TO know when to speake, and when to be silent, is a com­mendable vertue: Salomon the wifest of men, taught this lesson to men in thes words. Tempus est tacendi, [...]nd tempu [...] loquendi he begun with tempu [...] tacendi, and his reason was, quia veritas (inquit legis lator) primò tacendo discitur, posteâ docendo praedicatur, truth is first learned by silence, next published by teaching. Socrates that famous Grecian, sapientissimus hominum pronunced by the Oracle, did much com­mend Silence vnto his disciples, and with [Page 23] great reason, in as much as there is greater wisdom, and lesse danger in being silent, then in speaking; wherefore Symonides one of the wisest men of his owne time, was often heard to say, loqutum me esse dolui saepè, tacuisse nunquam, often have I repented to have spoken, never for having held my peace; notwithstanding all thes great en­comis of Silence, celebrated by soe many wise Sages in all tymes, neverthelesse a long and vnseasonable Silence, is, and may be as blameable, as the other is recommen­dable.

To be Silent and hould my peace when an open injurie is don to my Religion, countrie and Parents, is neither wisdom pietie, nor vertue to be commended; this is, and hath been (as I perceave) the long Silence the Catholicks of Irland, had with the Lord Duke of Ormond giving him both time and leasure, to worke theyr ruine and down­fall, without preventing the fame (in a just forme and seasonable time) by theyr instant adresses, to the king, councel, or any else.

We have kept a longer Silence (to our great detriment) then Pythagoras his schol­lars have don, theyr Silence was limited to [Page 24] five yeares only, before theyr publick Tentamens in schoole, for the performance of which Magister dixit, was sufficient to them; but we, poore soules! have been silent neer now vpon thirteen yeares, suffering with all patience the open wrongs, and manifest Detriments this Noble-man have don vs, soe that vnder the notion of a friend, we discovered him at long-running to be our open enemie.

The same Ormond's speech (soone after the kings happie restauration) to Orrery, Monthrath, Clothworthy, Mervin, & such others of that fortunat tribe, have been in this nature, Omnes bestia agri venite ad devoran­dum (nempè Iberniam) Vniversae bestiae salt [...]s. All yee beasts of the sield come to devoure (he means Irland) All yee beasts of the forrest. What were we doing? Where have we been? Or what became of our senses at that time when Ormond convoked thos men to devoure vs? We were all of vs in a deepe Silence, much like men in a fatal lethargie, soe as the words of the same prophet may be properly said of us Specu­latores ejus (id est Iberniae) [...]oeri omnes, nes­ [...]ierunt Vnirersi, canes muti non valentes latrare, videntes vana, dormientes, & amantes somnia, [Page 25] her watch-men all blind haue been ignorant: dumb doggs not able to bark seeynge vain things, sleeping and loving dreams: truly wee were all much like bewitched people, dotinge upon a man, that loued us not, and like men dreaming vain dreàms; our Bishops, and church­men (lett these venerable persons giue me leave to speake my sentiment) our Bishops I say, and Cleargymen, were but canes muti non valentes latrare. J did not see, nor hea­re of any in that numerous congregation (a monghst whom there haue been several learned and wise men) that haue written any thinge to this purpose, in characteri­zing (as they should haue don) this great man, and his craftie designes to the pub­lick ruine, exceptinge one of the divines (that then attended upon the Ecclesiastical congregation of whom mention was made in our preface) who composed a substantial, and solid peece replenished with uncontrou­lable reasons, justifijng, the just rejection of that peace, made and agreed, in the king­dom's behalfe (by certain Commissioners) with Ormond in the yeare 1646. this rejection of that peace Ormond takes for petra scandali, and as a dishonour (forsooth) to his pér­son, soe that, from that day to this houre he hath been, and is still an open enemie [Page 26] to the Bishops of Irland and Cleargy; this divine that I speake off, did in a sober and modest stile plainly set foorth what Ormond did intend, and said nothinge in all that peece but what was just and reasonable as now more clearly we seé; this worke came to my hands, and haue perused it with much attention, out of wch I haue colle­cted partly some light for my furtherance in this present tractat, and now behould the Bishops (at that time exiled in this Kingdom, to whose Iudgment he submit­ted that worke) would not haue this wel studied peece to seê either presse, or light, in soe much, that those elucubrations, and labours were set a side and rendred uselesse and fruitlesse to the Nation.

I doubt not but the prelats intended wel, though otherwise fell out, for they were still in a charitable hope and expectation that Ormond in time would Relent, and doe the nation good, but they, and millions besides theyr Lordships, haue been mista­ken in Ormond, whose indignation more and more daylie increasing (not satisfied in the extremities of our woes and calamities) seems rather to rejoyce in the continuation of our afflictions, and annihilation of our per­sons, then to giue any signe of relentment [Page 27] or hopes of any good; a glorie without hon­nour.

Never did any Magician charme with spels, or philtérs any sort of men, more then this Ormond did that harmelesse peo­ple, by what art, or fascination is to me unknowne.

In Londen soe wounderfull was the ve­neration my Countre-men had to this great man's person, and soe great was theyr zeale to please, and loath in the least to dis­please him, as even when some begun to apprehend feares and jelousies of his sini­strous proceedings, perceaving things not to goe as they expected, yet not with stan­ding they scarce durst mutter theyr to well grounded feares and fuspitions each long time, every man was, sicut mutus non aperiens os suum in the cause of Religion and countrie, though they haue seen evidently his daylie heapinge of injuries upon the nation: nay some were soe starck blind, and slumbred upon this fatal Duke, as even after he pos­sessed wroungfully theyr estates and fortunes, they were construing all to the best, and supposing some deep m [...]sterie of pietie in the man, and yet could giue noe reason for such theyr vain conjectures and hopes; [Page 28] some in theyr priuat discourses (as if they were deluded by fiends and specters) wid ima­gin some future good Ormond would doe the nation, this epidemical dimnis and stupiditie at­tached the judgment and braines soe firm­ly of many, that several of them could not be persuaded but Ormond would as yet giue them a day of rejoycement and hap­piness; I haue been much amazed, and noe lesse perplexst, after seeyng and hearing so­me of theyr silly and simple éxpressions, pronunced in theyr privat confabulations in London, and letter's from that cittie to thes parts much to this effect, Ormond (said one) will never betray us, he'il never shrinke from us, he is our owne, his intentions are good; an other said. Ormond is to Noble to doe soe base an act, it is not his Kinde to doe unworthie things, his fa­ther and Mother, (quoth the third man) were constant true Catholicks, (that is indeed true) was not I beseech yow, his grand-father (said the fourth man) walter earle of Ormond, for his de­votion stiled walter of the beads and rosarie? will the child of soe good, soe godly, and vertuous pro­genitours, deceave the confidence, wee his countre­men doe place in him? noe, it cannot be; happie are we that he is soe great with his Majestie, for though he seems at present some what could towards us, and to shake hands with Orrery and the rest of [Page 29] the Cromwelian faction, yet his hart howeuer is with us, and for us, he may for a time favour theyr wayes, but to stick for good and all to such men, rebellious enimie [...] to the King, and to him selfe, is a thing I can not beleeue, for yow must know that Ormond is a wise man, a great politician, you shall see in time how handsomly he will wind himselfe out of theyr clawes.

These and such like idle Sermocinations was theyr discourse, but alack! thes wise men did but flatter them selves and the time with such frivolous thoughts and conjectures, groun­ding the fundation of theyr future prosperitie in Ormond's affection to the nation, and his special care of theyr preservation, which was in good earnest but to raise theyr building upon a fundation of sands, or as Jmay say to build castels in the ayre; but serò sapiunt Phryges, the web is dispelled that couered ouer our eyes, we can, tandem, see some­thing, and much like thos that rested long under the Iuniper tree (whose shadow is both noxious and grivous to nature) when they a wake, feele a violent head-ach; soe we, hauing slept and slumbred long (without due care to our owne preservation) under the noxious shadow of Ormond's apparent af­fections, at last experected, and hauing op­ned our eyes, we find our head, heart, [Page 30] and whole body in a far worse distemper then they that laid under the Iuniper tree; our feauer is mounted to a hectical height, partly by our owne carelessness, and chee­fly by the improper administration of our physitian Ormond, who instead of salutiferous potions, deluded us with poyson; This Noble man haue poysoned (as I may say) the heart of us all (I mean of his Maje­stie) with toxical councels, and fallacious in­formations against us, soe as this poyson pos­sessing the vitals, we are faintinge and must of need perish, if the antidot cordials of his Majestie's goodness, in whom, next to god as thé fontaine of mercy and justice, we place all trust and hope, will not affoord us life and comfort, which antidot cor­dials haue been hitherto (as is evidently Knowne) unjustly detained from us, by the suggestions of Ormond and Clarindon.

WE are now to search out the motifs induced Ormond to à­bandon the Catholicks, and cause moved him to this suddain separation; whether by ill chance, the catholicks plotted against his life; person, libertie, or for­tunes? or whether they with-drew first from him, or haue given any occasion or offence sufficient to compel him to such à repentinous mutation? or whether it was the king's interest (for the better settlement of that kingdom under the crowne) made him fasten hands with them new men, and for­sake the old stead-fast friends?

There is noe man will beleeue that soe noble à person, soe compleat à states-man, soe much esteemed in court and cittie for gallantrie, and honour, à man soe much cried up for his integritie, and good na­ture, [Page 32] to be the paramount of thousand, as all his frinds (in the beginning of his power) gaue out of him, then when he begun to haue dealing with the confederat catholicks; there is not a man, I say would beleeue that à person of such unparalelled parts, would deflect foe nastilie in that nature from them without some efficatious ground, and reason.

This unexpected catastrophe, as it sugge­sted matter of admiration to all sort of peo­ple, soe it hath struken even dumb his neerest relations, and thes his friends, that most dearely respected him, in soe much as they durst not speake one woord in def­fence of this his instabilitie; I am confident his grace wanted not such persons, his close sticklers, men skil'd both in the english and lattin letters (wch formerly with heat and zeale were in a readiness to maintaine, by hooke, or crooke, with apparent and see­ming ratiocinations his sinistrous doeyngs, faults, and faylings) now in this matter they dare not appeare to justifie his running a way from the camp of israel, to the phylistin's field, from the association and amitie of honourable and honestly true men (the kings good subjects, and his owne steadfast frinds) to à cromwelian faction, [Page 33] that heald out soe long in bloudy rebellion against the crowne and royal family; even father VVaylsh himselfe (who beyound all mortals Sacrifices himselfe to Ormond, and who have written soe much of that Noble mans constancie, vertues, and superemi­nent talents) sits now mute, and silent, he sayes nothing, gives not a word in vindi­cation of his great patron's defection from his friends, alliances, and countriemen; I per­ceave the fathers mind and the cause of his silence in this matter, he knowes it is hard for him, invita Minerva, & pessima existente causâ to lay hand to his pen.

His Grac [...], the duke himselfe is sensible, there are several inducing and obliginge reasons, for continuing his affection (if he had been soe pleased) and association with the catholicks of Irland; as may be, the an­tiquitie, greatness, and Catholick pietie of his familie, and renowned Ancestours for soe many hundred yeares in that Kingdom of Irland his vast patrimonie, the Noble hou­ses of two Viscounts, three Barrons, and great number of rich, and worthie families of Knights, and Esquires descended lineally from his pedigree, that his Noble brother Mr. Richard Buttler, his vertuous sisters, gallant Ladies, were borne in that land, [Page 34] and have theyr estates and beeing therin, add to this the alliance of several other peers of the land to his familie; all which are un­deniable and strong inducements, power­full to move, and bind such a person, or any other to love the Catholicks of Irland and closely fasten unto them, in all theyr just concernments, and undertakings.

In this place I would faine Know, what had Orrery, Monthrath, and the rest of that crue to doe with the house of Ormond? did there by good lucke intervene at any time tuixt theyr families and his, any concatenation of marriages? any relation of consanguinitie? any firme connection of unstained friendship? not that euer I could heare off; but all to the contrarie, well Knowne they were his dea­dly enemies, and stared with an envious eye vpon his Lustre and Splendour, who like unto a procerous Cedar they percēaved did o­vertopp them selves.

His Grace (I suppose) will not say he deserted the Catholicks (whose loyaltie to the crowne of England have been sufficien­tly Knowne, even to the very rebells them­selues) to joyne in friendship, with these freash men (but stale rebells) for better advancing and securi [...] his Majesties inte­rest? certainly a man of my lord's Iudge­ment [Page 35] (as I am confident) wid blush to pre­tend any such excuse, or to say soe: my lord of right should a gon with more mo­deration in foe waightie a matter, and ni­cely ponder (before pacting friendship with them) whether or noe (they that have been for soe many yeares, fyrie and sworne ene­mies to the King and crowne) would at long triall prove worthie of his amitie, or of any other man's else, that had been still faith­full and loyall to the King and crowne; this my lord neglected to have don, but rather, by his repentinous conjunction of friend­ship with those well approved and trustie ministers of Cromwel, gave occasion to seve­ral wise men to suspect, and thinke that Ormond did not much in heart averse Crom­wel, nor dislike of his proceedings, and that which we doe wonder at, is, that all this while we could not see, nor heare by mouth or pen any apologie from this good duke, that may give the world satisfaction for his soe doeing.

In my opinion his Grace had good reason to be silent in this matter, and to concea­le from the eyes, and eares of men, the cunning motifs, slights, and arcana's that pusshed him on: for to manifest his reasons, were manifestare errores inexcusabiles suos. Seeing [Page 36] then that heerin my lord duke is pleased to be silent; J hope his Grace will give the loo­ser leave to speake, and discover to the world the reasons deduced his Grace from the right roade of vertue, justice, pietie, and honnour, (deserting his trustie old friends) to kint vnexpected new sudden friendship, with his old enemies; it is to well Knowne to our woe-full experience, he made the worst use a christian noble man could have don, of the power he had from his majestie, in order to the catholick inte­rest of Irland striving; constantly and musing how to subvert, and suppress equitie and justice to our destruction, which have been the cheefest ground induced him to this as­sociation, with the Cromwelians, that at on­ce, and along with them he may plun­der our houses, fortunes, and estates; and soe really it fell out, for of all men he had the fattest, fayrest, and greatest share.

The greatness of his person cannot terrifie me from apearing for my countrie, and countrie-men, nor from speaking clearly, freely, and plainy the truth, if in case I shall speake, or write any thinge ungroun­dedly I shall desire some of his learned stick­lers take the paynes to answer for him, and confute me, if he can; (we know his lord­ship [Page 37] hath more Hierelings, parasits, and flaterers, then true friends, and I beleeve his Grace will find my saying to be true, affore he dyes; for it will be but the just judgment of god, that he, who deserted his honest and true friends, should be de­serted by all, I could hartily wish in the meane time he had in him these true vertues, that would both merit, and deserve truefriends.

For compassing what I haue taken in hand, the right doore and ingresse to my discourse, must be a true and naked relation of Ormonds dealings and transactions, with the Catholicks of Irland since the first vnfortunat day they Knew him; this will make the reader Know what manner of man he was, and is, whether of vertue, or vice, love or hatred to the Catholicks of Irland; all wch I wil endevour Succinctly, with candid veritie (soe save me God) to performe, crauing from my benevo­lous reader the patience off perusing all with attention, and to Suspend his Iudgment till Fully instructed of all that past.

It is not my present intent to stand vpon iu­stifyng the reuolution and warr of that King­dom, begun the yeare 1641. to which they were forcibly compelled; I haue understood that matter is performed ala re [...]dy and soundlie [Page 38] purpose, by a skilfuller quil then myne: my present scope is, and will be, to have the reader Know what Ormond did in that warr, and afther the warr, and soe I dout not but the reader will be able to passe a free and im­partiall Iudgment vpon his Grace, and me; and next whether his desertinge of the catholicks, and combining with the new men, is or can be Iustifiable and excusable:

To this therefore effect, the reader may understand, that the now duke, (then Earle) of Ormond, at the beginning of this warr, was leutenant General of the Kings forces under the lords justices, Sr. william par­sons and Sr. Iohn Burlace; I passe by how he demeaned him selfe in that high post, either shewing enimitie to the Catholicks, or de­siring the revolution should be suppressed: (some say he was for the suppressing off it) let us suppose he did what became a man placed in that office he had, and leave that soe:

This Sr. VVilliam parsons a could, rigid, and wise-man, but an inveterat ene­mie to the catholicke religion and Catholicks, at once with Sr. Adam Loftus, Sr. Robert Merideth, Sr. Iohn Temple, and others of the councel became much addicted to the House of commons in England (which hou­se began at that time to contest and be at variance with the King) and in good faith made noe other use of his Majesties power and Sword of Iustice in that Kingdom, then to increase and kendle (rather then quench) the flame of that revolution, which they [Page 40] caled a rebellion: heere you are to observe, that the said lords Iustices and aboue specified councellours, though they were disloyal and perfidious to the King, yet the false and pernicious relations thes knaves gave, and divulged by proclamations of the Irish, that the vniversalitie of the Catholicks of Irland got up into a new rebelliō (whereas for o­ne Catholick that was engaged in that revo­lution, there were thousands in the natiō knew nothing off it, even the nobilitie, citties▪ and gentrie of the nation were soe) they were easily beleeved in that theyr false and Malicious as­persion; soe that his Majestie did noe lesse call and esteeme us rebelles, then the House of commons in England did; these men's dis­affection to the King, and theyr Treacherie, beyng at lenght discovered, his Majestie recalled theyr commissions, and appointed Ormond lord lieutenant of the Kingdom: af­ter his Excellencie was invested with this new commission and power, the parlament of England more and more growing stroung in hostilitie against the King, and declaring open warr to his Majestie, (which was plain rebellion, not like the painted rebellion of Irland (his Excellency, who had at that timo trustie friends in the Councel of the confede­rat [Page 41] Catholicks, treated with the assembly of said Catholicks, and in their absence, with the foresaid Councel for a Cessation of armes between his Partie and theirs; to which the Catholicks did Freely and willingly consent, and to that effect graunted and paied over to my lord Lieutenant thirty thousand and eight hundred pounds ster­ling for to transport over into England so­me of the Kings Forces, to Supresse the re­bellion in that Kingdom; this free speedy, and loyall contribution of soe vast a sum­me of monies, in soe seasonable a time, to furnish and pay the Kings souldier against the rebells of England, was noe signe of re­bellious hearts in the Catholicks. As for what these forces ferried over did there, whether they beat the rebells, or were beaten, is not my subject in hand; I come to my lord of Ormond, who for some yeares continued his capitulations, and treatings with the Catholicks of Irland, and did in­deed wijre-drawe them to theyr great los­se, both to the dishartning of their souldiers, consumption of their treasures, and let­ting slip great advantages of service; great matters we expected from Ormond, and noe lesse did our Commissioners tell us; that [Page 42] he was ready to condescend to our de­maunds, and graunt us good things, but in the end litle or nothing was don; not withstanding all this, any thing that seemed to be with the Kings interest, or for the Kings service did much relish with the Catholicks, and soe desirous and forward we were to make peace with any party the King owned to be his owne, as we omit­ted to pursue vigorously a good warr, and at long running wee made noe good pea­ce for libertie, Religion, Fortunes, or ho­nour of the Nation.

Twice we concluded peace by our Com­missioners, the one off which have been with the Earle of Glanmorgan, and the other with Ormond: and in fin wee had neither peace, nor the assurance of a peace; the said Earle of Glanmorgan, shewed us [Page 43] under the privat signet a faire and large commission he had from the King, au­thorizing him to conclude a peace with us, and to graunt us such favourable con­cessions for religion, as Ormond the Kings Lieutenant (who also had a comission un­der the great seale) could not Publickly graunt, or be seen in; this peace ma­de with Glanmorgan became voyd and of noe force, the King disavowing any power gi­ven to that effect vnto Glanmorgan: you shall find the Kings disavowing of any such power in his booke, commonly caled, Reli­quiae Sacrae Carolinae, pag: the 29: ▪ in a message given (as it is written) in our court at Oxford the 29 lanu: 1645. to the speaker of the house of Peeres pro tempore, to be communicated to the two houses of Parliament at westminster, and to the commissioners of the Parliament in Scotland.

