Quaer. 1. WIll you Article, Covenant, and indent with your King? It becomes not Subjects; it argues miſtruſt of his Majeſtie.

Reſponſ. This Nation ſaith, it hath beene often deceived, & abuſed by ſome miniſters of ſtate here for this kingdome, by whoſe practiſes they were fruſtrated of all the Kings favours, and graces conferred to them, for which they granted and payed about three hundred thouſand pounds ſterling, not very long ſince, and ſoone after beſides ten large Subſidies in the Earle of Strafords time, for all which monyes, amounting neere to a million of pounds ſterling they obtayned▪ little or nothing. And the ſaid graces are ſtill ſuppreſſed and ſtopped. Next, the ſtate here takes all advantage of this Nation for their Religion, by miſrepreſenting them to his Majeſty, to ſuppreſſe and keepe them from the government, thereby to poſſeſſe all places of honour, truſt and profit, eyther in the Army, or Common-wealth, and ſo raiſe themſelves by caſting perpetuall clouds of diſloyaltie, and diſaffection betweene the King and his people, as lately they did when they forſooke and betrayed the Engliſh▪ pale firſt, and conſequently the reſt of the kingdome, to be over-run and ruined in the beginning of theſe Commotions: and yet they miſinformed his Majeſtie, and procured what Commiſſions they pleaſed, to proſecute the ſaid Pale with extreme cruelties, and ſo by the Sword, and colour of Law, to have their eſtates by attaynders and forfeytures; whereat all other partes of the kingdome were amazed and diſtracted. Therefore in this ſubordinate government ſo jealous and irkeſome to the people, it is neceſſary to be on ſure termes for the future, and that Catholickes have a hand in the government, to prevent the like miſchiefes. And on theſe grounds, it may well become Subjects to ArticleAdd. with their Soveraigne, which argues no diſtruſt of his Majeſty, but of his miniſters, whoſe hands muſt ſtill hold the helme, ſeeing the Kings owne hand cannot reach thereto.

Quaere. 2. Will you force the King, and worke now on his neceſſities? He will remember it to you hereafter, and hee may recall what he ſhall now promiſe: nor will hee conceive himſelfe bound to make good what he ſhall now grant you, conſidering the condition he ſtands in.

Reſp It is not in our thoughts, Onely wee propound motives to ſupport his Majeſtie, and to advance his ſervice, a whole Nation to the laſt man, and the revenue of a whole kingdome (if neede be) to the laſt penny, to ſupport his Crowne, on contentment now to be given this people, a hundred thouſand loyall Subjects, and good fighting men, to ſpend their bloud in this quarrell for his Majeſty, and foure or five hundred thouſand pounds ſterling by the yeare (as ſhall appeare by the particular heads of the revenue of this kingdome layd downe hereafter) is worth the acceptation, and may invite his Majeſty to give content to this people. He then that will hinder or oppoſe this, to looſe the King ſuch a conſiderable party and aſſiſtance, can be no other then an enemy, ayming at nothing elſe, but to weaken his Majeſty, by diverting this Nation, as it were by compulſion fromAdd. his ſervice. And this is not to force the King, and worke his neceſſities, but to helpe him, and relieve them, and to buy our Peace with the marrow of our purſes and bloud of our veines, which his Majeſty may (indeede) well remember hereafter, not to recall our liberties, but to record our loyalties. Moreover, his Majeſty may aſwell in future ſay, that he is forced to the conditions of peace profered, as to thoſe demanded: for neyther the one, nor the other, would ever have beene granted in precedent times, though not by want of gracious inclination in his Majeſties to favour us, but by the ſiniſter characters which his miniſters here, ever gave him of us.

Quaere 3. Will you looſe the King all his proteſtant party, which will fall from him, and will you looſe him all his proteſtant Subjects of England and Scotland, and conſequently his Crowne of both kingdomes, which muſt follow, if he give you content?

Reſp. Can you imagine that any Subjects, which be true ſubjects, will forſake their Prince, becauſe we tender ayde of men and monyes, and propound motives to advance his ſervice; nay rather the proteſtant party will adviſe his Majeſty conſidering the condition and neceſſity he ſtands in, to give content to this Nation, thereby to gaine ſo conſiderable a party, and aſſiſtance to ſupport his Crowne, and themſelves. Nor can they once ſuſpect with reaſon (if they will not put it on him of purpoſe, as a ſeeming occaſion of their defection from him) that his Majeſty is not conſtant to the proteſtant Religion ſeeing they well know he is by education, and in his beliefe and opinions as firme a proteſtant as ever England bred, as is moſt manifeſt, by all his declarations and proceedings, though it ſtands not with the pollicy of the Parliamentaries, to make this an article of their beliefe; for they hold it a deepe myſterie of ſtate, to misbelieve the King, and not ſuffer him to be believed in this particular, thereby to traduce his Majeſty, and cauſe the Subjects ſtill conceive, he is inclined to Papiſtry, whereof they take their greateſt advantage, purpoſely to ſeduce and incenſe the people againſt him. Now if you feare the proteſtant party will ſo lightly fall from his Majeſty, (as you would faigne perſwade us, to leſſen our conditions) you may aſwell pretend any expreſſion of favour which ſhall be granted us, were it but a connivence or tolleration of our Religion, to be a cauſe ſufficient, for the like defection, but if the ſaid proteſtant ſubjects be of reſolution, to continue true and conſtant to his Majeſty, what can more powerfully encourage them thereto, or hold them more ſtedfaſtly to ſo generous and juſt a reſolve, then an ample ſupply of men and moneys offered by us, on a good peace, to backe and ſecond their party, the weakeneſſe whereof is not perhaps the leaſt cauſe of all their feares,Add. and wavering betweene the King and Parliament? But ſuppoſe the King were Catholickely affected, and would abſolutely reſtore us our Religion, and the publicke uſe thereof, in as full and ample manner, as ever we enjoyed it in the times of his Majeſties predeceſſors from the Conqueſt to Henry the VIII, would therefore (or rather ſhould) all his proteſtant ſubjects fall from him, and muſt he therefore forfeyte his Crowne? Your Quaere anſwers they would, and he muſt, it followes then, they are onely conditionally Subjects, not abſolutely, and his Majeſty holds his Crowne by a conditionall Tenure, not by an abſolute: both which are abſurd. Why did not all the Catholicke Subjects of England and Ireland relinquiſh Henry the VIII. when he forſooke his owne and their Religion? why did not he looſe