QVEREES, PROPOVNDED BY THE PROTESTANT PARTIE, CONCERNING THE PEACE IN GENERALL, Now treated of in Ireland, and the answers thereunto made in behalfe and name of the Irish Nation, by one well affected thereto, to the first copies whereof many things are inser­ted, and much added.

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QVEREES PROPOVNDED BY THE PROTESTANT PARTIE, CONCERNING THE PEACE In Generall, &c.

Quaer. 1. WIll you Article, Covenant, and indent with your King? It becomes not Subjects; it argues mistrust of his Majestie.

Respons. This Nation saith, it hath beene often de­ceived, & abused by some ministers of state here for this kingdome, by whose practises they were frustrated of all the Kings favours, and graces conferred to them, for which they granted and payed about three hundred thousand pounds sterling, not very long since, and soone after besides ten large Subsidies in the Earle of Strafords time, for all which mo­nyes, amounting neere to a million of pounds sterling they obtayned▪ little or nothing. And the said graces are still suppressed and stop­ped. Next, the state here takes all advantage of this Nation for their Religion, by misrepresenting them to his Majesty, to suppresse and keepe them from the government, thereby to possesse all places of honour, trust and profit, eyther in the Army, or Common-wealth, and so raise themselves by casting perpetuall clouds of disloyaltie, and disaffection betweene the King and his people, as lately they did when they forsooke and betrayed the English▪ pale first, and conse­quently the rest of the kingdome, to be over-run and ruined in the beginning of these Commotions: and yet they misinformed his Ma­jestie, and procured what Commissions they pleased, to prosecute the said Pale with extreme cruelties, and so by the Sword, and colour of Law, to have their estates by attaynders and forfeytures; whereat all other partes of the kingdome were amazed and distracted. There­fore in this subordinate government so jealous and irkesome to the people, it is necessary to be on sure termes for the future, and that Catholickes have a hand in the government, to prevent the like mis­chiefes. And on these grounds, it may well become Subjects to Arti­cleAdd. with their Soveraigne, which argues no distrust of his Majesty, but [Page 4] of his ministers, whose hands must still hold the helme, seeing the Kings owne hand cannot reach thereto.

Quaere. 2. Will you force the King, and worke now on his necessi­ties? He will remember it to you hereafter, and hee may recall what he shall now promise: nor will hee conceive himselfe bound to make good what he shall now grant you, considering the condition he stands in.

Resp It is not in our thoughts, Onely wee propound motives to support his Majestie, and to advance his service, a whole Nation to the last man, and the revenue of a whole kingdome (if neede be) to the last penny, to support his Crowne, on contentment now to be given this people, a hundred thousand loyall Subjects, and good fighting men, to spend their bloud in this quarrell for his Majesty, and foure or five hundred thousand pounds sterling by the yeare (as shall ap­peare by the particular heads of the revenue of this kingdome layd downe hereafter) is worth the acceptation, and may invite his Ma­jesty to give content to this people. He then that will hinder or op­pose this, to loose the King such a considerable party and assistance, can be no other then an enemy, ayming at nothing else, but to weaken his Majesty, by diverting this Nation, as it were by compulsion fromAdd. his service. And this is not to force the King, and worke his necessi­ties, but to helpe him, and relieve them, and to buy our Peace with the marrow of our purses and bloud of our veines, which his Majesty may (indeede) well remember hereafter, not to recall our liberties, but to record our loyalties. Moreover, his Majesty may aswell in fu­ture say, that he is forced to the conditions of peace profered, as to those demanded: for neyther the one, nor the other, would ever have beene granted in precedent times, though not by want of gracious inclination in his Majesties to favour us, but by the sinister characters which his ministers here, ever gave him of us.

Quaere 3. Will you loose the King all his protestant party, which will fall from him, and will you loose him all his protestant Subjects of England and Scotland, and consequently his Crowne of both king­domes, which must follow, if he give you content?