You see plainly by this his Majesties di­savowig letter of any power given to Glan­morgan, as to the effect of peace to be concluded with the confederat Catholicks, how Glanmorgans peace came to nothing, and of noe validitie, though much labour, paines and monnies it cost to the confe­derat Catholicks; and not without great discredit to the said Earle. As for the peace made with Ormond yeare 1646. (who had the Kings commission vnder the great sea­le) it had noe better issue then the for­mer, as shal be made cleare out of the a­boue specified divine his writings, reasons, arguments, and woords as they are put downe.

And in as much as the Bishops and Cle­argy their opposition to that peace, hath drawne vpon them the implacable anger of Ormond; pervsing what I shall write, you shal be able to iudge the reasons given by the Prelats were valid, and themselves ho­nest in their intentions, and vpright in their [Page 48] proceedings, and that they haue done not­hing but what pietie, and the obligation of their pastoral care did require; consequen­tly yon will graunt that the dukes anger, and rancour came by noe offence given by the Bishops, but through his owne heigh­tie mind, which in all matters, and in all occasions must rule and domineere, or will have peace, nor quietness with any man; this matter comprehending many parts, ar­guments, and circumstances, I shal be for­ced to bestow more time about it.

It fell out soe, that the confederat Catho­licks appointed certain persons of qualitie as Commissioners of treaty (they appointed others for preparing instructions for those that were to treat, whom they named com­missioners of instructions) to treat and conclude a peace with Ormond then lord Leu­tenant; this was done in the yeare 1644. the names of those appointed, were Rich­ard lord viscount of Mongaret, Donogh lord viscount of Musgrie, Sr. Robert Talbot Barro­net, Dermot ô Brien, Patrick Darcy, Geffery Brouwne, and Iohn Dillon Esquires. After a long debate vpon neare two yeares, a peace was at lenght concluded between them and his Excellency the lord Leutenant, con­sisting [Page 49] of thirty articles, which articles (after being perfected, duely and maturely examined by vnderstanding and learned men) were suspected vnsafe for the Cha­tholicks; this is the subject the mentioned divine handled and soundly Proved, and vpon the same occasion learnedly justified the rejection of that peace out of the ar­guments, and decrees of the Ecclesiastical congregation.

THis author sayes, the Bishops and Cleargy allarmed at the publication of the said peace in Dublin, and Kilkenme, and obedience the Citizens and other natives [Page 50] gave therunto, (they saw the Gouverment was devolved, the supreme Councell of the Nation dissolved, and the forces and armies, and all to be put into the hands of said Ormond lord Leutenant; the peace (as above was said) being not secure for the cheefest concernements of the Catholicks) convened and came togither at VVaterford (a noble and Catholick Cittie) the sixt of August 1466. the zeale of Gods house, and of theyr flocks soe requiring, to consider seriously the contents of the Articles of said peace, and ackordingly to determine, as pietie and the saftye of Religion, and thir flocks would require at their hands.

The method (said the Author) the Eishops and Cleargy observed in rejecting said Peace, and the order of their consultations, was grave, and yet free, giving every divine licence to argue, discourse, and deliver his opinion as to the question proposed; the Chancelour of the congregation taking in the me­ane time his notes in writing of every mans sense and sentence of the question ventilated, and after a full debate, repeting viva voce, the substance of the ar­guments; they voted with much tranquilitie a result or conclusion, and indeed soe much was said to every of these articles that came vnder debate as nothing was left vnsaid, that could be pertinent.

A love Principium was the begining of this Congregation, they publickly sacrificed and prayed with flamming Charitie, and pro­found humilitie, demanding from God light and wisedom in this most important af­faire that soe touched holy Religion and his divine worship; that he would be pleased to give a blessing to their worke there: and for the better guiding their Conscien­ces, they seriously perused.

First the oath of association (the rule of warr and peace with the confederat Catho­licks,) which could not be contravened by any without perfidiousness, and impietie.

2. The model of Gouvernement.

3. Several remonst rances printed in Fran­ce, the yeare 1642. Fourthly, our grevances presented at Tryme, March, the 17. 1642. Fifthly, the several acts and protestations made by the Kingdom in open assembly at Kilkennie in the mounths Iuli [...] and August 1645. for the liberties and splendour of Religion, and for the Churches. Sixtly, the 17. propositions exhibited to his Maiestie, yeare 1644. Seaventhly, the further addition and propositions after propounded to the lord Marques of Ormond.

All these things [...] examened with great [Page 52] deliberation, and attention, being the rules laid downe by the whole Kingdom for re­gulating the committie of treaty, as alsoe the committie of instructions for the said treaty, and all others to whom any charge was intrusted.

They began with the important pro­positions the committie of treaty for the peace, were to present vnto the Lord Mar­quez of Ormond Leutenant Generael of Irland, sor and in behalfe of the confederat Catholicks of Irland, for concluding a peace: those pro­positions were the cheefe rules they were bound to observe in that treaty.

1. One proposition was, [...]that the Roman Ca­tholicks both Cleargy and Laity haue and enjoy the free and publick exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion through out that Kingdom, as it was in the raigne of Henry the 7. or any other Catholick King his ptedecessours Kings of England, and Lords of Irland, had either in England or Irland.

2. That the secular roman Cleargy of irland, viz: Primats, Arch-bishops, Bishops, Ordinaries, Deans, and Chapters, Archideakens, and o­ther dignitaries, Persons, Vicars, and all o­ther Pastors of the secular Cleargy, and their respective successours, shall have and [Page 53] enjoy all and every of them all manner of jurisdictions, priviledges, and immunites in as full and ample manner as the Roman Catholick Cleargy had or enjoyed within this Realme at any time during the raigne of the late King Henry the 7. of England and Lord of Irland, any declaration of law, laws, statute, power or any authoritie to the contrarie not with standing.

3. That all laws and statutes made since the time of King Henry the 8. whereby any restreinght, penaltie, mulct, or incapacitie, or other restriction what-soever is or may be laid vpon any of the Roman Catholicks, either of the Cleargy, or laity, for such the said exercise of the Roman Catholick Re­ligion within this Kingdom, and of their several functions, jurisdictions, and Privi­ledges, may be repealed, revoked, and de­clared voyd in the next Parlament by one or more acts of parlament to be passed therin.

4. That the Primats, Bishops, Archbis­hops, Ordinaries, Deans, and Chapters, Archdeakens, Chancelours, Treasurers, Chanters, prevosts, Guardians of Collegial Churches, Prebendaries, and other digni­taries Persons, Vicars, and other Pastors [Page 54] of the Roman Catholick Cleargy and their respective [...]uccessours shall have, hould, and enjoy all the Churches and Church liuings [...]as large and ample manner as the late Potestant Cleargy respectively en­joyed the same in the first day of Septem. 1641, togither with all their rights, profits, emoluments, perquisits, liberties to their respective Seas, and Churches belonging as well in all places now in the possession of the confederat Catholicks, as alsoe all other places that shall be recovered by the confederat Catholicks, from the adverse partie within this Kingdom saving to the Roman Catholick Laity, and their res­pective rights ackording to the lawes of the land.

The Roman Catholick Regular Clear­gy of the Kingdom were to have and hould the Bodyes, sites, and precincts of their Abbeys, Monasteries, and churches &c.

These foure propositions were sworne by the Confederat Catholicks in a general Assembly to be insisted vpon, and obtained vpon any treaty of peace, otherwise that they would not lay downe their armes while they had power and abilitie to maintaine the warr. Now said foure Propositions or mat­ters [Page 55] (soe sworne to be insisted vpon) were not granted in the 30 Articles of 1646. (as above is cleare and manifest) nor as much as presented or vrged, as the Commissioners themselves did confess, which seemes a bre­ach of trust in those of the Commitie of Treaty, who were obliged to present and vrge said propositions; certaine I am that one of the most vnderstanding of that Com­mittie tould me, it was but meere folly to present and offer them, for that Ormond was noe way content to consent, o give way to them, nor even to Glanmorgan's con­cessions it selfe, which were of far lesser im­portance for Religion ad Nation, then the above four propositions; and that for this reason they said nothing of foresaid pro­positions, nor of Glanmorgan's concessions vntill after signature of the 30 Articles; they then desired Glanmorgan's confessions should be at once printed and published with the 30. Articles as contained and com­prised in one of them, to witt, the Article of his Majesties gratious favour and further concessi­ons, (which is as I reme [...]ber the first Ar­ticle of all) but my lord of Ormond abfolut­ly denied said concessions of Glanmorgan should be published at once with the 30 [Page 56] Articles, and that he had nothing to doe with Glanmorgan's treaty or concessions. Of the above foure propositions the chee­fest things to be vrged and insisted vpon, ackording the instructions they had, they sayd nothing to Ormond. After this followeth a title of the author in haec verba.

WEe are in this place to see what the Congregation did, with their divins. After making a sound ponderation vpon the above foure Propositions, and other Acts and Ordinances of the several assemblys of that Kingdom, they came to a mature ex­amination of the 30. Articles, above men­tioned, and for their surer conduct and better vnderstanding of all, made vse of the advise and counsell of the two eminentest, and famous lawyers of the land, who ma­de certaine sound observations vpon that peace and concessions of Glanmorgan, the [Page 62] substance of those observations is digested in­to four Articles

1. That the Committie of treaty waved the the benefit of Glanmorgan's concessions, by not onely not insisting vpon them, but not soe much as proposing them, during the treaty with my lord Leutenant, which was contrarie to the trust and charge laid vpon them by the Kingdom.

2. A publick faith given by the Kingdom to the lord Nuntio and Cleargy to make Glanmorgan's concessions, and all conditions for Churches and Religion, as publick, as valid, and of as much force as that of the temporal, was not performed.

3. That the king did disavow Glanmor­morgan's concessions, soe as they became vt­terly therby void, for which reasons the Cleargy were to provide for themselves by other wayes.

4. Vpon the perclosing of those observa­tions, the said lawyers hath this ensueing language. If the case of reference to further concessions, granted in the agreement of said 30. Articles can not extend to what the lord Leutenant publickly disauoued, and as wee vnderstand (on the very perfection of said 30. Arucles) he before witnesses, expres­sed, [Page 63] to witt that the said clause of further concessions in his peace was not meant by him to extend to Glanmorgan's concessions, shall then the securitie of Religion and Churches in all the Kingdom depend on a matter that hath soe many doubts in it?

Besides if those 30. Articles concluded with Ormond had any matter of moment in them for Religion, before perfection of them, the King reuoked the lord Leutenant's com­mission, and by this all goes to ground, for without authoritie he could not per­fect articles. This revocation is in print and expressed in a letter from his Majestie to the Marquez of Ormond the 11. 1646. as followeth.

This letter was receaved by Ormed be­fore perfecting of the 30. Articles, where fore said articles can be of noe force. what remedy then can be had [...] what healp to make the 30. Articles valid? they said Digby brought some thing in Cypher to in­courrage the Lord Leutenant, and what then? shall wee rely upon a cypher, and gett noe better securitie for our Religion, and Churches, for our liues, fortunes and estates, then the relying upon a cypher? this were in good earnest to make a peace in Cypher.

Heere I haue given you the sence of the two famous lawyers upon the 30. articles; [Page 65] one of those for his abilities was well known to the learnedest juges of England and Irland, was a Counsellor to Ormonds familie, and o­ne that knew as much of the ground and cause of our quarrel and of all that passed in the Assembly, Councel and several com­mities as any who somever in the Kingdom.

By what is said you see Ormonds commission was reuoked before perfecting the said pea­ce of 30. Articles (which shall be more expressly made cleare hereafter) and did not his Excellencie knowing this, play foo­ly with the confederat catholicks? what then did he intend by intruding this peace vpon us? what other but to cheat and deceave us by getting from us vpon considerat [...]n of such a peace (as in effect he did) all our forts, citties, townes, armes, armies, and nauy vnder his owne command, and by dis­soluing our association and gouvemement; was not this a handsom tricke and plott for vndoeing vs taking away all our defense for noe other consideration then that of those plaistred articles perfected without any commission, that could and lightly would be disavoued in Parlament by his Majestie, as concluded without his authoritie, and consequently wee should gaine noe grace nor [Page 66] pardon by them.

After the Bishops and other ordinaries, and diuins, had well considered these things, and more particularly the result of the two renowned lawyers, who were espe­cial leading-men in the common-wealth; after long debate, and learned arguments, great diligence, search and paines, they found it evident, that Religion, estates, lives, liberties, and saftie of the Catho­licks, lay open to danger, notwithstan­ding the 30. articles agreed vpon with Or­mond by the commitie of treaty (who dis­charging not the trust laid vpon them by failing to pursue the instructions giuen them, as aboue was said) and finding all the citties, townes, forts Garrisons, armie ships, magazins., and the strenght of the Catholicks to be rendred vp to the lord Leutenant (as some of them already was) and the supreame Councel had by that ti­me [...]eded their authoritie, and submitted to the said peace, which had been (as was said) proclaimed and published solem­nly by the Kings-at-armes in Dublin and Kilkennie, and that the lord Leutenant co­me from Dublin gallantly attended by many hundreds of prime Gentlemen, was then at [Page 67] Kelkenny and began to gouverne acccor­ding the articles of the peace; the Bis­hops (I say) and Cleargy naked and wit­hout any garde other then the protection of God, and affection of good Catho­licks, after invoking the name of the most high, came to a final result, which was the insueing decree, which they put foorth, and caused to be published to the Catholicks over the King­dom.

These are the names of such as sate in the Ecclesiastical congregation of both the Irish cleargy secular and regular in true spirit of the holy Ghost conuened at VVaterford before the most Illustrious and most Reuerend Arch­bishop Firmanus Nuntio Apostolical in Irland.

The decree is thus Englished.

This Decree was the principal worke of the Congregation, after which they writ to the Citties and townes in the Catholick quarters, to the Generals of the Armies, and some other principal officers, and to seueral other noble men, warning them of the danger and insecuritie of said peace, adhorting all to concurre and joyne with them in rejecting the same peace, and at the same time they writ the ensueing letter to the lord president and members of the late supreme Councel residing at Kelkennie.

The declaration mentionned in the abo­ue letter (which was printed) doth mani­fest what past vpon the examination of the peace of 30. Articles, and of the aboue mentioned matters, with our sense and jud­gement vpon all, our prayers and father­ly commands to our flocks ouer the King­dom, and to the Generals and other of­ficers and soldiers to haue nothing to doe with that peace; the propositions mentio­ned [Page 75] in said letter were expedients offered by the Congregation for securing the Ca­tholick Religion, liues liberties and estates of the Catholicks.

One (and that a principal proposition) that Glanmorgans concessions vpon which the comitie of Treaty relyed as to Religi­on) should be made as valid and pudlick as the 30. articles, and of the same for­ce with them for the benefit and satisfacti­on of the Catholicks. Ormond, (who was then in Kelkennie when the mentioned let­ter was receaued by the supreme Councel) answered he had noe power to consent to such consessions, nor as much as to add any article to the 30. articles, his Com­mission (by vertue of which he had con­cluded said 30. articles with them) being expired, yet he promised all the frindly offices that lay in his power, and all me­diation with the king for the satisfaction of the Catholicks, which was noe securitie nor satisfaction to the Catholick Prelats.

The supreme Councel, after receauing the mentioned declaration and propositions, em­ployed Sr. Lucas Dillon knight and Gerrat Finnel Esquire (both of the Councel) with Thomas Tirel and Laurence Dudal esquires, ad­ding [Page 76] to them Nicolas Plunket and Patrick Darcy esquires (who were in VVaterford before) both members of the Councel, to offer cer­tain proposals for satisfying the Bishops, and cleargy, to the end sorsaid peace of 30. Articles might be vnanimously by them and the rest accepted; these gentlemen were humanly receaued and listened vnto by the lord Nuncio and Bishops of Clonferty and Fernes, (which two were chosen by the congregation to attend on the lord Nunci [...] in that affaire) after all was heard and con­sidered of, and all they said represented to the Congregation, there was nothing of securitie found as to Religion and chur­ches.

Heere it is to be particularly observed, that the Lord Leutenant Ormond vpon a sudden departed from Kelkennie to Dublin li­ke a man possessed by some feare, when Sir Luke and the rest were vpon their way to VVa­terford, which departure of his prescinded all expectation of giving such securitie and satis­faction as the Bishops and Cleargy exspec­ted. Heer vpon the Congregation tould Sir Lucas and the rest of the Gentlemen, there was noe other way remaining for satisfying all good men, then to summon of new a Ge­neral [Page 77] Assembly of the confederat Catholicks, and there and then to have the 30. Articles of 46. more nicely examened, and by them to be recepted, or rejected as pleased the pru­dency of the whole Catholick Assembly.

This is a candid and ample accoumpt I give you out of the mentioned divin of the pro­positions and procedings of the Bishops and Cleargy assembled in VVaterford, to the end (that all their transactions there and then rightly pondered and vnderstood) they may appeare to the world (as really they are) in­nocent and blamelesse as acting nothing therin, but what the dictamen of their con­science led them vnto, touching the 30. Articles.

It is by this manifestly known how Or­monds mercenarie pens, and others vpon their suggestions (without any search or examinati­on) haue both bitterly spoken and written of these Bishops, and of all the cleargy for put­ting a side that peace; one of which (and that wrote bitterly) was F. Peeter VVailsh, who censured them griuously for soe doeing, thought at the same time, this Congregation sate, this friar was as much against the said 30. Articles and Ormond, as another; how he came to Change his mind, and writ for Or­mond [Page 78] against the Bishops and Cleargy, I know not, neither to this day hath he given any ground or reason, nor is able to doe, for that his instabilitie; and if in case he had apparent­ly given, yet noe regard ought to be had by any good and Zealous Catholick, of what he sayes, in as much as he lyes vnder the curse of an excommunication major (as I haue said in the Preface) prononced against him by a general Chapter of his owne order, against whom he most rebelliously stands out refusing submission to them.

I hope these things well considered the Bishops and Cleargy assembled in VVaterford will loose noe esteme in the sight of good impartial Christians, but rather be commen­ded for their zeale vnd fortitude in Gods cause; wee are not to feare fire nor sword, nor the graetness of men, when wee speake for God and his glorie. Loquebar (saith the divin psalmist) de testimonijs tuis in conspectu re­gum & non confundebar.

The diuin by me aboue cited protested before God and his Angels, that the Bis­hops and cleargy had noe intention to offend Ormond in that proceeding, or to blemish his honnor in the least, but they were much vnsatisfied with the Comitie of Treaty, for [Page 79] neglecting and not performing the trust laid vnto their charge; by which protestation you see the Bishops gave noe cause to Ormond to depart Kelkennie for Dublin, nor as much as thought of his goeing, or suspected in the le­ast that he would be gon, but his owne conscience why spered various thoughts vnto him: soe that verè trepidabat timore vbi non e­rat timor. He trembled with feare where the­re was noe occasion of feare: howeuer since this great man departed for Dublin, he fostered an inveterat odium against the Bishops and Cleargy swearing and protesting he will be avenged of that stinking creuw (soe he is heard to call them); which vnusuall forme of speech to an intire, and of an intire body of Bishops, vertuous, learned, and hono­rable men, (divers of them being noblie descended.) If this be I say a language besee­ming a noble man of Ormonds qualitie, or rather the language of a rash, profane, and insolent person, let any discreet man iudge.