his Crowne, when he loſt his faith? Why might not the Romiſh ſubjects of France, fall off from the late French King, and his Father, when they gave tolleration of Religion, and liberty to build Churches and Synagogues to the Huguenotes? Why loſt not they▪ therefore their Crownes? But to come neerer home: did not our dread Soveraigne King Charles condeſcend unto ſuch propoſitions of the Scots, as ſtood not with their loyalty to demand, nor in his power to grant, (to omit all other, witneſſe the abrogation of Epiſcopacie, or unmitering of Biſhops, who be the firſt of the three ſtates of every Chriſtian and Catholicke kingdome) as appeares by ſeverall his Majeſties declarations yet extant. This his Majeſty did, onely to content that Nation, and ſave that Crowne; albeit the former followed not; heavens grant, the later may? for they muſt have aliquid amplius, to wit; Kings un-Crowned and Monarchy pull'd downe, how ever his Majeſties proteſtant party in England, Ireland, or Scotland, fell not therefore from him, neyther is he therefore diſcrowned: and yet muſt both follow, if he give content to the Iriſh (in your opinions) or his Royall aſſent to their propoſitions; albeit they containe nothing, but what may modeſtly ſuite with their fidelity to propound, and juſtly with his Majeſtie, power, and expediently with his gracious benignity to grant, & that which hath beene their owne for ten or twelve ages conſequent, and what they enjoyed in quiet poſſeſſion, ever ſince the Conqueſt, during the happy Raigne of fifteene or ſixteene Kings his Majeſties predeceſſors, before Henry the VIII. and ſince then, violently wreſted from them by tyrannie, oppreſſion, and ſurreptitious Lawes, fraudulently introduced by the bloud-ſucking miniſters of this ſubordinate governement. Moreover, what concernes it the proteſtant Subjects of England and Scotland, whether we have content or not? How are they any way impeached or improved thereby? or how therein intereſſed? What looſe they by our liberty, or gaine▪ they by our reſtraint? Can not they goe to Church, though wee goe to Maſſe? the broad Sea is betwixt us, we will be no eye-ſore to them. If it be for their brethren here, we ſeeke not the abrogation of their Religion, or abreviation of their lawfull freedome, or ought elſe derogating to their honour, ſecuritie, or peaceable cohabitation, as appeares by our propoſitions now in Print to the eye of the world, As for his Majeſties proteſtant party proteſtant party here in Ireland (not to undervalue them) they are no way conſiderable: For, over all Munster, Vlſter, and Connaght, ſuch as for a while did ſeemingly proclayme themſelves for the King, doe now abſolutely diſclayme in him, and declare themſelves for the Parliament, and conſequently, his enemies, ſo as his Majeſty hath no proteſtant party here, but onely in Leynster, and that but in a deſtroyed nooke thereof, to wit in the Counties of Dublin, and Louth, and a part of Kildare and Meath, (for Doncanon is fallen off) in all which they cannot make up one thouſand five hundred proteſtants fighting men, where among theſe ſhall hardly cull out two hundred, I might well ſay two ſcore heads well ſquared to the Kings rule, the reſt (as alſo all the proteſtant inhabitants of Dublin and their other Townes, farre much more then the moſt part) have their heads ſo Round, as they cannot hold rouling to the Parliament, when the leaſt occaſion is offered, As for their hearts, they are from the beginning in the boſome of their pure brethren in VVestminster-hall; and their heeles are all as nimble and ready to dance a ſcottiſh-jigge, and a parliamentall revolta, to Eſſex hornepipe, if execution were as eaſie, as thought is free, and wiſhes facil; all which is manifeſt by their Common-prayers, publicke diſcourſes, and Commerce, and ſlocking to the Parliament Ships, whenſoever they hover over our coaſtes, and thus are they all affected and infected from head to foote, ſave a very few of the prime, whereof ſome being ſtrangers, can make no other party, then their houſhold ſervants: other ſome, though by birth or deſcent, Natives, and bigge in bloud and calling, and in precedent times vaſt in poſſeſſions, and powerfull in command; yet now as the winde blowes, they beare but low and fagge ſayles, and can make no more way, then the meaneſt vaſſals, by reaſon their numerous allyes, friends, and followers, are all Roman Catholickes, and conſequently adhering to the Confederats, with whom, not being united, their power is as poore as that of the Alyens: So as the premiſſes maturely pondered, his Majeſties proteſtant party diſioyned from the Catholicke, is no way here conſiderable. Will you then, upon the onely reaſon of an ungrounded Antipathy in Religion, adviſe his Majeſty to diſcontent a whole Nation, for complying ſoly with the wilfull malice of ſo fractious, frayle, and feeble a party, as that of the proteſtants? I ſay in Ireland, for thoſe of England, they cannot alleage rationably any reaſon for oppoſing our peace, ſave alſo a meere hatred to our profeſſion, which is the reaſon of fiends, who, becauſe their ſelves are in bale cannot brooke others ſhould be in bliſſe: or their hearts are forſooth purified, and their heads ſphearified, and ſo in the behalfe and behoofe of their pure brothers, they cunningly intend by this oppoſition to weaken his Majeſty, by fomenting a continuall difference twixt him and his Catholicke Subjects of Ireland, whoſe party they know to be ſo powerfull both at home, and abroad▪ as (were matters fairely compoſed, & content given them) they might ſtrongly aſſiſt to quench the fiery fury of the Parliament, and reinthrone his Majeſty, as now de facto they begin to doe in Scotland, by a ſmall ſuccour of two thouſand Iriſh ſent thither, to joyne with the Kings party there, whereby it appeares, how highly an union betwixt his Majeſties Catholicke and proteſtant Subjects in his three kingdomes, conduceth, for the quelling and quayling of his enemies, and reeſtabliſhing of his Royall perſon in his full power, prerogatives, and glorie: For, if a poore ayde of two thouſand men onely can ſo much prevayle, what may a large contribution of a hundred thouſand pounds in Coine, or more, and ten thouſand men, yea twenty; thirty it neede be. I have beene over fuſe (I confeſſe) in my anſwer to this Quaere becauſe it is the objection moſt frequently and fervently obtruded.

Quaere 4. Will you looſe the kingdome by going to a new warre againe? will you utterly undoe it, and your ſelves, by a new breach? You are not able for the Scots, or my Lord of Inſiquin, and the Parliament party that is in the kingdome: much leſſe for my Lord Lieutenant and his party, whom you will force to joyne with the Scots and parliament, and ſo hold but with the longeſt and •… ſt.

