they would not so readily have sequestred the Lord Craven; nor would any honest man (advise who would) have sup­prest such testimonies, which would have discovered the truth, and prevented injustice, which is the curse and ruine of a Nation, and the way to render Parliaments (which should bee our greatest security) our greatest plagues, in committing or countenancing such actions. And whereas you would choak your conscience, and cheat [Page 99] your reader with this pretext, that some of the Parliament did know of these testimonies, and that you were not ordered to transmit them. I say again, No honest man (that had it not in design to ruine the Lord Cravens estate) but would have made them known; or if hee had been command­ed to the contrary, would have scorn'd to serve unworthy ends to any mans ruine: Come (George) come, you must not magnifie Parliaments, as if they were infallible in themselves, especially when Knaves are prosecutors, and as bad are agents or Ministers under them; and hee that shall readily obey their unjust commands, knowing them so to bee, (while there is time and opportunity to offer something to the contrary) shall instead of honour­ing them, do them the greatest disservice in the world, (viz.) wrong the innocent. I'le give you an instance or two within my knowledge; there were in the hands of Sir Robert Rich, then a Master of the Chancery, (put in­to his custody upon a suit depending in that Court) 204 Diamonds, with many other rich things of gold and pearl, and writings of great value, upon an information given in to the Committee for examinations at Westminster, that they were the goods of a Lord, then in armes against the Parliament; those goods were ordered to bee taken out of the hands of Sir Robert Rich, and put into my custo­dy (which were the only goods of any Delinquent, or supposed Delinquent that ever were in my custody) it being none of my business, as I have before declared: But this was by an extraordinary order, These things (ta­ken by an exact inventory before witnesses) being thus in my hands, there came a peremptory order to mee, to de­liver them out to bee sold, as the goods of a Delinquent; but I being satisfied by Sir Robert Rich, (who was an in­genious Gentleman) that they were brought into his custody, in the behalf (as I remember) of divers children and Orphans, I delayed the observance of the Order, till those who were concern'd (who they were I know not) had opportunity to clear them; & at last (by order) I re-delivered them to Sir Robert Rich, from whom I re­ceived [Page 100] them. Now should I have readily observ'd their Orders, Orphans had been ruin'd, and the Parliament instrumental to an Act of injustice; And that all that are members of Parliament, are not alwayes such as they should bee. I'le give you one relation more, There comes an information to our Committee in London against a person for Delinquencie, pressed and urged very hard for a speedie sequestration; the reason of the haste, I percei­ved afterwards to bee, because the party concern'd (be­ing a Lawyer) was in the circuit, and the prosecutors would fain have had him sequestred before hee knew on't; upon hearing the information and witnesses, I perceiv'd the bottom of the business to bee revenge, and private in­terests (to say no worse) their haste added to my jealou­sie, and I was therefore the more slack in furthering it. The next day (as I remember) one comes to mee to my house, from the Prosecutors, to offer me gold to speed the business. It would bee too tedious to tell you every circumstance, I refus'd it.

After this (now mark) one of the house of Parliament, comes to mee to my house, with recom­mendations from others of them, to press mee on; I gave him civil entertainment, but grew more resolv'd in the business. After this, an eminent man in the Parliament came to our Committee, and prest it, and told us, it was a business that many in the Parliament took notice of, and that if wee did not do it, they would take it into hearing themselves: I ask'd that Gentleman whether he came to threaten us, and told him wee were upon our oaths, &c. So that hee went away in discontent. Upon this (very speedily) an order comes to us to appear be­fore the Committee of Lords and Commons for Sequestra­tions, to give an account for our non-prosecution; a Co­lonel in the Army was hee that promoted it, and it was backt (as I perceiv'd after) by divers members; my self appear'd alone in behalf of the Committee, they ha­ving Councel (besides the Councel for the State) to speak for them: It was as great a Committee of Lords [Page 101] and Commons, as I ever remember, to have seen at any time, I so mannag'd the matter, (well knowing the baseness of the business) that it was refer'd back again to us, where wee never heard more of it, insomuch that the Colonel came afterward to my house to speak with mee, but by providence I was not at home, but he (as my family and neighbours told mee) threatned to bee revenged upon mee, but by Gods goodness (in whom I trust) I heard no more of him; now had I yeelded in this matter, an honest Gentleman might have been ru­in'd, for if wee had sequestred him in London, (though hee had not much there) they would presently have sent down into the Country, and done the like there: The person is one of worth and honor, afterwards a mem­ber of that Parliament, and of the close Committee, or safety, (I have forgotten the title) and is now a mem­ber of this present Parliament, one so cordial to the pub­like interest, that I do profess, whom I afterwards saw him (upon his return from the circuit) my heart rejoy­ced that I had so appeared for him, whom (upon my own knowledge) was so true a friend to the Parliament, for I well knew him before by sight, but did not know him by name, to bee the person prosecuted. I could tell you further (George) of others whom I have rescued from the jawes of ruine, upon Parliamentary prosecutions, and that upon base and packt knavery, followed with perju­ry, and by some of our own Officers, which I my self have discovered, and caused them to bee turned out: So that George, you must not sculk and hide your head un­der the shelter of the Parliament. And for the rest that followes in your answer and excuse, the reader will easi­ly perceive you do but quibble and trifle upon forms and circumstances, which makes nothing to the substance of the business.