FOur yeares after this Congregation of VVaterford, an other convened in Iamestow­ne (a litle towne in Conaght) two yeares af­ter the second peace concluded with Ormond in the yeare 1648, by the vnanimous con­sent of the Kingdom: Ormond keapt a great stirr with this Congregation, and Fa: VVailsh (who busied himselfe still and alwayes in verifying of Ormonds doeings) must needs write vnhandsomly of that venerable con­gregation, saying (in his litle printed booke, he calls by the name of the more ample accompt. pag: 105) that vnfortunat and fatall Congregation [Page 81] gave a scandal which aspersed them, and aspersed not them, and the whole Irish Cleargy alone, but euen their Communion and Religion in its total extent, specially through these Nations. Further he sayes, they rendred the Catholicks vncapable of any mercy intended by the King for tender consciences; that great argument being (saith he) the Irish rebellion in 41, the opposition and reiection of the peace of 46. with all the circumstances and consequents of euer since the fatall worke of Waterford Congregation: the oppo­sition likewise made by a very considerable part of the Cleargy and people to the peace of 48, and the Cle­argy's rendring it at last fruitless (euen I say after a general reception of, and submission to it) by the de­claration made, and censure issued at lamestowne, and by the indeuours before and afther that last vn­fortunat meeting of the Bishops; finally their twice forcing, or at least putting a necessitie on his Majesties Leutenant to depart the Kingdom.

The diuin (who justifyed the casting away of the peace of 46) answered VVailsh in this kind. ‘This fa: shewed himselfe presumptuous and to buisie in censuring the Cedars and Pillars of the Church, to whom he ought to bow his head for reuerence, and would haue done soe, had he been a true and humble child of S. Francis, all he haue said, or can say, will come to nothing, and his arguments [Page 82] will be found of noe more strenght then a wauering reed, (such a thing he is) for ha­uing plaid Iack on both sides; will he dare say he had more piety then all the Bishops and Cleargy of the Kingdom? more learning then they all in one body? more loue to th [...] flocks and people? more fidelitie to the King? more interrest in the nation? or had he better knowledge of what past since the making the peace of 48, till the meeting of Iamestowne, then they all? what authoritie, power or comission had he to iudge the de­crees of Bishops and Cleargy? he should rat­her have listened to Seneca's advise, si judicas, coonosce, know affore you iudge, he knew not the grounds the Bishops went vpon, and con­sequently gaue an erronious iudgment; the­re needs noe other reasons, or arguments for convincing him then the view of the acts and Decrees of the said congregation: in cal­ling the Congregation fatall and vnfortunat, he shews neither education or breeding towards these two venerable meetings.’

He is erroniously mistaken in saying they gaue cause of scandall to the people; as for the reuolution of 41. it hath been justified a holy and lawfull war, by a skilfull and learned pen: the Acts of the Congregation of [Page 83] Iamestowne alsoe haue been made good and maintained by what I haue writen, and was not yet answered by Fa: VVailsh; the peace of 48 was not rendred (as he pretends malici­ously) frùitlesse by those of Iamestowne, or the people: the Irish Comissioners haue sufficient­ly proued this in London before his Majestie and Counsel. Besides the Bishops neuer intermed­led in that peace, hauing still esteemed the same as a pretious iewel of the Kingdom de­arly bought, and such as euery man desired to performe, it hath been already sufficiently proued that they did not render these Artic­les fruitlesse; but Fa: VVailsh sayes, they rendered them fruitlesse by putting a neces­sitie (which is the second proposition ob­jected against them) vpon the Lord Leu­tenant to part the Kingdom, and this wee alsoe denie; Fa: VVailsh will find noe such decree of ours to that purpose: if his Excel­lency was able to doe any good in the ex­treme condition wee were in, why did not he stay? the obligation of being Lord Leu­tenant would haue him stay, and this was not taken from him, the truth is he was not able by his staying to face the enemie, or defend what as yet was in the King [...] possession, and this is it made him goe away, [Page 84] ashamed and confounded to have lost vs all wee had in our possession, when he made the peace with vs, and that he saw noe way of regaining the places lost, this made him leaue the Gouernment with the Lord Marques of Clanricard, when he saw evi­dently all was goeing to wrack; they say it is a secret instinct of ratts to leaue houses that are like to goe to ruine, or vessells that are to be drowned: this truth wee haue found by experience; the Lord Leutenant had a stronger ground for leauing Irland, then the secret instinct of these smal beasts, reason made him euidently know that Irland was to be soon lost, (his coming to vs was a great, if not the only cause of this vnrecouerable losse) and that destruction was approching their doores: shall I make this manifest? First there was noe mony, nor treasure to pay the soldiers, which did not vse to fight without good pay, though our cause for fighting was the best in the world, for liues, liberties, fortunes, estates, and religion; wee had good experience of this, and wee neuer saw in any countrie souldiers soe wel paid; now cleare it is, there was noe way for paying, ergò noe fighting to be expected; secondly there was noe amunition of pouder for defending the pla­ces [Page 85] wee had, nor for field service; would men (thinke you) expose themselves as marks to the enemie, expresly to be killed without any defense? Thirdly there was noe revenue, or rents to be had for supporting in the future the souldrie, officers, traine of Artil­lerie, pensions for Commissioners of trust, and other necessarie Comissioners attending the Armie and publick: this truth is cleare out of the Gentlemen Commissioners at London, to witt, that there was noe towne or considerable place when his Excellency did depart, in his Majesties hands, but Limerick and Galway, and the Counties of Galway and Clare, the other parts of connaght being wast, and the rest of the Kingdom lost; all which (as they auerre) hap­pened before the proceedings of that part of the Cleargy mett at Iamestowne, as was said before. Fourthly there was noe expectation of ayde from any part of the world.

In this place I shall desire my Lord of Ormond or Fa: VVailsh for him to name me any person, Lord, Gentleman, Cittizen, marchand or yeoman, that would giue at that time by way of lone, or gift vnto the publick any thing? what hopes then had my Lord Leutenant of any substance to main­taine the war? they will say there remained [Page 86] as yet the Citties Limerick and Galway, and in these were many rich men; but let him tell me who was able to get these riches; the Lord Bishop of Limerick? noe; the Arch-bishop of Tuame ordinarie of Galway? noe; the Comissioners of trust? nor those, noe nor all the Bishops and Clergy of the Kingdom with them; nor my Lord Leute­nant himselfe; in whose face they shut their gates: I confess my Lord Leutenant had his faction in Limerick (though the maior and honnester part were against him) the recorder stackpole a rotten fellow, his creaghs, whites, macnemarras and Fenells, all these did not pro­uide the least in way of loane or otherwise: they painted honnest men in ill collours, and tould his excellency vnder hand, they were to be suspected, and feared; but at last they them selues proued traitours and kna­ues, and these they would haue suspected, proued honnest men, true to God, king and countrie; tell me (I beseech) who where they, who fouly betrayed Limerick to Irton, after many months noble resistance, were they of the lord Leutenants faction; or of those adhered to the cleargy? they were the lord Leutenants people, the aboue na­med, who betrayed the towne and bloud [Page 87] of innocents: who were they Ir [...]on put to death? they were those adhered to the cleargy and Kingdom, Terence o Brien Bis­hop of Emilie (the Bishop of the towne escaped narrowly) Sr. Geffery Galloway, Geffery Barron, an ornament to his country; Mr. Dominick Faunin Alderman, Mr. Thomas stritch Alderman a right honnest man; Mr. Higgens Doctor in physick, and fa: Laurence VVailsh priest, these were all put to death by Irton: Hugo Neale a man nobly borne, and who stoutly before defended Clonmel, taken pri­soner was sent to London, committed to the tower, and had suffered but that he pro­ued himselfe Alien born in Flanders, though of Irish parents: did any Creagh or VVhite or stackpole &c. dye or suffer that day? noe, but Irton one of the kings great murtherers struck dead those he thought loued the King. what noise then doth this giddy friar keape about Ormonds departing the Kingdom, and must stone to death all the Bishops and cleargy for hauing (as he sayes, but falsly) forced Ormond away? and if he had stayed, let him tell me, what could he doe more then the marquez of Clanricard haue done, whome he left in trust with the Gouerment? he was not able to doe soe much, and this fat­her, [Page 88] and all the Kingdom knew it, and this in­deed made him part the Kingdom: let then any tell me doth not Fa: VVailsh speake against his conscience, when he pretends the Bishops did force the Lord Leutenant away; again let this father tell me would not the people that o­beyed his excellency's orders, commands, and letters at Loaghreagh, and who vexed much for his sake the Bishops and Cleargy for what was done at Iamestowne, and for having indea­uoured to doe them all good: did not these in that Assemblie disclaime in, and seeme to de­test the proceedings at Iamestowne to pleasure his excellencie (I meane the major part, but not the sounder part of them) would not the­se people keepe him, if he had been pleased to stay? nor did the Prelats intend to cross there the major vote of the Assembly, for all their decrees, and excommunications were made with this limitation, that the Assembly whensoeuer they were pleased to meet, could dispose of all things in order to their owne pre­seruation; and consequently could of the matter of the Lord Leutenant's goeing or staying: and would not they who soe adhered to him, stand or fall with his excellency? to fall they were sure had he stayed▪ and some of them knew he went expresly away that he [Page 89] might not be spectatour of soe great a fall and ruine, as that of a Kingdom.

I confess ingeniously the Bishops and cleargy at Lamestowne wished my lord would goe away, and why? for grudg or spleen to his person? certainly they had noe such thoughts, but they foresaw the ruine and destruction of the people could not be auoyded he staying with them, and this before God was their feare and judgement of him, and there could not be in the world a more evident presumption for judging and fearing, as they did, and for this reason (though not certaine his departure would cure the dangerous distemper of the King­dom) some hopes they had, that the vnion of the People would be greater, and cour­rage, and more cheerfully contribut to their owne preservation; this was really the inten­tion and mind of that congregation, which I knowingly doe speake; let Fa: VVailsh put in print what propositions or dreames he pleaseth, or build castles in the ayre for ex­cusing Ormond. This well grounded feare of theirs, and the desire they had of the Peo­ples preservation, moved them to write to his Excellencie in an humble manner that he would be pleased to take a viage for Fran­ce [Page 90] to the Queen and Prince (now King whom God preserve) for to get aydes and succour, and to leave the Government in some trusty hand; with this letter they sent the Bishop of Drommore (a great frind of Ormond's) and Charles kelly Dean of Tuame to ex­press their intentions to his Excellencie.

Heere I set you downe the letter and in­structions, that you may passe your iudgement on them, and first I giue you this notice that in that graue Congregation was not a woord spoken of his Excellencie other then with respect due to his person, qualite, and greatness, though there were then persons present seuerall Bishops and other Cleargy­men turned out of their Churches, and homes, not well knowing which way to turne them­selues, which cala [...]itie befell them in time of his goverment.

This letter was signed by all the Bishops sit­ting in the Congregation The instructions that accompanied this letter, were as followeth.

First yee are to pres [...]nt vnto his Excellency the [...]ast destructions, and desol [...]tions of the Kingdom. the Ci [...]ties, townes, places, etc. that wee have lost in the space of few months, especially Wex [...]ord, Ross, Kil­kennie, Clonmel, Cashel, Carrick, the jo [...] of Tiecrohan, Car [...]ow, &c. almost the whole Pro­vinces of Munster and Linster, with the churches and church livings in them, and that the Cittie of Water­foord and the sort of Dunkanan blockt vp by the e­nemie (noe armie being to releeve them) are in danger to be soone lost, as alsoe the rest of the kingdom not yet lost, which is but this Province of Connaght, and the countie of Clare.

2. That the People seeing noe visible armie for their deffence to oppose the enemie, are come to des­paire of recovering what is lost, or deffending what wee [...]hould; and in [...]lining (for the safty of their lives and estates) to compound with the Parlament, by which agreement the Kings authoritie will be infallibly cast off, the Catholick faith (soe wee feare) with the time exstinguished, and the Nation first enslaved, will perhaps in the end be pluckt vp root and branch [...]

3. Yee shall protest before God, Angels and men, in the name and behalfe of the Congregation, that the Prelars of this Kingdom have employed their earnest and [...]est endeavour for removing the feares and jealousies of the people, and that they have noe power to doe it, fin­ding the vniversal sense of the people to be, that fate doth waite vpon these times.

4. Yee shall present to his excellency how wee finding noe oth [...]r human expedient remedie for the pre­servation of this Nation, and his Majesties interest the­rin [...] then the speedy repiare of his Excellency to the Queen and Prince in France, for preventing the des­truction of all, doe humbly pray he leave the Kings au­thoritie in the hands of trusty persons to his Majestie, and faithfull to the nation, and to such as the affection and confidence of the people will follow, by which the rage and furie of the enemie may with Gods grace receave some interruption; wee humbly offer this important matter of safty or destruction of the Nation, and the Kings interest to his wisdom and consideration, and yee shall as [...] his Excellency, wee shall in the meane time doe what lyeth in our power to assist the persons intrusted by his Excellencie.

Yee are alsoe to pray his Excellencie will be plea­sed to give yee an answer within few dayes, for that wee are not in a condition to continue long togither.

I aske, if there be any thing in this let­ter, message, or instructions, but what is [Page 94] humain, civil, and with great respect to his Excellencie? In this nature the Bishops soe demeaned themselves, even then when the greatest danger of distruction was over them, yea when most of them were destroyed alredy, and reduced to extreme pouerty, through the loss of the kingdom in the short time of his government.

I further demand is there any thing in this that sauours of treason or disaffection to his Majestie, or of opposing or destroying of the peace, or of desire to put aside the kings au­thoritie and gouerment? was there any thing in all these proceedings could offend this noble man? or could any man draw out of this an occasion of carping or reprehending the Pre­lats? certainly noe man, excepting this father, or some other Ormenian flatterer: was it I pray you, soe haighnous a crime to desire the lord Lutenant to take a viadge to the Queen and Prince, for to seeke supplies to support the war' and leaue the kings au­thoritie behind him, in hope wee might doe some thing against the enemie in his absence by these intrusted by him, in as much as he himselfe did nothing all that time, but lost vs all wee had as likewise what was gained from the enemie in the begining of his owne Go­verment? [Page 95] great Generals have been displaced for want of success, though valorous soever; this have been don in the Roman and Atthenian commōwealths the most florishing in the world

An ancient old woman came to Philip king of Macedo in presence of all his Gran­des, beseeching his Majestie to give eare to her complaints, and doe her justice, the king replyed, he had noe leasure to at­tend her, at which answer the bould poore woman said in presence of them all, igi­tur né sis Rex? what are you King for, but to doe vs iustice? if you will not heare me lay downe your crowne, which you got to doe me iustice; immediatly this great king stood vp gaue her audience, did her iustice: would it not, I pray, well become my lord of Or­mond to listen to the iust and reasonable re­quest of soe many Bishops, spiritual fathers of the people, while they humbly prayed him to take in hand a viadge? certainly I am confident that the great Monarchs of Spaine and France would give care to what soe ma­ny Bishops would say, and take it much to their serious consideration, and I doubt not but our owne King would have don it, though of a different religion.

It hath been said by some of his owne [Page 96] frinds, that he himselfe desired to take such a viadge in hand, but in as much as the Bishops desired him, he went backe from his owne resolution, what the reason is I know not, if not to crose their de [...]ire.

NOw we come to the jealousies and feares of the Catholick nobilitie and Gentrie in London, yeare [...]660. well set forth in a letter from F. VVailsh vnto Ormond, who, not-with [...]standing all the rest did feare, yet the F. did not, nor as much as suspect of Ormonds disaffection and realtie to his coun­trie, and catholick frinds; wherefore Ormond may say to him, what our saviour said to the centurian Math. c. 8. Non inveni tantam fide [...] [Page 97] in Israel. Heere I give you the fathers letter.

Father VVailsh your letter is well penn'd expressing ex [...]llently the general feare that seazed vpon all the Catholicks of our nati­on in London; a truer expression could not be. I observe you say in the generality of Irland here, even I say of those, who have beene soe long as well yo [...]r constant beleevers, as your stedfast frinds [...] dimness &c. And for the better persuading him to shew his vertue and affection to his Catholick frinds, you tell him, his owne web­fare, the kings &c. did much depend on a great esteeme of soe great a minister as his great deserts have made him: Nothing can be said in reason to moue a gallant man more then what you have said. In the end of your letter you presse him closely to doe the Catholicks justice by ver­tue of the Articles of 48. saying when they put [Page 100] themselves and their power into your hands soe freely.

Certainly good fa: had Ormond loved you and the Catholicks of Irland (those you na­me his fastest frinds and sticklers) as much as you and they loved him, would he have givē a good answer to your rational lines, but you tell nothing of his answer, if good or bad, if it were good, I am sure you would have publi­shed it amongst the rest of his great vertues, soe as your silence in this argues noe good answer: all your prayers good fa: to Ormond are in vaine, you have cast your seed in a barren land, Hoc est supra Petram, and your prayers withered and shrank.

Had Ormond been a worthy man and lover of his country, he had dispersed those clo­uds of darkness as you desired him, taking away those feares of his true frinds by appea­ring for the nation as behoved a just man, and as he was bound by vertue of the articles of 48. himselfe being the kings commissio­ner vpon concluding that peace. These are the affections and dutyes required at his hands by the Catholicks.

Doth his greatness (thinke you) give him a Privilege that the Catholicks should love him, and he hate them; that men nobly bor­ne and many other worthy persons should [Page 101] for soe many years rely vpon him putting great trust in him, and he in the end should betray them in the greatest concernment they had in the world? if he hath in this do­ne like a true Chri [...]ia [...] or gallant noble­man head of soe a [...]cient a family, judge you and all others?

You speak [...] after of Ceremonies and Tenebrae ▪ all wee had from Ormond were but Tenebrae and Darkness, nor did your glorious light in the Triangle ever shine propitious to the Ca­tholicks: his trusty frinds and sticklers have too long relyed vpon a reed of Egijpt, a reed without stay or vertue, such as your Ormond was and is. Such in London of our Nation (as you say) that feared he would prove, as he sh [...]wed himselfe, I see were wiser then you, that trusted soe much in him, and could not be persuaded he would play booty in the end and abandon the Catholi [...]ks, th [...]ir feare was grounded in good reason, and your confi­dence in him was vaine, and you remaine still deceaved in that your confidence; oh! would to God the Catholicks had feared him in good time, if soe, Ormond had never come to the power of annoying them, or to loose them; but Serò sapiunt phrijges: he decea­ved the person most trusted in him, and did [Page 102] beleeve (as you doe) that he would prove the deliverer of his country; I meane the E­arle of Clancarty (then lord viscont Musgry) his brother in law, who seemed sore vexed in his dying bed for having placed trust in Ormond, (an errour destructive to his Nation) and could his Excellency (then was the time not to dissemble) the heauyest feare that p [...]sses­sed his soule goeing vnto an other world was for confiding soe much in him, who dece­aved them all, and lost his poore country and countrymen.

It is plain truth (and F. VVailsh you know it to be soe) the great opinion very many of the assembly had of the sound jugement of my lord Clancarty (speaking nothing of his high descent an fortune) made many of the nobles and gentry follow him, and in the end they all found themselves deluded.

You know well that young Musgry (Clan­ [...]arty his heire) who was Collonell in France, a stout and valiant person, one of the hopeful­lest men of his Nation, (who was killed in the first war at sea against the Hollanders) could never indure his vncle Ormond after seeing his finistrous wayes, his cunning artices, and his deserting the Catholicks soe fouly.

You have indeed F: earnestly prayed Or­mond [Page 103] and conjured him to appeare for the Nati­on, and to obtaine for them the benefit of the Articles of the peace of 48. (which he him­selfe was bound in honnor and conscience to doe) and you constantly exspected their de­livery by him; and when shall that be thinke you? even then, when the Iews shall see their Messias long waited for.

Honest friar, Ormond hath deceaved you, and tooke a course to increase and secure his owne fortunes, he collogued with your countrymen; and in the end stuck to that si­de, that preyed and robbed them of their es­tates, and amongst all he had the greatest share, as is well knowne to all; yet not a woord of this in your writings, of the high e­logies you give of his wisedom, vertue, and most pretious qualities that can adorne a states-man.

