IN obedience to your Commands, I have soberly considered your learned Discourse; wherein are such excellent Prudentials of Go­vernment, such grave Aphorisms of State, and the whole compo­sed with so great judgment, that it makes me think the Opinion of the equality of Souls, to be a Paradox: Yet I must beg your pardon, if I cannot obtain so much favour of my Reason, as to a­gree with you, that in this Juncture of Affairs in Europe, it's England's In­terest to stand Neutral.

When Neighbour-Princes are at difference, and their Forces not great­ly unequal, and no fear of any Parties aggrandizing it self, it may be prudence:

But when Kingdoms are tottering, Nation reeling against Nation, and France endeavouring to set up an Empire over the Emperour himself, and by the power of Arms reducing Princes and States under an Ʋniversal Dominion (as it's evident to be the French Designe;) then I take it, for England to be an idle Spectator and to sit still, is the greatest Soloecism in point of State: For that Prince which stands Neutral, and suffers his weaker Neighbours to be subdued, (except his strength doth over-bal­lance the Victors) doth but expose himself to danger, and his own Do­minions to the mercie of the Conqueror.

Theramenes thought it a great instance of prudence, during the Pelopon­nesian War, and the troubles of the Athenians, to keep himself quiet with­out taking part with the one or with the other; but in the end was de­serted by all, his Dominions made a Prey, and his Life a Sacrifice to the prevailing Powers.

Certainly, Sir, nothing can be more becoming the wisdom of the grea­test Prince, than to be watchful that the States about him should not in­greaten themselves by access of Dominions, by ruining of Confederates, blocking up of Trade, or by the like means.

Hence it was that Sextus Quintus being jealous of the Spanish Greatness, and that his designe was of aggrandizing himself, with great efficacy stirred up the Crown of France to assist and defend the States of Holland.

And for this reason of State, Pope Julius the second, Maximilian the Emperour, Lewis the twelfth of France, Ferdinand of Aragon, and other Princes and States, An. Dom. 1508. at Cambray, entred into a League a­gainst [Page 2]the Venetians; yet so as the Confederates had a perpetual Eye one upon the other, that none of them should over top.

And the best Guard which the Italian Princes have, is the reciprocal fear which the one of them hath of the other.

The wisest Princes have ever been in this point very jealous, (and the more jealous, the less they have been deceived;) for then are Kingdoms and States most safe, when their Neighbouring Forces are not greatly su­periour to their own Strength.

And it's prudence in a Prince, as well to contain his best Friends within a moderate Greatness, as to weaken and depress his most potent Enemies.

The safety of Princes consists in the equal counterpoise of Power; for Power is never safe when it groweth bold and doth exceed.

And therefore it was great weakness and oversight in the Neighbouring Princes and States to the Commonwealth of Rome, to suffer it to grow to that magnitude of Reputation and Power, that when forty Princes and States, being jealous of its Power, with united Forces did endeavour to reduce it, they were all subdued; and their Conspiracies did much con­tribute to the enlarging ber Dominions: for by seeking to suppress Rome, they made them not onely provide for their own defence, but also gave them the means how they might, with more Force, better advice, and greater Power offend them.

It hath been looked upon as a great imprudence in Lewis the twelfth of France, after he had gotten Millain, to give Aid to Pope Alexander to seize upon Romagnia; who thereby became so powerful, that he would have made himself Lord of Tuscany, if Lewis had not with his Army made a descent into Italy.

The Neighbouring Princes to the Signiory of Geneva would not suffer it (though but a palm of ground) to fall into the hands of the Duke of Savoy, or of any other Potentate of more strength than himself; insomuch that when he besieged it An. 1589. England, the State of Venice, and Flo­rence, aided them. And at another time, when the Pope, the French King, the Spaniard, and Savoy, had designes upon it, the Emperour offered them assistance both of men and money; and sometimes the Duke of Savoy hath assisted them against the others.

So watchful were Princes and States in those times, that none of them could enlarge their Dominions, thereby to become troublesom or formi­dable to their Neighbours. France and Spain were the Scales of the great Ballance of Europe, and England was then the Beam of that Ballance, which kept it in an even Counterpoise.

And let me tell you, Sir, England, by observing this fundamental Ma­xime of their State, and by contributing Aid to one Party, hath ever risen in Honour and Reputation; and most commonly hath kept both Parties at their Devotion, and in Dependancy, the one in hopes of Succors from them, the other for fear of their giving Assistance against them.

And in case England should not take any Party, yet in prudence a Fleet must be equipped, Souldiers raised, an Army maintained, and all this Ex­pence and Charge without any Fruit or Glory; otherwise the Scene of the War may be turned upon you, and the Ambition of the Victor may erect his Trophies, and extend his Triumphs into England.

Whereas by giving Aid unto one Party, you will maintain a Spring and Seminary of brave men at the expence of others, (which will make you considerable to your Neighbours.) And in case of an Accommodation [Page 3]or Peace, you shall be sure therein to be comprized; which will be your Safety; Otherwise you will remain friendless, exposed to the charity of the Conqueror, and to the scorn and contempt of the Conquered; who upon all occasions will meditate revenge against you for not giving them your Aid, and it may be that both Parties with united Forces may attempt against you.

However, that Prince or State which will stand for a Cypher, when in prudence he is obliged to arm, shall with Servilius in Rome, please neither side; of whom the Historian observeth, that P. Servilius medium se ge­rendo, nec Plebis vitavit odium, nec apud Patres gratiam inivit.

Henry the Eighth (amongst several other Princes) understood this Ma­xime of England so well, that he assumed unto himself this Motto, Cui adhaereo, praeest.

Sometimes he would make Charles the Fisth weigh down, sometimes Francis the First.

Anno 1522. at Cambray he settled all Europe in quiet (when it was much turmoiled) and Italy in security; therefore he was stiled, Protector of the Clementine League: the Instrument whereof doth still remain in the Treasury at Westminster sealed with gold.

And Clement the Seventh being cooped up by Charles the Fifth in the Castle of St. Angelo, was freed by the means of Henry of England; and therefore by the whole Consistory of Rome, he was called Liberator Or­bis.

Charles the Fifth, An. 1521. was by him made Emperour, as he doth acknowledge in two Letters to Henry of England; and indeed he was the great Arbitrator of all the Assairs of Europe in his time.

If Henry the Eighth was so much celebrated for keeping the ballance in aequilibrio, what Glory and Renown will his now Sacred Majesty of Great Britain have, by putting a Batricado to the Ambition of the French Em­pire, and reintegrating all Princes and States in their ancient Liberties and just Rights, and setling the Peace of all Europe upon a solid Basis? which onely by his Wisdom and Power is to be effected.

An Act certainly so full of Grandeur, that it will tread upon the grave of History, bury Monuments, see the Worlds funeral, Time laid in the dust, and stand up with Eternity.

The glory of Soveraignty consists not in a Chair of State, but in such Acts as are well-becoming a Prince. Private men may direct their Coun­sels to such things as they think may be prositable to them, but the Actions of Princes must tend to Grandeur, and the attaining of Honour and Fame.

For want of due observation of this prime and Alphabetical Maxime of England, the French King of late hath risen up to that Greatness, and is arrived to that Pyramid of Grandeur, that Europe begins to bow to his Power.

Universal Empire was first attempted by Charles, the Fifth, designed by Henry the Great, but will be effected (if not timely prevented) by Lewis the Potent.

And how great a Progress he hath made towards so vast a Designe, it well becomes your great Judgment to consider.

He hath gotten Brisac and Friburg, to enter Germany; the French Comte, to a we the Switzers; Pignoral, to enter Italy; Perpignan, to enter Spain; and almost all Flanders, to enter England. Besides, he hath im­patronized himself of the Countries of Rousillon and Catalonia, the Dutchies [Page 4]of Lorrain and Barr, Alsatia, Burgundy; The French Comte, all the Spanish Netherlands are in his Talons, and he hath a hovering possession of the remainder, as a Hobby hath over a Lark.

The Italian Garison in Avignion is casheer'd, and he is Master of that place, though it was part of St. Peter's possession three hundred years.

The Garison of Foreign Souldiers which were in Orange, is dismissed, and the Castle is dismantled which was in the bowels of one of his Pro­vinces.

What will he not be able to compass against the rest of Europe, when he hath gotten the Accession of Germany and all the Low Countries, to that already too boundless Power, by which he hath inslaved his own people, and subjected them to an absolute Vassalage?

Can England and the rest of Europe expect better terms than he hath given to his own Subjects? 'Tis well if he allow them Canvas and Sa­lowes.

By Sea he is become so potent, that I question if he were but furnished with Mariners and experienced Commanders suitable to the goodness of his Ships, if he might not contrast the power of all Europe, and make the Sea between Callis and Dover as a Ferry to pass over what Armies he plea­sed into England.