Resp. Can you imagine that any Subjects, which be true subjects, will forsake their Prince, because we tender ayde of men and monyes, and propound motives to advance his service; nay rather the prote­stant party will advise his Majesty considering the condition and ne­cessity he stands in, to give content to this Nation, thereby to gaine so considerable a party, and assistance to support his Crowne, and themselves. Nor can they once suspect with reason (if they will not put it on him of purpose, as a seeming occasion of their defection from him) that his Majesty is not constant to the protestant Religion seeing they well know he is by education, and in his beliefe and opi­nions [Page 5] as firme a protestant as ever England bred, as is most manifest, by all his declarations and proceedings, though it stands not with the pollicy of the Parliamentaries, to make this an article of their beliefe; for they hold it a deepe mysterie of state, to misbelieve the King, and not suffer him to be believed in this particular, thereby to traduce his Majesty, and cause the Subjects still conceive, he is incli­ned to Papistry, whereof they take their greatest advantage, purpose­ly to seduce and incense the people against him. Now if you feare the protestant party will so lightly fall from his Majesty, (as you would faigne perswade us, to lessen our conditions) you may aswell pretend any expression of favour which shall be granted us, were it but a con­nivence or tolleration of our Religion, to be a cause sufficient, for the like defection, but if the said protestant subjects be of resolution, to continue true and constant to his Majesty, what can more powerful­ly encourage them thereto, or hold them more stedfastly to so gene­rous and just a resolve, then an ample supply of men and moneys offered by us, on a good peace, to backe and second their party, the weakenesse whereof is not perhaps the least cause of all their feares,Add. and wavering betweene the King and Parliament? But suppose the King were Catholickely affected, and would absolutely restore us our Religion, and the publicke use thereof, in as full and ample manner, as ever we enjoyed it in the times of his Majesties predecessors from the Conquest to Henry the VIII, would therefore (or rather should) all his protestant subjects fall from him, and must he there­fore forfeyte his Crowne? Your Quaere answers they would, and he must, it followes then, they are onely conditionally Subjects, not ab­solutely, and his Majesty holds his Crowne by a conditionall Tenure, not by an absolute: both which are absurd. Why did not all the Ca­tholicke Subjects of England and Ireland relinquish Henry the VIII. when he forsooke his owne and their Religion? why did not he loose his Crowne, when he lost his faith? Why might not the Romish sub­jects of France, fall off from the late French King, and his Father, when they gave tolleration of Religion, and liberty to build Churches and Synagogues to the Huguenotes? Why lost not they▪ therefore their Crownes? But to come neerer home: did not our dread Soveraigne King Charles condescend unto such propositions of the Scots, as stood not with their loyalty to demand, nor in his power to grant, (to omit all other, witnesse the abrogation of Episcopacie, or unmitering of Bishops, who be the first of the three states of every Christian and Catholicke kingdome) as appeares by severall his Majesties declara­tions yet extant. This his Majesty did, onely to content that Nation, and save that Crowne; albeit the former followed not; heavens grant, the later may? for they must have aliquid amplius, to wit; Kings un-Crowned and Monarchy pull'd downe, how ever his Majesties prote­stant [Page 6] party in England, Ireland, or Scotland, fell not therefore from him, neyther is he therefore discrowned: and yet must both follow, if he give content to the Irish (in your opinions) or his Royall assent to their propositions; albeit they containe nothing, but what may mo­destly suite with their fidelity to propound, and justly with his Maje­stie, power, and expediently with his gracious benignity to grant, & that which hath beene their owne for ten or twelve ages consequent, and what they enjoyed in quiet possession, ever since the Conquest, during the happy Raigne of fifteene or sixteene Kings his Majesties predecessors, before Henry the VIII. and since then, violently wrested from them by tyrannie, oppression, and surreptitious Lawes, fraudu­lently introduced by the bloud-sucking ministers of this subordinate governement. Moreover, what concernes it the protestant Subjects of England and Scotland, whether we have content or not? How are they any way impeached or improved thereby? or how therein interessed? What loose they by our liberty, or gaine▪ they by our restraint? Can not they goe to Church, though wee goe to Masse? the broad Sea is betwixt us, we will be no eye-sore to them. If it be for their brethren here, we seeke not the abrogation of their Religion, or abreviation of their lawfull freedome, or ought else derogating to their honour, securitie, or peaceable cohabitation, as appeares by our propositions now in Print to the eye of the world, As for his Majesties protestant party protestant party here in Ireland (not to undervalue them) they are no way con­siderable: For, over all Munster, Vlster, and Connaght, such as for a while did seemingly proclayme themselves for the King, doe now absolute­ly disclayme in him, and declare themselves for the Parliament, and consequently, his enemies, so as his Majesty hath no protestant party here, but onely in Leynster, and that but in a destroyed nooke there­of, to wit in the Counties of Dublin, and Louth, and a part of Kildare and Meath, (for Doncanon is fallen off) in all which they cannot make up one thousand five hundred protestants fighting men, where among these shall hardly cull out two hundred, I might well say two score heads well squared to the Kings rule, the rest (as also all the protestant inhabitants of Dublin and their other Townes, farre much more then the most part) have their heads so Round, as they cannot hold rou­ling to the Parliament, when the least occasion is offered, As for their hearts, they are from the beginning in the bosome of their pure bre­thren in VVestminster-hall; and their heeles are all as nimble and ready to dance a scottish-jigge, and a parliamentall revolta, to Essex horne­pipe, if execution were as easie, as thought is free, and wishes facil; all which is manifest by their Common-prayers, publicke discourses, and Commerce, and slocking to the Parliament Ships, whensoever they hover over our coastes, and thus are they all affected and infe­cted from head to foote, save a very few of the prime, whereof some [Page 7] being strangers, can make no other party, then their houshold ser­vants: other some, though by birth or descent, Natives, and bigge in bloud and calling, and in precedent times vast in possessions, and powerfull in command; yet now as the winde blowes, they beare but low and fagge sayles, and can make no more way, then the mea­nest vassals, by reason their numerous allyes, friends, and followers, are all Roman Catholickes, and consequently adhering to the Con­federats, with whom, not being united, their power is as poore as that of the Alyens: So as the premisses maturely pondered, his Ma­jesties protestant party disioyned from the Catholicke, is no way here considerable. Will you then, upon the onely reason of an un­grounded Antipathy in Religion, advise his Majesty to discontent a whole Nation, for complying soly with the wilfull malice of so fra­ctious, frayle, and feeble a party, as that of the protestants? I say in Ireland, for those of England, they cannot alleage rationably any rea­son for opposing our peace, save also a meere hatred to our professi­on, which is the reason of fiends, who, because their selves are in bale cannot brooke others should be in blisse: or their hearts are for­sooth purified, and their heads sphearified, and so in the behalfe and behoofe of their pure brothers, they cunningly intend by this opposition to weaken his Majesty, by fomenting a continuall diffe­rence twixt him and his Catholicke Subjects of Ireland, whose party they know to be so powerfull both at home, and abroad▪ as (were matters fairely composed, & content given them) they might strong­ly assist to quench the fiery fury of the Parliament, and reinthrone his Majesty, as now de facto they begin to doe in Scotland, by a small suc­cour of two thousand Irish sent thither, to joyne with the Kings party there, whereby it appeares, how highly an union betwixt his Maje­sties Catholicke and protestant Subjects in his three kingdomes, con­duceth, for the quelling and quayling of his enemies, and reestablish­ing of his Royall person in his full power, prerogatives, and glorie: For, if a poore ayde of two thousand men onely can so much pre­vayle, what may a large contribution of a hundred thousand pounds in Coine, or more, and ten thousand men, yea twenty; thirty it neede be. I have beene over fuse (I confesse) in my answer to this Quaere be­cause it is the objection most frequently and fervently obtruded.

Quaere 4. Will you loose the kingdome by going to a new warre againe? will you utterly undoe it, and your selves, by a new breach? You are not able for the Scots, or my Lord of Insiquin, and the Par­liament party that is in the kingdome: much lesse for my Lord Lieu­tenant and his party, whom you will force to joyne with the Scots and parliament, and so hold but with the longest and [...]st.