ORmond hath invaded against conscien­ce justice and honour the estates of hundreds of poore innocent Catholicks: I beseech you, what title or right had his Gra­ce to the estate of Sr. Robert Lynch knight? (whom I doe instance for a thousandmore, not for any acquaintance with him) what right I say had he to this knight's estate? vpon what accompt did he invade the islands [Page 105] of Aaron this gentleman's inheritance, and had his son Richard created earle of that place and estate? it is manifestly known that Domi­mum perfectum & plenum of said estate was in Sr. Robert Lynch and his heires, and yet my lord tooke those lands from him, quo titulo quo iure is the question; deffend F. VVailsh if you can in this place your great patron; ipsa synderesis tould Ormond, that he was doeing wrong and robbery the lands appertaning to Sr Robert, that judicium naturale quo (as S. Basil speakes) ab iniquis, bona facile discernere postumus, clearly convinced Ormond that he was doeing a rob­bery; that law of nature, quod tibi non vis fieri alteri ne feceris, that light of which holy David speakes, signatum est super nos lumen vultus tui domine: all those sacred lawes cryed out the depriving of Sr. Robert Lynch of his estate, was factum contra legem dei aternam: all those lights of God and nature condemnes this fact, soe that finis operis & finis operantis, objecctum cir­cumstantiae, & omma qua agebat Ormonius erant contralegem Dei; what then can he say or plead for himselfe? or you for him? he cannot alleage that he acquired that Dominium by any pact, stipulation, donation, permutation or prescription; what then will men say in this case? noe other then that Ormonds inva­ding [Page 106] that gentlemans lands was apertum latr [...] ­cin [...]um.

Likely you may tell me the King made a grant to Ormond of the said knights estate; you know well that in lege naturae noe human po­wer can di [...]pense, and it is certaine that the law of nature doth bind all kind of men, and that none can pretend exemption from the force of that law, the impression therof being a light made in every mans haert, soe that this law binds as well the prince as the lowest man: legi naturae (saith lactantius) net praerogari fas est, nec derogare ex hoc aliquid licet, neque tota abrogari potest, nec vero aut per sena­tum, aut per populum hac lege liberari possumus: shall I say more? probable it is that God himself: cannot dispense in the law of na­ture, take S. Thomas his authority for it, quia id sapientiae divinae omnino repugnat, proendeque fieri non potest 1. 2. quaest. 100. ar. 8. & ratio est (saith the saint) quia lex naturalis nihil aliud est, vt docet S. Aug: quam ipsius aternae legis & incommut abilis rattonis ipsius divinae sapientiae in men­tibus hominum facta transcriptio. Now it is evi­dently cleare a man's life, liberty, fame, lands, estates and fortunes are his owne by the law of nature, and that by force of the same law quisuis potest se defendendo & sua, vine [Page 107] vi. repelsere; and soe could Sr. Robert against Ormond invading his estate had he beene, able to doe soe.

But you will say the landsand estates of subjects forfeited to the king for treason, rebellion, and other like crimes by way of attaindeur may be disposed of by the king: I grant that, but this authority for taking away from such men their lands and estates, the prince hath from the law of nature, which doth not protect any privat man to doe a­gainst the publick good, wherefore the commonwealth can take away the life of a man and his estate, (though both are his by the law of nature) when he transgresses against the prince or publick good; to whom by pact or law of nature he should oboy: this the prince can doe for justice sake, but not for convenience, or at his will and plea­sure; for the bonds prescribed to the juris­diction of a prince, are justice, law, and rea­son, and not to doe his owne pleasure. Now I would know from you what crime hath Sr. Robert committed? was he convinced of any crime against the king before any bench of justice? what hath he don? who charged him? the law of England (a good law) sayes noe man can be condemned but by course of law, [Page 108] that is the subjects birth-right, and to that effect are lawes made, that justice may be don to all men: princes are obliged in con­science to administer justice ackording the law.

I demand againe, what hath Sr. Robert Lynch don? you will say he was ingaged in the [...]rish rebellion, (for soe you still call that just war, which you could never as yet prove nor never shall) but grant it hath been a rebellion, Sr. Robert Lynch, as all the con­federat catholicks had an act of oblivion from the king, in the peace of 48. ergo your re­bellion was pardonned, ergo Sr. Robert Lynch cannot loose his estate for that, nor hath he since that time entred into a new rebellion, or committed any act of [...]reason; Ormond cannot say he broake the Articles of peace of 48. for he still observed them, and adhe­red to the gouverment and to Ormond, and had nothinh to doe with the congregation of Iamestowne whose acts were by Ormond estee­med or reputed treasonable [...] tell me then what right had Ormond to that noble gentle­mans estate? you see the King's grant (if any he gave) being against the law of nature and the law of the land is voyd, and cannot ex­cuse Ormond's consc [...]ience, and if the king by [Page 109] a wrong information, had granted one mans estate to an other, that other cannot prescri­be, quia numquam erat in bona fide, and conse­quently in conscience he is bound to restore the said estate, because he houlds it malafide: and the prince himselfe rightly informed is obliged in conscience to have the estate restored to the right owner.

But now let u [...] returne to the other part of the F: letter, wherin he vseth a christian freedom of minding the king and Ormond how dangerous a thing is the violation of publick faith, and how such transgressors ha­ve beene severly punished in all ages; but above all he brings downe a formidable ex­ample of publick faith broken with the Ga­bionites, and how King David fir appeasing the great famin, and the anger of God co­me vpon the people, delivered to said Ga­bionits seaven children and nephews of Saul, who crucifyed them alive vpon a montaine to expiat this publick horrid sin even in the face of sun. Lib. 2. Reg. c. 21. he ends his letter to Ormond thus.

Here is a glorious perciose of that famous letter; good God what a faire flourish wee have here of magnificent woords, and even nothing but woords vowes, and dreaming wishes, that will take effect at once with the Velleities of the damned soules of hell: first he infinuats the great wisedom of Ormond in the house and counsells of the king, and would make vs beleeve he will appeare like an other Ioseph, and by the best of advises preserve the best of Princes our gratious king and all his people of soe many different nati­ons of the Brittish monarchy; soe as the ve­ry Brittish crowne is againe like to suffer an other fatal knock, i [...] Ormond's divine counsells and adviles doe not prevent it; what man can read these Magnalia without gearing at this fryar's folly? he then say's, may the catho­licks of Irland in particular owe you a great di­liverance, as I can not but confidently exspect from you in good time, for my light in the triangle can not be exstinguished Certainly the man have been in a pleasant humour and some jouiall exstasie when he wro [...]e these things, but I see the spirit of prophesie for­sooke this friar long agoe, and nothing (I am sory for it) fell out according his pro­guostication, for Ormond did quite deceave [Page 112] him in his hopes, and astrean predictions, and his false light in the triangle (if ever it was in the triangle) is shamefully put out; for the people of Irland in stead of this hopefull deliverance owe to Ormond their downfall and vtter destruction. He then speaks of beloved Benjamen, of frindly Ruben, as likewise of Sy­meon and Levi and their complices against Ioseph giving therby to vnderstand that the Catholicks sould Ormond as Ioseph' [...] brethren sould him to the Egyptians, which is as great a lye as could be framed by a diabolick mind, wheras Ormond, if he did not sell the nation (as Clarendo the Chanchelour did) he hath at least­wise betrayed them in trust, pray good F: name the marchand to whome wee sould your Or­mond? tell the price wee had for selling him? name the country he was transported vnto.

Now he comes to the bowells of Ioseph in Ormond, O the mercifull bowells of Ormond in compassionating his countrymen! It is true he had great power to doe vs good, but tur­ned that power to destruction, carryed away by a spirit of rancor and revenge: whereas you say wee forced Ormond away out of the country, it is a shamfull lye; but he him­selfe withdrew, in as much as he could doe noe good to the countrie (as above said) [Page 113] next you tell us he will become the great deliverer of his countrie: O the great deli­verer Ormond of his countrie and countrie­men! of the Catholicks of Irland, noble Or­mond! that brought them out of chaines and bondage, that defended them faith-fully a­gainst Orery, Montrath, and the rest of that rabelment of rebells when they had a contest before king and counsel; that consoled them in their extremities, delivered them from hunger and famin, that represented to the king their loyalty and affection, and made good to them the Articles of 48. O won­derfull deliverer of the nation Ormond! the lying friar perclosed his letter with this great elogium and prayer. That Ormond may pro­ve a Ioseph and saviour of his brethren, and of his Countrie and of all the people.

Change your stile idle and vaine friar, writ truth once in your life, and tell [...]he world that thy Ormond hath not been a Ioseph, nor saviour, but the ruine, looser, and destroyer of his brethren, and countrie and of all the people. You may as wel prove crueltie to be mercy, Hehogaha­lus was a Cato [...]ticensis, or a Pho [...]ion of Athens, and that Messalina wife to Cla [...]dius was a vestal nun, as that Ormond was a Ioseph to the Irish.

Let who please compare Ormond with Ioseph, [Page 114] and then judge this friar apostatizing from all pietie and his order, a lyar in calling Ormond a Ioseph.

Ioseph in Putiphar's house was faithfull to his maister, contenent and vertuous; Ioseph in prilon was patient, obedient to Gods will and beloved of all; Ioseph in the court and go­vernement of Egypt was wise, just, humble, and in noe way proud or arrogant; if Ormond hath those vertues, let those that know him tell vs. Ioseph was of soe great wisedom and providence, as he prevented seaven yeares famin by gathering corne in time of plenty, and selling it in time of scarsity and hunger to the people, thereby preserving them all from starving, wherefore Pharo called Ioseph the saviour of the world: surely the friar can­not stile Ormond saviour of Irland or of the Irish in this sense; he preserved none of them from famin, but starved thousands of them, by taking away their lands, estates, and bread: this his crvel tyrannie and oppression of the poore makes them strick the gates of heaven with grones and [...]ighes and cryes, they all say aloud O Ormond cruel man! thou hast taken away the pleadge of thy brethren without cause, and th [...] naked thou has [...] spoiled of cloathes, widdowes thou ha [...] sent away [...]mp [...]ie, and the armes of pupills thou [Page 115] hast broken in peeces. Iob. [...]. 22.

Those are flatering friar the workes of mer­cy Ormond thy Ioseph have done the Catho­licks of Irland; this is the tenderness of his mercifull bowells towards them, those are the effects of his great affection and care of them; and all this being soe, speake fa: VVailsh truth and shame the divel, what hath thy Ormond to doe with Ioseph? thy Ormond (I say) a man, (of whome it is generally spoken and beleeved) could never forgiven any thing that looked like an offence, or injurie done him, wheras mercy was the greatest vertue in Ioseph, and his remitting and forgiving the injuries done him by his brethren who sold him o­ver to the Egyptians.

FRom the feares of the Catholicks of our nation in London, that Ormond was to de­sert [Page 116] them, and their good cause, let us pass o cleere arguments fully convincing that noble man of this his mind and determina­tion to abandon said catholicks and joyne with Orery and the rest of that tribe, as real­ly he did.

God said to the Prophet. Ezeciehl. Son of man digge the wall, and when I had aigg'd the wall there appeared one doore, and he saith to me, goe in and see the most wicked abominations, which they doe here. I am now comming to digg the wall, where you shall see the abominations Ormond was doeing even about the time the credulous friar wro­te him the above letter; what I am to say here will appeare evidently by Ormond's owne let­ter to Orery, which is in this forme.

IN this letter a blind man may parceaue the great affection Ormond beares to the Cromwelians, and his longing desire to see them paid and satisfyed of all their challenge and demands; more could not be desired by them, then what is promised by Ormonds let­ter (the 12. Counties in Irland that Cromwel and the then parlament allotted them) the same affection and care he hase of the adven­turers of London, as deeply in rebellion as the rest Vnderstood here; for it must be (said Ormond) laid as a ground, that noe adventurer nor soldier shall be remoued from his lott, by which all the ends of satisfaction and securitie, I thinke will be mett; which my conceptions are in the hands of your frind, and tells me he likes them well: this frind he meanes is Clarendon, who sold away Irland and the catholicks of Irland; Ormonds conceptions ran vpon the satisfaction and se­curitie of the Cromwelians, that they should [Page 119] not be remoued from their lott, neither the adventurers; in manner that by this frindly distribution, there was nothing left to the Catholicks, for what the Cromwel [...]ans and ad­venturers possessed, were 22. countyes of thirty two in a [...]l Irland.

If Cromwel were but aliue againe, and hauing an act of grace from his majestie for himselfe, he could not demand nor desire more for his close Sticklers, then what Or­mond assures them of. Good friar trouble your braines noe more with these Strained letters of yours vnto Ormond as for favour to the Catholicks, conclusum est contra ipsos: all is disposed of, and to the very rebells: your Ormond have stopt his eares to your flattering eloquence, and left nothing to the poore innocent Catholicks, an eternal staine and blemish to his name and family: and this he was plotting (to your confusion friar be this spoken) this he was plotting I say, even then, and at the same time you strained your witt to pen him that learned letter: it is much, that for the confidence he placed in you his prone Orator, and affection he bore to his noble brother in law Clancarty, and Kindness to his gallant n [...]phew young Musgry, that he concealed all these his hidden strara­gems [Page 120] from you all, even from his intimat ould frind Mr. Bel [...]ng.

This letter is replenished with tender love and affection to Orery; my lord (said Ormond) agreable to the particular fri [...]ds [...]ip I desire to have in­violably with your lordship: what a sudden altera­tion (if they be sincerely spoken) is this, a noble man held still to be a royalist, to be­come soe vnexspectedly a fautor of Cromwe­lians, a man as Ormond, who stuck soe clo­sely to the king in his royal banishment, and vnparalel misfortunes, the kings cabi­net counselor, to desire and insinuate freely (without solicitations from the other side) frindship and particular amitie, inviolably to be observed and performed with the kings mortal enemie, not long agoe, with Orery I meane, whose witt was brewing to crowne Cromwel king of the three kingdoms; Ormond tells this Orery. I hope you will find that since I had some title to make it my business, the maine dispaches in order to the setlement of that kingdom, have not gon on slower then before, which with some thrifty alterations hath past his Majesties approbation in full counsel, and will speedyly be transmitted, and if it be possible the great act of setlement with it &c. Or­monds business here (which he made his mai­ne worke) was to vndermine and destroy [Page 121] the Irish intrest his settlement, (as hee means) is to see all disposed of to the Cromwelians, Aduenturers and Souldiers, not forgetting himselfe, and some others, as treacherous to Irclaud, as hee himselfe, or Or­rery; [...]eere you may take notice of his god­ly conscience in hauing a speciall care to see a constant payment (of what is vnpayd,) secured for the vngodly crew: tell mee Ormond, Sautour and Ioseph of your Countre­men, what is your meaning by a constant payment to those who fought soe vigorous­ly against the Crowne and Royall Bloud? is this the Crownes Interest? will you haue reconciled Enemies constantly in pay, and seruice? is this Loyalty or loue to the King, to turne out true, and faithfull men to the Crowne, and confirme bloudy Traytours in theyr place? How many be there, that wonders as well abroad as at home, his Maiestie takes noe notice of these procee­dings? certainly there can be noe great argument of loue to the King, in forsak­ing his constant and faithfull subiects & making new frindship with his approued enemies, thy affection to Ortery & others doe sound some misterious pollicie, as men of weake capacitie cannot reach vn­to, [Page 122] howeuer, there be those, that say that the roote of all this proceeds from an vnsatiable desire of (auri sacra fames) and willingness to be reuenged on the poore catholicks of the Nation.

He then thanks Orrery in his letter for an oath hee sent him that General Preston made, and sayes he never saw it before, but found the fruits of it, and of another perjurie soone after. I need not in this place make mention of the ancient and noble fa­milie of General Preston (Viscount of Taro) cadett to the most noble house of Gormans­towne the eldest and first house of vis counts in Irland, a familie allwayes true and faithfull to the crowne, and of great pietie and deserts; that the said Generall ever show'd [...]hemselfe a gallant and valiant man in all dangers, is well knowne, and though Ormond and Ortery both have been Commaunders of Armies, the first under his Majeste, and the other under Cromwel, I can scarce beleeve either of them, gained (by, or in any expidition) as mu [...] hon­our and applause as Preston had at the seege of lovain (where beseged by the French in the year 1634.) by a sallie made in the head of 300. of his owne regiment, [Page 123] vpon S. Peters day early in the morning breaking vpon the French quarters, rout­ing and Killing all Opposed or Resisted him, to the losse of 200 and eightie French souldiers, returning victorius sound and safe without loosing a man & was receiued with triumph and Ioy of all the people of Louain, vvhich noble ex­ploit of his is celebrated by the famous­est writers of those dayes, as Vernuleus, and Puteaus. There was in General preston another thing of greater prayse then all this, true Vertu and pietie, being a man that feared God, and loathed to doe against his Commaundements, soe that it is a calumnie to call him perjured; but if Or­rery and Ormond shall be admitted to judg honest upright people, many will be by them censured as Noble preston is, for perfidious, and perjured men: But, pray why may not Preston and others say to this O [...]mond, Quis te Constituit Iudicem? I will con­clude with General Preston, for whom I doe say, that his life being sifted out from his childhood, he will not be found to have done any base or vile action.

Heere Ormond is not resolved to stopp, but passes on further and sayes to his new moul­ded [Page 124] Friend Orrery: and in truth I found nothing but direct trecherie and disobedience from the Generalitie of that people: it is true, Quod ex abundantia cordis os loquitur, in this place; but I would have his grace know (in a frind­ly manner I speak) that there is nere a Butler a live, nor have been in times past, noe, nor of the Geraldins nor Bourkes (families renounced as any of the Butlers) nor even of the old princly bloud of that Nation, as your ô Brian, ô Nealls, ô Mourchoes, ô Donells, Macharties, O Connors &c. whose word, or testimonie would be esteemed, as to the blemishing of the generalitie of a nation, to make them treacherus and perfidious: Father walsh harken and take notice of this splendid attestation your great Mecaenas Ormond gives of the Catholick people of Irland, that in t [...]uth hee found nothing but direct Treacherie and disobedience from the Generalitie of that people: what man soe impudent would maintaine soe notorious a reproach and infamie cast upon a sound body of men, a whole nation faithfull and loyall ever and all wayes to the King: in this place good Father I discover, that (notwithstanding your intimacy with Or­mond) it doth not stopp him from giving [Page 125] you the lie, who in severall places of your writings doe prove the Generality of the nation (though you writt against some particulars) to have been loyall and faithfull to the King, now Ormond doth blemish the Generality of the nation, with a stayne of of trechery, what say you to this? Hauing aspersed the Nation by the fore-mentioned spott, hee turnes to the Bishops, Pastors, and Fathers of the people, and tells his lou­ing Orrery, the people were gouerned by the worst Spirituall guids, that euer lead a poor people to distruction, and sayes further, they doe it, and it is fitt they should find the smart of it, and that hee hath a designe to make the smart where it is most reason it should be.

(Heere my Lord Duke vsurps a great presumption in saying the Bishops were dismall guides to the people: he is far mis­taken in his false Suppositions, the Bishops were not they that misguided the people, & lead them a stray, he is mistaken I say again, Vox populi sayes it is he, and he a­lone, (Ormond I meane) that lead them blind fould, deluded, and trapan'd them to theyr destruction, downefall and rvine, Seazing vpon all they had, Fortunes, Libertie, and Estates, with the rest of his [Page 126] Complices, and not the Bishops,

This good Duke seems to have a strange antipathie to these venerable Bishops, for each where he affronts them, an (argument of an ignominious minde,) hee wil have noe peace with them. Though his Grace a while after the Kings restauration was created Duke, and Lord Steward of the Kings house, and Lord Leutenant of Irland, and one of his Majesties priuie Counsel in England and Earle of Brecknocke (in wales) created, that hee might sitt in the Parlament of England; to be short hee attained to that hight of favour with our good King, as none in the three Kingsdoms did reach unto; yet all this signified little or nothing to him, till he had seen those catholick Bishops (alliedy much afflicted) trampled vnder his feet, theyr sufferings could not appease his wrath, theyr Innocencie could not satis­fie his conscience, nor theyr integritie rectifie his erronious Iudgement; but must needs write to his beloved Orrery, his new friend, saying that these Bishops were the worst Spirituall guids that ever lead a poore people to destruction. this is Ormonds testimonie to the King of the good Bishops, he sayd they were Traytours and disaffected to his Majestie and Crowne, [Page 127] (and sayes the same still) all this to kin­dle his Majesties indignation against them, and by that way to see himselfe reven­ged of an Injurie (hee imagined) don him by those of the congregation of watersord and Iamestowne, of which wee have sayd enough above.