Reſp. I anſwer, theſe arguments of weakneſſe m •… bee retorted on your ſelves. Will you, that pretend ſo much loyaltie and zeale to ſerve his Majeſty, looſe the King and kingdome, which every day you doe, while you keepe this diſtance with the Catholicke party, in giving the Scots, time to come to a head, and the Round heads leaſure to bring their ſecret plots to effect, and this, by taking advantage of your weakeneſſe, in ſpreading themſelves all over the kingdome? witneſſe the revolte of the Lord of Inſiqum, and of the Forte of Doncanon, which you have loſt, unleſſe we deeme them politicke alarums, and ſubtle inventions to fraight and worke on the Confederates, to accept the eaſier conditions now of peace from you. It is likewiſe apprehended on very good grounds, that the City and Caſtle of Dublin, by the daily growing inſolencies and infections of the Roundheads in the ſaid City, may be in danger to be loſt, and (as I may boldly ſay) is daily a looſing. It is eaſie to fall from a proteſtant to a puritant, and from the King to the Parliament. It is their ordinary practiſe, to come and goe daily, a victory or two does it: but the Catholickes cannot with ſuch facility fall from their Religion, becauſe the differences are eſſentiall, and points of faith; nor from their obedience to his Majeſty, becauſe it is apparent, there is no ſuch affection in them to the puritans, but rather an innated antipathy: So as to ſuch extremes there's no feare of fall. Now if you deeme us ſo weake for the Scots and parliamentaries in this kingdome, certainely you are much more, But ſay you? you may joyne with the Scots, yes, to forſake the King, you may, and ſo doe your beſt to ſecure this kingdome for the Parliament and Scots. And had not the Catholicke Army beene now in the Field, and in the way, it is very probable, you had not eſcaped ſo ſcot-free, as you have done. And if wee proſper not in this expedition (for which you had neede to pray) but that they ſhall chance to over-run us; then I beleeve, you will finde, they will not content themſelves with the North alone, but will reſolve to venture for a greater and better ſhare of the kingdome. I ſee no reaſon, but you may feare your portion. You ſay you may ſafely joyne with the Scots, to hold out the longer with them, becauſe you conceive them the ſtronger, and us the weaker, why ſhould not you aſwell apprehend, that we may joyne with ſome other forainer, or ſubmit to ſuch, whoſe ſeverall Agents now in the kingdome, perhaps wayte an opportunity in that kinde, and have their eares open ready to ſnatch up ſuch a motion? Doe not you thinke but the Scots and Parliament of England will be glad to accept of us, and our offers, which we make to his Majeſty, and will permit us freely to enjoy the benefit of our conditions, ſo we concuire with them in ſuppreſſing Monarchy▪ which is the faire white whereat their warres doe levell? But ſay you, you know there is no ſuch ſympathy betwixt us, that were, from the frieing pan into the fire, and therefore you are confident we will not be ſo mad, however, it behooveth you in commonpolicy, to be cautious, how you exaſperate a whole Nation, and force them to fly for ſafety to forein protection, whereto, doubtleſſe, the late cruell plots and practiſes of Sir VVilliam Parſons, Sir Adam Lofius, and other vipers of the ſtate, had driven this Nation, had it not beeneAdd. immoveable from its loyaltie to his Majeſty, wheron you would faine it ſeemes force a breach, by hindering his Majeſties gracious favours from us, to make way for your holy brothers the parliamentaries, to enter and poſſeſſe the kingdome: But, if you keepe the gap too long open, beware our neighbours enter not, before your brethren; for Ireland is a faire and fryant morſell, and your Spaniards, Italians, and French have luſhious teeth, which if they once fixe in it, I feare all the Pincers or Hammers in England will not draw or drive them out. You aske us, will we looſe the kingdome and our ſelves? No, but endevour to ſave both, and if wee may not, a faire death is better then a ſpecious bondage, ſlavery, or ſervitude: Meluis est enim nobis moriin bello, quam videre mala gentis noſtrae, If therefore you will tye the Kings hands ſo faſt, as he may not grant us the freedome of Chriſtians we muſt be compell'd to endevour to cut the bands, to reinfranchiſe his Majeſty, and diſinthrall our ſelves, how weake ſoever you would fayne perſwade us to be

Quare. 5. What if my Lord Lieutenant will publiſh his Commiſſion, and will iſſue forth Proclamations of mercy and pardon, with reſtitution of eſtates, and all aſſurances of life, liberty and tolleration of Religion, and thereby withdraw and divide all your party, and ſo puſle and weaken you, that you will be glad of any conditions, and ſuch as his excellency will be pleaſed to propund?

Reſp. No doubt, this was invented as a mayne Engine to cruſh, and bring our party and whole Nation to diviſion, and ſo to deſolation. I confeſſe this Commiſſion and Proclamation may perhaps worke on the moſt neceſſitous, weake, and diſcontented people within the verge and quarters of Dublin, whom extreame neceſſity may force to goe any whither for reliefe▪ but that have not you to give them for you have neyther meate, nor money to ſpare within your quarters, nor ſtrength enough to gaine it from ours. You muſt come thirty miles now from Dublin, to get any Corne or Cattle if you take not from one another, and ſo ſtarve your ſelves. Your parties of Horſe that uſed to make their incurſions for prey into the remoter Counties, are broken and diſperſed, and what ſervice may they be able to performe, going ſo farre from their quarters, ſpecially, now that our Confederates are growen farre ſtronger, then ever you or they have beene, both in Horſe and Armes, ſo as little or no reliefe are you to expect by pillage: and what ſmall ſtore remaynes within your owne quarters, will hardly maintayne your great Townes, Gariſons, for any conſiderable time. Conſider well your owne preſent ſtate, condition, weakeneſſe, and neceſſities, and you cannot with ſans judgement imagine, that any of our party will flye unto you, whileſt they have the moſt part of the kingdome of their owne ſide, plentifully able to relieve them, without adventuring their lives, to goe a pillaging with you, againſt their country, friends, and conſcience, ſpecially, ſeeing there be other wayes to maintayne them, to wit, by putting the meaner ſort into pay of the Armies, and the ſaid baniſhed Nobility and Gently into places and Offices of Military and Civill imployment, as is reſolved by the late Aſſembly held at Kilkenny. And what people doe you thinke to draw and devide from us? Thoſe of the Engliſh-Pale, all deſtroyed, and made inconſiderable by your maſſacres & cruelties, for having withſtood the ſhocke, while Amunition Armes, and Commanders were a comming, who muſt be now rather a burden, then a helpe to you, and no great loſſe to us, for what concernes their power, in the condition they now ſtand in, though before, they were, for ſo many, the moſt conſiderable part of the whole kingdome. Their Common ſort are all for the moſt part, murdered and ſtarved; and ſuch of the Nobility and Gentry as are remayning, will not, for their eſtates (whereof they can make little benefit) hazard the loſſe of their perſons in your ſervice, to be expoſed to all dangers, for a poore lively-hood only, to be drawen out of prey and pillage, ſeeing you cannot otherwiſe maintayne them of any place of honour, truſt, command, or benefit, by your old crooked rules, they are incapable, at leaſt ſo are they ſure to be made and in fine, if you be maſters, let them not doubt to be ſlaves, if not utterly extirpated, with the reſt of their country-men your oppoſits, for the ancient ſpleene you beare to their Religion and Nation, and unquenchable thirſt to their eſtates, how ever now in your neede you make uſe of their endeavours and ſervices. Can you then with reaſon imagine, that their reaſon is ſo faire blinded, as not to foreſee this Doe you thinke they will be ſo effeminat, as for a ſufferance