Resp. I answer, these arguments of weaknesse m [...] bee retorted on your selves. Will you, that pretend so much loyaltie and zeale to [Page 8] serve his Majesty, loose the King and kingdome, which every day you doe, while you keepe this distance with the Catholicke party, in gi­ving the Scots, time to come to a head, and the Round heads leasure to bring their secret plots to effect, and this, by taking advantage of your weakenesse, in spreading themselves all over the kingdome? witnesse the revolte of the Lord of Insiqum, and of the Forte of Don­canon, which you have lost, unlesse we deeme them politicke alarums, and subtle inventions to fraight and worke on the Confederates, to accept the easier conditions now of peace from you. It is likewise apprehended on very good grounds, that the City and Castle of Du­blin, by the daily growing insolencies and infections of the Round­heads in the said City, may be in danger to be lost, and (as I may boldly say) is daily a loosing. It is easie to fall from a protestant to a puritant, and from the King to the Parliament. It is their ordinary practise, to come and goe daily, a victory or two does it: but the Catholickes cannot with such facility fall from their Religion, be­cause the differences are essentiall, and points of faith; nor from their obedience to his Majesty, because it is apparent, there is no such affe­ction in them to the puritans, but rather an innated antipathy: So as to such extremes there's no feare of fall. Now if you deeme us so weake for the Scots and parliamentaries in this kingdome, certainely you are much more, But say you? you may joyne with the Scots, yes, to forsake the King, you may, and so doe your best to secure this king­dome for the Parliament and Scots. And had not the Catholicke Ar­my beene now in the Field, and in the way, it is very probable, you had not escaped so scot-free, as you have done. And if wee prosper not in this expedition (for which you had neede to pray) but that they shall chance to over-run us; then I beleeve, you will finde, they will not content themselves with the North alone, but will resolve to venture for a greater and better share of the kingdome. I see no reason, but you may feare your portion. You say you may safely joyne with the Scots, to hold out the longer with them, because you conceive them the stronger, and us the weaker, why should not you aswell apprehend, that we may joyne with some other forainer, or submit to such, whose severall Agents now in the kingdome, perhaps wayte an opportunity in that kinde, and have their eares open ready to snatch up such a motion? Doe not you thinke but the Scots and Parliament of England will be glad to accept of us, and our offers, which we make to his Majesty, and will permit us freely to enjoy the benefit of our conditions, so we concuire with them in suppressing Monarchy▪ which is the faire white whereat their warres doe levell? But say you, you know there is no such sympathy betwixt us, that were, from the frieing pan into the fire, and therefore you are confi­dent we will not be so mad, however, it behooveth you in common­policy, [Page 9] to be cautious, how you exasperate a whole Nation, and force them to fly for safety to forein protection, whereto, doubtlesse, the late cruell plots and practises of Sir VVilliam Parsons, Sir Adam Lofius, and other vipers of the state, had driven this Nation, had it not beeneAdd. immoveable from its loyaltie to his Majesty, wheron you would faine it seemes force a breach, by hindering his Majesties gracious favours from us, to make way for your holy brothers the parliamentaries, to enter and possesse the kingdome: But, if you keepe the gap too long open, beware our neighbours enter not, before your brethren; for Ireland is a faire and fryant morsell, and your Spaniards, Italians, and French have lushious teeth, which if they once fixe in it, I feare all the Pincers or Hammers in England will not draw or drive them out. You aske us, will we loose the kingdome and our selves? No, but ende­vour to save both, and if wee may not, a faire death is better then a specious bondage, slavery, or servitude: Meluis est enim nobis moriin bello, quam videre mala gentis nostrae, If therefore you will tye the Kings hands so fast, as he may not grant us the freedome of Christians we must be compell'd to endevour to cut the bands, to reinfranchise his Majesty, and disinthrall our selves, how weake soever you would fayne perswade us to be

Quare. 5. What if my Lord Lieutenant will publish his Commission, and will issue forth Proclamations of mercy and pardon, with resti­tution of estates, and all assurances of life, liberty and tolleration of Religion, and thereby withdraw and divide all your party, and so pusle and weaken you, that you will be glad of any conditions, and such as his excellency will be pleased to propund?

Resp. No doubt, this was invented as a mayne Engine to crush, and bring our party and whole Nation to division, and so to desola­tion. I confesse this Commission and Proclamation may perhaps worke on the most necessitous, weake, and discontented people with­in the verge and quarters of Dublin, whom extreame necessity may force to goe any whither for reliefe▪ but that have not you to give them for you have neyther meate, nor money to spare within your quarters, nor strength enough to gaine it from ours. You must come thirty miles now from Dublin, to get any Corne or Cattle if you take not from one another, and so starve your selves. Your parties of Horse that used to make their incursions for prey into the remoter Counties, are broken and dispersed, and what service may they be able to performe, going so farre from their quarters, specially, now that our Confederates are growen farre stronger, then ever you or they have beene, both in Horse and Armes, so as little or no reliefe are you to expect by pillage: and what small store remaynes within your owne quarters, will hardly maintayne your great Townes, Ga­risons, [Page 10] for any considerable time. Consider well your owne present state, condition, weakenesse, and necessities, and you cannot with sans judgement imagine, that any of our party will flye unto you, whilest they have the most part of the kingdome of their owne side, plenti­fully able to relieve them, without adventuring their lives, to goe a pillaging with you, against their country, friends, and conscience, specially, seeing there be other wayes to maintayne them, to wit, by putting the meaner sort into pay of the Armies, and the said ba­nished Nobility and Gently into places and Offices of Military and Civill imployment, as is resolved by the late Assembly held at Kil­kenny. And what people doe you thinke to draw and devide from us? Those of the English-Pale, all destroyed, and made inconsiderable by your massacres & cruelties, for having withstood the shocke, while Amunition Armes, and Commanders were a comming, who must be now rather a burden, then a helpe to you, and no great losse to us, for what concernes their power, in the condition they now stand in, though before, they were, for so many, the most considerable part of the whole