Saint Paul himselfe (diuine trumpet of the word of God,) though hee suffered cheerfully and innocently many reproaches, contumelies, and imprisonments for Gods cause and sake, yet hee would not have his same to be taken away or stain'd Bonum est enim (saith the Apostle) mihi magis mori quam ut Gloriam meam Quis evacuet: Saint Ierome, in Imitation of Saint Paul, sayes Ad Silentiam: Apostolici et Exempli, et Praecepti est, ut Habeamus rationem non conscientiae tantum, sed etiam famae; Finally Saint Augustin Ser­mone tertio de vita Clericorum, hath these words, tenete quod dixi atque distinguite, duae res sunt, Conscientia, et famae, Conscien­tia Necessaria est tibi, fama Proximo tuo, qui fidens Conscientiae suae, negligit famam suam, credulis est. The Bishops being innocent are to follow Saint Paules Example, to defend theire fame against Ormond, and a greater man then hee, and theire Innocency, [Page 128] Piety; and knowne integrity will throughly defend then. My opinion is that Ormonds vnquietness coms from the hight of his spi­rit: for that the appetite of ambitious men is commonly soe inordinate, & theire will s [...]e vnbridled, that they can̄ot indure to see them­selves thwarted in the least, or crossed, soe th [...]t, though they possess never soe much con­tentment in all things, yet if in the least they finde themselves opposed, all the rest seems noysome unto them: an Example of which wee have in Holy Scripture, (in the book of Hester,) of Aman. who abounding in wealth and honour, Pleasures, and glories, seeing that Mardochaus the poore Iew, let him pass without doing him any reverence, (which Mardochans did out of feare of offending God, knowing well Aman was a deadly enemie to God, and to the Iewes,) was soe vexed therwith, that hee assembled his wife, Children, and frinds, having told them of all his Glories, and Familiarity with the King Assuerus, and how hee alone was inuited a long with the King, to Queen Hesters banquet, hee said and for all I have this pompe, magnificence and Glorie, I think I have nothing, as long as I see Mardochaeus sitting before the Kings doore, [Page 129] and performing mee noe reverence (Even soe Ormond, having all Glory, and prosperity, yett think [...] hee hath nothing, while the Catholick Bishops (that offended him not) doe not prostrate themselves at his feet, and submitt to his blindly trausported Iudgment.) Then Zares Amans wife and his frinds answered him, saying, comm [...]und a beame to be raised of sixty cu­bits high, and speak to the King on the morning, that Mardochaeus may be hanged theron, and soe thou shall goe Ioyfull and merily to the feast, but all went quite to the contrary, and to Amans expectation, and to the expectation of all his frinds; the Gib­bet rai [...]ed by Aaman, for Mardochaeus, was turned to Aamons owne destruction.

That hee (as I said before) for his great ambition, accompanied with a revenging minde, can have but little ease or rest; The Prophet says, Impius quasi mare servens, quod quiescere non potest ‘The wicked man is like a ^* swelling Sea, which cannot rest; there can be noe greater executioners or torments to the minde of man, then ambition, enuy, and anger, this made Horace say, Invidia sicult non invenere tyranni tormentum majus. The tyrants of Cicilie never found agreater torment then enuy.’

Seneca tells us the ambitious man recei­veth not soe much contentement by seeing many behinde him, as discontent by seeing any before him; there are many great men in this age sick of this disease, such as cannot know when they are well, and though great they be, will striue still to be greater, soe that they can at noe tyme be at ease or at quietness, much like that Italian, who being well, must needs take phisick, and dyed therof, upon whose sepulchre this Epitaphe was engraved, I was well: and would be better, I tooke phisick, and came to the phereter.

Plutharch expresseth naturally this unquiet­ness of ambitious mindes in Pyrrhus King of Epirot, who having greatly enlarged his Dominions with the conquest of the great Kingdom of Macedonia, began alsoe to designe with himselfe the conquest of Italy, and having Communicated his deliberation with his great counselour Cineas, hee demaunded his advice, whertoe Cineas answered, that hee greatly desired to know what hee meant t doe when hee had conquered Italy? Sir quoth Pyrrhus, the Kingdom of Cisilie is then neere at hand, and deserveth to be had in consideration, as well for the fertility, [Page 131] as for the riches, and power of the Iland, well quoth Cineas, and when you have got­ten Cicily, what will you then doe? Quoth Pyrrhus, Africk is not farre of where there are divers goodly Kingdoms, which partly by the fame of my former eonquests, and partly by the valour of my souldiers, may easily be subdued, I grant it quoth Cineas, but when all Asrick is yours, what mean you then to doe? when Pyrrhus saw that hee vrged him still with that question; then quoth Pyrrhus, thou and I will be merry, and make good cheere; wherunto Cineas re­plyed, if this shall be the end of your ad­ventures and labours, what hindereth you from doeing the same now, will not your Kingdoms of Epyras and Macedonia suffice you to be merry, and make good cheere? and if you had Italy, Cicily, Africk, and all the World, could you and I be merrier then wee are, or make better cheere then wee doe? will you therfore venter your King­doms, Person, Life, Honour, and all you have to purchase that which you have already? Thus said wise Cineas to Pyrrhus, reprehending his Immoderate ambition, who knew not when hee was well, neither yet what hee would have, seeing hee desired [Page 132] noe more then that which hee had alleready, which in the end cost him deare; for follow­ing his owne ambition, and unbridled appe­tite, to amplify his Dominions; as hee gott much; soe hee lost much being able to conserve nothing any tyme, and at length having entred the towne of Agros by force, hee was killed with a brick batt throwne downe by a woeman from the top of a hou­se; heere you see the wretched end of Pyrr [...]us his ambition.

Had Ormond such a Counsellour by him, as Cineas was, & heard unto him, hee had lick­ly been happier then hee is at present, such a Counsellour I mean as would say unto him intrepidly, when hee tooke the course of stripping honest Gentlemen of theire estates; my Lord I would desire to know what you resolve to doe, when you have by hooke and Crooke ingrossed the lands, and inheri­tances of Innocent persons, poore widowes and Orphans unto your selfe, when you have obtained all, is the thing you ayme at, only to make good cheare and be merry if this be your designe, you need not trouble your selfe soe much, nor expose your con­science to danger, nor your honour to such an Ignominious shame and infamy, (which [Page 133] shall endure to all ages,) in taking away that which is not your owne? farre better con­tent your selfe as you are, and feast upon that great patrimony your Predecessors left, cannot that estate which maintained them honourably (without damaging any other) maintaine and content you? but I see this is an euill familiar, those exalted to the height of greatness and favour in the Princès eye have noe Counsellours that will speak freely the ttuth, as worthy Cineas did to Pyrrhus; few are neere Kings and Princes, can say that which Sene [...]a requires to be said by Iust upright men, Loquimur quod Sentimus, et Sentimus quod Loquimur, this is a thing wanting in Court, Homo qut dicat veritatem, which Seneca excellently expres­sed to his frind, Lucilius, thus, Monstraho tibi cuius rei inopia laborant magna fastigia, quod [...]mnia possidentibus, desit unum, Scilicet qui ve­rum dicit; They live not in Courts and the houses of Kings that will severly speake, and sincerely the trueth, what man can without teares behold soe many great perso­nages, even Christians in this age, that live, and doe farre wickeder things, then Gentils or pagans have don, or does, which had more respect and regard to theire [Page 134] Idols (in whome they apprehended some dietie) then those to the true and liuing God.

THis querie you may take to be somth­ing extravagant, such another, as if one had doubted whether it be day, even when the sun shines, and is scorching of the earth, putting men into such heat and sweat, as they must of all necessity put of theire Cloathes; however this querie is quickly resolved, by calculating the yearly rents Ormond had before the warre, and conferring the same with this his present estate, in doeing of this, the work is don, [Page 135] and your question resolved; what rent say you had hee Immediatly before the warre? 7000. pound sterling noe more? in as much, as that vast estate of his was engaged to men in long Leases, Morgaged, and incumbred with Annuitys; what then is his present rent and estate? neare vpon eighty thousand pound starling annuall rent (and I doubt whether any subject in Europe have the like estate, som say hee hath more,) but how coms it that a man, that came home naked and bare after soe many yeares toe and froe in the World, (as severall other noble men in po­verty and need) came soe suddainely by such vast acquisitions? This is quickly an­swered; all was made over to him by the kings grant, as for Example, Six Corporations, (which his Ancestours never had) all the estates of his house lea­sed, soe that the leasors are constrained to begg, hee had alsoe conferred vpon him the estates and lands of many honest faith­full subjects; all this and more bestowed vpon him by his Majestyes free grant; now see you whether his service and attendance vpon his Majesty, be plentifully requited or noe? My Sentiment of Ormonds acqui­sitions [Page 136] I delivered in the case of Sir Robert Lynch as above, now whether the King hath duly and legally bestowed other mens estates vpon his Grace, is left to every mans thought, to think what hee will; however I am of this opinion, that (all being well considered by his Majesty, and this portentous liberality to that noble man, well examined,) his Majesty will finde but little content or joy therin, nay to the contrary, his Royall hart will be in an ocean of unquietness, seeing soe many deserving families numberless widdowes, Innocents and orphans, deprived of theire propper right, forced both at home and abroad to unspeakable wants, consumed by hunger, vermin, and miseries, and all this, to raise up the greatness of one man's familie, that was great enough of it selfe; If the Law of God or nature will allow of soe many thousand Innocents to perish and be destroyd, by depriving them of theire rights and livelyhood, is a maxim that toucheth much his Royall wisdome, for it is written, that God will have a care of the widdowes and fatherless, and in due tyme will cha [...]ife a [...]d oppress the op­pressors of those; thousands of Innocents [Page 137] are sacrificed in this our age, to increase the estate of one man, can Iustice suffer this? can the mercifull breast of a merci­full King endure to see soe many specktacles of woes and miseries without reliefe? will not God at long running looke downe vpon these vnlawfull proceedings? cer­tainly hee will, and to the confusion of the possessors.

But Let us grant the parents of those Innocent creatures ran into a Rebellion, (as Ormond, Clarindon, and others falsly suggested to the King) have the little babes, (not borne at that tyme) been rebells? What have they don against the Crowne? Must they all perish and suffer for theire Parents crimes? (crimes only Imputed to them, but never proved;) God himselfe sayes, Filius non portabit iniquitatem patri [...]. ‘The childe shall not beare the iniquity of his Father;’ but Ormond says the con­trary, let them suffer and perish for the errours of theire Parents, soe that I may be thereby both great and wealthy; Iustitia Iusti (sayes the Holy Ghost) super eum, et impie­tas i [...]pij super eum, The Iustice of the Iust fall vpon him, and the Impiety of the Impious vpon him; the quite contrary is in this case, for [Page 138] the Iust have not found Iustice, nor mercy, the Innocent children (of the supposed rebells) are punished as Impious, left naked and to noe mercy. Saint Ierome his saying is not regarded in this place, N [...]t virtutes, nec vitia parentam liberis Imputentur, ‘Let not the virtues, or vices of the pa­rents be Imposed to the Children;’ there is a God above all, when hee comes to examine those open injustices, Clarindon Ormond and others and the rest (instruments of the ruine of soe many thousand honest families) will not appeare, all will be made more cleare to theire confusion; but wee must leave the Innocent to God, who though hee is pleased to Chas­tise them with the Rod of his anger (out of his secret and Iust Iudgments, the which wee must adore) yet the cruelty of those afflicters, (who plunged as in an ocean of Calamities) will not escape his seveare sentence and Iustice. What a ridicu­lus conceipt is it, of some of Ormonds flat­terers, who tell the World, Ormond waited on the King out of meer affection, and therby lost his estate and fortunes at home: truly noe man hath bine wiser (if it be wisdome to deuest and robb honest men [Page 139] of theire estates,) then Ormond in his a [...] ­quisitions, which as the World sees, are great, but the Malediction of God doth follow things unjustly aquired, and likely the bread hee now eates dipped in the teares of widowes, and blood of the Innocent doth not taste sweetly:

I could not heare of any had the fortune that Ormond had in the time of the Kings exile, hee was still neare the King, knew all his Arcana, had the comfort and honour to suffer with his King, (a sufficient recom­pence for all his attendance) and at the same tyme his Lady (a wise woeman) was honoured and comforted by Crumwell; and her Ghildren much carressed by his Children, soe Gratious was this Lady in Crumwells tyme, and in his eyes, that shee obtained three thousand pound or more for her Ioynter per Annum; who more inward with the King then Ormond? who more respected by Crumwell then the Lady of Ormond? and shee well requited Crumwels kindness, to his relations, cheefly to his sonne Harry, vpon the Kings restauration, who obtained vpon her knees from the King (as wee have been informed) that Harry Crumwell might enjoy the estate given him [Page 140] in Ireland by his Father in the tyme of his Protectourship, among other lands hee had that of Mr, Sedgrave of killeglan a good and ancient familie, which estate hee sold to one Sir Patrick Moledy knight, who possesseth it to this day, and the relict of said Sedra­ [...]es Mistris Iane N [...]ttingam (a good and vertuous Lady) lives very poorly and in a sad condition with her Children, without Ioyn­ter or relief; and soe my Lady Dutches of Ormonds solicitations for Harry Crumwell, weare for the Childe of him that murthered the Kings Father and against a poor widow and her babes, a wedow whose Father and Kindred were ever faithfull to the Crowne, and were not these think you Godly, and misterious prayers and intercessions?

GReat reason, that deserving men should be looked vpon, and requited according the service don to theire country or Prince; this custome hath been exercised in the best, and most flourishing common wealths of Rome, Athens, Carthage, and Lacedemonia, who reflecting vpon the deserts of theire people, and services don the com­mon wealth at home and a broad, did by statutes expresse eternize theire names, and families vnto Posterity, as alsoe by gifts and rewards, And these (soe collated) munificen­cies, were by distinct names called, as some, by the name of Adorea, martiall praise, [Page 142] another was called Corona aurea, a gold Cro [...]ne, Nava [...] a sea fight Crowne, soe Castrensis, a [...]d Obsi [...]iona [...], a field and siege Crowne, &c. now and then they gave your Hostas Deauratas gilded speres, and some times they gave certaine Akers of ground and measures of Corne, more or less as they deserved, and such measures were called Heminae which in phisicall measure is not three gallons: heere it is to be noted how great Heroes, and Champions anciently were recompenced: for theire extraordinary services don to the (common-wealth) with small presents, and, well contented were they with the same, soe great have been theire frugal husbandry, and parcemonie in all theire life, that hardly wee can give Creditt to what historians write of theire wonderfull moderation in theire publick expences, of Pompes, feast­ings, and showes; Great men were sober in those ages. Titus Liuius tells us Quintus Cin [...]i­natus was carried from the plough, to the dignity of a dictator; which warre being end­ed, hee returned chearfully to the plough againe; hee relates alsoe how the Ambassadors of the Samnites found Curius Dentatus, another Dictaror, making ready, and cleansing of rootes for his supper, and even at that tyme [Page 143] hee says, there were noe more in all the Roman Armies of waiting men (such as wee call calones) but two: Mar [...]us Anthontus, not hee (that fatall man to Cicero, and to the Common-wealth,) but another Chosen Consull of a great Armie design'd in to spaigne, had but eight servants; soe Carbo in the same dignity placed, (as wee read) had but seven; what shall I say of Cato the senior, who in the same Imployment, power and commission for Spaigne, had but three; however this Cato named the censor (though contented wisely with such a small retennue) was Captaine Generall in theire Armie, a famous oratour, and a prudent counselour reputed by the Common wealth, (in the Common-wealth,) and by all Rome for his sober life, was called a good father to his children, a good hus­band to his wife, a frugall houskeeper, and a man (a great praise in those days) well skill'd in the plough.

Epaminondas a famous Captaine, Protect­our, and flower of the Thebans, who fought soe many battaills valiantly, nevertheless it is written, hee had but one sute of Cloa­thes, which, when required reparation, hee was forced to keep house, till mended [Page 144] and brought unto him; This Epaminond [...] I speak of, dyed soe poore, as not soe much in his house could be had, as to pay his funeralls, which was performed by the Common-Wealth.

What need I speak in this place of Phocion, Socrates, and Iphaltes, Miracles of nature, and wisest of Athens? This Phocion, who fought 26. battaills, victorious allways, and triumphant over his enimies, yet a greater dispiser of riches, honours, and titles, (as histories doe testify,) refused one hundred talents, sent unto him by Alexander the great as a Present, demaunding of those brought the Present, what was Alexanders meaning in, sending to him alone, and only, that Present, they replyed, for as much as hee takes you to be the only man of ho­nour, and merit amongst the Athenians: to this hee answered briefly, why then let Alexander leave mee soe during my life, which is a thing I cannot be, if I receive and accept of his talents of gould; vpon the same Phocion, alexander offered to bestow severall Citties, but hee answered the Mes­senger, goe, returne, and tell thy Master Alexander, that I took him to bee of soe noble a spiritt, as hee would doe nothing [Page 145] that might render himselfe and mee in fa­mous, which is like to follow if I accept of his gift, for hee will be estemed a bryber and I taken for a corrupt man, and traitour, to my Country, in this place I could make mention of Cato Iunior, Glory of Rome, a man did hate to flatter any body, this Cato brauely opposed Pompeius the great in som things, and denyed him is Daughter in Mariage, saying I will not give my Daugh­ter in hostage to Pompeius, for feare that hee himselfe, (by that action) should be a­gainst the Common-wealth: yet after Iulius Caesar became Tyrant, this Cato rancked himselfe on Pompeius his side, soe much was this Cato adicted to poverty, and all sort of hard suffrings, that it is written of him, and of Phocion, that they went a great part of the yeare bare foot, and bare headed.

These prophane examples of those He­roick Champions, I have brought heer ex­pressly to the great confusion of our Chris­tian dissolut great personages, that they may see how these rare vertues shined, and were Imbraced by Pagans, which they abhor to exercise, or have seen in themselves, Fru­gality, Humility, honest and diseret poverty, zeal to theire Country, contempt of wealth and [Page 146] honours, moderation in theire pomps, showes, and, feastings. These are the vertues, and the weapons with which those ancient Heroes kept theire, common-wealth in peace and Concord, Glory, Wealth, and Prospe­rity, with these I say they have eternised theire fame to future ages, not with Pride, Ambition, Extortion, Emulation, Deceits, vaine Assentations, Gluttonies, and the like vices familiare to Christian personages.

Certainly there is nothing procures in a Common Wealth sooner, Envy, & Discord, betwixt person and person, then to see som very rich, and others very poore, (equa­lity among fellow subjects is a pretious pearle in a Common-wealth) for Commonly wealth puf [...]s men up to such a height of pride, as to contemne and dispise other beneath them, and they soe dispised, can not but beare enuy, and hatred to those dispises them Omne pomum habet suvm vermem, ver­mus autem diuitiarum superbia est, every apple have its owne worme, the worme of wealth is pride; This age wee live in is mounted to the height of ambition and pride, wee are all going, or would faine goe beyond our reach, pride in our eyes, and pride in our thoughts, pride and ambition in all [Page 147] our actions, now a days forsooth to set forth an Ambassadour, wee must have a whole legion of servants in theire retennue, as if his embassy could beare noe force otherwise unless the wealth of a Common-wealth must be exhausted to support those Extravagan­cies, Retennues, and needless traynes: wheras honest Cato the Consull (agreater man then they for dignity) contented him­selfe with three servants.