which cannot long continue, they will expoſe themſelves to be the perpetuall object of their countries wrath, the abject of all Chriſtian Nations, yea and the obloquy of all the world, to advance your heatheniſh deſignes, by enduring all preſent and future miſeries, by fighting againſt their friends, allyes, themſelves, and their conſciences, by aſſiſting to extirpat their owne Nation and Religion, which hath now above foure-ſcore yeares withſtood ſo many furious aſſaults of your tyrannous preſſures and perſecutions, and betray their lives, liberties, and eſtates, to a never ending ſlavery and infamy, being ſtill expoſed to your new pretended attaynders, and corruptions of bloud, which no pſeudo-parliament of yours can waſh away, nor may their grievances be thereby redreſſed, but by a free and legall parliament, ſuch as they ſhall never have, by your conſents, though you did promiſe, ſweare, vow, proteſt, and proclayme a reſtitution of all freedome and favour. Your words and Proclamations ſo often violated both before and ſince the warres, and your wonted faithleſſe proceedings, confirmes them in this beliefe. The violence of the ſtorme is over-blowen, they hope, and I am confident, they are reſolved to beare out with their fellow-vaſſals, rather then ſtrike themſelves aground, under your Lee. But ſuppoſe your proclamations brought in a conſiderable party (as I cannot beleeve they will) you will make but a perpetuall Warre, in regard the reſt of the kingdome is ſo poſſeſſed, and ſwayed by the Catholicke Biſhops and Clergy, that in caſe no reaſonable accommodation be made, or content herein be given, the kingdome will be ſo imbroyled and rent, that his Majeſty will not be able to draw any aſſiſtance thereout, to ſupport his Crowne: hee will looſe all his owne revenue, and our ayde of men and monyes, which are (under favour) far tranſcending any his Majeſty may expect from his proteſtant party here, (if any ſuch he hath) and more to be regarded, then the bare walles and empty carcaſſes of Churches, whereto, for the moſt part, no proteſtants, ſave onely the Miniſters with their wives, did ever reſort, in regard the flocke were all of the Catholicke fold, and all the labours, endevours, and perſecutions, being fruſtrat which ſince the ſuppreſſion, were imployed to propagate the proteſtant Religion in this kingdome, or faſten it on the body thereof, though the Court of wardes hath wrought on a few degenerate members, and devided them from God and their Countrey, I will not ſay, from their King, but I pray, it may not ſo prove. But let it now be conſidered, whether the proteſtant or Catholicke party here is moſt powerfull, and can bring the King moſt men and money? and if it be not as neceſſary (or more) to give the Catholickes content, as the proteſtants? His Majeſty (we are confident) is graciouſly inclined towards us, as appeares by his ſeverall favourable declarations made in our behalfes, before ſome perſons of worth and credit, now in this kingdome, ready to teſtifie ſo much. To conclude, can thoſe of the Pale, or any other (to whom griping miſery, or raging jelouſie of being vilipended by certayne unnaturall and ungratefull patriots may ſuggeſt a thought of deviding or withdrawing themſelves from our party) be of ſo ſlaviſh an humour, as to joyne with you, when they ſhall reflect, and call to minde, how their immediat predeceſſors, and ſome of themſelves perhaps yet living (by whoſe power and proweſſe in the late precedent warre you kept your footing in the kingdome) were by you rewarded, diſregarded, and abuſed. Was it not the uſuall taunt of the late Lord Strafford, and all his fawning Sycophants in their private Colioquies to thoſe of the Pale, that they were the moſt refractory men of the whole kingdome, that it was more neceſſary (yea for their crooked ends) they ſhould be Planted and ſupplanted, then any other thereof, that his Majeſty would never be abſolute Soveraigne, whileſt there lived a Papiſt therein? Theſe & the like were the ordinary Cabbinet diſcourſes of the ſtate in generall, whereinto ſometimes in publick their malice would burſt forth, and where plantations might not reach, defective Titles ſhould extend. Many Officers and Gentlemen, who had done very good ſervice in the ſaid Warre, and loſt their bloud and limbs therein, for which they had Annuall penſions conferred on them were ſoone after deprived of their ſaid penſions, for onely having refuſed to take the Oath of Supremacie, or Allegeance, in ſuch forme as proteſtants uſe, ſome whereof I have ſeene without hands, which they left at Kinſale, in defence of the Crowne of England, for which they remayned alſo without thankes, without penſion, for only being faithfull to God and their owne ſoules. Many of the ancient Iriſh who ſtucke ſteadfaſtly to the Queenes quarrell, and loſt therein their lives, had their eſtates planted, with as little juſtice; favour, or reaſon, as thoſe who endevoured to take the Crowne of her head, and kingdome out of her hands. I knew my ſelfe a certaine Gentleman, who being queſtioned before the ſtate, for matter of Recuſancy, (as you terme it) anſwered, it was not demanded of me the day of Kinſale what Religion I was of, it is true, replyed an ungratefull ſtateſ-man, I confeſſe you did good ſervice that day, but you doe now, as the Cow, that gives much milke, and ſpils it after with a kicke of her heele, and this kicke (forſooth) was no other then kicking in ſpirit at their foreſaid execrable Oathes, and being a Roman Catholicke. Who then reflecting on your Tyranny, injuſtice, malice, ingratitude, faithleſſe promiſes, and undeſerved perſecutions will be ſo ſtupid or craven harted as on your brittle proclamations, to adhere to you, & put their heads like Aſſes, againe into the halter? Did not Tyrone and Tyre-conell come in, and ſubmit on faire conditions? Yet had not their heeles ſaved their heads, the former had beene tripped up, and the later chopped off, and ſo may all heads be, which will be ſo blockiſh as to lay themſelves on the blocke, while the Hatched is in the Butchers hand over them.

Quaere 6. What conſiderable good, is there to be expected, by your helpe of men, or monyes, the kingdome being ſo exhauſted and deſtroyed, as no pecuniary ayde may be thence collected, and ſo depopulated, as it hath no men to ſpare, & ſuch as are, ſo cowarded, by our many victories, as they are not regardable, or of any uſe or eſtimation?

Reſp. You cannot deny, but on the beginning of theſe Commotions, you were fearefully ſcared by a popular rout of diſarmed Clowns not onely in the countrey, but even in your ſtrongeſt walled Townes and Cities, in ſomuch as you durſt ſcarce peepe out at the gates of your great Garizons of Dublin, and Drogbeda. I grant, when you had diſcovered thoſe multitudes to be weapon-leſſe, and in no fit poſture to defend themſelves or offend you, then indeede you tooke courage and ruſhing forth with horſe and foote compleatly armed, you ſlew man, woman, and child, as they came under your laſh, aſwell thoſe that held the plough▪ as the pike, the goade as the gun, the ſuich as the ſword, which brave kinde of ſervice and ſwaye you continued, untill ſome Commanders, Armes, and ammunition, came to our ſuccour, and then were you put to a ſtand. This is the naked truth, without diſparaging or undervaluing eyther Nation, as may be obſerved, ſince the battle of Roſſe, where, though you had the honour of the field, by oddes of the ground, and great advantage of your Artillery, yea, and ſomewhat elſe, which were petty treaſon to touch; yet wee had the honour to have relieved and kept the Towne, and taken your ſhipping, where you were ſo ſtung, ſmarted, and amazed at the ſharpeneſſe of the encounter, that ever ſince you have for borne to meete our Troupes. I will paſſe over the gayning of Burriſe, Bir, ſort-Faulkland, Ballynikill, Ballylenan, and ſeverall other places, and skirmiſhes about the time of concluding the Ceſſation in September 1643. ſpecially at Loghleagh, where a few of ours routed and ſlew multitudes of yours, & Portleſter, where fell that buſie nice