kingdome. Their Common sort are all for the most part, murdered and starved; and such of the Nobility and Gentry as are remayning, will not, for their estates (whereof they can make little benefit) hazard the losse of their persons in your service, to be expo­sed to all dangers, for a poore lively-hood only, to be drawen out of prey and pillage, seeing you cannot otherwise maintayne them of any place of honour, trust, command, or benefit, by your old croo­ked rules, they are incapable, at least so are they sure to be made and in fine, if you be masters, let them not doubt to be slaves, if not utter­ly extirpated, with the rest of their country-men your opposits, for the ancient spleene you beare to their Religion and Nation, and un­quenchable thirst to their estates, how ever now in your neede you make use of their endeavours and services. Can you then with reason imagine, that their reason is so faire blinded, as not to foresee this Doe you thinke they will be so effeminat, as for a sufferance which cannot long continue, they will expose themselves to be the perpe­tuall object of their countries wrath, the abject of all Christian Na­tions, yea and the obloquy of all the world, to advance your hea­thenish designes, by enduring all present and future miseries, by fight­ing against their friends, allyes, themselves, and their consciences, by assisting to extirpat their owne Nation and Religion, which hath now above foure-score yeares withstood so many furious assaults of your tyrannous pressures and persecutions, and betray their lives, liberties, and estates, to a never ending slavery and infamy, being still expo­sed to your new pretended attaynders, and corruptions of bloud, which no pseudo-parliament of yours can wash away, nor may their [Page 11] grievances be thereby redressed, but by a free and legall parliament, such as they shall never have, by your consents, though you did pro­mise, sweare, vow, protest, and proclayme a restitution of all free­dome and favour. Your words and Proclamations so often viola­ted both before and since the warres, and your wonted faithlesse pro­ceedings, confirmes them in this beliefe. The violence of the storme is over-blowen, they hope, and I am confident, they are resolved to beare out with their fellow-vassals, rather then strike themselves aground, under your Lee. But suppose your proclamations brought in a considerable party (as I cannot beleeve they will) you will make but a perpetuall Warre, in regard the rest of the kingdome is so possessed, and swayed by the Catholicke Bishops and Clergy, that in case no reasonable accommodation be made, or content herein be given, the kingdome will be so imbroyled and rent, that his Ma­jesty will not be able to draw any assistance thereout, to support his Crowne: hee will loose all his owne revenue, and our ayde of men and monyes, which are (under favour) far transcending any his Maje­sty may expect from his protestant party here, (if any such he hath) and more to be regarded, then the bare walles and empty carcasses of Churches, whereto, for the most part, no protestants, save onely the Ministers with their wives, did ever resort, in regard the flocke were all of the Catholicke fold, and all the labours, endevours, and persecutions, being frustrat which since the suppression, were im­ployed to propagate the protestant Religion in this kingdome, or fasten it on the body thereof, though the Court of wardes hath wrought on a few degenerate members, and devided them from God and their Countrey, I will not say, from their King, but I pray, it may not so prove. But let it now be considered, whether the pro­testant or Catholicke party here is most powerfull, and can bring the King most men and money? and if it be not as necessary (or more) to give the Catholickes content, as the protestants? His Majesty (we are confident) is graciously inclined towards us, as appeares by his severall favourable declarations made in our behalfes, before some persons of worth and credit, now in this kingdome, ready to testifie so much. To conclude, can those of the Pale, or any other (to whom griping misery, or raging jelousie of being vilipended by certayne unnaturall and ungratefull patriots may suggest a thought of devi­ding or withdrawing themselves from our party) be of so slavish an humour, as to joyne with you, when they shall reflect, and call to minde, how their immediat predecessors, and some of themselves perhaps yet living (by whose power and prowesse in the late precedent warre you kept your footing in the kingdome) were by you re­warded, disregarded, and abused. Was it not the usuall taunt of the late Lord Strafford, and all his fawning Sycophants in their private [Page 12] Colioquies to those of the Pale, that they were the most refractory men of the whole kingdome, that it was more necessary (yea for their crooked ends) they should be Planted and supplanted, then any other thereof, that his Majesty would never be absolute Soveraigne, whilest there lived a Papist therein? These & the like were the ordinary Cabbi­net discourses of the state in generall, whereinto sometimes in publick their malice would burst forth, and where plantations might not reach, defective Titles should extend. Many Officers and Gentlemen, who had done very good service in the said Warre, and lost their bloud and limbs therein, for which they had Annuall pensions conferred on them were soone after deprived of their said pensions, for onely having re­fused to take the Oath of Supremacie, or Allegeance, in such forme as protestants use, some whereof I have seene without hands, which they left at Kinsale, in defence of the Crowne of England, for which they remayned also without thankes, without pension, for only being faith­full to God and their owne soules. Many of the ancient Irish who stucke steadfastly to the Queenes quarrell, and lost therein their lives, had their estates planted, with as little justice; favour, or reason, as those who endevoured to take the Crowne of her head, and kingdome out of her hands. I knew my selfe a certaine Gentleman, who being questioned before the state, for matter of Recusancy, (as you terme it) answered, it was not demanded of me the day of Kinsale what Re­ligion I was of, it is true, replyed an ungratefull states-man, I con­fesse you did good service that day, but you doe now, as the Cow, that gives much milke, and spils it after with a kicke of her heele, and this kicke (forsooth) was no other then kicking in spirit at their foresaid execrable Oathes, and being a Roman Catholicke. Who then refle­cting on your Tyranny, injustice, malice, ingratitude, faithlesse pro­mises, and undeserved persecutions will be so stupid or craven harted as on your brittle proclamations, to adhere to you, & put their heads like Asses, againe into the halter? Did not Tyrone and Tyre-conell come in, and submit on faire conditions? Yet had not their heeles saved their heads, the former had beene tripped up, and the later chopped off, and so may all heads be, which will be so blockish as to lay them­selves on the blocke, while the Hatched is in the Butchers hand over them.