In the beginning of the year 1665. he was not able to put to Sea twen­ty Ships of War; now he hath two hundred and upwards, and many larger than most in Europe, and is every day building more. Is it not then necessary for England, the Ʋnited Netherlands, and all Europe, to look about them, and to secure their Necks against the Yoke of Slavery with which he threatens them? If some timely Expedient be not applied, from this Naval Power of France the destruction of Europe may take its date before we be much older.

It will much concern England in point of Interest, to consider if Ireland by the Scheme of their designes, may not be looked upon as a Country which may procure France the absolute dominion of the Sea, of Trade, and the Conquest of the West Indies; which have been their antient Pro­ject.

For he being so potent at Sea, they may from Brest transmit an Army into Ireland (they having many of the Irish Nation in their service, and those discontented) if they should seize upon Kingsale or Waterford, and keep a good Squadron of Ships there, (which they may do, having such numbers of Men of War). And though it should not prove the loss of that Nation, yet it would obstruct and debar all Trade upon those Seas: And if you have any Ship pass there, it must be by their favour, and paying what Tribute they please to impose.

Be assured, Sir, the French Cabal have some notable Designe against England, either to engage you in a Civil War by disseminating of Divi­sions amongst you, thereby to put a disability upon his Majesty of Great Britain to give any Assistance, or contribute any Aid to the relief of the Spanish or Ʋnited Netherlands, in case by his Arms he should attack them, as without dispute he will, in case there be not a stop put to his Career.

Or peradventure the French King (if the Capricio shall take him) may by his Arms give disturbance to England it self: For he cannot think it safe to proceed in his Conquest on the Continent, whiles he hath so dangerous an Enemy as England at his reer. He well knows the Courage and Gallantry of the English, and your Talbots and Bedfords are not by them forgotten.

[Page 5]They are setting up an Ʋniversal Monarchy of Commerce, and to make France the Staple of Trade; and to that purpose do labour to get what Ports they can into their power.

After the Pyrenean Peace, they immediately entred into a League Offensive and Defensive with Portugal, though contrary to the Faith of that Treaty; and all the Harbours and Ports which the Portugal should take in Spain, either upon the one or other Sea, were to be put into the power of France.

No sooner was Dunkirk in the French King's hands, but he made it a free Port. And that he might want no Seamen of his own, he hath by all imaginable Encouragements, established a mighty Navigation in France, and thereby will lay the foundation of a greater Empire than ever was in Charlemain.

For one trading Ship twenty years since, there are now forty. For this purpose he hath propagated the Fishery in Newfound Land (which is the Propriety of the Crown of England) and where they formerly (till now of late) never fished but by License, and paying a Tribute to the Kings of England; and besides, hath yearly educated supernumerary Sea­men on board the French Trading-Ships at his own charges.

He hath engaged most of his Nobility in the East and West Indian Trades; and the better to encourage them, hath granted many Priviledges to them.

And without doubt, by reason of his great preparations by Sea, he hath some great Designe in projection. If he shall propose to make himself Master of the Indies, I do not see how he can fail in his Attempts, if Eu­rope be not more watchful.

By an Ordinance of the French Privy Council (which is the now stan­ding Law of that Kingdom) all the Officers and Commanders in the Islands of America, are strictly enjoyned and required to secure to the Most Christian King the Soveraignty of those Seas; and the French in executi­on of it, have much interrupted the Trade there, and have proved very vexatious.

And having erected the East India Trade, he hath attempted to get foo­ting in divers places in the East Indies: What his success may be, time will shew.

But if he should unite the Dutch Trade and Strengths in those parts to himself, by an Union of the Ʋnited Provinces, and their Navigation to his Empire, (as he will, if some timely Assistance be not given by England) how the English Factories there will then preserve themselves from Viola­tion or utter Extirpation, it doth well become England to consider: For France designes to engross the Trade of the Ʋniverse.

And by their irregular course of Trade, they will exhaust all Europe of their Money. I have heard that England loseth yearly by the French Trade 1500000 l. sterling; and I am sure they draw out of the Northern Regions of Europe, for Wines, 25 Millions of Florens; for Salt 10 Mil­lions of Florens; for Brandy 5 Millions; for Wines, Brandy, and Salt, they yearly exhaust from thence 40 Millions of Florens; for Silks, Stuffs, Toys, and Fripparies, they spirit out of those Countries yearly 40 Millions of Florens: and there is not imported into France of the Commodities of all the North so many as do amount unto 15 Millions of Florens. So that France doth yearly drain out of the Northern Regions of Europe 65 Millions of Florens. And what great and prodigious sums of money he draweth from the rest of Europe, must be left to sober men to consider.

[Page 6]But no Foreign Commodities can be imported into France, but they are clog'd and incumbred with such great Duties and Customs, that the return made thereof to the Merchant is without any profit.

His Most Christian Majesty having for his Royal Revenue Sixty Millions of Florens yearly, and France being inriched yearly as abovesaid, and be­ing able by his supream power, without any check or controul, to impose what Taxes he pleases; he hath laid such an inexhaustible Fond of Trea­sure to carry on his designes to the Oppression of all Europe, that he can rarely be disappointed or fail in any: He can support his Armies, when other Princes are enforced to beg for Peace because their Treasures are ex­hausted.

He, after many years War, can engage in a new War; and upon occa­sions, by reason of his Treasure, have Instruments to execute his Projects.

By this he purchases the assistance of Foreign Princes, and endears their Ministers, opens their Cabinets, engageth true and close Corresponden­cies, and poysons their Councils. By this he can pass unseen through Ram­piers and Guards into Cities and Forts, and can surprize them, without te­dious hazards of Guards. And many contemplative men think that he hath gained more Territories and Dominions by his Pistols, than by his Sword and Cannon: So that the Serpent is more serviceable to them than the Dragon as acting with less noise and greater execution. Ambition is the Compass whereby they sail, and Universal Dominion the Port where­unto their course is directed; and as their Ambition hath no Horizon, so their Designes have no Latitude.

Charles the fifth his Motto, Plus Ʋltra, and his Son Philip's, Non sufficit Orbis, discovered their vast Ambition: And doth not that of Lewis the eleventh, Immensi tremor Oceani, and that of Lewis the fourteenth, Solus contra Omnes, manifest the Designes of France?

Well, if there be not a Retrenchment of the spreading and ambitious Designes of France, I am sometimes of the opinion, that the Most Chri­stian King may ere long take upon him that jolly humour of the great Cham of Tartary; who when he hath dined, commands his Trumpeters to sound, and make proclamation that now all other Kings and Princes may sit down to dinner.

It will be worth the while, that all Europe may be satisfied of the Con­duct of the French Cabal, to consider the candor and integrity of their Actions for some years last past; and whether they may expect better Principles and Methods from them for the future, than they have hitherto had. The first Essay of their Ingenuity and Honesty, was in their beha­viour and carriage in the Pyrenean Treaty, and their performance there­of.

By the Endeavours of the Queen-Mother of France, a Peace being pro­moted between the two Crowns of France and Spain, with a Marriage between the French King and the Infanta of Spain; the whole Treaty was founded upon two considerable points: The one was the forsaking of Portugal; the other a Renunciation of the Infanta (ratified by the French King) of all her present or future pretences, titles, or claims what­soever to the Spanish Monarchy and Dominions thereof; which if not granted, the great work of the Match had never taken effect. As to the first, the French King did promise and oblige himself upon his Honour, and upon the Faith of a King, not to give at present or for the future, nei­ther in common, nor to any person or persons thereof in particular, any [Page 7]help or assistance, neither publick nor seeret, directly or indirectly, of Men, Munition, &c. under any pretence whatsoever.

Yet the Peace was no sooner made, but they sent them Supplies of Men, Arms, and Money; and a while after, notwithstanding their former Treaty with Spain in the view of the whole world, they entred into an Offensive League with that Kingdom against all their Enemies.

The other was the Renunciation aforementioned: And as to this, the French King, after the death of the late King of Spain, claimed (notwith­standing the said Renunciation) a great part of the Spanish Low Coun­tries, as being devolved to him in the Right of his Wife; and to take possession thereof, invaded the Country contrary to his Engagements, and so destructive to the Essence of the Treaty, with a powerful Army. The Marquiss de la Fuente extraordinary Embassadour from Spain, being upon his return into Spain, upon the death of the late King his Master, his Most Christian Majesty did with all possible Asseverations engage his Faith and his Royal Vow, That he would religiously observe and keep the Peace, and continue a faithful Friendship both to the Queen of Spain and to her Son.

And the Archbishop of Ambrun, after the French Army was already in the Field, and had possessed Charleroy, some sive days before the News of it came to Madrid, did in verbo Sacerdotis, and upon all that is most sa­cred, protest and vow to the Queen, That his Master intended nothing less than what was reported of him, and would not break with the King of Spain, or invade his Dominions; as long as he was under age.