warrier, full of his countries bloud and ſpoyle, and zeale to ſerve the Parliament, Charles Lord viſcouut Moore, of unhappy memory. So as, though we runne away, (as you object) yet in each conflict you loſt moſt men and that evermore of your chiefe Commanders, in ſuch a broken, diſorderly, and diſfurniſhed warre as we were compelled to make. And when you ſhall make an upcaſt of your accounts, you ſhall finde (if ſelfe conceit inveigle you not) that we have not had the leaſt or worſt part of the victoryes. As for our retreate lately from Charlemount, to refreſh our horſes and men, and to bring our Army out of ſuch narrow ſtraights, where Horſe could not freely play; (whereat you ſeeme to rejoyce, and ſlaken the treaty of peace, as if you would ſide with the Scots, the Kings enemies) no other conſtruction can be made thereof, but that it was done to put the Army in a better poſture for ſervice: And ſuppoſe our Army did retyre or disbande, by reaſon of ſome careleſſe fayler or defect in the Country, Councell, or prime-Commanders, in falling ſhort of proviſion, pay, or other requiſites: Muſt it therefore be inferred, that the kingdome is the leſſe conſiderable, or powerfull to ſuccour his Majeſty? This conſequence halts over pons Aſsinorum, it followes not. For it is manifeſt, that if the whole kingdome had put their ſtrength to it, (though your party did ſit ſtill, and looke on onely, as in this occaſion you have remarkeably done, which argues in you infallibly, eyther want of will, or power, if the former, you are no right Subjects, if the later, you are leſſe able to aſſiſt his Majeſty then we) Little ſhould the Scots be of force to reſiſt us, and much leſſe (I am confident) will they be (the fire being now kindled and encreaſing in their owne countrey) when your party and ours ſhall joyne unanimouſly againſt them. In the interim, if ought ſhall happen amiſſe, you may have a ſhare in the blame and miſchiefe. And our oppoſing the Scots deſerveth a gratefull acknowledgement, being a ſervice more concerning your intereſts and ſafeties (if there be not ſome latent combination betwixt you and them) then ours, in regard we are in a more able condition for defence and offence, whereby, you cannot but judge us to be conſiderable, having lately maintayned in the field (beſides all gariſon'd Souldiers, and trayn'd bands of horſe and foote, ſetled in the ſeverall Counties) about ſeven or eight thouſand foote, and one thouſands horſe, for five Moneths, in a body. I beleeve our enemies have found our Troupes well able to breake theirs, and to trample under foote their Scottiſh hobbyes. You may not be over confident of your paſt victories, or preſume ſo much on a vaine opinion of the Scottiſh-Army, (whereof perhaps you make uſe to ſquare and governe this Treaty) you cannot deny, but we have multitudes of men, many thouſand Souldiers, brave Cavvalliers, and long experienced ſtout Commanders, moſt zealous and willing to fight out this quarrell for his Majeſty, who, on ſecure contentment given their Nation, will prove themſelves as valiant and hardy now and alwayes, as they have beene ever hetherto, and ſtill are, reputed in all foraine Countries. I appeale to your owne knowledge, whether any ſtands better of your ſide in the field, then this country man? So that we may truly ſay, you fought with our owne men againſt us, as now the Scots doe. And though the kingdome in many partes be deſtroyed; yet are the revenues thereof ſtill conſiderable: Whereas this laſt yeare of Ceſſation, above a hundred thouſand pounds have beene levyed out of the very plough-lands, and the Counties at large, without ſcarce touching our Cities or walled Townes, to wit, thirty thouſand pounds to his Majeſty, on the Ceſſation, for tranſporting the Engliſh Army herehence to his ayde, fifty thouſand pounds for the Army of Vlster at leaſt, during the expedition: twenty thouſand pounds more have beene payed this ſame yeare, in ſatisfaction of arrears due to Officers and Commanders, beſides divers other ſummes for our Agents at ſeverall times, which I omit, together, with the intertaynement of all ſuch as ſerve the Common-weale, whereof, though ſome receive not much, yet ſome others doe. I paſſe over all ſummes which lye hidden in the hands of Collectors, Receivers, & ſuch other Officers, which in all amounts to above a hundred thouſand pounds, this yeare, when the kingdome (I ſuppoſe, and hope) is at the loweſt ebbe. What then will it be able to affoord when a happy peace ſhall begin to recover it, and bring a full tyde of all flouriſhing plenty, ſpecially, when the Engliſh-pale ſhall be reinhabited, which now lyes waſt in a manner and uſeleſſe, and hath beene the beſt and richeſt Colony of the land, and the chiefeſt and moſt abounding Granary thereof, and prime ſupport of the ſtate? and if the wayes wee have fixed on, the laſt Aſſembly at Kilkenny in Iuly 1644. be condeſcended unto, and effectually followed, during this grand neceſſity, they will (I ſay) bring into the treaſury, at leaſt foure hundred thouſand pounds by the yeare, as by the enſuing heads of a revenue agreed unto at Kilkenny as aforeſaid, may plainely appeare. Firſt, the exciſes layd in a moderate way over all our quarters, ſuppoſe halfe aſmuch, as it is in Dublin, will amount to a huge ſumme throughout all our Cities and Corporations, as yet not touched in this kind. Secondly, the fourth part of the yearely rent and value of every mans eſtate, which likewiſe I leave to be conſidered. Thirdly, the Kings Rents, Compoſitions, and Cuſtomes, which (though now in a manner during the warres, loſt, or of ſmall value) will upon a peace ſoone improue, if there ſhall be no VVentworths or Ratclifes, to cozen the King, or Catch poll the Subject. Fourthly, two partes, or more, of all Church-livings belonging to the Clergy, ſo much now inſiſted upon betweene the Catholicke and proteſtant Clergy: and this to aſſiſt his Majeſty during the warres, All which particulars of a revenue, muſt doubtleſſe amount unto a vaſt ſumme, to be imployed firſt, to ſecure and cleere this kingdome of all Round-heads, and other malignant or ill-affected perſons, bee they Engliſh, Iriſh, or Scots, which by a perfect union of the Proteſtant party (I meane ſuch as ſincerely adhere to the King) & ours, may be ſpeedily effectuated, through the happy and diſintereſſed governement, we then hope to enjoy, and the free and cheerefull contribution of allAdd. to advance the ſaid ſervice, which being atchieved, then may all our Armies be tranſported into England, and our forces be imployed towards his Majeſties ſuccour which is the longing deſire, and chiefeſt ambition of this loyall Nation, how ſuſpitious ſoever you may be of them, for your owne ſiniſter intentions; all which really pondered, ſans all jealous prejudication, our helps both of men and monyes, are highly conſiderable▪ and yours very little avaylable, for firſt, your party is in a manner no party, at leaſt for the King, by reaſon the moſt and ſtrongeſt part thereof, if not all, conſiſts of Puritans and antimonarchiſts, ſuch as would, if it lay in their power, rather Conquer the kingdome for their holy brethren, the Parliamentaries, Scots, or Hollanders, then for his Majeſty. Next, if you had a conſiderable proteſtant party, you have no proviſion if Come, victuals, men, or monyes, nor can you expect any, but from his Majeſties enemies, who will ſend you none, to ſerve againſt themſelves, all which is before ſufficiently demonſtrated. How then are you prepared for a new warre, or how able to extirpate this Nation, if you intend not to bring in the parliament, or ſome other of your anti-monarchicall brethren, to winne the kingdome for themſelves, and weane it from his Majeſty? And what gets the King by that? mary, hee ſhall gayne an open enemy, and looſe a kingdome. And, if for this end, the parliament help you not, they have ſmall encouragement to ſend you any more, ſo little effect have they found of the ſeverall aydes hetherto tranſmitted, which doth no way countervayle the bloud of ſo many thouſand men, and charge of ſo many hundred