^* The Historian Iustinus giues us a rare Example of this. After a peace had bine concluded between the Romans and King Pyrrhus, Cineas was sent by him to the Ro­mans for better confi [...]ming that agreement. Ad pacem Confirmandam Cineas Romam cum in­gentibus a pyrrho donis missus neminem, cuius domus muneribus pateret, invenit. That is. ‘For better confirming a peace with the Romans Cineas being sent to Rome with great presents found noe house open to receive those guifts.’ O rare contempt of gould and guifts in Rome that in soe vast a Citty noe house was found, would receive gifts, noe doore open to Cineas with his gold, Alas there is noe such Citty now in rerum Natura: It was Impossible such a Citty as Rome was then could be taken or betrayd. [Page 148] Wee have in England a rare Example of inte­grity in Sir Thomas More Chancellor of that Kingdom, A Lady presented him a cupp of gold, a while after a sentence was given for her in a just cause, Sir Thomas recei­ved the same; and much commended the workmanship and value therof, and then had it fill'd with spanish wine, and drank to the Lady, saying, Madam you gave mee a cupp of gold, but empty, be hold I bestow on you a cupp of gold fill'd with good wine and soe dismis'd her. O when shall England see againe such a Chancellor! certainly Chancellor Hyde was not such a man.

THe right order is to begin with the [Page 149] exployts of the two noble Romans, and after to com unto the rewards and remu­nerations given them for theire stupendious service; Titus Livius the fluentest of historians Libro Secundo Romanae Hustoriae setts forth these gallant men's services in this nature; having Porsenae King of Etrurians beseiged Rome (saith Livius) non unquam alias ante talis terror Senatum invasit, adeo ualida tum clufina erat, magnumque Porsenae nomen, nec hostes modo timebat sed suos met cives, ne Romana plebs metu perculsa receptis in vrbem regibus, vel cum servitute pacem acciperet; ‘Att noe tyme have such feare ceased the Senat, soe strong a thing then Clusina was, and the great name of Porsena, which did not only feare the enemies but even theire owne Cittizens, for apprehention the people of Rome strucken with feare of King's a­gaine received into the Citty, and would accept of a peace with slavery:’

Porsena made warre with the Romans, to have prou'd Tarquin theire King admitted once againe, whome the same people ban­ished a way with all that race, for the foul rape of chast Lucretie and other Tyrannies, at this tyme there was a woodden bridg that crossed over the River Tyber supported by [Page 150] many pyles fastened in the ground, through this Bridge, Po [...]sena's men thought it easy to make theire way into the Citty, Horatius Cocles a noble Roman, (a man worthy of perpetuall prayses) had the keeping of this bridg, when hee saw all his men fall back and retyre, hee obtested and pray'd them by all that is, or can be deare to the Gods Immortall, and by the sacred liberty they were fighting for, to stick to him, and defend the Bridge, otherwise that the Ene­mies would quickly master the Bridge, and disperss themselves in the Capitall, and hart of Rome, insulting over the Circum­script Fathers, killing and putting all to the sword, men woemen and Children, hee Further desired and would have them stay, at least to cast and break downe the Bridge by all possible meanes, and that hee him­selfe in the meane tyme would put a stopp to the Enemies, rushing in vpon them; this would not doe, they must away, two only of the number remaining by him; Duos ta­men (saith Livius) cum eo pudor tenuit, am­bos claros genere factisque S. P. Lacrium, ac, T. Hermanium. The rest at length by great entreaty Fell upon breaking the Bridge, and while they were in that worke, hee pray'd [Page 151] those two worthy men to goe back unto theire Fellows, and hee alone stood look­ing vpon the Etrurians with flaming eyes, daring them to com, and try battail with him, upbraiding them with the name of slaves to Tyrants, that came to inuade the Roman liberty; the Army stood amazed, be­holding this unspeakable wonde [...], to see one man daring a whole Army, having made a loud cry, they let fly theire darts at him, the which this gallant Roman receiued undaunted with his shield, drawing neare they endevoured to fling him downe from the Bridge, but the Romans having broo­ken downe the Bridge by this tyme, gave great outcryes of joy; at this Horace being armed leapt into the river, (Saying) Tibe­rine pater, te Sancte precor haec arma et hunc militem propitio flumine accipias, notwithstand­ing the store of darts they flung at him in the river, hee gott a way safe, Swimming over to his owne people, who was very Ioyfully receiued: The Historian concludes, Rem ausus est plus famae habituram, ad posteros quam fidei; ‘Hee attempted a thing that is to have more fame by posterity, then Cre [...]itt;’ In the meane tyme Porsena not­withstanding that this attempt of the Bridge [Page 152] had noe success, kept his close siege to the Citty, in manner that they were in evident danger to be at long running, overcome by his Army; Heer Succeeded a noble action, a gallant man Caius Mutius by name appeared to free the Citty from this Feare, a resolute young Gentleman, fervent in afection to his Country, as Co [...]hles was, Cajus Muti [...] his designe was to kill Porsena, the great enemy of Rome; resolving in his minde this great enterprise, hee came to the Senate and said, Transire tiberim patres, & intrare si possim, castra Hostium volo, non proed [...] nec populationum invicem ultor, maj [...] si dij Iuvant in animo est Facinus; ‘Fathers conscript, my resolution is to pass over Tiber, and soe rush into the enemies Camp, not to plunder, or to doe any devastation, For, if the Gods will but help mee, I have a greater matter in my minde;’ Of these expressions the Senatours approved much, hee departed, and soon came into theire Campe, having a knife or dagger un­der his coat to kill Porsena, and having aproached the place the King was, it fell out, that it was a pay-dey with the Souldiers, drawing neare hee killed▪ Commissioner or Secretary neare the King, think­ing [Page 153] him to be the King, and soe gott a way, making place for himselfe with his sworde brandishing before him, till at last overlaid by the multitude, hee was taken, and brought before the King, being questioned who hee was, and from whence hee came, hee answered more like unto a man to be feared, then a man in feare; saying to the King, Romanus sum ciuis, C. Musium vocant, host is hostem occidere volui, nec ad mortem minus animi est quam fuit ad caedem, et facere, et pati fortia Romanum est; ‘A Cittizen of Rome I am, by name C. musius, I thought as an enemy, to Kill an enemy, neither is my hart backwarder to dye, then it hath bine forward to kill you, to doe, and suffer strong things is the part of a Roman.’ At which undaunted Expressions the King amaized and troubled, commaunded to inuiron him round about with fyre, but the Couragious young man putting his right hand in the fyre, and there holding it, as not feeling the fyre, (said generously,) En tibi! ut Sentias quam vile corpus sit ijs, qui magnam Gloriam vident; ‘Behold! that you may know how vile is the body to those who sees great glory;’ The King astonished at the hand burning [Page 154] without any regard of payne, leap't out of his chaire and commaunded the young man to be removed from the Altar, and then said to him these Kingly words, Tu ver [...] abi in te maju [...], quam in me hostilia ausus, juberem macta virtu [...]e esse, si pro mea patria ista virt [...] staret, nunc jure belli liberum te, intactum, inviolatumque dimitto: tum Musius, quasi romune­rans meritum; quandoquidem inquit est apud to virtuti [...]onos, ut beneficio tuleris a me, quod minis nequisti. Trecenti conjuravim [...] principei Iuventutis Romane, ut in te hac via grassaremur, mea prima sors fuit, cateri, ut cuique ceciderit, primo, quo ad te opportunum fortuna dederit; suo quisque tempore aderunt ‘Be you gon, more Cruel to your selfe then to mee, I would wish you to be of good courrage, if that vertue had been for my Country, by the Law of warre, I now dismiss you untouched, unviolated,’ to whome Mu­tius said, as if to recompence the favour don, in as much as you regard vallour, and vertue, you gett that from mee by the be­nefitt you doe, which you could not by threats. 300. Of the Chiefest youths of Rome, wee have conspired to invde you in this nature,, It fell out I should be the first, the rest each one in his owne turne, [Page 155] as it will fall out will performe theire duty. Mutius being sent to the Romans (after this was called Scavola, for the burnings and wounds of his right hand,) Porssena seeing his life was saved by chance that time, and that there were as yet 200. and ninty nine more of the Primest of Roman youth designed to the same expedition; of his owne accord hee offered the Romans a­peace, and vpon honourable conditions; one of them being (that which they desi­red aboue all) that hee would have noe more to doe with with Tarquin, or his people; Ali [...] (said the King) Hinc sen bello opus est, seu quiete exilio querant locum, nequi [...] mean vobiscum pacem destineat, dictis facta meliora adjecit.

Could there be more or nobler services don for a mans Country, then these Hora­tius Cochles and C. Mutius attempted? it is not easy to be desided, which of these two shewed greatest vallour and affection to Rome; Cochles hee alone fought a whole Army and freed the Senate; the people from Massacres, and Rome from being taken; Mutius terrifyed King Porssenae, contemned the force of fyre and removed the siege by his strange example of fortitude vpon most [Page 156] honourable conditions for the Romans: Oh two Glorious Champions of Rome [...] O Immortall Heroes! O Patriots flaming with charity and affection! when shall wee finde in this age such unspeakable services? Now as to the rewards given them.

What rewards think you had Horace, and Scavola given them? as to Horace (as Livius says) Grata erga tantam virtutem Civitas fuit, statua in comitijs posita: ‘The Citty was kinde and gratfull towards such meritts and vertues, there was by order an image errected in the Senate house for him;’ I must confess that! was honou­rably don, but what more? What other recompence and remuneration have they given? Agri quantum vno die Circumaravit datum, ‘As much ground as hee could in one day plough;’ What have they lotted for Mutius? Patres (sayd Livius) Caio Mutio virtutis Causa, trans tiberem agrum done dederê; to Muti [...] the Senate for his rare vertue hath given beyond the River Tiber a platt of ground as a gift, Qui postea Mutia prata ap­pellata, ‘which afterwards was called by the name of the Mutian Green;’ Heere you may see the recompence given to these incomporable men was but a few akers of [Page 157] ground, with which theire Sobriety re­mained satisfyed, having don all they did out of meer affection to theire Country, not for selfe end or hope of remuneration.

Having spooken of the rewards given by Rome to Horatius Cochles, and to Mutius for unparalled services, let us consider with stupefaction the rewards and recompences the Duke of Ormond had for his services and attending vpon the King in time of his exile; I dare say, in the first place, there is none of the adorers of Ormonds vertues, (not one,) will presume to say, that the greatest of all his services hee did the King, came; or could com neare, those of the foresaid Romans; yet if wee compare both theire remunerations togeth­er, theires will appeare like a graine of sand, compared with Mons Olympus, as for the lands given him, hundred thousand of Akers, is the meanest gift of all; but what doe I speake of Ormond, Lord of a most ancient family of Earles of above 300. Yeares (The first Earle of that family Iohn Butler by name, was created in the Raigne of Edward the third, anno. 1328.) When George Lane his recompences are mounted to an vnreasonable measure, a man [Page 158] inferiour to thousands, both for his birth, and service to the King, Ormonds secretary now Sir George Lane? this Lane, by the Kings grant of other mens estates enjoys many thousand Akers of ground, farre more then Cochles, or Mutt [...], the deliverers of Rome had, this new knight had confer­red vpon him, the estates of two worsh­ipfull esquires, that of Mr. Thomas wading of waterford, and that of Mr. Phillip Hore of Kilshalchan; the seat of K [...]lbarry neare water­ford hee hath from the former,, adelicious place, with the whole estate vpon a thous­and pound a yeare, and Kilshalchon within seven miles of Dublin, a faire seat with the livings of eight hundred pound yearly, these Gentlemens Children (which were many in number) by this munificencie, are to shift for themselves in great misery, the Lord knowes in whar condition they are in, and this befalls them and severall others, that Ceorge Lane should be gratifyed (an unknowne man) For writing for Or­mond, hee has had conferred vpon him, other estates, in all neare vpon foure thous­and pound annuall rent, (this wee are in­formed) brave rewards for a Secretary; I dare confidently say stout and valiant [Page 159] Collonells, Officers, and Gentlemen of quality, which firmly adhered to the King, Fought stoutly for him, and lost both life in the bed of honour, and estates in his service, have not, nor any of theires, in reeompence received the least provision, reward, or comfort: in this I may say that George Lane, his penn hath been more Fortunate and profitable to him, then these noble Gentlemens swords have been unto them: a sad incourragement, and cold Satisfaction to worthy Royalists to see this little Lane and such like night-sprung­mus heroms to have suckt the Fattness of the earth from farre better plants then themselves, and perhaps the hands of as low men as themselves, will be ready to pluck them up root and branch, when the season shall serue, to cleare the Land of such weeds; by what meanes this will com to pass I am quite Ignorant, but I think the Iustice of God will make way for it, and take, not only from Ceorge Lane, and men of that ranck, but even from Ormond, and the greatest of them all, the conferred estates of honest men, for seldom the blessing of God doth accompany unjust plunderes and Robbers. And it is the opi­nion [Page 160] of severall true harted subjects to his Majesty, that things are not like to prosper with himselfe, untill this be don.

But I heare sum body say, Ormond hath don the King great service, though hee hath not preserved the Monarchie of Brit­taine, as Cochles and Musius did that of Rome, and that his affection to King and Country have been as great as theires to the Senat, and common wealth of Rome, occation being only wanting: as For his affection to King and Crowne, I beleeve hee had as much as another noble man, (but to his Country, where hee hath his estate and lands hee had none at all.) If affection to the king can draw rewards, and Remunera­tions, there be thousands loved the King, and the intrest of the Crowne of England as much as Ormond ever did, and appeared undoubtedly in all occations, against the Kings enemys, nevertheless thousands of them never had an Aker of ground, nor a Cottage to shelter themselves in, in frosty weather, in recompensation of such affec­tion: therfore I doe heire conclude that Or­mond was happily Fortunate in his affections to the King, and Crowne, and others were not, having obtained those Evtraordinary [Page 161] rewards from his Royall Majesty, which in the insuing Chapter I doe resolve more amply to discover, and speak of.

These remunerations will bee found soe great, that you must needs confess Ormond was not Loyall gratis; neither doe I in any way doubt but there be som Bassa's of the great Turck, and some of the chief­est of them would come and serve our King, and serve him Loyally for soe incredible a recompence as Ormond had; Let us now speak of the quantity and quality therof ac­cording the best notice wee have received. Wee have said above his Annuall rents before the warre was but seven thousand pound starling (his ancient estate being then in­cumbred with Annuitys, and Leases, which otherwise was worth forty thousand pound [Page 162] starling per Annum) and at present it is vpon Eighty thousand, now the first part of his new great revennues is the Kings grant of all those lands of his owne estate which were leased, and morgaged; the rest were grants of other mens Estates, and other gifts of his Majesty; for auoyding the trouble of searching after all his particulare gettings, (many there are without doubt unknowne to mee) I will here put downe certaine Quaeres in number 29. Out of which, hee, that will, may take notice of these Immense recompences given him.

NOt withstanding all the trust and con­fidence the generality of that people placed in Ormond, both great and small, [Page 178] yet little affection did hee show to his coun­try, or Countrymen; the first Injury and stratagemme have bine to worke a diuition amongst them, hee was the man let fall the venemous apple of discord in the middle of that vnited body; theire vnion, (the basis of all prosperity) continuing, noe power, noe enemy was able to prevaile against them, this union was our onlyest bulwark, and would prove (if not subuerted,) Formi­dable to our Enemys at home, and a broad: that Commonwealth doth prosper, whose Cittizens are of one accord; Concordia res paerua crescunt, discordia res magnae dilabuntur. Ormond his chief Imagnation hath bin to take away this vnion, the life of our confedera­cie; what people, common-wealth, or nation more knitt in mutuall Charity, (at the first beginning of the warre) then wee? The Bishops, Clergie, Noblemen, Gentry, townes and Cittys, and the common people looked all one way, all possessed with the same flame of Religious zeal to preserve, and recover our libertys, Country, and religion, all were Cor unum, et anima vna, whilst Paersons, and Burlace did gouerne in Dubblin, and soe had wee still continued if Ormond had not been chosen Lord Lieutenant; by [Page 179] whose influence vpon the people all was lost, subuerted, and supplanted.

If you demaund how could Ormond destroy this vnion, and would his relations, even and dearest frinds, which tooke the oath of association, becom perjurous, and perfidi­ous for Ormonds sake? Would they Forsake the sacred confederacy, and the best quarel in the world for his respect? I doe not meane to say, thes affected him most were, perfidious and perjourous to the country, yea I hould his relations and friends to have been good catholicks, how then say you could Ormond debauch them from theyr union and confe­deracie? his Excellencie, you must under­stand, had a great number of his relations among us, and many more persons of good qualitie, that had nothing to doe with him, held him for a man of great integritie and affection to his countrie, and tooke him for a man of vertu, Iustice, and sound Iudge­ment, a man that had power to doe us good, and a good willingness thereunto, and ho­ped that he would represent unto the king our oppressions and burdens under cruel states­men, that destroyed and enslaued the sub­jects by their sleights and cunning artifices, and in fine that he would prove the deliverer [Page 180] of this conceipt, which proved bu adreame, conferred all mens affection vpon him, recea­ving and embracing all the reasons, and such sentiments as hee pleased to infuse unto them, and ordered all theyr course (in all wisdom, as they thought) by his ways, and dictamen, by this meanes were undermined our union, and our quarel destroyed, Ormonds persuasions prevailing in court and countrie, his reasons were esteemed the best and wis­est; his friends and Faction crys Ormond is a wise man he loves our interest, understands our cause rightly; this publick confidence well knowne, hath been no smale meanes for him to deceave his Friends, and they deceaved the Generalitie, possessing them with such and such imaginations, till at last we grew in good earnest could in our proceedings; dissentions sprung up, and our union (the life, and strengh of our countrie) dissolved and broaken, deso­lation and destruction run over all places, we then began to disagree in our consultati­ons and debates about the publick; [...]alousies inuaded our assemblies, difference rose between such and such Families, between Noble men, Gentrie, and even amoung the Bishops and cleargy, some speaking high [Page 181] of the brittish interest, others of the interest of religion, and countrie: in the conclusion we came to be regn [...]m in se divisun: in the meane time Ormond, who had acted his part soidly, said to his counsel, and compli­ces, Divisum est cor Catholicorum, jam in­teribunt my worke is don, they are broaken, they are at variance one with an other, they sprosper noe more. That you may more plain­ly see the influence this great man had over the confederat Catholicks in the supreme counsel, who gouverned all (consisting of 12.) You may know he had usually six of that number, for his trusty friends, the first was Richard Lord Viscount Mongret (at the beginning of the warr, and for a great whyle President of the counsel) this Lord was Brother to Ormonds grandmother, the second was donogh Lord Viscount Musgue (after Earle of Clancartie) who married Ormonds eldest sister, Mr. Richard Bealings Secretarie to the counsel and a member thereof, maried to [...]said Viscount Mountgarets Daughter, Mr. Grat fenel Doctor physick, intimat do mistick coun­selour to Ormond for som yeeres, Mr. Patricke Darcy a Famous lawy [...]r, counsell in law to the house Ormond, Mr. Gessery. [Page 182] Browne a sound and good lawyer, and Sr. Lucas Dillon knight an able personage, both much addicted to Ormonds Wayes esteeming them the best: as for the Lord of Mountgaret, he was a plain simple man, but the other five were substantiall Peeces as the land could afford, Ormond was theire delight and Ioy, and though they had witt sufficient to understand his ways, and ponder his euill designes, this they have not don, but ra­ther gaue him full scope to worke what hee pleas'd out of the fore-spooken confi­dence placed in him; by this meanes these wise-men were deceiued, deluded, and in­ueagled away, and wee with them; our repentance is to late, and without remedy, and wee finde our error Fatall and irrecove­rable, and wee have lived to see Ormond close with our deadly enemys, and himselfe the greatest enemy of them all Sed sero Sapiunt phriges.