I shall not need to mention your zeal and earnestness at the tryal of Faulconer, in his behalf, nor your reflecting upon the Judges in these words, page 15. of your book, The Judges in the issue summ [...] not up the evidence, which [Page 102] they should have done. As for the Jury, you bestow this upon them, in the same page, The Jury (of the affections of whom for the Parliament, wee cannot yet understand) neither took any notes, nor ask'd a question, yet in a very short time were agreed in their verdict, and the next morn­ing gave it into the Court, that Faulconer was guilty of the perjury mentioned in the Indictment: And then you go on, and say, That a man indeed, without divining, might have told which way the cause would go, by the countenances of the Jury, all along the tryal of the cause, as was taken notice of by many honest men, such as you are, no doubt. And then you sadly complain thus, George is huge angry that Faulconer is found guilty of Perjury. But this is what eve­ry honest man may expect in cases wherein the State is con­cern'd, when the unpardoned traytors, whom with the pe­ril of their lives they discover to bee undermining the safety of a State in times of great danger, in the field, and under ground conspiracies, working towards the general destructi­on thereof, shall after the enemie is overthrown and prevent­ed, bee permitted to come into England, when they can no longer do the Commonwealth mischief abroad, and to be good witnesses against such honest discoveries (risum teneatis ami­ci) in such Traitors own causes, as to their lives, as hath hap­pened to one of the States witnesses (Faulconer) in the very case now in question. And so you flirt upon the Jury a­gain, page 47. I will not comment upon it, because I hasten to an end: But the man is very angry with Judge, and Jury, and Witnesses, (and as before) with the Lord Mayor, as no friends to the State, that Faulconer was found perjur'd, which yet hee himself hath confest him­self to bee.

But why is George so angry, it seems hee is much con­cerned in it; for though hee act for good affection to the State, yet its reason that hee should bee consider'd; and therefore in my information from London (by a hand that is able to make good his undertakings) I am thus told, that hee (George) repaired to Drury house, and contracted for about 300 pound a year of the Lord Cra­vens Land, where, and when this argument was used, [Page 103] that hee might bee favourably dealt with, and considered in the purchace, for that hee was the man that brought the Commonwealth so great an estate, and that but for him, the Lord Craven had not been put into the Bill of Sale: and ac­cordingly hee was favourably dealt withal: But Master Baker, Surveyor General to the Trustees, then repre­hended the said Captain Bishop for so speaking, the scan­dal whereof was (it seems) like to prove so great, (as well it might) that hee relinquisht the contract; and when (in the last Parliament but this) this contract was laid to his charge, by the Committee of Parliament, ap­pointed to hear the Lord Cravens case, and hee urg'd to answer, whether hee did contract or not: How (sayes my information) did hee prevaricate and shuffle with the Committee, and put off an answer, till hee did see there were those present, that were ready to produce the contracts out of the book, and then (to his shame, and admiration of the Committee) hee did confess at last, hee did contract, for a considerable part of the Lord Cravens estate, but that hee had since that time declined the same: So that for all your pretences of publike inte­rest, you drove on a design of your own private; and if the way had been honest, you might have done it, and you need not have declin'd it; and to back this, and so an end. Did not you write to a Gentleman, an acquaintance of mine and yours, (one imployed for the publike) to inform you of the quality and worth of a Mannour of the Lord Cravens, call'd the Mannour of Hinton Nor­ton in Sommerset-shire; and did not you afterward (in your Study) at White-Hall, tell him, that you inquired after it, for that you expected that the Parliament should re­ward your good service you had done for the State, in seque­string the Lord Cravens estate? Or words to that pur­pose.