Quaere 6. What considerable good, is there to be expected, by your helpe of men, or monyes, the kingdome being so exhausted and de­stroyed, as no pecuniary ayde may be thence collected, and so depo­pulated, as it hath no men to spare, & such as are, so cowarded, by our many victories, as they are not regardable, or of any use or estima­tion?

Resp. You cannot deny, but on the beginning of these Commoti­ons, you were fearefully scared by a popular rout of disarmed Clowns [Page 13] not onely in the countrey, but even in your strongest walled Townes and Cities, in somuch as you durst scarce peepe out at the gates of your great Garizons of Dublin, and Drogbeda. I grant, when you had discovered those multitudes to be weapon-lesse, and in no fit posture to defend themselves or offend you, then indeede you tooke courage and rushing forth with horse and foote compleatly armed, you slew man, woman, and child, as they came under your lash, aswell those that held the plough▪ as the pike, the goade as the gun, the suich as the sword, which brave kinde of service and swaye you continued, un­till some Commanders, Armes, and ammunition, came to our suc­cour, and then were you put to a stand. This is the naked truth, with­out disparaging or undervaluing eyther Nation, as may be observed, since the battle of Rosse, where, though you had the honour of the field, by oddes of the ground, and great advantage of your Artillery, yea, and somewhat else, which were petty treason to touch; yet wee had the honour to have relieved and kept the Towne, and taken your ship­ping, where you were so stung, smarted, and amazed at the sharpe­nesse of the encounter, that ever since you have for borne to meete our Troupes. I will passe over the gayning of Burrise, Bir, sort-Faulk­land, Ballynikill, Ballylenan, and severall other places, and skirmishes about the time of concluding the Cessation in September 1643. spe­cially at Loghleagh, where a few of ours routed and slew multitudes of yours, & Portlester, where fell that busie nice warrier, full of his countries bloud and spoyle, and zeale to serve the Parliament, Charles Lord vis­couut Moore, of unhappy memory. So as, though we runne away, (as you object) yet in each conflict you lost most men and that evermore of your chiefe Commanders, in such a broken, disorderly, and dis­furnished warre as we were compelled to make. And when you shall make an upcast of your accounts, you shall finde (if selfe conceit in­veigle you not) that we have not had the least or worst part of the vi­ctoryes. As for our retreate lately from Charlemount, to refresh our horses and men, and to bring our Army out of such narrow straights, where Horse could not freely play; (whereat you seeme to rejoyce, and slaken the treaty of peace, as if you would side with the Scots, the Kings enemies) no other construction can be made thereof, but that it was done to put the Army in a better posture for service: And sup­pose our Army did retyre or disbande, by reason of some carelesse fayler or defect in the Country, Councell, or prime-Commanders, in falling short of provision, pay, or other requisites: Must it therefore be inferred, that the kingdome is the lesse considerable, or powerfull to succour his Majesty? This consequence halts over pons Assinorum, it followes not. For it is manifest, that if the whole kingdome had put their strength to it, (though your party did sit still, and looke on onely, as in this occasion you have remarkeably done, which argues [Page 14] in you infallibly, eyther want of will, or power, if the former, you are no right Subjects, if the later, you are lesse able to assist his Majesty then we) Little should the Scots be of force to resist us, and much lesse (I am confident) will they be (the fire being now kindled and encrea­sing in their owne countrey) when your party and ours shall joyne unanimously against them. In the interim, if ought shall happen amisse, you may have a share in the blame and mischiefe. And our opposing the Scots deserveth a gratefull acknowledgement, being a service more concerning your interests and safeties (if there be not some latent combination betwixt you and them) then ours, in regard we are in a more able condition for defence and offence, whereby, you cannot but judge us to be considerable, having lately maintayned in the field (besides all garison'd Souldiers, and trayn'd bands of horse and foote, setled in the severall Counties) about seven or eight thou­sand foote, and one thousands horse, for five Moneths, in a body. I beleeve our enemies have found our Troupes well able to breake theirs, and to trample under foote their Scottish hobbyes. You may not be over confident of your past victories, or presume so much on a vaine opinion of the Scottish-Army, (whereof perhaps you make use to square and governe this Treaty) you cannot deny, but we have multitudes of men, many thousand Souldiers, brave Cavvalliers, and long experienced stout Commanders, most zealous and willing to fight out this quarrell for his Majesty, who, on secure contentment given their Nation, will prove themselves as valiant and hardy now and alwayes, as they have beene ever hetherto, and still are, reputed in all foraine Countries. I appeale to your owne knowledge, whether any stands better of your side in the field, then this country man? So that we may truly say, you fought with our owne men against us, as now the Scots doe. And though the kingdome in many partes be de­stroyed; yet are the revenues thereof still considerable: Whereas this last yeare of Cessation, above a hundred thousand pounds have beene levyed out of the very plough-lands, and the Counties at large, with­out scarce touching our Cities or walled Townes, to wit, thirty thou­sand pounds to his Majesty, on the Cessation, for transporting the En­glish Army herehence to his ayde, fifty thousand pounds for the Ar­my of Vlster at least, during the expedition: twenty thousand pounds more have beene payed this same yeare, in satisfaction of arrears due to Officers and Commanders, besides divers other summes for our Agents at severall times, which I omit, together, with the inter­taynement of all such as serve the Common-weale, whereof, though some receive not much, yet some others doe. I passe over all summes which lye hidden in the hands of Collectors, Receivers, & such other Officers, which in all amounts to above a hundred thousand pounds, this yeare, when the kingdome (I suppose, and hope) is at the lowest [Page 15] ebbe. What then will it be able to affoord when a happy peace shall begin to recover it, and bring a full tyde of all flourishing plenty, spe­cially, when the English-pale shall be reinhabited, which now lyes wast in a manner and uselesse, and hath beene the best and richest Colony of the land, and the chiefest and most abounding Granary thereof, and prime support of the state? and if the wayes wee have fixed on, the last Assembly at Kilkenny in Iuly 1644. be condescended unto, and effectually followed, during this grand necessity, they will (I say) bring into the treasury, at least foure hundred thousand pounds by the yeare, as by the ensuing heads of a revenue agreed unto at Kilkenny as afore­said, may plainely appeare. First, the excises layd in a moderate way over all our quarters, suppose halfe asmuch, as it is in Dublin, will amount to a huge summe throughout all our Cities and Corpora­tions, as yet not touched in this kind. Secondly, the fourth part of the yearely rent and value of every mans estate, which likewise I leave to be considered. Thirdly, the Kings Rents, Compositions, and Cu­stomes, which (though now in a manner during the warres, lost, or of small value) will upon a peace soone improue, if there shall be no VVentworths or Ratclifes, to cozen the King, or Catch poll the Subject. Fourthly, two partes, or more, of all Church-livings belonging to the Clergy, so much now insisted upon betweene the Catholicke and pro­testant Clergy: and this to assist his Majesty during the warres, All which particulars of a revenue, must doubtlesse amount unto a vast summe, to be imployed first, to secure and cleere this kingdome of all Round-heads, and other malignant or ill-affected persons, bee they English, Irish, or Scots, which by a perfect union of the Protestant par­ty (I meane such as sincerely adhere to the King) & ours, may be spee­dily effectuated, through the happy and disinteressed governement, we then hope to enjoy, and the free and cheerefull contribution of allAdd. to advance the said service, which being atchieved, then may all our Armies be transported into England, and our forces be imployed to­wards his Majesties succour which is the longing desire, and chiefest ambition of this loyall Nation, how suspitious soever you may be of them, for your owne sinister intentions; all which really pondered, sans all jealous prejudication, our helps both of men and monyes, are highly considerable▪ and yours very little avaylable, for first, your par­ty is in a manner no party, at least for the King, by reason the most and strongest part thereof, if not all, consists of Puritans and anti­monarchists, such as would, if it lay in their power, rather Conquer the kingdome for their holy brethren, the Parliamentaries, Scots, or Hollanders, then for his Majesty. Next, if you had a considerable pro­testant party, you have no provision if Come, victuals, men, or mo­nyes, nor can you expect any, but from his Majesties enemies, who will send you none, to serve against themselves, all which is before suf­ficiently [Page 16] demonstrated. How then are you prepared for a new warre, or how able to extirpate this Nation, if you intend not to bring in the parliament, or some other of your anti-monarchicall brethren, to winne the kingdome for themselves, and weane it from his Majesty? And