This Lethean cupp ministred by Ormond unto us, the confederates, stupifyed our wil soe much, as wee could neither under­stand nor perceive one another, wee became much like to the confusion of Babell, when one sought for stone, the other gave him sand, when sand, hee brought him stones,

But the first stepp to our confusion was treaties of cessations, by those conferrences hee deceived our people, who went still vpon the opinion of his affection, hee spunn us out with new devices, and delays, and in the Intrim wee omitted the opertunity of doeing service, wayting dayly for apeace, for Ormond had brought us to that fools paradice, as we neglected our owne preservation; great matters hee promised to our committie of treaty, a good peace, the which when wee had, was worth nothing, as formerly said, where I advertised you how the Committie of treaty failed to performe the instructions given them, and to conclude noe peace without insisting on them, but cleare sighted men, that trusted not in Ormond as those men did, found those articles to be a plaistered bussiness, as a boue said. If Ormond had power from the King to grant better Articles, then the thirty Articles; will not your understan­ding be convinced, that hee playd fouly with the confederate Catholicks, and that his intention was not frindly nor honest, and that his only designe hath bine to deceive us? his Majesty in a letter to Ormond decem­ber the fiftienth 1644. Oxford hath these words.

Those Letters are to be seen in the Kings book stiled Reliquiae scarae Carolinae. By thes lines you see how clearly his Majestie insisted vpon a peace with the Irish, and fayled not to that effect to send Ormond materials sufficient to satisfie the Irish catholicks, having heard theyr com­plaints and theyr reasonable articls, for they demanded no other then the libertie of theyr religion, benefit of theyr estates and privi­ledges, yet Ormond in his peace of 30. Articles granted not thes things, nor was it in his thought to joyne with us against the Scot and Insiquin the Kings professed ene­mies, who owned for theyr master the vsur­ping power, and parlement of England, and there were reports grounded vpon very good presumptions, that he sent some of his forces [Page 186] to asist the Scots in the North against us.

^* wee come now to a third and maine a­grivance and injurie done the confederat Ca­tholicks, which was the yealding up of Dublin castel, sword and all to the Parlia­ment, not withstanding that the Queen and Prince sent from Paris a gentleman expresly instructed to his excellencie, to prevent the giving up of these places to the Kings enemies and rather to close up a peace with the Ca­tholicks (the only way then appearing for setling the Kings affaires) this action hath been one of the vglyest things Ormond ever did, to render therfore my reader fully capa­ble of this perfidious proceeding, I shall be forced to enlarge my selfe therevpon, this will be made cleare out of a discource of the Iorney that the Agent sent from the Queen and Prince (Mr. Wintergrant a Catholick Gentleman) made himselfe, who came to Ormond with his letters and instructions be­fore he had given up the castell of Dublin; (the cittie was rendered before to the par­liament) the cheefest part of the discource runs thus, his Majestie beeing a prisoner at homby, and all negotiation for his deliverance and restablishment rendered frvitless, it was thought fitt by the Queen and Prince of wales [Page 187] with theyr counsel, that some body should be sent to Irland with letters and instrustions to my Lord of Ormond for settling of a peace in that King­dome, for that purposse said Mr. Wintergrant was chosen, and accordingly receaved cer­tain instructions sent by the Queen? all these instructions tended to the settlement of peace between the confederat Catholicks and the Kings partie, as appeareth by the express words of the second instruction: you shall informe the said Lord Lieutenant how sensible we and the Prince are, of the present troubles, of the Kingdom, as well in considera­tion of the Kings affayres in generall, as Particu­larly out of the apprehension of the great and im­minent danger that may thereby happen to those which yet remain under the obedience of him the said Lord Lieutenant, and how desirous we and the Prince are to contribut all that is in our power to reconsile the things in question between the said Lord Lieutenant and the consederat Catholicks of Irland, whereby all of them may bee firmly Vnited under the authoritie of our dearest Lord the King and thereby inabled to defend them­selves against the common enemie, and seasonably assist the King in his other dominions: he also brought letters to the Lord Nun [...]io and Romain cleargy and to severall noble men, and to certaine [Page 188] corporations and citties to be first shewed to Ormond and as he pleased to be delivered or not deliverod, all was left to Otrmonds breast, and this Mr. Wintergrant was to pursue all his in­structions in such manner as the Lord Lieutenant shall thinke fitt, and in all other things you shall saith the instruction governe your selfe according to the advice and orders of the said Lord Lieute­nant, In the sixst instruction are these words; If he the said Lord Lieutenant shall direct you to repa [...]re to the Lord Nuncio, Assembly, Cleargy, or supreme counsel of the Irish nation, or to the Generall assembly now met at Kilkennie, you shall vpon all occations, when your discretion shall think fitt, publish a vow and declare the great inclinati­on which we and the Prince have to contribut effectually all that shall be proper for us and him, to the speedy concluding a happy peace in Irland

These were one sort of instructions I receiued saith Mr. Wintergrant, which were not to be kept soe privat but that they were in some cases comunicable, but these that follow not soe.

These particulares you are to communi­cate to none but the Lord Digby, and Lord Clanrikard, vnless the Lord Luetenant shall think fitt to give you other orders con­cerning the same.

With these instructions and many letters not only to my Lord Lieutenant Lord Clan­rikard, and Lord Digby, but alsoe from the Queen to the Nuncio and Cleargie, to O Nelle and Preston, with all the conside­rable persons then a mongst the Irish, I parted from Paris a bout the 16. of march 1647. in Companic of my Lord Crafford &c.

‘From Nantes I landed at Waterford the 6'th. or 7'th. of Aprill, and yet soe vnluckely as the assembly at Kilkennie had brooke vp that night at ten of the Clock, which they would not have done had they first heard of my landing, for soe Mr. Barron, (whoe hath been an Agent hier in France for the confederat [Page 193] Irish) and to whome I sent a post soe soon as I was in waterford, writt back to mee; indeed I was very unfortunat for the As­sembly had both power and meanes, to doe or undoe▪ what they had don in ordre to a treaty, which the supreme Counsell limited within bounds by the Assembly, afterwards had not.’

‘Being com [...]to Kilkennie I was by Mr. Barron brought to the Counsell, to whome (after they had caused mee to sitt in a Chaire not farre from my Lord of Antrim theire President nor would they heare mee till I had don soe) I delivered the cause of my coming thither, which was the Queen and Prince his desire of peace in that Kingdom, and for the Queen shee was not only moved unto it for the Kings intrest, but alsoe by a zeal to the Catholick Religion and good of the People.’

‘The day I came to Dublin I was that night brought to my Lord of Ormond, to whome I delivered such letters as were for him, and then said, that hee was sure those letters expressed civilitys from the Queen and Prince; much better then I could; and that therfore I had nothing [Page 194] more now to say untill I had such instruc­tions disiphered as I had, which were many, and would take vp som good tyme, and by which his Lordship would finde the confidence her Majesty and the Prince had in him, which was soe great, as noe reports could shake, though wee had weekly newes, of his treaty with the Parlament for delivery of those places under his com­maund, to which his Lordship replyed, that confidence shall never deceive them, and that hee who had ventured himselfe, his wife, and all his Children in the Kings service, would make noe sample of ventu­ring or casting away one scruple when there shall be cause, (this hee spook because one of his sons was then hostage with the Par­lament,) yet if there be necessity hee should give up those places under his commaund, hee would rather give them to the English Rebells, then to the Irish Rebells, of which opinion hee thought every good English­man was; to this I replyed nothing.’

Ormond having seen and perused these pre­mises, and now spooken of instructions, I demaund in this place, what his grace can aleage for himselfe, that can excuse his backwardness in satisfying the resonable [Page 195] and Iust demaunds of the confederat Ca­tholicks? Hee cannot say hee wanted po­wer and authority for concluding a peace with them, seeing hee might insert in the papers of 14. blancks what conditions, what Articles hee pleased for himselfe, the Queen and Prince being resolued To owne and Iustify the same as theire Royall act and deed; Further, hee had from his Maj [...]sty a great latitude of power, to compass such a peace as the Queen and Prince (then) desired, (notwitstanding the rejec­tion of the peace, of 46.) as is to be seen, by the Kings Letter to Ormond Februarij 27'th 1647. in these words, page 258. of Reliquiae Carolinae.

Can there be any thing clearer then these expressions? can there be a larger commission given, or more streighter com­maund layd on Ormond for compassing spee­dily a peace with the Irish Catholicks, then what is repeated heer? can Ormond pretend hee wanted power to conclude a peace, or the King a willingness to have it don? his Majestyes intentions desires, and solicita­tions to that▪ effect, are vrged in these [Page 199] words, what ever it cost soe my protestant subjects may be secure, and Royal authority; there is nothing soe certaine (securing Ca­tholicks Religion) then that wee desired, and vnanimously minded to [...]ure the Kings intrest and prerogative and to help him to our power, and not to molest or trouble any of his protestant subjects, if not pro­voked by themselues thervnto; take no­tice in this place of his royall assent, to a Suspension of Poynings act for such bills as should be agreed vpon betwixt Ormond and us, and the takeing away the penal Lawes a­gainst us, neither did hee think it a hard bar­gin soe wee freely and vigorously engaged our selves in his Royall service against his Rebells of England and Scotland, and says, noe conditions can be to hard, soe this be don, and that in per­forming it nothing is against conscience, and ho­nour; heer you may observe the distinction his Majesty makes at that tyme betwixt his Catholick subjects of Irland, and those his Protestant Rebells of England, and Scotland, his Majesty, (whose intrest it was, and the only Iudge of that fact, to aprove, or disa­prove us as such,) gave each according his desert, calling us his Irish subjects, and those of England and Scotland his Rebels, yet Or­mond [Page 400] in his conference with Mr. Wintergr [...]nt calls us otherwise, (euen Rebels as those of England and Scotland were,) adding thervn­to that if there were necessity to give vp those pla­ces vnder his commaund, vnto any of the three Na­tions, hee would rather make them over to his English rebels then to his Majestys faith­full Irish subjects, of which opinion hee thought every good Englishman was: to which expression. Mr. Wintergrant (a Roman Catholick and a person who had a better opinion of theire conscience, then Ormond) replyed nothing.

By the prefated expressions of Ormond, you see how hee declared himselfe for an Englishman, and being the Kings Lieutenant in that Kingdome, hee showed himselfe only exteriourly for the King, but interiourly a right Parlamentier, as by his severall open disobediences and distructive delays to the King, Queen, and Princes orders and instructions, (as to the hastning of the Irish peace) is manifested; such a one in effect I must confess, his darling Orrery would have him to be, by all attributes, of Reli­gion, breeding, person, speech, dispossitions, by his Lady and children, and predecessors (though Irish, and well skild in the Irish [Page 401] speech, and of 480. yeares and more standing in that Country) would to God Orrery had gotten his wish in this, and that his Ormond had been of two sydes an Englishman, and that our Country, and Countrymen had never knowne Or­mond, Orrery, or Orrerys father: were it soe, things had gon far better with vs, and with the Country; you see how this Statsman makes noe difference between the confederate Catholicks, and the Rebells of Scotland, and England, whoe got vp in actuall Armes against the King, who bought, and sould him & had him close Prisoner at the same tyme, these words were spoken by Ormond: can Ormond produce such an oath of association (made, and agreed vpon by the Parlimentary party) to maintaine the Kings prorogatives, rights, person and Royall interest, as wee have made and set forth vnto the world? vpon all occations, and in all places, even in the lowest ebb of his Majestys affaires, wee spoke with veneration and respect of his sacred person, when they in pulpits, streets, banks, and theaters, in theire privat meetings and Counsels disdainfully violated his sacred person, and persued [Page 402] him even in theire news books, as you may see in the Heu! and Cry! of Mercu­rius Britantcus, ridiculously set forth in this forme.

‘If any man can bring tale or tyding of a wilfull King, which hath, wil­fully gon a stray from his Parliment with a guilty conscience, bloody hands, a hart full of broaken vowes, and pro­testations, if these marks be not suffi­cient, there is another in the mouth, for bid him speak and you will soon know him, then give notice to Britanicus, and you shall be well payd for your paines; god saue the Parliment.’

These and such like scurrilous disrespects, to his Royaell person would be theire quoti­dian pastime, yet our good Ormond was pleased to list vs in the ranke and catha­logue of those rediculous prophaine Re­bells. His Vn [...]e, and his Brother-inlaw, the two prefated Viscounts, and the rest of his affected frinds, would hardly believe (had an Angel affirmd it) that Ormond would harbour soe hard a thought of the confederate Catholicks, whome hee knew full well in his [...]art to be good, faithfull, and Zealous subjects. Now notwithstan­ding [Page 403] all these instructions, and the Kings letters before mentioned, with all the instances Mr. Win ergrant could make, (which were done with a great deal of care and Iudgment) notwithstanding the accomodation (which I shall insert heere) sent by the confederate Catholicks to Ormond, notwithstanding all this I say, hee yielded vp to the Kings enemys the Castle of Dublin, the Sword, and all, in which and by which action, hee discove­red his hatred to the confederate Catho­licks, his affection to the Parliment, his disrespect, and manifest disobedience to the Kings orders and commaunds, and to those of the Queen and Prince. Neither wanted Ormond (as some men did think) his hidden reasons that moved him to neglect soe much, and sleight the Royall Authority.

His Logick [...] made him discourse thus secretly with himselfe: the King is prisoner to his Parliment, and noe hopes left for his redemption, hee is like to perish there; the Queen alsoe and the young Prince they are exiled, what can they doe? They are not able to help themselves, much less to procure any forraigne assi­stance for his Majesty: the Parliment of [Page 404] England with Crumwell have drawne all England to theire owne side with Scotland, and a great part of Irland, as the large Province of V [...]ster, where the Scot insul­ted, and that part of Munster, where Insequin with his Army remained vnder obedience of the Parliment: my best way then will be (quoth Ormond) to play my owne game the best, and make good vse of the tymes; I will therfore apeare exteriourly for his Majesty, and yet oblige the Parliment in yielding vp to them the Castle of Dublin, with the Kings sword and all the faire County of Dublin, rather then keep it and take part with the Irish, (and this I will doe notwithstanding the Queen and Princes orders and commands to the contrary) for I may well feare, the Irish Catholicks and I (though Ioyned with them) will be at long running mastered by the Parliment; who will be min [...]full of mee in due tyme for soe ne­cessary and frindly an action. And truly it fell. out soe, for though they shewed noe personal favour to Ormond, they shewed great kindness to his Lady allowing her three thousand pound starling for her Ioynter (as a bove said,) and Crum [...]lls [Page 405] Children weare not less frindly to her Children, and all this kindness hath been done them, by all liklyhood in re­compensation of Ormonds giving vp the Cittie, Castle, and County of Dublin to the Parliment.

Projects of Policy are deep and secret, and likly this act of Ormond was the Policy and Wisdom the Lord Digby meant, when hee sayd to Mr. Wintergrant, that the Lord of Ormond was wiser, then to vnite with the Irish Ca­tholicks But in the meane tyme what became of his Loyalty? Of his great zeal to his Majestys interest? Of his obedience to the Royall Commaunds, and to the orders, and instructions of the Queen and Prince? Herein the King was sleighted, the Queen and Prince put by, who as they held the preserving of Dublin, the Castle ther­of and County about it, to be the Kings great intrest, and beneficiall for his Majesty, soe alsoe they did think the delivering vp of all to the Parliment would prove a very great loss, and distructive to his Royall intrest; for preventing of which loss, and mischief, orders, commaunds, instructions, and all power were sent from Queen and Prince by Mr. Wintergrant to [Page 406] Ormond to perclose a peace with the Con­federate Catholicks at what price soever.

If the neglect committed heerin by Or­mond (sleighting the Royall powers and Authority, a cleare Argument of disobe­dience in him to both) hath redounded to the vtter overthrow of the Catholicks, and Kingdom, and consequently of his Majestys intrest therin; you my reader may Iudge, or any other Impartiall Iudgment?

GEntle Reader, heer before I give you the accommodation presented, and offered by the Confederate Catholicks, vnto Ormond, I think it necessary to give you first, the sound observation of an vnderstanding and discret Member (made vpon the same accommodation) of the said confederate Counsell of Catholicks, which shall serve you as a guiding light to the clearer vnderstanding how the matter was carried on, which vvas vvord to vvord as follovveth.

That the late Articles of pacification concluded vvith the Lord Marqnis of Or­mond Anno 1646. Being rejected by the generall assembly vvith an vnanimous con­sent, by reason the Lord Marquis of Ormond did not grant those conditions vnto vvhich hee vvas authorized by his Maiesty, and for that the King vvas brought vnto a condition incapable at present to performe any thing that was granted, and for that there was noe security in them for Reli­gion or Nation, and the insecurity not com knovvledg of the confederats, vntill after the late pacification vvas published; the late generall assembly in the begining of March last, Imployed Mr. Giffery Barron som tyme before Imployed in France, and Mr. Gerrald Fennell, both persons of great trust, vnto the said Marqnis vvith the in­closed heads or Overtures of an accom­modation to continue vntill his Maiesty vvere in a free condition to grant honou­rable and safe conditions vnto the conse­derats, and the said Marquis after receiving the said Overtures by vertue of a letter of Credence from the said Mr. Barron and Mr. Fennell returned ansvver to the assem­bly, that hee vvould send his ansvvers [Page 409] by messengers of his owne, first giving great hopes vnto those Imployed by the assembly, that hee would never Ioyne with the Parliment.

‘The assembly expecting this answer for one and twenty days received it not to the hazard, and very great charge of the Kingdom; his Lordship in the interim treated with the Parliment Commissioners, and the assembly fully possessed with a beliefe that his Lordship would never conclude with the Parliment, a few days days before the adjournment sent Theobala Butler Major of Horss in the Ca­tholick Army to his Lordship, to know the cause which might retard or stay his Lordships answer soe long, and soe much expected; at whose coming thither the said Marquis (having as it seemes concluded with the Parliment, delivered hostages vnto theire Gommissioners, Viz: his sonne the Lord Richard Butler, and the Lord Dyllon, the Earle of Res [...]omon a consi­derable Peere, and native of this Kingdom, Collonell Arthur Chischester sonne and haire of the Lord Viscount Chischester, and Sr. lames Ware Knight, a person of consideration with him, and of the Privie Counsell) [Page 410] hier vpon the sayd Lord Marquis tould the said Major Buttler, that hee would never propound any thing to the conse­derate Catholicks that was in theire power to deny him.’