And now Sirs, you that are to give your judgement upon George Bishop, upon the whole matter, what say you? Is George clear and innocent? Hath hee not used? nor doth hee not know of any indirect proceedings in that [Page 104] whole business of Craven and Faulconer? of which hee makes such a bold appeal to the Almighty: Say, is it any matter, whether hee bee a Quaker or no, or what he is? And if wee may judge of the conscience, honesty and perfection of the rest by him, may wee not conclude, as I undertook to make good, That a man may bee as vile a person as any under heaven, and yet a perfect Quaker? If hee had repented of it, and (what in him lies) made re­stitution) it had been somewhat, I should have said no­thing; for who will upbraid a man with that, for which hee hath repented.

But hee still (like a Quaker) justifies himself, as if he had done no evil; and I easily perceive the bu [...]h under which hee hides himself, and thinks no body sees him: For after his protestation, hee sayes, Hee has had a large time of tryal, wherein hee hath neither wanted enemies for the sake of truth, nor they malice and opportunity to lay to his charge, could they finde, or were there any thing to be found against him.

Simple fellow! I wonder hee could mannage so great a business, with so little wit; because the Lord Cravens friends did not indict him, but Faulconer, therefore hee sillily concludes, they could finde or say nothing against him. Doth hee not know, that it was for the Lord Cra­vens advantage, to lay all the blame upon Faulconer, and to charge him with the malice of it, (as well as with the fact) that so they might convict him of perjury, which being done, and hee to his conviction, having since ac­knowledged it by his own confession; and you having confest so much, and taken so much upon your self, to clear him of the malice, (all which they knew not, till you confest it.) Now all this, (as afore considered) they know what to say to you: By the Law (it seemes, and as the Judges gave their opinion) bare forswearing ones self, doth not bring a man within the compass of the Law against perjury, unless also it bee done maliciously and wilfully.

And now to deliver Faulconer from the crime and con­viction [Page 105] of perjury, George (at the tryal) discovers the rise and ground of all this business, freeing Faulconer (upon his own oath) of any intention of evil and mis­chief against the Lord Craven, (as knowing nothing a­gainst him, that might render him culpable, or any way sequestrable, as you heard before) but George (having consulted with some body else) by handsome contri­vance and mannagement, hath brought it to this you now see; and by this confession of Georges at the tryal, and Faulconers at his death-bed, it is now apparent by whom it was begun, and effected, even by him, who (as be­fore hee confesses) had the mannagement of the whole.

And now if there were a Starchamber Court, or any place of tryal for such practises, they know whose eares and estate to require in part of satisfaction. In the mean time▪ let the world judge of your innocency: George, you have a fair estate in land, plate great store, rings and jew­els, and cabinets, and brave hangings, &c. you can live without the honest calling of a Brewer, which you could not do before; you have not been a busie Bishop to no purpose, you have your reward; but take heed, it bee not in this life only: It may bee you may come to a reck­oning, and give an account here for all these things, but sure hereafter: The present Parliament hath taken cog­nizance of the Lord Cravens cause, and it is to bee ho­ped they will proceed so justly and impartially, that the guilt of injustice and oppression, shall not lie at the doors of the Parliament of England, and so become the sin of the Nation, and draw a curse upon the whole, for the iniqui­ty of a few. However, look you to your light within, and let mee tell you thus much, if it do not stare you in the face, and fright you, 'tis a sign you are blinde and har­dened. I was desired to ask you, who did trepan Colonel Andrewes into a design, for which hee lost his life, when as hee had given over all thoughts of engaging, till hee was moved thereunto by a Trepanner, as hee declared before his death? And who it was that trepan'd Sir John Gell into a misprision of treason? And lastly, who did [Page 106] trepan Mr. Love, and some of that party? These questi­ons are proposed by those who are no babes in the world, and yet honest; and they say, this Bishop can (if hee will) give satisfaction in. You know George what these things mean, and I know what the last means; and they advise mee, to read a book concerning Mr. Loves de­signes, and his death, written and pen'd by you, and they say, it will give the reader further satisfaction.

But you have dealt as craftily in the printing of this, as of the former, printed so few, and kept, or given so at your own dispose, that I cannot get it; and I am not so free to send to you for this, as the former, because you do not quote it against mee. But yet what I finde from other pieces I have met with in this matter, I will com­municate to you, and the world, and this the rather, to shew you what an hypocrite you are, in charging us Priests (as in scorn you call us) with blood-thirstiness, and my self in particular, as in the title of your Pamphlet: you should have pulled the beam out of your own eye, before you reproacht us with a mote in ours▪ I suppose, e're I have done, (though it bee prettily well done already) you will appear to bee, not only a blood-thirsty, but a blood sucking person.