what gets the King by that? mary, hee shall gayne an open ene­my, and loose a kingdome. And, if for this end, the parliament help you not, they have small encouragement to send you any more, so little effect have they found of the severall aydes hetherto transmit­ted, which doth no way countervayle the bloud of so many thousand men, and charge of so many hundred thousand pounds, imployed; spent, and lost, by Sea and Land to subdue, and extinguish this Na­tion, which must very much discourage them, and retard their further adventures hether, having their heads & hands full of worke at home. We know their spleene to Ireland over-flowes, and their desire is trans­cendent, to joyne it as a large Canton to their new intended state, framed after the Holland cut: Yet, for the present, their ambition is first, to settle it in England, and to secure themselves, much more pre­valent, for charity begins at home; and they conceive, they may come time enough to play the after game in Ireland, for they assure them­selves, to have alwayes odde men lurking in our after points, to keepe the Tables open. It is hard then for you to trust to their present supplyes so uncertaine, and if you doe, it is more hard for his Maje­sty to confide in you, for doubtlesse, they will not relieve you, that you may succour him, whom they so violently oppose, and labour to depose. Now I pray, give me leave a little further, to examine your vaunting victories, and therein to manifest the valour of our men, so much by you undervalued. The first encounter was (as you can­not but remember) betweene the bridge of Gillianstone & Smithstone, where a few of ours, with Swords and Skines onely, without shot defeated foure of five hundred of yours, armed as compleatly as any, Souldiers in Holland, where among was a Troupe of Horse which sa­ved themselves by their heeles, and about three hundred of the foote were slaine in the place, without shot or stroke in defence of their lives were the Irish then cowards? During the siege of Drogheda, (which though they were forced to rayse, for want of Commanders, Armes, and Amunition) in the few encounters that were, they shewed their valour, even in standing, and defending themselves not being provi­ded for offence, yet was your losse still most. And did not our young Gentlemen enter the Towne, and therein sufficiently demonstrate their courage, though compelled to retyre, as you were at Rosse. At Swoards, Finglas, and Santry, did not thirty or forty Musketires of ours, having not above three shots of powder a peece, with three or foure hundred Clubbetiers, confront a body of eight hundred shot of yours, beside pike and horse, and slay your Commanders, and sixe for one of [Page 17] your Souldiers, till want of powder did force their retreat, and give you way to murder a company of old labouring men, women, and children? At Kiljhalaghan, did not they the like, and kept the place also, for that time in despite of you, to your excessive losse? At Trim, Dundalke, and other petty skirmishes, you evermore lost your Com­manders, and most of your Souldiers, neyther did you ever put ours to flight, while they had a shot of powder left, though you had ten Armes, for one of ours. At Kilrush, I confesse we were as many men (I believe) as you, but your Artillery, Horse, Armes, Amunition, triply exceeded ours, which are very great advantages, yet little got you by that day, but the field, which, with such oddes, I hold for no great victory, which you had not the courage to prosecute. All such Castles as you got from us (for the most part) cost you deere, ten lives or more, for one, though you layd formall sieges to them, with Artille­ry, plenty of Amunition, and all other requisites, against a few unar­med disfurnished men: Witnesse Carrigmain, Baldugan, Suddain, Lynch his Knocke, and severall other, where commonly, you most perfidiously broke your quarter given. All these were before the arrivall of any helpe of Commanders, Armes, or Amunition in our quarters, since when you have alwayes lost ground, and recovered none; At Raconell you confesse our men fought valiantly, even with stones, when their powder was spent, the want whereof (it is evident) was the sole cause of the defeat. At Loghleagh, you were shamefully beaten. At Rosse we had our intent, which was to defend the Towne, though you got the field, by the advantage of your Artillery, and somewhat else, must not be spoken off. At Keshenennan, being in all, not a full thousand men, horse and foote, very slightly provided, we kept the passage against your great Army of five or sixe thousand horse and foote. At Clancur­ry, we had also our intent, which was to send you home, without an­noyance of us. At Portlester you got the worst, as is aforesaid. All such Castles as we have gained from you, we wonne them (in a manner) without difficulty, blowes or losse; (Ballinikill onely excepted, which also held not out much more then halfe a day, after the first shot of a Cannon, though you vauntingly glorified it, with the name of invin­cible) yet in each of them, you abounded with men, and all other Mi­litary provision. Now in all these battles, encounters, skirmishes, and Castles wonne or lost, it is particularly to bee noted, that you never gayned from us, without stiffe and stout resistance, sharpe blowes, and much losse, most commonly, and with much advantage, of Artillery, Armes, Amunition, and other warlike necessaries; whereas, whenso­ever we got from you, (I say for the most part) it was evermore without much opposition, damage, or bloud, with all kinde of disad­vantage of our side, which evidently demonstrats whose men are most cowarded, or stood worst. If we still runne away, why did not you [Page 18] over-runne and conquer the kingdome? And if a man armed onely with a Club, or a Gunne without powder, should flye from another, compleatly armed, and provided to his hearts desire, can any with reason therefore call that man a coward? I should rather hold him for a Cullion, that pursues such a man, or at least, cannot wrest his will, or winne his wish from him. If our men thus nakedly appointed, could hold play, for a whole yeare to yours plentifully furnished, while succour was a comming, as it appeares they did, may they be nicke­named Cowards? rather the contrary: for all this proves manifestly, that you were very cowards, or they very valiant fellowes, and I thinke you will rather averre the later, then avow the former. How ever, I am certaine all Christian Nations else will, and doe proclayme them valiant, yea England and Scotland their most spleenative enemies; Prince Rupert will witnesse it. And out of these premisses I deduce an infalli­ble consequence, two, or three, ergo our men and monyes are conside­rable; ergo it is dangerous for you in a new warre to hazard the losse of the kingdome, and utter extirpation of the protestant party; Ergo, it is better and safer for you, his Majesty should give content to this Nation, by giving his Royall assent to our propositions. But you say, it is not in his Majesties power to condescend to our demands. If he shall, it will set popery againe in jurisdiction, introduce the Suprema­cie of Rome, and take away or endanger his Majesties supreme autho­rity in causes Ecclesiasticall, a diminution of honour and power not be endured. I answer, we desire not the repealing of any ancient grounded lawes, but to be disburdened of certayne grievous pressures layd on us, either by acts of state, or parliament, or the lawlesse Law of Sic volo, sic jubeo fraudulently or violently enacted and executed, by the unsupportable tyranny of the ministers of this subordinat governe­ment, destructive to our Religion, lives and liberties, which, a free parliament with his Majesties Royall assent can legally doe: therefore it lyes in his Majesties power to grant our propositions. Doubtlesse, you will acknowledge King Charles to be as lawfull, absolut, & power­full a King of England and Ireland, tam de jure, quam de facto, as was Henry the VIII. or Edward the VI. Who (as it were at a blow) beat downe and suppressed a Religion of above eight hundred (or rather twelve hundred) yeares standing, seazed on IESUS CHRISTS owne patrimony, the possessions of the Clergy, con­fiscated their goods, sacked and prophaned their Churches, & inVVhat fol­lowes, are the words of an ap­proved English Author. fine, turned above ten thousand of them out of doores to seeke their fortunes, without being heard, or orderly convicted for any of­fence, contrary to all Law, conscience, and common reason: For, the Abbeys hold their Lands in Franke Almoine, and in Fee, they were possessed of them, by the donation of severall Saxon, English and Norman Kings, and Subjects, continued legally by prescription, [Page 19] established by law, and confirmed by the Charters of Kings, as that of Magna Charta 9. H. 3. and the confirmation thereof 28. Ed. 1. Where it is granted, that the Church of England shall be free, and have its li­berties inviolable, and cap. 2. judgement given against them shall be held for naught: Also, sententia lata super confirmatione Chartarum, by Ed. 1. or [...]. Ed. 3. cap. 8. If any statute be made contrary to Magna Charta, it shall be voyde, or the confirmation of all these, 1. 6. 7. 