The Assembly receiving this answer soe much tending to the Kings disservice, by which the hopes of an accommodation was frustrated, they being sol [...]mnly sworne to endeavour an accommodation with him, (which were consistent with Loyalty and Catholick Religion) on the fourth currant adjourn'd it selfe vntill the 12'th of No­vember next; soone after Monsieur Tallone, and Monsieur Munnery Residents to the King of France arrived heer, and being with vs at the Counsell declared that most of theire bussiness hither was to solicit an accommodation tending Chiefly to the preservation of the Catholick Religion, and wee did on all occations declare our willingness and rediness to effectuate the same, and after severall Iourneys made by the said Monsieur Tallent to Dublin, wee did condescend to enlarge the Cessation at first agreed vpon to the 17'th of Aprill, which was performed. And after condescended, that incase good and particulare hopes [Page 411] were demonstrated vnto vs, wee would out of zeal to our liege Lord the King, and in our great expectation of the interposition by them promised of the Crowne of France, embrace a Cessation for six monthes, soe that in the interval the Lord Marquis would accept noe Parliment forces into any of the Garrisons vnder his comm [...]und, and give good assurance for his performance therein; where vpon Monsieur Tallone re­paired to Dublin, and brought vnto vs his Lordships absolute denyall of Cessation for more then three weekes, vnto which wee could not condescend, in regard wee had Iust and pregnant causes of feares, that the said Lord Marquis did but seek that short Cessation in expectation of forces from the Parliment, (wherof wee had well grounded intelligence from London and otherwise;) and his Lordship having during the treaty with vs received men from the Parliment into Dublin, and other his Garrisons, and wee having vnderstood that his Lordships reason for not granting a Cessation for the six monthes propounded, was that therby all hopes of his agreement with the Parli­ment had bin taken away, and that then of necessity hee must throw himselfe on [Page 112] our party, before hee could fairly fall of from the Parliment, which, whether hee can doe or noe, the delivery of the hostages and theire quality, and the forces by him allready received, and the dayly expecta­tion hee hath of more, and the late pro­positions by him sent to the Parliment (which if assented vnto by the Parliment, hee declared himselfe to stick vnto them) being considered it may be easily Iudged wherin the Impediment to an accommo­dation lyeth.

Adding to the premises for the more Cleare vnderstanding of our real desires to entertaine an accommodation wit the Lord Marquis of Ormond, for preserving and conti­nuing the places vnder his Majestys obedience, which his Lordship holdeth; that since our propositions sent him, to put his Lordship in minde of an accommodation, hee did neither by message or otherwise authorise any to treat further with vs ther vpon, but vtterly sleighted that treaty, by which wee had noe encourragment given vs to listen to a cessation, which in it selfe was noe way profitable to the affaires of the Con­federate Catholicks, for the reasons affore­said, other then in order to the hopes wee [Page 113] might have of an accommodation, the Coppy of which propossitions is hierwith sent.

Besides the motives afforesaid, wee have it by assured and certaine intelligence, that the Lord Marquis of Ormond hath alredy concluded with the Parliment, and hath vpon confidence of prevailing for a short Cessation with vs, assured them that hee would hould what hee enjoyeth vntill the month of May, expecting then the Parli­ment of England theire Supplys.

CErtaine it is, that the King intended the pardon and act of Indemnity as well for the Catholicks of Irland, as for those of England, and thee rest of his subjects, which is made cleare and evident by his Majestys speech in favour of the Irish Catholicks, in the house of Peeres, Iuly the 27'th 1660. I hope (said the King) I need not put you in minde of Irland, and that they alone shall not be without the benefitt of my merey, they have showne much affection to mee a broad, and you will have a care of my ho­nour, and what I have promised to them.

Could the Kings intention of the benefitt of pardon and his mercy to the Irish Catholicks be spooken in more cleare and noble expres­sions? But this Ormond (to his Eternall infa­my be it said) hath cruelly opposed, in pro­pounding [Page 422] a wicked and cunning prouizo in the house of Peeres, which theire Lordships thought would have satisfy'd vs, and soe have past it by: by this perfidious fraud of Ormond, wee have been exempted from the benefitt of the Indemnity, This is the grace Ormond (Peter Walsh his saviour of the Irish Nation) hath don vs, for which the Mallediction of God will likely fall vpon him and his posterity.

After being excluded from the generall pardon, Ormond, Clarindon, Orrery, Cloathwor­thy, and the rest of that holy Synagog put theire heads together for drawing vp a Bill of Settlement of the Kingdoms of Irland, (soe powerfull they weare in Cheating his Majesty as hee gave them his ordinance for conceiving said Bill of Settlement, and theire owne Secretary had the penning of it.) By the artifice of those great men, and force of that Bill wee have lost for ever our Lands, Estates, and the liberty of free borne sub­jects. This Bill is of an Immens Bulck, fraght with faire Language and barbarous contents and proceedings, (They call it the Kings most gratious Declaration for the settlement of Irland:) This monstrous Bulck with all the substance therin, hath bine reduced [Page 423] into few heads by a learned Laeyer as followeth.

IT is by this made evident, that all of them vsed much cuning and cruelty in compassing the worke of Catholick Irlands distruction: but Ormoud hath surpassed them all; take my reason.

Orrery, Cloathworthy, and all of the holy Crumwelian crew have don noe less [...]or more, then wee expected from them, when they should be able to doe vs a mischief; at longe running they had power to doe it; and they have egrediously don it, and boasting in that sinn, they tell vs, they have in our Tragedy acted theire owne part, that of enemys: and wee must con­fess [Page 429] they have not deceiued vs in trust, haveing never trusted them.

Clarmdon hath been but a stranger to our Nation, wee first knew this Crooked man in his, and our exile, and though wee have don him good service, hee was evermore our Enemy, and pay'd benefitts don him with Injurys, as men of his nature vse to doe; in a word hee was a man (as all that knew him will say) would for gold sell away the sonne of God himselfe, and for gold hee hath sold vs and Iustice.

But Ormond the greatest Nobleman now of our Nation, in whome all the Nobility in generall, and the generality of the people repos'd (a speciall confidence hath betrayd that trust, a black staine of infamy vpon a great Peere descended from soe Ca­tholick and Noble Ancesters.) Hee hath not proved (as wee expected) a pillare and prop to his Nation, but a brused rotten Reed of Egypt, deserting vs in tyme of tryall, and Ioyning with all our Enemys, that thirsted after our lives and possessions. It is true, wee are not our selves without some blame in the ruins of our Fortunes and Country, our sinne is our vnadvised [Page 430] trust in Ormond, which made the way easy for him to deceive vs; wee have not bine wary, and mischief entreth at the open gates of security, Ormond came vpon vs in that kinde; wee had most of vs frindly harts for him, and wee tooke his hart to be such to vs. ^* Per maximam amicitiam maxima fallendi copia. Infine wee have bine lost, because wee did not feare his crafty ways and dealings: but let him consider well, what Annalls and Posterity will say of him for having betray'd vs in this nature: certainly hee hath don more vnworthily then if hee had oppressed vs by open violence: Quia fraus faedior quam aperta riolentia.

After this feate of distruction don vpon vs, at which Nations abroad are amaized, and abhorr the actors, (and wonder much our King that spake soe much good of vs In facie solis, gave vs vp sacrifices to our Ene­mys without all protectiō of our Innocency,) what doe these gallant Vsurpers? Doe they relent, or doe they feare the reuenging hand of God? it seems noe: but that they rather looke like men left only to make vp the number of those, the Holy Ghost speaks of. ‘[Page 431] ^* Cum (said they) and let vs enjoy the good things that are, let vs fill our selves with pretious wine, and Oyntments, and let not the flower of the tyme pass vs, let vs Crowne our selves with Roses before they wither; Every where let vs leave signes of loy, because this is our portion, and lott; let vs opress the poore lust man, and not spare the Widow, but let our strength be the law of Iustice, for that which is weake is found vnprofitable.’ Have not I beseech you the doeings of those oppressed the afflic­ted Innocent Irish, been the very same doeings of those the Holy Ghost speakes of, living and pampering themselves in great feastings, sensuality, pomps, vanitys, pride, and pleasures? They seem by theire life and manners to be Athists, (of that Tribe many these days liue in Courts) and if they are realy soe, they will Enjoy the purchases they have made by Robbery, without any vn­quietness of minde, for what should they feare, that owne noe God or puissance to punnish, and reward, sin and vertue. But if they truly beleeve in God, it is Impossible they can Enjoy wrongfully the Lands and livings of the Innocent, that perrish for [Page 432] want of them, without som disquietness of Co [...]science, and ap [...] [...]hensions of the Iust Judgments of God to fall upon them. Those­men cannot want some of Caine's feares, who after having killed his brother Abel had ne­ver quietness or rest of minde, but was still tormented with seuerall feares in hart and tremblings in his head, soe that this unfor­tunate bloody man terrefy'd and frighted at his own [...] acti [...]n, cry'd out a low'd to God. * Ecce Eijcis me hodie a facie terrae, & a facie tua abs [...]ar, Et ero vagus & profugus in terra, om­nis tgitur, qui me invenerit, occidet me. ‘Loe then doth cast mee out this day from the face of the earth, and from thy face shal I be hid; and shall be a vagabond, and fugitive on earth, every one therfore that findeth mee, shall kill mee.’ The spilling of Innocent Abels blood made him feare all would kill him, and therfore allways trembling, hee feared men, and fled from men, and though the Lord have putt a marke on Caine, that whosoever found him, should not kill him, (a trembling in his head as many hold) Caine was allways frighted, and soe distracted, as to hold that trembing of his head, for a signe given by God that hee should be killd. You [Page 433] see by this how great is the feare and frightning of a guilty Conscience. And can these men live without being frightned after killing soe many Innocent Abels by nakedness, vermin, famin, and all kinde of miserys, having taken from them all they had in the world. There have been many opulent persons and of great quallity, Tea and som of them Peeres and Lords of the Realme have bin lodg'd in small smooking Hutts and Cabins, and as I may well say buried there, and starued to death with the [...]re wives and Children. Can the Cruell Robbers of these men live without the feare of Gods anger? If they have not a trembling in the head as Caine had, likely they will have a trembling in theire harts.

BVt my Lord that I may returne to your Grace (whose house I have ever honoured,) and spend a few words with [Page 434] you alone. Amongst Birds and Beasts (you know full well) som are Noble, and som Ignoble; Lyons begett Ly [...]ns, and Eagels ingender Eagels; your ancient house hath given of both Lyons, and Eagels. Your Noble progenitors, nobly minded did worthy things, and performed great matters, the poorest neighbour liu'd safly neare them, possessing quietly what was his owne, they succoured the distressed, and farre it was from them to oppress the weakest; but have been a propp to such as could not stand by themselves; and for such worthy doings, the afection and blessing of those releeved by them, and supported by them in theire right and Iust causes, have followed your Ancestors: But my Lord the world speakes otherwise of your Grace, that being ex­tolled to the title of Duke (that your house had not before) you digenerate from the true piety and greatness of your brave Ancestors, for the natives ouer all the Kingdome complaine that your power is Imploy'd to the opression of all, wherfore they all cry out, can not the Duke of Ormonds greatness stand without our fall [Page 435] and Ruin. Is it possible my Lord that the title of greatness is soe much in­ereased in you, and that of vertue demi­nished?

My Lord the Lyons of your house (I meane the noble Earles) did praye openly and fairly, but your game is of a new forme; you are a Lyon of another nature, then was one of the greatest Earles) of your house (by name black Tho­mas Grandfather to your Lady) a person highly esteemad by Queen Elizabeth, King Iames and the Counsells of England and Irland, and of the people of both Kingdoms, hee made noe purchases by distroying the natives of the Kingdom, as yours are, yet hee was both a happy and glorious Earle, hospiciously noble, and had many de­pending of his bounty and good nature, who made noe small fortune by him.

^* Nahum the Prophet, if you will take the paynes to read him, will tell you what kinde of Lyon you are; Where is (saith hee) the habitation of Lyons? and the pasture of Lyons whelps? The Lyon hath caught (saith hee) sufficiently for his whelpes, and [Page 436] hath killed for his Lyoness, and hath filled his Denns with praye and his Couc'h with Ra­vening ‘ô Ormond? Ormond thou hast caught sufficiently for thy Whelps, thou hast fill'd thy Denns with praye, and thy Couch with Ravening, thou hast made the noble house of Ormond an Infamous Denn and Couch of Rapine; thy whelps are made fatt with Praye and booty made vpon thy neighbours.’

My Lord, there is a nother Prophe [...] speakes to your Grace, and to Orrery, and the rest of the vsurpers, in words able to make you tremble: Woe to him (said ^* Habacuc) that gathereth naughty Avarice to his house that his nest may be on high, and thinketh hee is delivered out of the hand of Evill thou hast thought confusion to the house, thou hast cutt in sunder many people, and thy soule hath sinned, because the stone out of the wale shall cry, and the T [...]mber that is between the Iuncturs of the buildings, shall answer. Wo to him that buildeth a Citty in blouds, and prepareth a Citty in Iniquitys. A dreadfull expression.

Have not you my Lord and the rest of your Complices cutt insunder many fa­milys; most of them Er this consumed with hunger and miserys are gon into the [Page 437] other world, and for such of them that live as yet, they are miserably perishing at home and abroad, will not the blood of those be layd at your doore? You [...] am­bition have built nestes in a high place from the reach of human hands, but not from the hand of God, who with the breath of his Indignation will cast them all downe in his good tyme; yee have houses and magnificent palaces for your posterity in Blouds, and the stone out of the wale shall cry out against you, and the Timber be­tween the Iunctures of your buildings shall answer, Wo to them that builded Cittys in bloud prepar'd houses in Iniquitys; God in a moment (though at present yee glory and tryumph in your greatness and plea­sures) can fill your houses with dissola­tions, mournings, Ignominy, death, feare, and trembling: And perhaps will doe it, when you least think of it.

When Sr. Ralph Fan was condemn'd to dye by the practices of the Duke of Nor­thumberland, and brought to the place of Exccution, in protestation of his Inno­cency, spook only these two words, My blood shall be the Dukes bolster as longe as hee shall live.

My Lord you may have (I feare) many of these vneasy bolsters; cast therfore an eye vpon the other world (whilst God mercifully gives you tyme to doe it) and take that care now for your selfe, that noe other will, once you are gon, and perswad [...] your selfe, that without this care all is lost and gon for all Eternity.

MY Lord, God did forbid the Hebrues to mingel honny in the oblations, but commaunded thē to vse salt in every sacrifice. ^* What sacrifice soever thou offerest, thou shalt season it with salt, neither shalt thou take a way the salt of the Covenant of the God from thy Sacrifice. In every oblation thou shalt offer salt. What mistery doth this signify to banish honny from the Sacrifice and make vse of salt? Why salt in Sacrifice and not honny? This is to tell vs that [Page 439] sweet things deceive vs, and that flatterer [...] betray vs, but sharp things cure vs, and mortify the body and minde when wee are to Sacrifice both to God, and that wee are to heare patiently and willingly those, that speak trueth without assentation, and with the salt of sencerity. ^* God him­selfe sayd. My people they that the blessed, the same deceive thee. But a lass it is now in fashon that Princes and great men are de­ceived, because those about them will not speak a trueth, that theire Masters will not willingly heare. It is a great question with mee, if any one of your numerous family, or of all those that depend vpon you, and gaine much by you, or of all those, that seem to be your frinds, will say to your Grace the language and words of the Prophet Isai. ^* Our Lord shall com to Iudgment with the Antients of his people, and his Princes, for you have destroyed the vyn­yard, and the spoyle of the poore is in your house. Why doe you consume my people, and gryn'd the faces of the poore, saith our Lord the God of Hostes? I doe not think any of them hath spooken to your Grace in this kinde, though they know well the spoyle [Page 440] of the poore is in your house, and that you and many more powerfull men have Grynded the faces of the poore and de­stroy'd and consum'd them; wherfore you and they have reason to feare, that God will soon com to Iudgment with you, vnless you will tymly prevent it.

Wise men should chase away from them flatterers, as wee doe swallowes for making nests of dung in our dwellings. My Lord flatter not your selfe with the great contentments of this world you Enjoy, vast revenues, great pomp, Copious Re­tenue, the veneration and low bowing of the people vnto you, Gorgious, atyre, magnificent feastings, all your Iolitys and pleasures; they will all pass a way like smook, and that soon, for they say you being to be old: those that tells your Grace these things can make you happy, doe but delude you, and you can carry away of all noe more then a winding sheet: it were therfore wisely don to forsake tymly those things, that will forsake and vndoe vs. And I think truly it would be a great blessing to a person of your great­ness and Imployments, that God would stricke you with som great affliction and [Page 441] Cross, for it is not easy for those to be wise and holy, whoe see nothing round about them but prosperity, delights, the aplause of men, and all sort of pleasures and sensualitys, and that noe man tells them they are in danger. Alexander the great, in the height of his Glory and victorys suffered men to call him the sonne of Iupiter (it was not Enough for his ambition to be the sonne of Phillip of Massedon a wise and great King) but woun­ded with an Arrow in the siege of a Citty hee said to his courtiers and flatte­rers round about him ^* Ecce omnes jurant me esse [...]lium Io [...]s: sed vulnus hoc me esse ho­ [...]num clamat. ‘Behold all sweare I am the sonne of Iupiter: but this wound proclaimes mee to be a man.’ Vexation makes vs know Gods greatness and our owne weakness.

When the people of Israel murmoured seditiously against Moyses and Aaron for want of water, God commaunded them both to take the Rodd, and stricke a Rock therwith, and it should give them water. All the tyme Moyses held the Rodd lifted over the Rock and did not stricke, there [Page 442] came noe water, but the Rock being twice strucken with the Rod water flow'd out aboundantly, and the people and theire Cattle did drinck plentifully. The hart of a man is a h [...]rd Rock, and will yield noe water of compunction vntill strucken by the hand of God, but when man is smartingly afflicted in his fortunes or health, then hee can weep, and know God and himselfe; it were therfore whol­some and good for your Lordship to re­ceive a great vexation, cross, and con­tradiction in this world, and soe I con­fess it should be to mee, that have no­thing of contentations and worldly plea­sures as you have.

Remember my good Lord in what a trembling was Ezeshiat, when the Prophet said to him. ^* Take order with thy house for thou shalt dye, and thou shlt not live. Then Ez [...]thi [...] though a holy King in feare cry'd out. Qui [...] est hic, qui fic humiliat su­ [...]limes reges terre? God hath allready given your grace, a sensible and gratious a-larum, when those desperate Ruffians set vpon you by night and wounded you, haling and abusing you most Ignominiously: God in his mercy brought you of from those [Page 443] bloudy men and would not permitt you to be murthered by them, but gave you tyme to doe pennance and dispose your selfe well for the houre of death; you can never thank his devine goodness enough for this deliverance: make good vse my Lord of this great mercy in duly prepa­ring your selfe for the next world. Wee goe to bedd sound and well, and yet wee are not certaine to live till the morning following, many were found dead in theire bedd that parted the night before merrily and sound from theire frinds; it may bee your case my Lord as well as theires, and mine alsoe, and to what Eternity wee shall com God alone knowes: ô Eternity! ô Eternity! how little art thou in the harts of men! ô fyre burning for all Eter­nity how little art thou feared!

My Lord I present to your Grace a short but horrible Meditation of Eternity, as this. If the damned soules could be perswaded that after a hunderd thousand millions of yeares theire torments should have an end, that very perswation alone would be a great comfort to them, for then theire suffrings (albeit very longe) at lenght would com to an end, but otherwise they [Page 444] [...]re perswaded, and assured the revolutio [...] of theire paines and flames shall never have an end; (this makes them dispaire and blaspheme the goodness of God) if this wee beleeve not, where is our faith? And if wee beleeve it, where is our Iudg­ment and hart? What madness is it to neglect soe Important a matter, as the Eternall Salvation of our soule? (without this a thousand worlds are worth nothing) this is the great matter of state, on which wee ought to bestow day and night, all care and deliberation, what rest can wee take by night or by day when this wee sleight?

Harken as yet my Lord (with this I make an end) to the fearfull words af­flicted Iob [...] spake to those came to visit him. ^* Why then (quoth this holy man) Doe the Impious live? Are they advanced, and strengt hened with riches? theire seed continueth before them, a multitud of kinsmen and Nephews in theire sight, theire houses be secure and peaceable, and the Rod of God is not vpon them. But did Iob make an end hier? noe, but a little after hee says. Where is the house of the Prince? and where [Page 445] are the Tabernacles of the Impious? Ask any of the way-faring men, and you shall vnderstand, that hee knoweth the selfsame things, because the wicked man is kept vnto the day of perdi­tion, and hee shall be ledd to the day of fury. My Lord, I say, ponder well in your minde these dreadfull speeches of holy and patient Iob, and prepare your selfe in tyme (I conjoure you) against this day of Fury and perdition.