And in the discourse of this, I shall discover the ground of your so easie an entertainment of the thoughts, (or at least suggestions) of forgerie in mee, from those practi­ses of forgery, which I shall declare to have been really act­ed by you, That you were a zealous prosecutor of Mr. Love unto (yea and after) death, is so manifest, that (as im­pudent as you are) you will not deny [...]hat you prosecuted him after death, appears by what you published against him, when hee had no being to answer for himself, wherein you endeavour maliciously to kill him twice, and the latter, with more cruelty than the former, kill­ing his good name, and (what in you lies) making him a Reprobate, and an out-cast from God and glory. I sup­pose you will own that piece, call'd Mr. Loves case, print­ed by▪ Peter Cole, (as well as other books you publisht [Page 107] against him) wherein you go about (most unchristianly) to undervalue, debase, and disparage that comfort and confidence hee professed to enjoy in and at his death; and this upon several accounts, which I will not recount, to avoid tediousness, one only I'le mention, to shew your spirit of envy and bitterness, it is the Animadversions up­on the first Section, page 34. Mr. Love, (say you) it's more than probable, was not only vehemently exhorted, in­couraged, importuned, but even solemnly, by all the sacred interests of high Presbytery, conjured by his Clergie com­panions, to die like a valiant and resolute Champion of the cause, and not to bewray the least grudging of any fear or re­pentance, for any thing hee had acted upon the service there­of, lest it should bee said of Presbytery, her glory was stained and betrayed by the cowardise of her first-born. And page 38. Here wee have the second part of the Theatrical flourishes of Mr. Loves confidence.

Much might bee animadverted, but I forbear; you have a strange spirit, that his comforts and confidence in God, trouble you. And then you go on to charge him with hypocrisie and lying, and other base imputations all a­long, bespattering, and bespotting, and sullying him (as you can) even to his last. I know what flight touches of charity you have now and then, and at the close of that Pamphlet, which are inconsistent, with that you had charged him before, as that hee acted the part of a most unchristian Calumniator, upon the Scaffold, in the very approaches of death, page 38. But page 46. you most un­christianly reproach him, and his doctrine.

T [...]e, whereas in purging himself (hee means Ma­ster Love) from the aspersion of lying, hee saith thus, I hope you will believe a dying man, who dare not look God in the face, with a lie in his mouth; intimating (say you) as if his being ready to die, was a bridle in his lips, to re­strain him from lying: The truth is, (according to that principle of his, that hee whoever once truly believed, can never by any sin or wickedness whatsoever, loose the love and favour of God: His being ready to die in conjunction, [Page 108] with a perswasion of his Saintship, should rather bee a temptation upon him, to lie, or commit any other wick­ednesse, than an ingagement upon him to refrain ly­ing.

I have done with that; but I pray, that you may finde more favour and mercy from God, than hee found from you; and to that end, let him grant you grace to repent of these spightful and most cruel prosecutions. As for your Prosecutions of him in his life, and of his tryal, I shall not enter upon the story of, although I have relati­ons of it, it would prove too large an undertaking; nor will I insist upon your rotten and unsavoury language of the Ministers of the Gospel, whom in scorn you call his Clergie companions, you were fairly disposed for quaking then; nor will I debate the cause, which you maliciously in your former book (the Lord Cravens case) charge up­on Presbyterians in general, wherein how rash, heady, un­charitable, and unchristian you are, let your self consi­der.

In page 22. of that book, you speak it, which (because it tends also to discover the suspition, that even your self had, of the injustice of sequestring the Lord Cravens E­state) and do therefore endeavour to extenuate it from the circumstancy of the time when it was done) I shall lay before the Reader; and thus you give it forth, The time when the Parliament gave judgement upon his estate, (that's right, not upon his person, that had not offend­ed) was, when the Commonwealth was deeply imbroil'd in wars, and designes lay every where to blow up this Nation in all parts thereof; their Army in Scotland, and the Scots drawn into the field after their rout at Dunbar, ready to serve the desperate, and great designes and conspiracies laid by Mr. Love, those of the Presbyterie and the Kings Par­tie, then ripe and readie to break forth in all parts, all of which were the effects of that Treatie at Breda, where the Lord Craven was often with the King, and his Privy Coun­cel, (But doth any one person so much as say, that hee came to treat, or did treat? not one) and assisting his Of­ficers [Page 109] in their Petition for relief, to bee in a capacitie to serve him; (which you see was proved to bee a lye) and some of whom served in those designes, and otherwise, and of which the Parliament were sensible, (what was this to the Lord Craven) and the Lord Craven had manifested to most that conversed with him, his disaffection to the Parlia­ment, and Supreme Authoritie, (no such thing is charg'd against him) in such times and cases, have many conside­rations, as the reason of their actions, which those who are without doors, neither know, nor apprehend, nor are to take upon them so to do. Thus hee.