These Circumstances are more surprizing than the Breach it self. But the March of the French Army, and the Hostility they committed, agree­ing so little with their Vows and Promises, and the same being complained of, they answered, It was no Breach; and that they onely came fairly and in a friendly manner to take possession of what belonged to them.

This War, or as the French term it, a Friendly possessing of their own, ended by a Treaty at Aix; after which, contrary to the faith of that Trea­ty, they first dismantled the strong places and holds of the County of Bur­gundy, carried away all Munition out of the Country; and notwithstan­ding the same Treaty at Aix, they exacted great Contributions from the Dutchies of Limburg and Luxemburg, and laid a new Claim to some Towns as important as any of those granted to them by the Peace, and confis­cated the Estates of the Subjects of the King of Spain that would not forswear their Allegiance. If these Infractions, and many more, are not sufficient to awaken England and all Europe, I know not what will.

Since the Treaty at Nimmeguen, such have been the actings of the French Ministers, such Contraventions thereof, such horrid Injustice hath been committed and executed upon the Subjects of his Catholick Majesty in the Spanish Netherlands, and else where, notwithstanding the great Terri­tories granted to the Most Christian King by that fatal and destructive Peace (which all Europe may have time enough to repent and lament) that no King in the world can in justice own or give any countenance thereunto. Certainly there men act as if great sins would merit Heaven by an Antiperistasis. Thus they have dealt with Spain.

Let us see how other Princes have fared with them.

We'll begin with the Duke of Lorrain, who by the Pyrenean Treaty was to be restored to his Dutchie of Lorrain, with all the places and Towns which he had possessed in the Bishopricks of Metz, Toul, and Verdun; [Page 8]but contrary to the Treaty, the French King refused to restore it, and to this day doth detain it; and ordered one of his Generals to seize his per­son, and to bring him either dead or alive, (as it's the usual practice of all Usurpers to destroy those they have dispossessed and injured): and it was very near being effected.

A new way of dealing with a Soveraign Prince, not yet known in these parts of the world, and which gives some hopes to Europe of seeing ere long the West governed by Bashaws, as well as the East. None but an Universal Monarch can pretend to a Right of displacing Princes, and dis­posing both of their Lives and Territories: And therefore nothing could deserve a higher Resentment, nor a more vigorous Opposition from all the Kings and Princes of Europe.

The Kingdom of Poland comes next; which hath lain a bleeding ever since they had a French Queen, and which is at this instant in imminent danger of being conquered by the Turks, through the means of the French Cabal, who have called into the Kingdom the Enemy of the Christian name, meerly because they could not have a King either of French Bloud or of French Interest.

The Duke of Newburg was not better used, whom they caused to engage the greatest part of his Estate almost beyond redemption, in hopes of the Polish Crown which they had promised to raise him to, by the help of a strong Party they had made in that Kingdom: Yet underhand, contrary both to their Treaties (as well with the Elector of Brandenburg, as with himself) and to their reiterated Promises and Vows, both by word of mouth and in writing, they did by their Creatures and Agents oppose the said Duke's pretension, and endeavoured with all industry to have the Prince of Conde preferred before all other Competitors.

Nothing certainly can be a greater instance of the perfidiousness and treachery of the French Ministers, and how little faith or credit is to be given to any of their Promises or Vows. If there were no other instance thereof, this alone were sufficient to alarm the World to be careful and ad­vised how they put any trust in them.

The Emperour hath as little reason to thank them; for at the very time when the Most Christian King sent his Forces to joyn with his Army a­gainst the Turks, they began to settle a Correspondence with the Counts Serini, Franchipani, Nadasty, and Toffenback; from whence that so-well­known Conspiracy hath since broken out, as it hath been made apparent by the Depositions and Confessions of some of the Accomplices, who had been instrumental in carrying both Money and Letters from the French Ministers at Vienna.

All the Confusions, Distempers, and Wars in Hungary, have been raised and continued by the Practices and Intrigues of France. And they have given disturbance to all Germany by their private Treaties and Correspon­dencies with several Princes, contrary to the Treaty at Munster.

To which may be added, That one of the greatest Motives of bringing the Turks into Poland, was the Marriage of the Empress's Sister with their King.

Yet it must be owned, that the French seem to have repented their per­nicious Intrigues and caballing in that Kingdom: For when they saw the Emperour preparing in earnest to assist the Dutch (in the late Wars they made against them) to work him from that designe, and to engage him (if it had been possible) not to concern himself or take part in the [Page 9]Quarrel; they very fairly offered him to put into his hands and deliver him all the original Letters they had from their Creatures and Friends in Poland, to the end both his Imperial Majesty and the King of Poland his Brother might take what course they thought fit with those Rebels.

A fair warning to all those that prefer French Money before their Loy­alty, and the true Interest of their Country.

Nay, I doubt the Swedes, their good friends, have not always been pleased with them; and they cannot to this day forget, that about eighteen years since, having made a Treaty with the French, whereby they were to receive by way of gratuity or pension sixteen hundred thousand Crowns, the French (upon second thoughts) finding their Treaty with Sweden of little use to them, refused to ratifie it; and sent their Monsieur de Trelon, who without more words told them in short, That the King his Master declared it to be void. A sine Court-stile for one Prince to use to another I and a short Majestick way of rescinding all Treaties.

These are stupendious passages, and will be no more credited by Poste­rity, than we do what is said of King Arthur's round Table.

It's needless to tell you, how they have observed their Treaties with Holland; for all Europe hath taken notice of it.

They are in continual acquests of Dominion by force or fraud; and what they get by fraud, they keep by force: for the Sword, with them, is ever better than half the Title to any Dominion.

They do not onely pursue, but commonly wound their Adversary, be­fore they declare him such, or give him leisure to draw. They first invade a Princes Territories, and after set up their Title and Cause of War. They are not concerned, that all the world observe their pretence to be false and trifling, vain and unjust, warranted by no other reason than that of absolute and unbounded Will, which are the foundation and conclusion of all the Actions (of the Most Christian King) and Wars abroad, as well as of his Laws and Edicts at home, expressed in these imperious words, Tel est Nostre Plaiser.

It's a prime Maxime of the French Cabal, That that Prince which wars for his Glory, and avows Power to be the Rule, and Strength the Law of Justice, may without Right enter upon any Princes Dominions, and may in Honour and Justice detain them, so they be of conveniency to him to keep them.

The Dukes of Lorrain, Deux-ponts, and Mewthelward, and the ten free Towns in Alsatia, sufficiently prove the truth thereof.

They have erected at Metz, a Court where his Most Christian Majesty, as Judge and Party, cites the most August and Illustrious Houses of the Empire, (which he hath nothing to do withal) to make their appearance, and to give him an account by what Right they possess that which their Predecessors have for three or four hundred years peaceably enjoyed.

His pretentions are to the greatest part of Lorrain, the whole Dukedom of Deux-ponts, and the best part of Alsatia as far as Lauterburg. These, as ancient Dependencies of the Bishopricks of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, and Thersow, must be reunited to that Crown, because they are of conveniency for him. By this all Kings, Princes, and States, may see what they are to expect, if they come within the despotical power of France.

All Princes and States which may give them any jealousie, they keep employed, and designe to depress all Powers which are capable of obstru­cting the Torrent of their Ambition. All Europe is sensible thereof, to [Page 10]their grief: They have engaged the Swedes to embroil the Empire; which they did to the loss of all their Territories and Dominions in Germany: And they brought the Turks upon the Muscovites, whereby the Swedish Army in Livonia, was let loose upon the Confederate Princes.

They worked the Messinesses to form a Rebellion against his Catholick Majesty (their Soveraign Prince) in Sicily, and had gotten Messina into their power, where they had a potent Fleet of Men of War, thereby to give Law to all which should pass upon the Mediterranean. But after­wards (because they could not keep it) did most perfidiously desert them; whereby those poor people were exposed to the displeasure of an inraged Prince, and to the greatest miseries and calamities imaginable. A fair warning to all ambitious and discontented persons, who shall quit their Allegiance which they owe to their natural Prince.

They are continually brooding of Mischief, and labouring to enlarge their Empire, herein imitating the Grand Seignior of Asia, who first subdu­ed Asia Minor, then he passed over into Europe, and conquered all Greece; next he falls upon Syria, Egypt, and Armenia, till at last he came as far as Moldavia and Hungary. And doth not the French Cabal observe the same method? conquering or surprizing one Dominion after another; by Arms endeavouring to reduce the Seventeen Provinces under his Obedience, and also Germany; labouring some of the Princes thereof to stand Neu­tral, working others to their Party by proposals of Matches and other Ar­tifices; and will in short time (if not prevented) shake hands with the other Grand Seignior of Asia.