8. of Rich. 2. and 4. H 4. All which were intended to prevent tyranny, and secure the Church then being, visibly knowne, and generally reverenced: for to no other Church were they granted, neyther can any other enjoy them. Yet did Henry the eight, and Edward the sixt assume theHetherto the fore­said Au­thor. power to controvert and subvert all these, which you approve and applaud, though they were acts surmounting the puisance of heaven; and you will not allow King Charles the power of ordinary actions, and sublunary things in our behalfes; albeit you avow his consent gi­ven to the Scots (as aforesaid) by act of parliament to pull downe Bi­shops, without whom a parliament is no parliament, In equity and reason, whatsoever Common-law may pretend to the contrary. His Majesty by a publicke Declaration in Print declared the late Earle of Strafford innocent for matter of bloud, yet was he compelled after to subscribe to the condemnation and decollation of the said Earle to content the parliament of England, as yet insatiably discontented. All these (I say) you approve and commend, and yet must his Majesties hands be bound, and his gracious favours lockt up from us, under pretext (forsooth) of impossibilities in our demands, though they contayne nought, but what legally layes in his Majesties Royall brest to grant. As for your wonted childish foppery, which you call pope­ry to be set againe in jurisdiction, our propositions import (as you meane it) no such thing; but that we may be allowed the freedome of the Roman Catholicke Religion, which hath here continued in ju­risdiction (if you know what meanes jurisdiction) above a thousand yeares, maugre all your fiery furies, and persecutions. And suppose it were in jurisdiction, as you understand it, no disinteressed judge­ment can see what his Majesty should loose thereby; his Rents and Cu­stomes would be still the same, if not much more, by reason of the free­dome of ingresse and egresse of trafficke, and the fidelity of Officers; he should gayne a hundred hearts for one, both at home and abroad; he should be obeyed and served, as Father of the Common-weale, for love and filiall feare, not as he has beene hetherto by you, for lucre and interest, aswell appeares by your now falling off from him, since the dayes of gayne are expired: for his protestant party here, is onely (as aforesaid) in Dublin, Drogheda, Dundalke, and in those quarters, where also now by a new treason lately discovered, they manifest the old treachery lay hidden in their hearts; and (to confirme what I have [Page 20] above layd downe) on this discovery there were found but onely three Commanders in the whole Towne of Drogheda who stood for his Ma­jesty: And, if all the protestant pulses in Dublin, or elsewhere in Ireland were felt by a skilfull Physitian in that kinde, I doubt, there would hardly be found a hundred free from that franticke feaver. As con­cerning the introduction of the supremacy of Rome, which you object; it is well knowen, and we care not who knowes it, that all Ireland ne­ver beleeved other; how then can that be intended to be introduced, that has never beene taken out of it? I say all Ireland; that is, all Irish­men, whereof if a very few beleeved otherwise they were of a vipe­rous brood, destructive to their mother, and considerable, as none, in regard of the whole kingdome, as also such English as here inhabi­ted. With all, our propositions make no mention of any such intended innovation. So as (suppose the Roman Catholicke Religion were freely exercised in Ireland, which is that we seeke) the supremacie in causes Ecclesiasticall, and the honour and power thereof, should still asmuch as ever remayne in his Majesty. Yet reflect but a little, and you may perceive, that his Majesty has lost that honour & power you so much esteeme, in England and Scotland, (Oh that that were all!) for the parliament and Scots (if any they admit) attribut it to the Elders of their Kirke; but there is no corner in a Round-head for such a supreme beliefe; it has place then onely in a few protestant heads (and fewer hearts, if they were all profoundly sounded) in England and Ireland, and as for the beliefe of Roman Catholicks in that kinde, it derogates not a single haire from their faithfull and fixed allegeance to his Maje­sty, as is evident by their cleaving to him in his three kingdomes, now in these boysterous times of his troubles, when all Sectaries flote in their fidelities, and flitt according their fancies. Moreover, what great diminution of honour or power (to use your owne words) should his Majesty thereby sustaine, suppose the supremacy of Rome were intro­duced? The world knowes (that knowes the History of England) that the Crowne of England had more power, honour, fame & wealth, before it assumed that seeming specious Title, then it could ever since then, pur­chase, eyther at home or abroad. This needes no proofe, the Legend of the lives of the Monarchs thereof, does demonstrate it. Had not Henry the VIII. morerenowne, by his Booke written against Luther in defence of the seven Sacraments, for which he received a Sword from the Pope, with the glorious Title of Defender of the Faith, then he had after, when his lust lead him to arrogate the supremacy? and more treasure had he in his Coffers, I am certaine. For, notwithstan­ding the spoyle and pillage of the Church, whereof the value of the Lands onely England, at that time amounted to above three hun­dred and twenty thousand pounds ten shillings sterling per annum, out of which the King tooke into his owne possession, and appropriated [Page 21] to the Crowne, a hundred sixty one thousand one hundred pounds per annum, besides their moveables, which doubtlesse made up a vast summe: yet died he without wealth, without honour, without friends, without peace in his house, or heart, and with remorse of Conscience belcheth forth his last breath in despayre, with an Omnia perdidimus: and can boast of no other Monument he hath left to Record his me­mory, but such as hee left, who vaunted of burning Dianas Temple. Now since then, can any man shew me the effects of the supposed ho­nour or power, England has enjoyed or acquired, eyther forraine or do­mesticke, by the supremacy, other then pride, luxury, epicurisme, blasphemy, effeminacy, and in a word, a licencious liberty to swim in sin, and wallow in vice without controll? It is true indeed, there was a Duke went into Spaine, Basta. And to the Isle of Ree, c'est assé. England has assisted in this later age, Holland, Swedland, the Palatinate, and other rebels against their naturall and lawfull Soveraignes, and has beene, and still is cowed by that Nation, which it most scorned and vilipended of the world, and over which in former ages it was wont to domineere, crow, and conquer. It is lately become the forge of novellisme and heresie, the nursery of Sects, and now the stage of rebellion. These are the fruits of your gosling Gospel, and the feats of honour and power, acted since the supremacie of Rome has beene expelled, and the inheritance of S. Peter intruded upon. France, Spaine Italy, Poland, and other Catholicke countries, states and Provinces, who still continue obedient children to the Church of Rome, esteeme themseves eyther in power, honour, wealth, or worldly splendour, no way inferiour to England; yea many of them farre exceede it in all. They are adored, beloved, awed at home and abroad; The Turkes, Hea­thens, and Infidels feare and feele the force of their armes; both ends of the world doe them homage, are tributary to them, and contribut to the farssing of their Coffers. Yet doe they still acknowledge Rome their superiour in causes Ecclesiasticall, neyther have they any ambi­tion to spirituall jurisdiction, because they know they are incapable thereof, and they deeme it rather a diminution, then any addition of honour or power to arrogat a Title which derogats from the power and jurisdiction essentially inhering in that Title, which they are assu­red cannot be but in a Priest. So as this great Colossus of honour and power, Supremacy, in spirituall causes in a secular person, (the losse whereof you so much apprehend) is a meere ens rationis, and conse­quently a thing not to be thought of by rationall men. Yet, if you will needes be so chymericall, as to contend de lanacaprina, take you it, so wee may have from the benignity of his gracious Majesty his Royall assent to our humble propositions, which all good Subjects, and reall patriots are bound to wish and vote, it being the most efficacious meane to secure and succour his Majesty against the malignant party, [Page 22] and to settle this tottering kingdome in a firme and constant peace, whereto a raging malice to this Nation, with an undiscreete anty­pathicall zeale to the extirpation of the Religion thereof may rayse many opposits. But let every man of both parties lay his hands on his heart, and sadly consider the state of this kingdome, which lyes pi­ning in a violent hecticke feaver: Its veines have beene superaboun­dantly vented. Too much phlebotomy drives the body into a consum­ption. If the flames shall once againe burst forth, and the Sword be re­unsheated betwixt us, without doubt nothing shall ever quench the one, or put up the other but the utter eradication and abolition of you and your Religion, or us and ours; and whether, no man but he that's God and man can tell. Can any then so farre deviate from the roade of reason, as to take their way where they are certayne to bee way laid, or in eminent danger of the losse of their purses and per­sons, while they may confidently walke other secure paths? Who can be so unwise, as to lay the foundation of so waighty a structure, as is that of their Religion, lives, and fortunes, on floating sands, while they may have firme and solid grounds to build on? I know not what will and rage may doe; but well, what wit and reason should doe. Let eve­ry man therefore (I say) wipe off from the eye of his heart, all Na­tionall animosities, all over-weening conceits of proper might, all un­naturall antypathies, all jealous distrusts, and every atom of any other passion, which may offuscat the visive powers from discerning what may most conduce to the recovery of our infirme Countrey, where­unto, I wish each undividuall would put his helping head, heart, and hand without morosity.