The language in the last part of it, is inconsistent and incoherent, a kinde of non-sense; but this clearly is his meaning, (viz.) that the times being dangerous, (as hee describes them) have many considerations and reasons to sequester the Lord Cravens estate, which those who are not his Judges, (no nor hee himself) are to know or apprehend, nor must enquire into. In plain English, the Lord Craven must lose his estate, and none must ask a reason, why? Are not these sweet doings? As hee him­self sayes in another case, page 19.

But to go on with the matter of Mr. Love, Mr. Love and the Presbyterie are designing the Nations ruine, sayes George, if you may bee believed; and how honest you are, even in your most serious protestations and appeals to God, appears already. But if you suppose (and that's enough with you) that Mr. Love, or the Presbytery de­signe the Nations ruine, you will bee sure (right or wrong) to accomplish these. I have heard say hereto­fore of the Marches in Wales, that a cause there, did seldome fail for want of prosecution, and good witnesses; you were a notable man to make an agent there; well, or ill fare him, who if a cause bee not good, can make it so: I shall not (as I said) ingage to the whole of your prosecution against him, I shall only notifie what I finde concerning your self, in a book written and published by Mr. Love himself, which (in the close) hee sayes, was finished the last day but one before his death; and at such a [Page 110] time (what every you say) men are most serious, and to bee believed. The title of it thus, A clear and necessa­ry vindication of the principles and practices of me Christo­pher Love, &c. which book, hee sayes, hee writ for the vindication of his name, from those obloquies and re­proaches, which by the Sons of Slander were cast upon him, (was not this you George?) who would fain have his name to bee buried, and rot above ground, before his friends could bury his body under ground.

In this book of his, hee complains, that whereas at his Tryal, hee had a Notary to write for him, they took away all the books from him, so that nothing might come to publick view, but with what additions or alte­rations they please, to his greater disadvantage. But hee sayes, his hope is, that some faithful pen or other, hath writ his defence, and the Witnesses depositions, which is done; and I have, and according to them hee desires, that his innocency bee judged, by indifferent, and unprejudicated men; it contains seventeen sheets, very large paper, and very small print; I shall not med­dle with ought thereof, I shall only give in what I have from Mr. Loves own book.

In page 36. hee desires his Readers, that if other slanders (for hee had answer'd and wip'd off many) should be cast upon him, that they would have so much cha­ritie, not to believe reports raised upon him, when hee shall bee silent in the grave, and not able to speak in his own vin­dication.

And page 37. hee sayes, 'Tis very likelie that they (his Prosecutors) will not publish the depositions of the Witnesses in Court, but the private examinations taken from them in private, and patcht together by Master S. and Captain Bishop. They were not ashamed (sayes hee) to produce them, and read them in open Court. And hee sayes, some of the Witnesses had so much h [...]nesty left, as to disavow them in open Court; and therefore (sayes hee) believe nothing but what was sworn in open Court, nor all that neither, for some of the Witnesses swore false­ly, [Page 111] as (sayes hee) I made appeare in my defence. In the same page, I desire you (sayes hee) to take notice, that there is a lying Pamphlet put forth, entituled, A short Plea for the Commonwealth: In which there are many gross lies, especially in things which relate to mee, (and which hee himselfe is best able to speak to.) Hee sayes there further, it is not fit for him to enter the lists with him; It becomes not, sayes hee, a dying man to write of controversies, which will beget di­spute; therefore, sayes hee, I shall not answer the book, (though I could easily do it) but only sum up the many lyes hee relates, concerning mee. Thus hee.

And page 39. hee sayes, hee supposes Captain Bishop writ that lying book.

And then Master Love goes on, reckoning up his lyes in that book, and shewes wherein, and in the Margin, writes the first lye.

The second lye, and so on to the eleventh lye; It will not bee to any purpose to set down the particulars, be­cause my Reader hath not the book, whereby to judge of the truth or falshood; I shall therefore content my self, to give you what observations Mr. Love makes upon the man, and his lying stories.

In one place hee sayes, that if Bishop should name the person that should say the thing, (there mentioned) e­very one that heard the tryal, would cry out shame upon him, (viz.) Bishop, for telling such a lye▪ Hee sayes, another is a gross lye. And another thing hee charges him with, is a loud lye; and sayes, It is well there were ma­ny witnesses to contradict him: And surely (sayes hee) if the Author of this book had not cast off all feare of God, and regard to the good name of his Brother, hee could not bee so impudent, as to affirme what hee did.