They have now in designe, by the power of their Arms, to procure the Dauphin to be elected King of the Romans. Are not the persons and E­states of the three Ecclesiastical Electors, and of the Prince Palatine of the Rhine, every hour exposed to the Violences and Irruptions of the Arms of the French? It may easily be foreseen (without the help of Galileas Prospective) whether by force or promises (which will never be kept) they may not give their Suffrages for that ambitious Crown; and how far the Marquess of Brandenburg may be prevailed with, by reason of that disho­nourable Peace patched up at the Congress at Nimmeguen, a little time will discover. But if the Dauphin shall be advanced to the Imperial Dignity, will not Germany become a Province to the French Monarchy? (the fatal consequences whereof let Europe soberly consider.) Can the Princes thereof expect better terms than they have given to the Duke of Lorrain? For certain, the Protestants will be sure of the same usage and infelicities which the poor Hugonots are now under in France: For Fire and Fagot must be prooemial to his Universal Monarchy.

Dissimulation is the best support of the French Interest, and the first step to their Grandeur: And to deal plainly with you, that Prince which will lay the foundation of Empire by Cruelty, must build the Superstru­ctures by dissimulation. The whole Globe of Miseries, Calamities, and Infelicities, which Europe hath suffered for many years, we must own to the unlucky contrivance and ambitious designes of the French Cabal.

If there be not a Retrenchment of the Grandeur and Potency of that aspiring Monarch, I have so much of an Astrologer in me, that I can fore­tel what will be the fate of Europe: France, like a perpetual Aetna, will fling Fire and Flames, Bloud and Confusion, into the Dominions of the Kings and Princes of Europe; and will be more dreadful to his Neighbours, than the Indian Hurricanes are to the Natives there.

[Page 11]The common Inscription of his Cannon, Ratio ultima Regum, is by him inverted to a contrary sence, and made a publick Warning to mankind, That he designes, as God did of old, to give Law to the world in Thun­der and Lightning: To scatter by the flames of his Artillery, all those Clouds of Confederate Forces that shall eclipse the Majesty of his Glory. He makes the power of his Arms, his first and last reason.

His Device, the Sun in its Meridian, with this Motto, Non pluribus im­par, sufficiently shews his intentions for the Universal Monarchy; and the haughty opinion he conceives of his being the onely person qualified for the government of more Worlds than one, declares his resolutions of ad­mitting no Rivals in Soveraignty; looking upon all other Princes but as so many smaller Stars or wandring Planets, compared with him the Sun, from whom they are to receive their borrowed light or power as it shall please his Mightiness to dispence. So that crowned heads, Princes, and Republicks, as well as their Subjects, are to expect the same meat of Sla­very; and though that be not sweat, yet the Sawce will be four, Poinant to all, though perhaps a little differenced. The former may be allowed Golden, while the latter are to be manacled with Iron Chains.

And be assured, he that makes War for his Glory, hath more ambition to put his Chains on Princes and States, than on their People. His thoughts are as large as any of the Roman Emperours; and they esteemed it a grea­ter glory to lead one King in Triumph, than a thousand Subjects of several Kingdoms.

He doth purpose to make all Princes and States of Europe Vassals and Tributaries to his Universal Empire; and rather than fail, he hath designed to bring in the Turks, (with whom, they will tell you, they have con­tracted an entire Friendship) in whose Court he hath found help to make his Coin currant. Nor is that infallible man at Rome to escape, at least to the Temporal part of his power, which he hath not as he ought employed for the French Interest; but will abrogate that great Authority in which his Predecessors Pipin and Charlemain's Charity have vested him; and without doubt, will pull down his Spiritual Grandeur, by fixing it in a Gallican Patriarch: and so his Holiness, instead of being Christs Vicar, will be made a French Curate.

And some of the Princes of Germany and Italy, which now seem un­concerned, will, when it's too late, repent the oversight.

Sir, it's storied, when Beasts had Kings, the Lions had the Soveraignty every one of them within his peculiar Forest. Whiles their strengths were equal, they lived neighbourly; none insulted over the other: At last time produced a Lion stronger than the rest, who disdaining to be kept within the Precincts left by his Progenitors, preyed upon the Forest ad­joyning: The other Lions fearing their particular Estates or Walks, con­sulted for remedy; the way resolved upon, was to pare his Nails.

Your Prudence, Sir, will easily make the Moral.

Certainly, it's the true Interest of Europe, for all Kings, Princes, and States to unite for their common safety, and to act in concert; and not onely to chase that ambitious and aspiring Prince out of his new Conquests, but to confine him to his ancient Empire, and his own Dominions.

A devouring Lion which is never satiated with Prey, must be chained up.

The Conquest of Naples by Charles the Eighth, occasioned a Consede­racy of all the Neighbouring Princes against him; whereby he soon lost that he had gotten.

[Page 12]Look into Asia, did not the Grand Seignior pick up one Common­wealth after another (the one giving no Aid or Assistance to the other, but looking on with their hands in their pockets) till at last he reduced them all under his Empire? and what was the fatal consequence thereof, is well known.

How much more then are the Arms of France to be dreaded, whose power is mightier than that was of the Turks!

And every new acquest and accession of Territories enlarges his desires, and makes that Prince think, that which before seemed not onely difficult but impossible, to be easie and feasable.

Ambition is never so high, but it still thinks to mount; and that Station which lately seemed the top, is but a step to her now; and what before was great in desiring, seems little, being once in power.

The Successes of the French have already made them think no Enter­prize too hard, and still prompts them to push on their good fortune; which nothing can withstand, but a general opposition of all the Princes and States of Europe. Dum singuli pugnant, universi vincuntur.

Sir, I must confess you are obliged in all duty to acknowledge his Maje­sty of Great Britain's incomparable Wisdom, great Vigilancy, and dextrous Conduct of Affairs, that you have been hitherto preserved in Peace and Prosperity, when the whole Neighbourhood hath been infested with Fire and Sword, and had no other Prospect but Bloud and Confusion.

But by sad experience you will finde, that if you do not vigorously con­tribute your Assistance to put a stop to the progress of the French Arms, that the natural strength and scituation of England, can be no sufficient defence against the power of France, when to that he hath already, is ad­ded all the rest of Europe; unless you can dream that your Fleets by Sea and Armies at Land are able to contrast and secure you against that power which hath subdued all Europe. I have observed, that the neglect of be­ginnings, many times makes the Disease mortal and incurable. The viva­city and boldness of brisk Resolutions, always bring forth fortunate pro­ceedings, and glorious conclusions. The way down hill is easie and ordi­nary; but to ascend unto the top of Glory, requireth Wisdom to frame the steps, and Courage to give the attempt.

As sudden Resolutions are always dangerous, so no less peril ensueth of slow and doubtful Delays. In times of Danger, it's more safe to be found in Action than Counsel.

I am in my Constellation under Mercury, not Mars, and desire Peace; but I am of that Princes minde, not to take up Peace at the interest of Dan­ger to ensue. A wise State ought to desire Peace; but it's necessary to be prepared for War.

In Puglia in Naples, if any be bitten by a Tarantula, it's not to be cured but by Musick onely. You are bitten in your Trade, and wounded in your Traffick; there is nothing will cure you but the noise of Cannon, and sound of Drum and Trumpet.

But you are pleased to say that you are in League with France, and a Rupture on your part would be unjust; it's not honourable to break Leagues, which are the Tye and Cement of Nations.

The French King will grant us any terms.

[Page 13]I do not deny, but he will grant you any terms; but the more advanta­gious terms you have (if you consider the Genius of the French Nation) the more ought it to be your fear and jealousie of their breaking of them. But when France shall be brought to more Equality, better and more ad­vantageous Conditions will be drawn from him, and he will be well advised before he break them.

Sir, I must tell you, there is no Faith or Trust in France, but in its puis­sance to do hurt. France hath ever preferr'd interest of State before the faith of Treaties and Leagues; and that made the Duke of Rohan observe, that Princes command over the People, and Interest commands over Prin­ces.

Leagues and Alliances, as they are made for Interest, so Interest will dissolve them; and foreign Friendship lasts no longer than it's advanced with mutual Interest.

All Leagues and Alliances made with France, are but as the Rod of Mercury, to charm them asleep with whom they are made.

It was truely observed by Lysander the Greek, that Children are to be deceived with Toys, but Princes with Oaths and Leagues: And you know it's a prime Maxime in the Cabal of France, That Leagues and Al­liances are to be made for Interest, and not on designe to keep them: For a Prince ought not to be a Slave to his Faith or Word.