This is better policy, then to keepe all in suspense forsooth, to avoyd the blame of concluding any thing, and to spin out time, to see for whom the triumph will turne, or which way the game will goe, eyther for the King or Parliament▪ so to runne with the good successe, and to beate on the winners hand, or upon a shuffling up of the game, and an accommodation to betray this Nation, and take all advantages against it, as may well be collected and feared, out of these long suspi­tious treaties, and frequent Cessations. But the great God of heaven, and protector of the Innocent, who hath hitherto frustrated the grand plot of our adversaries, intended for the extirpation of our Nation and Religion, by stirring up a warre in England, to divert their fiendly fury, & revenge the spilling of so much Innocent bloud, as hath beene here unhumanly shed, may (and doubtlesse will) convert their pre­sent machinations on themselves. The Foxe is oft taken by his too much cunning and wilynesse, when one good plaine way of leaping into the Tree, still saves the Cat. Did not the state here cause all the Corne in the Pale to be destroyed and burned, the poore labouring men to be murdered, and so tillage to be almost quite banished, there­by [Page 23] to starve the Inhabitants? which, without doubt had famished themselves were it not for the Cessation in September 1643. Via plana, via sana▪ T'is to be feared, that these winding wyles and halting poli­cies may betray and loose his Majesty all his protestant party, so ready to slip after good successe, whilest the parliament shall winne more stedfast footing in North-VVales over against our Coasts & Harbours, whereby they may prevent the timely transportation of our ayde. It is dangerous to let a disease runne too farre, and a patient to worke and trust too much to the strength of his nature, least all helps of Physicke come too late. You say, it is good to beare the Scots and other Round­heads in hand, till you be assured of the Confederates. You hover then in your resolutions of adhering to his Majesty, and you falter in your fidelity, seeing you hold correspondence with his professed ene­mies, and oppose and reject those, who (you know in your Conscien­ces, whereto I appeale) are his Majesties best and truest Subjects, though they may not yeeld to such conditions of peace, as you would put on them, without perpetuall slavery, infamy, and danger of be­ing one day massacred. You presume top much on the friendship and allyance some of your great ones have amongst us, which you are best beware how you squise and wier-drawe too farre, least you force us to forget all relations of bloud, and tyes of friendship, whereto Reli­gion and Countrey must be preferred. Vnnaturall suits and quarrels, prove still the most dangerous, and least capable of reconciliation. Let not any thinke to rayse or endeere themselves to his Majesty by extraordinary services, in forcing the harder conditions on their Countrey, for they shall thereby lose his Majesty more hearts, then gayne heads and hands for his assistance, while you presse too much their persons and Consciences, and grate too deeply on their estates and purses, they having ever beene and still are too free and willing of themselves, to supply his Majesties necessities, to support his glory and prerogatives, and advance his service: though I may with a sigh, say, they have beene evermore most unfortunat▪ in sharing any part of the thankes of all their benevolous actions and large contributions from time to time, which the Governors of this kingdome did still snatch and arrogat to themselves, by magnifying their owne ende­vours and labours, interposed betweene the King and his people; as lately did the Lord of Strafford, who engrossed all the honour and thankes of our profuse Subsidies, and ingenuous willingnesse to his Majesties service, to himselfe; which may be a sufficient precaution to us; and his fall from the stage, by over-acting his part, a lively presi­dent to all others, for eviting such a Tragicall end, which is common­ly the Epilogue of all politicke playes. Let therfore all such, as act those eminent partes of Kings or Princes on the Theater of the Common­weale, enter into themselves, and consider, that albeit they personat [Page 24] Princes, yet they are none, but fellow-players of the Globe or Fortune, and consequently, both they and their posterity, subject to such in­conveniences and pressures, as they, by overmuch affectation of ap­plause, or other falter, shall have drawen on the rest of the company. So as, when the play is done, those momentall glorious Kings, may perhaps for ever after, be driven to act the Clowne, exull or pilgrim, aswell as the meanest of their companions, which God avert from all well meaning servitures, whose sincere intentions and radiant Can­dour, will in fine (I hope) shine thorough the the thick est of these Egyptiacall cloudes, which hang over our Hemisphere, and disperse all malignant vapours and vipers, which will vanish thoroughout the Kingdome, like false appari­tions or specters, upon a true vnion & under­standing betweene the King and his peo­ple, wherto, may propitious hea­uen say, Amen.

FINIS.
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