To another hee sayes, 'tis notoriously false, and abo­minably false; and that although hee was not asham'd to▪ say of him, as hee did in the general, yet hee durst not [Page 112] instance in any particular, nor (sayes hee) will any o­ther in my life time, whilst I can answer for my self.

To another (hee sayes) Hee that will bee so shame­lesse to falsifie my Petitions, (which are made so visible) will not bee ashamed to bely my words: Where hee fur­ther sayes, hee (Bishop) charged him, that Master Ca­lamy instructed him to speak as hee did; and that it was, that Master Calamies good tricks might not come to light; both which, together with what hee charged him before, hee sayes, are very false.

To another, hee sayes, hee wonders the man is not asham'd, to fasten that upon him, which hee did. And again, hee sayes, if this man (meaning Bishop) hath belied others in his book, (whom hee names) as hee hath done mee, there is not one true Page in all his book.

And to the eleventh lye, thus; If this man were not an Athiest, or an Antiscripturist, the example of Anani­as and Saphira might make him tremble, lest hee should bee stricken down dead, with a lye in his mouth.

And again, this false and deceitful man, would make the world believe, that this were proved against mee; and then concludes this matter thus, These, and many other falshoods might bee found in this book, if I should make a through search into it: Hee calls it (sayes hee) a short Plea, but I may call it, a long lye: And 'tis not, sayes hee, for the honour of the present Government, to have a common lyar to bee a Pleader for their Common­wealth.

And amongst all these lyes, (thus generally hinted) I have reserved one in special, wherein Mr. Love charges him not (onely with lying) but also with forgery, which hee brings in thus, page 38. And because I am be­lied about my examination, before the Committees, and may bee more abused after I am dead, therefore I am ne­cessitated to discover that jugling and baseness of Mr. S. and Capt. Bishop, about my examination, which I thought never to have made publick.

[Page 113] Whiles I was examined (sayes hee) before the Com­mittee, that pragmatical fellow, Captain Bishop, (who I suppose wrote this lying book) did put in six or eight lines into my examination, which I never said; hee suppo­sing that I would bee so meal-mouth'd, as not to read it, or to put my hand to his forgery, without any more ado; but I did (to his shame) make him blot out, at least, six lines in my examination, which was but very short. Some of the Committee did ingeniously say some­times, that I did not speak such words as Captain Bishop did put in: By his abuse of mee, who would not bee abu­sed by him, I cannot but think, how hee injured other men.

Hee goes on, I did refuse to put my hand to it, seeing I was abused by Captain Bishop; but told them, if they would give mee a Copy of it, I would subscribe my hand; but they denied mee a copy, which made mee suspect, they did not intend to deal fairly with mee, as I found true after: And then goes on, to shew wherein, and that to their conviction, and concludes thence thus; Where­fore I beseech the Reader not to believe any thing that shall come forth, either pretended to bee my examination, or the examinations of other men against mee; they are but the forgeries and contrivements of Mr. S. and Captain Bishop. And well might M. Love think how this Bishop injured o­ther men, and that in the like kinde.

I have one instance more, under the hand of a godly, reverent, and faithful Minister of the Gospel, now being well known to most of the Inhabitants of this City, and many in London, so to bee, who writes to mee, that being to bee questioned about Master Loves businesse (as hee was, and imprisoned) Bishop (sayes hee) was Clerk to the Committee of Examinations, and wrote down all that I said; and added divers things, thereby endeavour­ing to insware mee; for which I sharply reproved him, telling him, that I knew his birth and breeding, and therefore I did scorn to bee examined by such a one as hee was; at which, both hee and the Committee were much [Page 114] offended, threatning to use much severity against me, but the Lord restrained them.

Now George say, Are not you a blood-sucker? Were not the lives of these men at the stake? Was not one of them actually put to death? I'le say nothing of the man, I need not, hee was known well enough in Eng­land, his death is bewail'd by thousands, and his name precious with many godly. I was once drawn away by your d [...]ssimulations and lies, to a prejudice against him; but now I see, that the most innocent, (when they fall in­to the hands of hucksters) may bee rendred culpable▪ What George, what▪ Are not only the estates of men (great estates) small bits with you, but you can suck and swallow the bloods and lives of men, Ministers of the Gospel of our Lord Jesus! No marvel you turn Quaker, turn Turk man, or become a Jew, to whom the name, and Gospel of Christ, and Christian is odious; for shame bear not that sacred name any longer, lest it bee blasphem'd by its enemies, because of you: Oh horrid and dreadful▪ not onely bee a common lyar, but to forge, to put in, and to add words, on purpose to insnare men; no mar­vel you catcht at Faulconers words, but once spoken, and put them in hastily, to take away ones estate, when you forge and put in words many words (whole lines in a short examination) which were never spoken; and this, to take away mens lives.