What Leagues, Alliances, or Treaties can be reckoned, which the French Ministers have not violated? Have they not broken the famous Pyrenean Treaty confirmed by Oaths and Sacraments, and contrary to a solemn Re­nunciation, and the double Tyes of Bloud and Marriage? Before a Breach complained of, or a War declared, they invaded the Territories of an Infant King. Have they not by Addresses and Cunning, by Bribes and Rewards, endeavoured to corrupt most of the Ministers of State in Europe? How well they have kept the Articles of Peace concluded at Westphalia and Nimmeguen, the Emperour, King of Spain, and Princes of Germany, can tell you. And can you prudently hope that the future Practices of the Most Christian King will be more just than his former? He that hath broken thorow so many Obligations, Alliances, and Treaties, will he not do so again?

Be assured, Sir, you cannot anchor any faith or confidence in the Alli­ance or Friendship of France; for France is a floating Island, and no Terra firma. It's prudence to keep an Enemy at the Swords point, and not to suffer him to come within you. The Spanish Dominions are the Fountain from whence you draw a great part of your Traffick, and by consequence your Riches.

The Netherlands are the Out works of England; if they are taken, you are weak and dismantled. And let me tell you, Sir, the day of the Ruine of Flanders, is the eve of the Subversion of England.

If the Ʋnited Provinces should be brought under the subjection of France, it would be a thing of that dreadful consequence, that the very thoughts of it must needs raise the bloud of all true English men. They are so scituated, that several of the greatest Rivers in Europe not onely run thorow their Country, but disembogue into the Ocean within their Pre­cincts. "If the French make themselves Masters of the Rivers, (as it's their designe and endeavour) will they not in a short time bring all the Havens, and all the Inhabitants bordering upon the Sea, under the same subjection?

[Page 14]The Sea-ports without the Rivers, and the Rivers without the Sea-ports, being altogether useless; if they be reduced under the Obedience of the French, their Country will be the Nursery of his Sea-men, and in all other respects the support of his Naval strength. If they must be Slaves, will it not be some satisfaction to them to lend a helping hand to bring their Neighbours, and in truth all Europe, into the same condition with themselves?

The conquering of the Ʋnited Provinces, is not onely a fair step, but it's the best part of the way to the Universal Monarchy: They being conquer­ed, the Spanish Netherlands will of course fall into their hands, being the Key which opens the door to the Throne of that Monarchy. And if you do not act vigorously with the rest of the Confederates, the Most Catholick King will be enforced to take new Measures, and break with you.

I need not use many words to make all England sensible of the sad con­sequence of a Spanish War: 1. The seizure of all your Merchants Estates, amounting in the whole to a vast sum. 2. The loss of your Trade with them; which of all others is the most beneficial to England, and without which your Woollen draperies must lie upon your hands, and half of your Weavers and Spinners, &c. go a begging. 3. The interruption of your Levant and Plantation-trade, which cannot in case of a Breach, be secu­red by ordinary Convoys With what encouragement or safety can your Traders venture abroad, when the Seas come to be infested with Ostenders, Biscainers, Majorcans, and Minorcans? Did not those very men, with­out any help, take above 1500 Ships from you in the late Spanish War, when Spain was at the lowest, and fought alone against England and France? I could offer many other reasons, but I am unwilling to be troublesome.

When the French King suffered the Duke of Alenson his Brother to take upon him the Title of Duke of Brabant, and defence of those Coun­tries, he sent an Embassadour into Spain to excuse his Brother's going thither, and signifie unto the Spanish King, that which was done, was done without his privity or consent. The Spanish King was highly dis­pleased with the Message, and answered the Embassadour, That he had rather have the French King his professed Enemy, than a dissembling Friend. And whether England ought not to have the same Sentiments, I pray con­sider.

The French have no kindness for England, but an inlaid and heredi­tary Malice against them. When Lewis of France sent an Army into England to the assistance of the Barons there, against King John their So­veraign Prince, he vowed utterly to extinguish the English Nation; whom he held vile, unjust, perfidious, and never to be trusted, as it was declared with much compunction by Viscount Melun, a French Gentleman, lying at the point of death.

And I can easily believe that the same Rancor doth yet run in the veins of the French. I pray, Sir, who contrived and encouraged the Distem­pers of the Scots against King Charles the First? was it not France? And the Peace at Rippon, Anno 1639. being concluded between the two Na­tions (but much against their will,) did not France stir them up to break that Peace, and to make a second attempt by their Arms on England? Which they durst never have done, if they had not received countenance and encouragement from France.

By their Emissaries they formed a Rebellion in England, and underhand [Page 15]supported it; and his Majesties Forces being defeated and broken, France look'd on till that great King was sacrificed to the Tyranny of his worst Enemies. His now most Sacred Majesty (England being hang'd all with Blacks, and the best of his Subjects weeping over the Kingdoms funeral) for the safety of his person, retired into France; where he might have ex­pected protection from so near a Relation, and comfort as a distressed Prince, but found none: for by virtue of an execrable Treaty made with the then Usurper, he was forced to forsake that Kingdom, or else would have been resigned up to Cromwel. For the chief Article of that Alliance was, That his Majesty, the Dukes of York and Gloucester, with all their Re­lations and Friends, should be expelled out of, and no more admitted into the Kingdom of France.

If the French King had had the least trillo or touch of Honour in him, he would never have yielded to such a Condition, as to banish out of his Kingdom those who came to him for succour and relief, in the utmost ex­tremity that ever Princes were put to; and they his nearest Relations, be­ing his Sisters Children. And what could be more unbecoming so great a Prince, than to make a League Offensive with him who had murdered their Father, and expelled them out of their Dominions?

What was this but the owning of that Murder, and aggravating their Oppressions instead of relieving of them? Such practices as these amongst private Christians would be abominable, and much more amongst any Kings, not stiled the Most Christian.

But you may observe, that neither Honour or Relations, can stand in competition with Self-interest.

Did they not oppose his Majesties restauration to the Emperial Crown of his Royal Ancestors? Did they not cabal with his greatest Enemies, to keep him out of his Kingdom? Of which his now Majesty was so sensible, that upon his coming into England, he commanded away the French Em­bassadour Bordeux, and would not suffer him to come into his presence.

In the times of the Usurpation in England, they were the mischievous Instruments of the War between you and the States of the Ʋnited Provin­ces, as they were of the two following in 1665. and 1671. dreading no­thing more than a durable and firm Friendship between the two Nations; blowing up the Fends on both sides, pretending to take part with each, that they might with less opposition invade their Neighbours, and increase their Naval strength; but not really purposing it with either, having the same designe of weakening both Parties (for your weakness is his strength) as the Britans formerly had in throwing the Apple of Contention between the Picts and the Scots, that they might in the end be the better able to overcome both.

When you had Victory in your palms, and Triumphs in your prospect, it was ravished from you by their means.

The Bishop of Munster, who was his now Majesties Allie, and in Arms a­gainst the said States, was necessitated to withdraw his Forces (for the security of his own Territories) because they sent their Troops against him.

France wrought Denmark off from your Party, and hindered the Swedes to arm in favour of you, and contrived that Affront you suffered (to your shame and dishonour) at Chatham. They have made it their Master-piece to raise Jealousies between you and the Dutch; and at last sided with the Dutch in a War against you, not with any intention for themselves to fight, but to see you destroy each other.

[Page 16]Did they not most treacherously put to the sword and slavery, his Ma­jesties Subjects in St. Christophers, plundered them of all which by their industry and providence they had for many years acquired?

But a Peace at Breda being concluded, the French were by the Treaty to return to his Majesty St. Christophers in such sort as therein is expressed. But instead of performing it according to the true meaning, and the very letter of the Article, they upon several unjust and frivolous pretences, did not deliver it in four years to the Commissioners which were sent to re­ceive it: For it's against the Candor and Integrity of the French Cabal, to part with any thing that may be of conveniency for them to keep. But at last they delivered it to Sir Charles Wheeler; but before the delivery of it, they destroyed all the Plantations, plundred and carried away all that was there, laid the whole Country waste, and left it in a much worse con­dition that if it had never been planted.

And as if the detaining of his Majesties Territories had not been suffi­cient, they interrupted the Trade of his Subjects in those parts, and as­suming to themselves the Soveraignty of those Seas, they would not suffer any Ships but their own to sail by or about their Islands; and upon no other ground, have brought in as Prizes, and confiscated many Vessels.

In 1674, & 1675. when the Dutch and Neighbour-Nations were in War, but England in Peace, who thereby expecting a great Trade, bought many Dutch-built Vessels; the King of England accordingly granted them his License to trade in them, by reason of the Act of Navigation.

But France, to hinder the Trade of England, issued out an Edict for the seizing of all Ships bought in any Enemies Country. And in execu­tion of their Edicts, there came out a swarm of French Capers, who not onely seized on those Dutch-built Ships, though they had his Majesties License, but sinding the sweetness of that Trade, seized upon your English­built Ships, on pretence they carried Enemies goods, whilst they them­selves would be Judges; they did actually seize all English-built Vessels meerly laden on the account of being English Merchants, and retook ma­ny which had been discharged in France; they plundered your Ships, and wounded your Sea-men.