thouſand pounds, imployed; ſpent, and loſt, by Sea and Land to ſubdue, and extinguiſh this Nation, which muſt very much diſcourage them, and retard their further adventures hether, having their heads & hands full of worke at home. We know their ſpleene to Ireland over-flowes, and their deſire is tranſcendent, to joyne it as a large Canton to their new intended ſtate, framed after the Holland cut: Yet, for the preſent, their ambition is firſt, to ſettle it in England, and to ſecure themſelves, much more prevalent, for charity begins at home; and they conceive, they may come time enough to play the after game in Ireland, for they aſſure themſelves, to have alwayes odde men lurking in our after points, to keepe the Tables open. It is hard then for you to truſt to their preſent ſupplyes ſo uncertaine, and if you doe, it is more hard for his Majeſty to confide in you, for doubtleſſe, they will not relieve you, that you may ſuccour him, whom they ſo violently oppoſe, and labour to depoſe. Now I pray, give me leave a little further, to examine your vaunting victories, and therein to manifeſt the valour of our men, ſo much by you undervalued. The firſt encounter was (as you cannot but remember) betweene the bridge of Gillianſtone & Smithstone, where a few of ours, with Swords and Skines onely, without ſhot defeated foure of five hundred of yours, armed as compleatly as any, Souldiers in Holland, where among was a Troupe of Horſe which ſaved themſelves by their heeles, and about three hundred of the foote were ſlaine in the place, without ſhot or ſtroke in defence of their lives were the Iriſh then cowards? During the ſiege of Drogheda, (which though they were forced to rayſe, for want of Commanders, Armes, and Amunition) in the few encounters that were, they ſhewed their valour, even in ſtanding, and defending themſelves not being provided for offence, yet was your loſſe ſtill moſt. And did not our young Gentlemen enter the Towne, and therein ſufficiently demonſtrate their courage, though compelled to retyre, as you were at Roſſe. At Swoards, Finglas, and Santry, did not thirty or forty Musketires of ours, having not above three ſhots of powder a peece, with three or foure hundred Clubbetiers, confront a body of eight hundred ſhot of yours, beſide pike and horſe, and ſlay your Commanders, and ſixe for one of your Souldiers, till want of powder did force their retreat, and give you way to murder a company of old labouring men, women, and children? At Kiljhalaghan, did not they the like, and kept the place alſo, for that time in deſpite of you, to your exceſſive loſſe? At Trim, Dundalke, and other petty skirmiſhes, you evermore loſt your Commanders, and moſt of your Souldiers, neyther did you ever put ours to flight, while they had a ſhot of powder left, though you had ten Armes, for one of ours. At Kilruſh, I confeſſe we were as many men (I believe) as you, but your Artillery, Horſe, Armes, Amunition, triply exceeded ours, which are very great advantages, yet little got you by that day, but the field, which, with ſuch oddes, I hold for no great victory, which you had not the courage to proſecute. All ſuch Caſtles as you got from us (for the moſt part) coſt you deere, ten lives or more, for one, though you layd formall ſieges to them, with Artillery, plenty of Amunition, and all other requiſites, againſt a few unarmed disfurniſhed men: Witneſſe Carrigmain, Baldugan, Suddain, Lynch his Knocke, and ſeverall other, where commonly, you moſt perfidiouſly broke your quarter given. All theſe were before the arrivall of any helpe of Commanders, Armes, or Amunition in our quarters, ſince when you have alwayes loſt ground, and recovered none; At Raconell you confeſſe our men fought valiantly, even with ſtones, when their powder was ſpent, the want whereof (it is evident) was the ſole cauſe of the defeat. At Loghleagh, you were ſhamefully beaten. At Roſſe we had our intent, which was to defend the Towne, though you got the field, by the advantage of your Artillery, and ſomewhat elſe, muſt not be ſpoken off. At Keſhenennan, being in all, not a full thouſand men, horſe and foote, very ſlightly provided, we kept the paſſage againſt your great Army of five or ſixe thouſand horſe and foote. At Clancurry, we had alſo our intent, which was to ſend you home, without annoyance of us. At Portlester you got the worſt, as is aforeſaid. All ſuch Caſtles as we have gained from you, we wonne them (in a manner) without difficulty, blowes or loſſe; (Ballinikill onely excepted, which alſo held not out much more then halfe a day, after the firſt ſhot of a Cannon, though you vauntingly glorified it, with the name of invincible) yet in each of them, you abounded with men, and all other Military proviſion. Now in all theſe battles, encounters, skirmiſhes, and Caſtles wonne or loſt, it is particularly to bee noted, that you never gayned from us, without ſtiffe and ſtout reſiſtance, ſharpe blowes, and much loſſe, moſt commonly, and with much advantage, of Artillery, Armes, Amunition, and other warlike neceſſaries; whereas, whenſoever we got from you, (I ſay for the moſt part) it was evermore without much oppoſition, damage, or bloud, with all kinde of diſadvantage of our ſide, which evidently demonſtrats whoſe men are moſt cowarded, or ſtood worſt. If we ſtill runne away, why did not you over-runne and conquer the kingdome? And if a man armed onely with a Club, or a Gunne without powder, ſhould flye from another, compleatly armed, and provided to his hearts deſire, can any with reaſon therefore call that man a coward? I ſhould rather hold him for a Cullion, that purſues ſuch a man, or at leaſt, cannot wreſt his will, or winne his wiſh from him. If our men thus nakedly appointed, could hold play, for a whole yeare to yours plentifully furniſhed, while ſuccour was a comming, as it appeares they did, may they be nickenamed Cowards? rather the contrary: for all this proves manifeſtly, that you were very cowards, or they very valiant fellowes, and I thinke you will rather averre the later, then avow the former. How ever, I am certaine all Chriſtian Nations elſe will, and doe proclayme them valiant, yea England and Scotland their moſt ſpleenative enemies; Prince Rupert will witneſſe it. And out of theſe premiſſes I deduce an infallible conſequence, two, or three, ergo our men and monyes are conſiderable; ergo it is dangerous for you in a new warre to hazard the loſſe of the kingdome, and utter extirpation of the proteſtant party; Ergo, it is better and ſafer for you, his Majeſty ſhould give content to this Nation, by giving his Royall aſſent to our propoſitions. But you ſay, it is not in his Majeſties power to condeſcend to our demands. If he ſhall, it will ſet popery againe in juriſdiction, introduce the Supremacie of Rome, and take away or endanger his Majeſties ſupreme authority in cauſes Eccleſiaſticall, a diminution of honour and power not be endured. I anſwer, we deſire not the repealing of any ancient grounded lawes, but to be disburdened of certayne grievous preſſures layd on us, either by acts of ſtate, or parliament, or the lawleſſe Law of Sic volo, ſic jubeo fraudulently or violently enacted and executed, by the unſupportable tyranny of the miniſters of this ſubordinat governement, deſtructive to our Religion, lives and liberties, which, a free parliament with his Majeſties Royall aſſent can legally doe: therefore it lyes in his Majeſties power to grant our propoſitions. Doubtleſſe, you will acknowledge King Charles to be as lawfull, abſolut, & powerfull a King of England and Ireland, tam de jure, quam de facto, as was Henry the VIII. or Edward the VI. Who (as it were at a blow) beat downe and ſuppreſſed a Religion of above eight hundred (or rather twelve hundred) yeares ſtanding, ſeazed on IESUS CHRISTS owne patrimony, the poſſeſſions of the Clergy, confiſcated their goods, ſacked and prophaned their Churches, & inVVhat followes, are the words of an approved Engliſh Author. fine, turned above ten thouſand of them out of doores to ſeeke their fortunes, without being heard, or orderly convicted for any offence, contrary to all Law, conſcience, and common reaſon: For, the Abbeys hold their Lands in Franke Almoine, and in Fee, they were poſſeſſed of them, by the donation of ſeverall Saxon, Engliſh and Norman Kings, and Subjects, continued legally by preſcription, eſtabliſhed by law, and confirmed by the Charters of Kings, as that of Magna Charta 9. H. 3. and the confirmation thereof 28. Ed. 1. Where it is granted, that the Church of England ſhall be free, and have its liberties inviolable, and cap. 2. judgement given againſt them ſhall be held for naught: Alſo, ſententia lata ſuper confirmatione Chartarum, by Ed. 1. or •• . Ed. 3. cap. 8. If any ſtatute be made contrary to Magna Charta, it ſhall be voyde, or the confirmation of all theſe, 1. 