And here, ex ore tuo serve nequam, out of thine own mouth, from thine own words shalt thou bee judged: Look back, and minde thine own expressions, in thine own book, pages 7 and 8 where you charge mee with forgery, in one word, and which yet was not forgery, but a mistake, and that not in mee neither; and yet see your outcries and loud exclamations, You may here see (say you) of what a false and misch [...]evous spirit this Priest is; and what a devillish wickedness it is to forge in such a word, as for it, were it truly so, would take away his (Foxes) life? What credit is to bee given to what such a one saith? And again, Is not hee that can do this past [Page 115] blushing? Is there any wickednesse so great, that such a one may not bee well conceived to bee ready to act? Is such a one a Minister of the Gospel? Words need not further to expresse such an act, which in its very face is so manifestly wicked and abominable, a wickednesse not found in the Roll of those evils, which the Apostle mentions should make the last daies perillous. I'le say no more, I need not. Read the words, and remember your own actions, and apply.

But let mee ask you, were these all, whose blood you thirsted after? Did you not write a letter to a friend of yours in Bristol from White-Hall, that until Calamy, and some other of the Priests were dealt withal, as Love was, it would never bee well? I hope I shall one day get that book of yours, which you writ against him (mention­ed before) viz. A short Plea for the Commonwealth. Those who have seen it; tell mee, it most fully sets forth the fierceness, and bitterness of your spirit, not only against him, but that you shew your rancour and malice therein, against many of the servants of Christ, whose names are yet precious in the Churches, and the memory of whom will live, when your name shall rot and perish; or if it bee mentioned or remembred, it shall bee with abhorrence and detestation, as infamous as poor Faulconers is. I can­not but remind that passage of yours in your Throne, page 34. where, because I said the Magistrates had their spots and failings, you say, they are no Magistrates of God, but men of sin, and the born of the devil: If spots and fail­ings do (in your judgement) render them thus, Oh! what are you? mind that Rom. 4. beg. Therefore thou art inexcuseable, O man, whosoever thou art (Jew or Gentile, Ranter, or Quaker) that judgest; for wherein thou judg­est another, thou condemnest thy self; for thou that judgest dost the same things. (nay, infinitely worse) But wee are sure the Judgement of God is (according to truth) against them which commit such things; and thinkest thou this, O man, that judgest them who do such things, and doest the same, that thou shalt escape the Judgement of God?

But Reader, in this poor wretch, you see what a dread­ful [Page 116] thing, and what a heavy judgement it is, for a man to bee given up of God; what wickedness so abominable, that hee will not then commit? So Rom. 1. ver. 24. to the end.

And see also, how the Lord doth punish hatred and contempt of his Ministry and servants, and Apostasie, from the truth, with hardnesse of heart, and blindnesse of mind, giving them over to believe lyes, 2 Thes. 2. 10, 11, 12. What a sottish piece is this poor man become, to turn Quaker? But 'tis most true, Shipwrack of faith, and of a good conscience, are seldome severed, 1 Tim. 1. 19. But yet (Countryman) come, there is hope in Israel, concerning this thing, there is still balm in Gilead; the blood of Jesus Christ shed at Jerusalem (though above sixteen hundred years ago) is as efficacious, as prevalent, as ever. Come man, leave quaking, don't trample upon, and despise the price of thy Redemption; I see thou art in the gall of bit­ternesse, and bond of iniquity; but come, repent of thy wick­ednesse▪ and pray to God, perhaps the thoughts of▪ thy heart, (and the wickedness of thy hands, and the blasphemies of thy pen and tongue) may bee forgiven thee. Don't despise the riches of Gods goodness, and forbearance, and long­suffering towards thee; know, that the goodnesse of God (in this patience of his, in not cutting thee off) is to lead thee to repentance. Consider friend, there is a day coming, wherein the Lord will bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and will make manifest all secret plots, contri­vances, and under-hand counsels; Repent, whiles 'tis called to day, lest thy heart bee more and more hardened, through the deceitfulness of sin; treasure not up wrath by impenitence, and hardness of heart; one true repen­tant tear, will avail more now, than millions of yellings and howlings then; our Jesus is able to save perfectly, and to the uttermost, all those who come unto the Father through him, meet him whom thou slightest, and make him thy friend.