There were about 400 fail of your Merchants Ships seized by them in this manner, many of which the French did absolutely condemn; and such as were released, were kept some three months, some six months, some twelve months, and others longer; and then were discharged with great damage by expence and plunder in France, besides the first affronts and violences. And after all, you lost the intended Fruit of your Voyages; and what was yet worse, they making the most advantages of every thing, got many thousands of your Sea-men by extraordinary Pay to engage in his service. And that which may super-adde Calamity to your Misery, when the French did forbear to take your Ships, the Algerines (Allies of France, and by them set up) have continually pickt up your Merchant­men, and Vassalized your Sea men ever since. And what they take from you, they carry into the French Harbours, where the French buy the Com­modities at their own prices.

I need not tell you the great discouragements your French Trade hath for many years lain under, through their unjust practices, and manifold devices.

Nor shall I speak now how by their Emissaries and Factories of Sedi­tion, they have contrived and brooded a most execrable Plot in England [Page 17]and other his Majesties Kingdoms; and have sown Divisions, Discontents, and Jealousies amongst his good Subjects; thereby to prevent his Majesties Royal inclinations in giving his assistance to his oppressed Neighbours, a­gainst that great Prince.

If these Enormities and Super-injustices of the French Cabal, be not sufficient to awaken England, considerate men will wonder what Opiate hath cast you asleep; and if you be not enchanted by the Magick of French Pistols.

I pray, Sir, draw the Curtain; open your eyes, and see if the Liberty of all Christendom be not now at stake! Do you think it will adde any Trophies to your Glory, when Posterity shall say, It was England which advanced the Most Christian King into the Throne of an Universal Mo­narchy?

Is it not your interest to oppose that Power which opposeth all Europe, and labours to bury it in the Grave of Infamy and Slavery?

If you be backward to give your Assistance, when you may have so many Allies, what will you do when their Forces are broken, and you are enforced singly to contrast the Power of France and its new Acquests? What you may expect from his Mightiness, enquire of the Duke of Lor­rain, and of the Princes of Germany, and they will tell you. The Domi­nion of the British Sea (which is your Glory, and ought to be your Care) is gone.

He will give Law to your Commerce; and Navigation which is now your Honour, will be nothing but a Piracy to you; and England, for want of Trade, (being an Island) will be nothing but a Prison to you.

You which are the great Merchants, and so famous in the world for your Traffick, must become Higlers and petty Chapmen under him. Your Men of War (which are now a Terrour to your Neighbours) will be of no use to you, but to make your Slavery the greater: Your gallant Com­manders and Sea-men (as the Romans served the Britans when they had conquered them) will be sent into foreign Dominions to advance their Empire. And if he shall suffer any of you by his favour to grow rich and full, it's onely like Spunges to be squeezed. You must like the Camel down upon your knees, and receive what burthens he shall please to lay upon your backs. You are now a flourishing and well-Crested People, you have your Liberty and Freedoms (which you ought to value above a Crown;) but if you come within the power of France, you will be such Slaves, as you will not be capable of a Jubile.

Suppose the Most Christian King should be so kind and merciful unto you, as to observe his Alliance with you tell he hath reduced all other Princes and States under his Obedience, yet you cannot but expect Poli­phemus Curtesie, to be the last which shall be eaten up. Whereas if we all associate and unite, and act potently against that aspiring Prince, we are freed of all fears and jealousies; and it's not possible for him to be other than the French King. And then instead of an Universal Monarchy (which is the desigue of France) there will be established in Europe an Universal Peace; of which his Majesty of Great Britain will have the honour: for by the power of his Arms it's onely to be effected.

A timely War is less dangerous, than an uncertain Peace; and such is your condition with France.

A War will fall upon you; and it's a great oversight to have been so modest as to abide the taking of the first blow. Wisdom teacheth us, [Page 18]that in Warlike actions the having of the start, and to strike first, is a great advantage; it puts the Enemy to the defensive, which is no other than fighting for his own stake.

The Romans, as long as they were Defendants, were miserable; and Antiochus refusing Hannibal's counsel to invade Italy, was put to the de­fensive, wherein he lost his Life and Crown.

The charge of the invading Prince is certainly known; if he like not the Attempt, he may desist at pleasure. Whereas the invaded is not onely at the charge to maintain Armies, but his Territories are instantly impo­verished, his Revenues deminished, Trade and Commerce laid aside, his good Subjects with fear amazed, the Ill-affected who desirous of change, apt to run to the Enemy; and many other Mischiefs will fall upon you, whereof you cannot be eased, but at the pleasure of the Invader. Be­sides, the Money to be disbursed for the War offensive, especial with you in Great Britain, where Victuals, Arms, Shipping, and other Habiliments for the War abound, runs into the Subjects purse, and the Realm is little or nothing impoverished by it. But to forbid and attend the descents of the Invader (if we be on the defensive part) your Fleet must necessarily be divided; the consequence whereof (considering the Potency of their Naval power) I am afraid will prove, that you will be too weak in ei­ther Squadrons of your shattered Navy.

I should be sorry to see Great Britain become a Province to the French Monarchy, and be made a Theatre where the Tragedy of Monieurs perseen­tion shall be acted; and the good Protestants there suffer the same Cala­mities, Banishment, and Miseries for the Liberty of their Conscience, as the poor Hugonots have done in France for the exercise of their Religion. I do assure you, Sir, you cannot expect better terms than the Hugonots now have in France. With what Infelicities, pressures in Gonscience, and in­quietude of Mind, and how precariously they do possess, but not enjoy their Estates, gotten with Sweat, and kept by Care, I need not tell you.

It was not the method of Christ to force Belief by Slaughters, or in­struct mens Consciences by the Sword; yet these are the Arguments which they apply to convince those unhappy Souls.

Sir, there is no safety in depending upon the Charity of France; I must tell you again, the onely security of all Christian Princes and States in Europe, is their impuissance to do hurt. The end of War is Peace; but a Peace with France seems to me to be the beginning of War: And though War be a great Evil, yet from all appearances, I dread the conse­quences of a Peace more. If the Most Christian King shall disband his Forces, it's far from being any security, since he may raise them again at his pleasure; nor is it to be imagined that he will so do, since that were to give his People an opportunity of rebelling, for which he is sensible they are sufficiently prepared, and onely want Domestick Heads and Partisans, or foreign Assistance, to rescue them from Tyranny and Oppression.

And whiles so potent a Monarch is in Arms, all Princes and States will be obliged for their own safety, to keep up standing Armies; which Char­ges will assuredly undo them: for it's a declared Maxime in their Coun­sels, That there is no better way to ruine the Princes and States of Europe, than to oblige them to keep Armies on Foot. For those require great expences, which will impoverish them, and by consequence precipitate their Ruine.

[Page 19]Just Fears, are a just cause of War; and a preventive War, is a true de­fensive, as well as a War upon an actual Invasion, though offensively acted.

Hence the Lacedemonians (as Thucydides tell us) armed against the Athenians, by reason of their over-growing Greatness. And Antiochus, upon this principle, invited Prussias King of Bithinia (at that time in League with the Romans) to joyn with him in War against them; set­ting before him a just fear of the over-spreading Greatness of the Romans, and that their designe was to reduce all Kings and Princes under their O­bedience, and to make the State of Rome an Universal Monarchy; that Philip and Nabis were already ruinated, and it was his turn to be assaulted next. So that those Princes or States which do desire too great Monar­chies, and seek to enlarge their Dominions, do give a just fear to their Neighbours.

That War is just which is necessary, and then Arms are deemed pious, when they are the last Refuge of those which use them.

In elder time, it passed for an Oracle of Wisdom, Decreseat Hispania, & non Crescat Gallia.

If we do make a War against that great Disturber of the Peace of Eu­rope, as it's our Safety, so it is Prudence to make it speedily and powerfully: for if we do not make it powerfully, we shall be like the poor woman who bought Coals sufficient to roast her Pig, but laying them on one by one, her Coals were wasted, and her Pig unroasted: And if we do not make it speedily, we shall imitate that Emperick who gave Physick to a dead man.

The Latines prayed in aid of the Lavinians against the Romans, but they put off their resolution so long, that when they were going forth of Town to give Summons to them, News came that the Latines were defea­ted; whereupon Milonius the Pretor said, We shall pay deerly to the Romans for this little way we are gone. For if they had resolved not to have given Aid, they had not given offence to the Romans by helping of them; and had their Aid come in time with the addition of their own Forces, they might have gained the Victory. But by delays, loss and mis­fortunes came every way. And whether this may not be the Case of Eng­land, I submit it to your great judgment.