6. 7. 8. of Rich. 2. and 4. H 4. All which were intended to prevent tyranny, and ſecure the Church then being, viſibly knowne, and generally reverenced: for to no other Church were they granted, neyther can any other enjoy them. Yet did Henry the eight, and Edward the ſixt aſſume theHetherto the foreſaid Author. power to controvert and ſubvert all theſe, which you approve and applaud, though they were acts ſurmounting the puiſance of heaven; and you will not allow King Charles the power of ordinary actions, and ſublunary things in our behalfes; albeit you avow his conſent given to the Scots (as aforeſaid) by act of parliament to pull downe Biſhops, without whom a parliament is no parliament, In equity and reaſon, whatſoever Common-law may pretend to the contrary. His Majeſty by a publicke Declaration in Print declared the late Earle of Strafford innocent for matter of bloud, yet was he compelled after to ſubſcribe to the condemnation and decollation of the ſaid Earle to content the parliament of England, as yet inſatiably diſcontented. All theſe (I ſay) you approve and commend, and yet muſt his Majeſties hands be bound, and his gracious favours lockt up from us, under pretext (forſooth) of impoſſibilities in our demands, though they contayne nought, but what legally layes in his Majeſties Royall breſt to grant. As for your wonted childiſh foppery, which you call popery to be ſet againe in juriſdiction, our propoſitions import (as you meane it) no ſuch thing; but that we may be allowed the freedome of the Roman Catholicke Religion, which hath here continued in juriſdiction (if you know what meanes juriſdiction) above a thouſand yeares, maugre all your fiery furies, and perſecutions. And ſuppoſe it were in juriſdiction, as you underſtand it, no diſintereſſed judgement can ſee what his Majeſty ſhould looſe thereby; his Rents and Cuſtomes would be ſtill the ſame, if not much more, by reaſon of the freedome of ingreſſe and egreſſe of trafficke, and the fidelity of Officers; he ſhould gayne a hundred hearts for one, both at home and abroad; he ſhould be obeyed and ſerved, as Father of the Common-weale, for love and filiall feare, not as he has beene hetherto by you, for lucre and intereſt, aſwell appeares by your now falling off from him, ſince the dayes of gayne are expired: for his proteſtant party here, is onely (as aforeſaid) in Dublin, Drogheda, Dundalke, and in thoſe quarters, where alſo now by a new treaſon lately diſcovered, they manifeſt the old treachery lay hidden in their hearts; and (to confirme what I have above layd downe) on this diſcovery there were found but onely three Commanders in the whole Towne of Drogheda who ſtood for his Majeſty: And, if all the proteſtant pulſes in Dublin, or elſewhere in Ireland were felt by a skilfull Phyſitian in that kinde, I doubt, there would hardly be found a hundred free from that franticke feaver. As concerning the introduction of the ſupremacy of Rome, which you object; it is well knowen, and we care not who knowes it, that all Ireland never beleeved other; how then can that be intended to be introduced, that has never beene taken out of it? I ſay all Ireland; that is, all Iriſhmen, whereof if a very few beleeved otherwiſe they were of a viperous brood, deſtructive to their mother, and conſiderable, as none, in regard of the whole kingdome, as alſo ſuch Engliſh as here inhabited. With all, our propoſitions make no mention of any ſuch intended innovation. So as (ſuppoſe the Roman Catholicke Religion were freely exerciſed in Ireland, which is that we ſeeke) the ſupremacie in cauſes Eccleſiaſticall, and the honour and power thereof, ſhould ſtill aſmuch as ever remayne in his Majeſty. Yet reflect but a little, and you may perceive, that his Majeſty has loſt that honour & power you ſo much eſteeme, in England and Scotland, (Oh that that were all!) for the parliament and Scots (if any they admit) attribut it to the Elders of their Kirke; but there is no corner in a Round-head for ſuch a ſupreme beliefe; it has place then onely in a few proteſtant heads (and fewer hearts, if they were all profoundly ſounded) in England and Ireland, and as for the beliefe of Roman Catholicks in that kinde, it derogates not a ſingle haire from their faithfull and fixed allegeance to his Majeſty, as is evident by their cleaving to him in his three kingdomes, now in theſe boyſterous times of his troubles, when all Sectaries flote in their fidelities, and flitt according their fancies. Moreover, what great diminution of honour or power (to uſe your owne words) ſhould his Majeſty thereby ſuſtaine, ſuppoſe the ſupremacy of Rome were introduced? The world knowes (that knowes the Hiſtory of England) that the Crowne of England had more power, honour, fame & wealth, before it aſſumed that ſeeming ſpecious Title, then it could ever ſince then, purchaſe, eyther at home or abroad. This needes no proofe, the Legend of the lives of the Monarchs thereof, does demonſtrate it. Had not Henry the VIII. morerenowne, by his Booke written againſt Luther in defence of the ſeven Sacraments, for which he received a Sword from the Pope, with the glorious Title of Defender of the Faith, then he had after, when his luſt lead him to arrogate the ſupremacy? and more treaſure had he in his Coffers, I am certaine. For, notwithſtanding the ſpoyle and pillage of the Church, whereof the value of the Lands onely England, at that time amounted to above three hundred and twenty thouſand pounds ten ſhillings ſterling per annum, out of which the King tooke into his owne poſſeſſion, and appropriated to the Crowne, a hundred ſixty one thouſand one hundred pounds per annum, beſides their moveables, which doubtleſſe made up a vaſt ſumme: yet died he without wealth, without honour, without friends, without peace in his houſe, or heart, and with remorſe of Conſcience belcheth forth his laſt breath in deſpayre, with an Omnia perdidimus: and can boaſt of no other Monument he hath left to Record his memory, but ſuch as hee left, who vaunted of burning Dianas Temple. Now ſince then, can any man ſhew me the effects of the ſuppoſed honour or power, England has enjoyed or acquired, eyther forraine or domeſticke, by the ſupremacy, other then pride, luxury, epicuriſme, blaſphemy, effeminacy, and in a word, a licencious liberty to ſwim in ſin, and wallow in vice without controll? It is true indeed, there was a Duke went into Spaine, Basta. And to the Iſle of Ree, c'est aſsé. England has aſſiſted in this later age, Holland, Swedland, the Palatinate, and other rebels againſt their naturall and lawfull Soveraignes, and has beene, and ſtill is cowed by that Nation, which it moſt ſcorned and vilipended of the world, and over which in former ages it was wont to domineere, crow, and conquer. It is lately become the forge of novelliſme and hereſie, the nurſery of Sects, and now the ſtage of rebellion. Theſe are the fruits of your goſling Goſpel, and the feats of honour and power, acted ſince the ſupremacie of Rome has beene expelled, and the inheritance of S. Peter intruded upon. France, Spaine Italy, Poland, and other Catholicke countries, ſtates and Provinces, who ſtill continue obedient children to the Church of Rome, eſteeme themſeves eyther in power, honour, wealth, or worldly ſplendour, no way inferiour to England; yea many of them farre exceede it in all. They are