And for a close, know and consider, that if you go on in sin wilfully and impenitently, (after you have received [Page 117] the knowledge of the truth) and that you despise the blood of Christ, there remains no more sacrifice for sin, but a fearful looking for of judgement, and of fierce indig­nation, which shall devoure the adversaries. And now from henceforth, let none of these Quakers trouble mee, I have done with this generation; but if they will bee troubling, let them know, I will not bee troubled: And as for any further answers, replies, contendings, or deba­tings with them, or him, being well assured that my ground work (on which my discourse and discovery is founded) will stand firm: I declare this, as my Coronis, my farewel to Quakerisme: As for their doctrines, or opi­nions, (in this, or any other of their Pamphlets) I think them not worth the reading (much less the answering) by any serious Christian, especially that hath publick im­ployments, indeed, not of any one that hath ought else to do, but to make a long voyage to Tarshish, to fetch only Apes and Peacocks.

I conclude therefore with holy Augustine, Tales judi­ces velim, &c. I desire such Judges of my writings, that will not alwayes require an answer, when they shall finde what I have written, to bee spoken against; those things (which being matter of fact) have clear testimonies, and (being matters of doctrine) have clear arguments and authorities: It were a prejudice and disparagement to ei­ther, to agitate them alwayes, upon the cavils of igno­rant or contentious persons; therefore I end.


Books lately written by William Prynne, Esq a Bencher of Lincolnes-Inne, and sold by Edward Thomas in Green-Arbour.

I [...]s Patronatus, Or the Right of Patrons, to present Vi­cars to Parish Churches, &c.

The first and second part of a seasonable, legal, and historical vindication of the Fundamental Rights and Laws of England. The second Edition, in Quarto.

A Declaration and Protestation against Excize, in ge­neral, and Hopps, a native incertain commodity in par­ticular, A PIECE WORTHY PERUSAL.

A Polemical Desertation of the Inchoation, and De­termination of the Lords Day Sabbath.

An old Parliamentary Prognostication, for the Mem­bers there in Consultation.

The Quakers unmasked, and clearly detected to bee the Spawn of Romish Froggs, &c.

A new Discovery of Free-State Tyranny.

The first Part of a Short Demurrer, to the Jewes long discontinued Remitter into England.

The second Part of the Short Demurrer, &c.

A Legal Resolution, of two important Queries, con­cerning Ministers giving of the Sacrament to their Pa­rishioners.

A new Discovery of Romish Emissaries.

Pendennis, and all other standing Garrisons, dismant­led.

Also all the former works of Mr. William Prynne, both before, during, and since his Imprisonments, are sold by Edward Thomas in Green-Arbour.

More Books, printed and sold by Edward Tho­mas in Green-Arbour.

REynolds, Of Gods Revenge against Murther. Fo­lio.

Festivous Notes on Don Quixot, Folio.

Phioravants Three Pieces, in Quarto.

A Rich Closet of Physical Secrets, in Quarto.

Bakers Arithmetick, in Octavo.

Crumbs of Comfort, in twenty fours.

Private Devotions, by D. Valentine, in twenty fours.

Lillies Grammar, in English, by R. Robinson.

The School of Complements, in Twelves.

A Little Handful of Cordial Comforts, by Rich. Stardfast, Master of Arts, the third Edition, in Twelves.

Railing Rebuked; or, A Defence of the Ministers of the Nation, against the Quaker, by William Thomas, Mi­nister of the Gospel at Ubley, in Quarto.

A Vindication of the Scripture and Ministery, by William Thomas, Minister of Ubley, in Quarto.

Practical Husbandry Improved, by G. Platts, in Quarto. &c.

Satan Inthroned in his Chair of Pestilence; wherein the whole business of Ja. Nayler, his coming into Bri­stol▪ and his Examination, is related, by Ralph Farmer, Minister of the Gospel, in Quarto.

A so the Life of James Nayler, with his Parents, Birth, Education, Actions, and Blasphemies, is exactly set forth, by William Deacon, in Quarto.

Hypocrisie Unmasked; or, the Definition and Cha­racters of the Natural, Moral, Civil, Praying Hypo­crite; and how they differ from the sincere Christian, by [Page] Mr. Samuel Crook, late Rector of Wrington, in Sommer­setshire.

The true Christ falsly applyed, discovered. 1. How far his person. 2. The expectation of receiving Christ in the Spirit. 3. The operation of Christ received. 4. The Predestination. And 5. His Merits and Free-grace, are not truly apprehended; from whence some conclude to cast off all Ordinances, pretend, and ex­pect to Prophesie, and work Miracles; all which, with twenty more false Applications of the true Christ, are discovered, by W. Kaye, Minister at Stokesley.

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