This is not such a War as was between the Etolians and Archadians, for a wild Boar, nor for a Cart-load of Sheep-skins, as was between Charles Duke of Burgondy and the Switzers; nor like that between the Sco [...]s and picts, for a few Dogs: but it's pro aris & focis. We fight to preserve our own Interest, and to avoid Beggery and Slavery; which will unavoidably fall upon us, if the Ambition of that aspiring Prince be not stinted. When England shall vigorously appear against them, the French King will be necessitated to desire Peace, and to do Justice. The apprehension of your Forces will be a terrour unto him, our Allies will be greatly encou­raged, and they with united Forces will act more powerfully. Our Fleets will give them such just fears, that they will be obliged to employ some great part of their Troops to defend their own Coasts; and will be neces­sitated to quit some of their new Conquests (as they have done Messina) to secure their own Dominions.

The conquering of Villages and Towns, are like Bonfires of Straw; but if they meet with a stout opposition, they are mortal as other men, and one good blow will cause a reverter of all their new Acquests.

[Page 20]It's storied, that Charles the fifth, after he had clasped Germany almost in his fist, he was forced in the end to go from Jusprug as if it had been in a Masque by Torch-light, and to give up every foot in Germany that he had gotten. Which I doubt not will be the Hereditary fate of the late Purchases and Conquests of France.

I know the Most Christian King hath as many experienced Captains and disciplined Souldiers, as any Prince in Europe; but that sorts to the honour of the English, seeing they ever have had the better of it in all Rencoun­ters, and never left the Field but with Glory.

The French Valour lieth to the eye of the lookers on, but the English Courage lieth about the Souldiers heart; and the Fury of the French, the first blast being over, turns to Fear.

No King or Prince hath such a spring and seminary of brave Military people, as be in England, Scotland, and Ireland; and who will be ready to sacrifice their Lives for their King and Country.

Where was Caesar in greater danger than in England? Where was there a Prince that durst challenge him to a single Combat, but in England? The Romans conquered Gallia in ten years, whereas they did not subdue England in 200 years; and not then, till they had conquered all the rest of the World: Because they reserved the Conquest of England (as Conque­rors use to do most commonly in great Enterprizes) for the last and grea­test Conquest that they had to do.

If you will consult the Register of times, you will observe England never had any Encounter with France, but it came off with Honour.

I shall give you a particular List of some of them in an Historical truth, no ways strouted nor made greater by Language; that's becoming a General at the head of an Army, when they are going to Battle, but not with me: And I shall begin with that at Cressey, the first great Battel.

That Heroick King Edward the third, having been provoked by divers Affronts that Philip of Valois the French King had offered him, goes over in person into France with an Army of 8000 men at Arms, and 10000 Archers; he takes with him his Son the Prince of Wales and Duke of Guyenne, being but fifteen years of age (called afterwards the black Prince) to train him up in feats of Arms. Landing in Normandy, he marches within ten miles of Paris; and after divers Skirmages, a Battel was appointed. King Edward incamped near a Village called Cressey; the French Kings Army was above twice the number, consisting of above 60000, with all the Flower of the French Nobility. The Battle began, the Fight grew hot and doubtful, insomuch that the Commanders sent to King Edward (who was gotten into a Wind-mill, where, as from a Centinel, he might behold the face of the Enemy) to come up with more power: the King asked the Messenger whether his Son was hurt or slain; and being answered no, he replies, Then tell them who sent you, that so long as my Son is alive, they send no more to me; for my will is, that he have the honour of the day. The Fight on both sides was very furious; the French King having his horse killed under him, withdrew; which be­ing known to the English, it added so to their Courage, that they soon after won the Field. This Battle was so bloudy, that there were none made Prisoners, but all put to the Sword. The number of the slain French, sur­mounted the whole Army of the English; for the number of the slain were about thirty thousand.

[Page 21]The next great Victory in France, was the Battle of Poitiers. The black Prince being tapred up now to a good growth, was sent by advice of Parliament to Gascony, the Truce being expired: He ravaged the Coun­try as far as Tourane. John the French King raiseth a potent Army more numerous than that at Cressey; and going to finde out the Prince of Wales, found him about Poitiers, not much above 10000 men effective in his Army. The Prince finding the main strength of the French Army con­sisted in Horse, he intrenched amongst the Vineyards; where when the French Cavalry entred, being wrapt and intangled amongst the Vines, the English Archers did so ply and gall them, that thereby being defeated and put to rout, the whole Army was soon defected. In this Battel King John himself was taken prisoner, whom the Prince brought into England, where he continued four years: And as the French Historians themselves con­fess, he was so nobly received, that he knew not whether he was a free King or a Captive. Besides Lords and Nobles that were slain in this Battle, there were upon the whole more French slain, than the whole English Army was in number.

We will now to Agencourt. Henry the fifth, that Mirror of Princes, being come to the Crown, he cast his eyes towards France; and for clai­ming of his Title, he sent the Duke of Exeter in a magnisicent Embassie to demand the Crown: but receiving no satisfactory Answer, but rather a kind of Jeer, the Dauphin sending him a Sack full of Racket-balls to pass away his time, he replied, That for every one of those Balls, he had so ma­ny Fiery Bullets to shoot at the proudest Terrets in France, as he should shortly find. And he was as good as his word: for he presently got over, and encountering the French Army at Agencourt, he gave it an utter Over­throw, and took more prisoners than his own Army had Souldiers. And this King made so absolute a Conquest of France, that Charles the seventh of France, like a poor Roy de Juidot, consined himself to Burges, where (having cashiered his Retinue) he was found in a little Chamber at sup­per with a Napkin laid before him, a Rump of Mutton, and two Chic­kins.

There were many other Warlike Encounters betwixt England and France, whereof the stories are full; and it's observed, that the English at most were but half, sometimes not the third or fourth part in number to the French, in the Engagements. And though the Scots did always con­federate with the French against England, and when the King of England was in France, would for diversion invade England, yet England bore up single and victoriously against them both.

I must beg your pardon, if I cannot omit one story. Edward the third being engaged in France with his Army, David King of Scots with about 60000 men (being a Confederate with the French King) invaded Eng­land: Queen Philippa, with the Archbishop of York, the Lords and the Knights of the North, encountered the Kings Army and utterly defeated it: The Scottish King was taken prisoner, and reserved as a Present for Edward the third, when he returned out of France, to keep company with John the French King, taken prisoner by the black Prince. And there were but six weeks difference between both Victories.

Nor were such high Exploits performed by the English on Land onely, but by Sea they have been as glorious. Philip the French King, not long before the Battle of Cressey, to hinder Edward the third's return into France, got a mighty Navy in equipage of 200 sail of Ships besides Gallies [Page 22]in the Haven of Sluce; where of King Edward being advertised, prepared such another Fleet, and encounters the French with such resolution and success, having the Wind and Sea for him, that he thereby defeated the whole Navy, slew about 30000 men, and so returned with mighty Tri­umphs, and the Admiration of all Europe.

In the year 1591. was that memorable Fight of an English Ship called the Revenge, under the command of Sir Richard Greenfield; memorable, I say, beyond credit, and to the hight of some Heroical Fable. This Ship for the space of 15 hours, sate like a Stag amongst Hounds at the Bay, and was seiged and fought with in turn, by 15 great Ships of Spain, part of a Navy of 55 Ships in all, the rest like Abettors looking on a far off. And amongst the 15 Ships that fought, the great St. Philip was one, a Ship of 1500 Tun, Prince of the twelve Sea-Apostles, which was glad when she was shifted off from the Revenge. This brave Ship the Revenge was man­ed onely with 200 men, whereof 80 laid sick; yet nevertheless, after a Fight maintained 15 hours, and three Ships of the Enemies sunk by her side, and 15 more of them so torn and battered that they perished in the Sea before they could recover the Tercera; that gallant Ship never came to be entred, but was taken by composition, the Enemies themselves ha­ving in admiration the Vertue of the Commander, and the whole Tragedy of that Ship.

Nor doth that Primitive innate Courage and Gallantry languish or de­cline in them (as some think the World doth, and as we find it doth in other Nations, as the Jews and Greeks) but it continueth in the same height. The ancient Stourness and Gallantry of the English, appeared in many Traverses of the late War here in England. The French King con­fessed that the Brigade of English before Dunkirk, though not the fifth part of the Army, did contribute most to the taking of that Preditory Town.

And I doubt not but when his sacred Majesty of Great Britain shall be pleased to give his Royal Fiat, we shall see the same valiant Bloud is now channelled in the English veins; and that every Royal Subject will be ready to take Talbot's Motto upon his Sword, Sum Talboti pro defendendo Rege contra inimicos.

So that if the King of Great Britain will take into his Royal Conside­ration, the Galamities and miserable condition that all Europe is in by the Oppression of the French, and their designes of an Universal Monarchy, and potently act, having such a Warlike People, with the rest of the Con­federates; the Reduction of France to its ancient Boundaries, would be no great work.