adored, beloved, awed at home and abroad; The Turkes, Heathens, and Infidels feare and feele the force of their armes; both ends of the world doe them homage, are tributary to them, and contribut to the farſſing of their Coffers. Yet doe they ſtill acknowledge Rome their ſuperiour in cauſes Eccleſiaſticall, neyther have they any ambition to ſpirituall juriſdiction, becauſe they know they are incapable thereof, and they deeme it rather a diminution, then any addition of honour or power to arrogat a Title which derogats from the power and juriſdiction eſſentially inhering in that Title, which they are aſſured cannot be but in a Prieſt. So as this great Coloſſus of honour and power, Supremacy, in ſpirituall cauſes in a ſecular perſon, (the loſſe whereof you ſo much apprehend) is a meere ens rationis, and conſequently a thing not to be thought of by rationall men. Yet, if you will needes be ſo chymericall, as to contend de lanacaprina, take you it, ſo wee may have from the benignity of his gracious Majeſty his Royall aſſent to our humble propoſitions, which all good Subjects, and reall patriots are bound to wiſh and vote, it being the moſt efficacious meane to ſecure and ſuccour his Majeſty againſt the malignant party, and to ſettle this tottering kingdome in a firme and conſtant peace, whereto a raging malice to this Nation, with an undiſcreete antypathicall zeale to the extirpation of the Religion thereof may rayſe many oppoſits. But let every man of both parties lay his hands on his heart, and ſadly conſider the ſtate of this kingdome, which lyes pining in a violent hecticke feaver: Its veines have beene ſuperaboundantly vented. Too much phlebotomy drives the body into a conſumption. If the flames ſhall once againe burſt forth, and the Sword be reunſheated betwixt us, without doubt nothing ſhall ever quench the one, or put up the other but the utter eradication and abolition of you and your Religion, or us and ours; and whether, no man but he that's God and man can tell. Can any then ſo farre deviate from the roade of reaſon, as to take their way where they are certayne to bee way laid, or in eminent danger of the loſſe of their purſes and perſons, while they may confidently walke other ſecure paths? Who can be ſo unwiſe, as to lay the foundation of ſo waighty a ſtructure, as is that of their Religion, lives, and fortunes, on floating ſands, while they may have firme and ſolid grounds to build on? I know not what will and rage may doe; but well, what wit and reaſon ſhould doe. Let every man therefore (I ſay) wipe off from the eye of his heart, all Nationall animoſities, all over-weening conceits of proper might, all unnaturall antypathies, all jealous diſtruſts, and every atom of any other paſſion, which may offuſcat the viſive powers from diſcerning what may moſt conduce to the recovery of our infirme Countrey, whereunto, I wiſh each undividuall would put his helping head, heart, and hand without moroſity.

This is better policy, then to keepe all in ſuſpenſe forſooth, to avoyd the blame of concluding any thing, and to ſpin out time, to ſee for whom the triumph will turne, or which way the game will goe, eyther for the King or Parliament▪ ſo to runne with the good ſucceſſe, and to beate on the winners hand, or upon a ſhuffling up of the game, and an accommodation to betray this Nation, and take all advantages againſt it, as may well be collected and feared, out of theſe long ſuſpitious treaties, and frequent Ceſſations. But the great God of heaven, and protector of the Innocent, who hath hitherto fruſtrated the grand plot of our adverſaries, intended for the extirpation of our Nation and Religion, by ſtirring up a warre in England, to divert their fiendly fury, & revenge the ſpilling of ſo much Innocent bloud, as hath beene here unhumanly ſhed, may (and doubtleſſe will) convert their preſent machinations on themſelves. The Foxe is oft taken by his too much cunning and wilyneſſe, when one good plaine way of leaping into the Tree, ſtill ſaves the Cat. Did not the ſtate here cauſe all the Corne in the Pale to be deſtroyed and burned, the poore labouring men to be murdered, and ſo tillage to be almoſt quite baniſhed, thereby to ſtarve the Inhabitants? which, without doubt had famiſhed themſelves were it not for the Ceſſation in September 1643. Via plana, via ſana▪ T'is to be feared, that theſe winding wyles and halting policies may betray and looſe his Majeſty all his proteſtant party, ſo ready to ſlip after good ſucceſſe, whileſt the parliament ſhall winne more ſtedfaſt footing in North-VVales over againſt our Coaſts & Harbours, whereby they may prevent the timely tranſportation of our ayde. It is dangerous to let a diſeaſe runne too farre, and a patient to worke and truſt too much to the ſtrength of his nature, leaſt all helps of Phyſicke come too late. You ſay, it is good to beare the Scots and other Roundheads in hand, till you be aſſured of the Confederates. You hover then in your reſolutions of adhering to his Majeſty, and you falter in your fidelity, ſeeing you hold correſpondence with his profeſſed enemies, and oppoſe and reject thoſe, who (you know in your Conſciences, whereto I appeale) are his Majeſties beſt and trueſt Subjects, though they may not yeeld to ſuch conditions of peace, as you would put on them, without perpetuall ſlavery, infamy, and danger of being one day maſſacred. You preſume top much on the friendſhip and allyance ſome of your great ones have amongſt us, which you are beſt beware how you ſquiſe and wier-drawe too farre, leaſt you force us to forget all relations of bloud, and tyes of friendſhip, whereto Religion and Countrey muſt be preferred. Vnnaturall ſuits and quarrels, prove ſtill the moſt dangerous, and leaſt capable of reconciliation. Let not any thinke to rayſe or endeere themſelves to his Majeſty by extraordinary ſervices, in forcing the harder conditions on their Countrey, for they ſhall thereby loſe his Majeſty more hearts, then gayne heads and hands for his aſſiſtance, while you preſſe too much their perſons and Conſciences, and grate too deeply on their eſtates and purſes, they having ever beene and ſtill are too free and willing of themſelves, to ſupply his Majeſties neceſſities, to ſupport his glory and prerogatives, and advance his ſervice: though I may with a ſigh, ſay, they have beene evermore moſt unfortunat▪ in ſharing any part of the thankes of all their benevolous actions and large contributions from time to time, which the Governors of this kingdome did ſtill ſnatch and arrogat to themſelves, by magnifying their owne endevours and labours, interpoſed betweene the King and his people; as lately did the Lord of Strafford, who engroſſed all the honour and thankes of our profuſe Subſidies, and ingenuous willingneſſe to his Majeſties ſervice, to himſelfe; which may be a ſufficient precaution to us; and his fall from the ſtage, by over-acting his part, a lively preſident to all others, for eviting ſuch a Tragicall end, which is commonly the Epilogue of all politicke playes. Let therfore all ſuch, as act thoſe eminent partes of Kings or Princes on the Theater of the Commonweale, enter into themſelves, and conſider, that albeit they perſonat Princes, yet they are none, but fellow-players of the Globe or Fortune, and conſequently, both they and their poſterity, ſubject to ſuch inconveniences and preſſures, as they, by overmuch affectation of applauſe, or other falter, ſhall have drawen on the reſt of the company. So as, when the play is done, thoſe momentall glorious Kings, may perhaps for ever after, be driven to act the Clowne, exull or pilgrim, aſwell as the meaneſt of their companions, which God avert from all well meaning ſervitures, whoſe ſincere intentions and radiant Candour, will in fine (I hope) ſhine thorough the the thick eſt of theſe Egyptiacall cloudes, which hang over our Hemiſphere, and diſperſe all malignant vapours and vipers, which will vaniſh thoroughout the Kingdome, like falſe apparitions or ſpecters, upon a true vnion & underſtanding betweene the King and his people, wherto, may propitious heauen ſay, Amen.