I doubt not but that the Parliament of England will give Aid cheerful­ly, (and Sir Money is the Primum Mobile that moves the Spheres, which are the hearts and hands of men;) his Majesties Fame and Power will be admired, his Subjects highly pleased, the Nations under his Scepter feared, and it will beget a perfect Union between his Majesty and all his People; who in a grateful and humble acknowledgement of his Royal Care and Protection of them, will bring to his service a Magazine of Hearts, and to his Coffers a Treasury of Money, which is the Soveraign Cordial that gives life to all Warlike Actions.

What the touring and ambitious thoughts of the French King signifie, his great Preparations by Sea do manifest to all Europe: for he hath raised a greater Naval strength in few years since he hath applied himself to it, [Page 23]than ever yet was raised in the world for the time. And if he shall year­ly increase in power at Sea as he hath done for these twenty years last past, the whole world will not be Elbow-room enough for his Ambition.

Having so prodigioully advanced in number of Ships, after he hath gained more Harbours and Ports, as it's his designe, and bred up experien­ced Commanders and Sea-men (as no Prince can be more industrious) he will then pull off the Vizard, and declare that all Kings, Princes, and States, must give Obedience to his Monarchy, and become his Vassals.

Sir, it's certain, that those States whose Renown are greatest in Story, did establish their Supream Dominion upon the Power they attained at Sea. The Romans did not impose upon the World their Laws, till they had forced the Sea to receive and acknowledge them. Had they not set out Warlike Fleets, they had never accomplished their glorious designes; they had never extended their Fronteers beyond Italy, nor brought down the pride of Garthage, nor triumphed over all the Crowns on Earth.

The Egyptians, the Persians, and the Grecians, considered the Sea as the best Support of their Dominions. And whether the designes of the French King be not as large and great by his Naval Preparations, as those of the Romans, Greeians, or of the Egyptian or Persian Monarchs were; it's well suiting with the Wisdom of the Kings and Princes of Europe to con­sider.

Be assured, Sir, if this Sea-Gyant be not timely destroyed, but suffered like the Crocadile yearly to grow in Magnitude, it will devour all Europe, and with it it's Trade, Traffick, and Commerce. Therefore it's Europe's Interest, as well as England's Safety, to destroy the Naval Power of France, which (with the conjunction of our Allies) may be effected; who be­ing once brought down there, their Commerce will wax feeble, and by consequence their Power at Land will soon abate: For we have observed, that until the Spaniards lost his Maratine Forces, he maintained his de­signes for the Ʋniversal Monarchy very vigorously, and never sunk till then.

The French King of late is become so potent at Sea, that if he should be pleased to give trouble to you or to any other Prince, we m [...]st be at his discretion how kindly he will deal with us. And, Sir, it's no wisdom in any Prince, to depend upon the discretion of another.

That Prince or State which is Master at Sea, may make a descent at what place they please, unless they be hindered by a Fleet of equal strength; and except every Creek, Port, and sandy Bay, had a powerful Army to make opposition. If we have an Army in one place (as in all places we cannot have) then they may by reason of their Fleet, trans­port their Army to another place; and so take, ransack, burn, and con­sume the Country round about: as Agathocles did, who being besieged by the Carthagenians in Syracuse, put his Army into his Fleet and transported it into Africa; and the Carthagenians, for security of Carthage, and their own Dominions, were forced to raise their Seige and follow with their Army.

Methinks the Miseries, Devastations, and Infelicities England hereto­fore suffered by the Naval power of the Danes, might teach you wisdom for the future. Sir, to deal plainly with you, it's impossible for any Ma­vitine Country (as England is) though the Coasts thereof be never so well fortified, to defend it self against a powerful Enemy that is Master at Sea; for a good Fleet of Men of War under a wise and judicious conduct, [Page 24]need not fear to pass by the best appointed Fort in Europe (though never so many great Artillery are planted in it) with the help of a good Tyde and leading gale of Wind.

The Duke of Parma besieged Antwerp, and finding no possibility to ma­ster it otherwise than by Famine, laid his Cannon on the bank of the River so well to purpose, and so even with the face of the water, that he thought it impossible for the least Boat to pass by; yet the Hollanders and Zelan­ders, to sell their Butter and Cheese at Antwerp where it was dear, passed in their Boats by the mouth of the Duke's Cannon in despight of it, when a strong Westerly wind and a Tyde of flood favoured them, as also with a contrary wind and ebbing water they turned back again.

In the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, when Denmark and Sweden were at war, our Eastland Fleet bound for Liefland, was forbidden by the King of Denmark to trade with the Subjects of his Enemies; and he threatned to sink their Ships, if they came through the Streights of Elsenore: Yet our Merchants having a Ship of her Majesties called the Minion to defend them, made their adventure, and sustained some Vollies of shot, but kept on their course. The King made all the provisions he could to stop or sink them at their return; but the Minion leading the way, did not onely pass without loss, but did beat down with their Artillery a great part of the Fort of Elsenore; and the Fleet of Merchants which followed went thorough without any wound received.

Sir, Imperator Maris, est Dominus Terrae: When Augustus and Mark Anthony at Actium fought by Sea for the Empire of the World, Mark An­thony's Fleet being defeated, all the People and the Souldiers submitted to Augustus, well knowing they could never effect any thing by Land, as long as Augustus continued Master at Sea.

Aladine a poor Fisherman, but famous for his great Actions at Sea, A­braham King of Achen in Sumatra preferred him to be his Lord-Lieute­nant, and married him to one of his Kindswomen, and gave him the care and protection of his Son and Heir; Aladine having the Naval power at his command, he murthered the Son and Heir, and usurped the Kingdom to himself, there being no resistance to be made against him, because of his great power at Sea.

The State of Genoa, by the advantage of their Naval power, beat the Pisans out of Sardinia, Corsica, and the Baleares in the Mediterranean, and having vanquished the Venetian Fleet, they took the Island of Chioggia not far from Venice. But the Genoesses being disabled in their Naval power by the oversight of Peter Doria their Admiral, they lost their Islands in the Mediterranean to the King of Aragon; Capha and Pera, and the Islands of Lesbos and Chio, with some other Islands in the Greek Sea, to the Grand Seignior; and most of their Holds in Tuscany (whereof they had a good part) to the Florentines; and had nothing left them but Li­guria, and the Isle of Corsica, and were enforced to put themselves into the protection of the Spaniard to preserve the same. Therefore, Sir, you may please to observe how highly England (being an Island) is concerned in point of interest and safety, to advance their own Naval power, and to a­bate that of others.

There are three great Naval powers in Europe; England, France, and those of the Ʋnited Provinces; if the King of England joyn with one of them, they will give Law to the third: But what if France and the Ʋnited Provinces should joyn against England (as you have great reason to fear [Page 25]they will) if by his Majesties transcendent Wisdom and happy Conduct, they be not prevented; then you can expect nothing but Confusion and Ruine to fall upon you. Therefore it will be the very test of Prudence in this juncture, to retrench the power of France by Sea; that being done, from his Land-forces there can be no great danger to you. At Land the Ballance is indifferently even, but at Sea (which ought to be your care) there is no counterpoize. The fighting and destroying of his Land-Ar­mies, doth not weaken him at Sea; but when his new Conquests shall be taken from him, or a Peace concluded, if he should put an Army into his Navy, no Prince in Europe is able to hinder his Attempts; and those vast sums of money which he raiseth out of his Subjects, if they should be em­ployed in Traffick, he being so potent at Sea, all States and Princes, espe­cially England, would be undone.

To strike the French King at Sea (where his strength lieth) is to cut his Sampsons locks; it's un Coup de Maistre; a Master blow; a War in his bowels. To give him some light hurt, is dangerous to us, and to give our selves an incurable wound; as the Horse did, who falling out with the Lion, bruised him with his heel; but not long after his Carcass became food for the Lion. Great Potentates are not at all to be touched; but if they be, they must be made sure from taking Revenge.

Some considerate Princes have begun a War rather with the Sword than with a Trumpet: So delt the Aragonoies with the French in Naples; Henry the second of France with the Imperialists, when he went to Brisac to sur­prize as many places as he could, before the War broke out; Don John with the Netherlands; and Philip the second of Spain with the English, when in the great Imbargo he took all your Ships and Goods in his Ports. And may not the French King (if the Capritio shall take him) before any denunciation or indiction of War, set upon your Fleets of Merchants Ships at Sea? he having such powerful Squadrons of Men of War in all parts, that no Fleet of Merchants with their Convoys, are able to make a­ny opposition, but they must be sunk or taken.

As it was the oversight of the Kings and Princes of Europe (if you please to pardon the expression) to suffer France to grow up to that Po­tency and Magnitude of Power at Sea; so it will be their wisdom and interest to act in consort till they have destroyed it.