W. Faithorne sculp:


Wherein are seen the Portuguese's Voyages to the East-Indies; Their Discoveries and Conquests there; The form of Government, Commerce, and Discipline of Warr in the East, and the Topography of all India and China.

Containing also a particular relation of the most famous siege of DIO, With a Map to Illustrate it.




London, Printed for Henry Herringman, and are to be sold at his Shop at the Sign of the Anchor on the Lower walk in the New Exchange. 1664.

TO THE QUEENS Most Excellent Majesty.

May it please your Majesty,

EVery Man's way of paying his Reverence and Devotion, be­ing particularly his own, and as peculiar as any thing he derives from his Temper; and the Splendor of Your Majesties Vertues and Perfections (of which to name any first were to fail in Ceremony to the rest) being as Glorious and Unquestionable as Light in the Sun, who, daily Prodigal of his Benign Aspects, is yet above being the Theame and Subject of Praises; I have thought it suitable to my Zeal, and first Imployment had in Portugall, to tell my Fellow-Subjects in plain English, the Greatness and Glory of that Crown and Kingdome, which are Contractedly drawn in the Life of one particular Portuguese, [Page] since the Ministers Actions have their Spring in the King's Instructions, and the Prince's Zeal makes the Subjects Apostles. And now Madam, the Praises of your Native Country, will come with Advan­tage to the Eyes and Ears of the English, since your Majesty, so Endear'd before, as to make them Hope in Despair, and Joyn (such is the Miracle of your Good­ness) in one Form of Common-Prayer for your Happy Recovery, (when so many thousands so Sacrifize to their own Opinions as to be willing with their Lives and Fortunes to pay for their Non-confor­mity) will be now look't upon as the Queen of every particular Man's choice. The Life of the great Portuguese Dom Iohn de Castro, Dedicated in the Original to Prince Theodosius of Happy Memory; Your Royal Brother, hath Suggested the presumption of Begging for the Transla­tion, your Sacred and Auspitious Patro­nage, which only (in so Censorious an Age) can protect in Print, and in Safety,

Your Majesties most Loyal Subject and most Dutifull Servant, PETER WYCHE.

THE Authors Dedication To Prince THE ODOSIUS, Of Happy Memory, Who was Heir of Portugall, and Eldest Brother to Our Most Excellent Queen KATHERINE.

Most Serene SIR,

THE Scipios have met with their match in their Actions, not in their Fortune; There were in Asia Darius's for Dom John de Castro to Conquer, in Eu­rope not a Curtius or Livy to propagate his Fame. The Bishop Dom Francisco de Castro, perswaded me to write this History, (which the Press now publisheth) though in a Style inferiour to the deserts of a Man, [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] who came to be Great amongst the Greatest, whose Vertues blossom'd so soon, that they seem'd rather Hereditary, then Acquir'd; He Liv'd not out the Years of his Govern­ment, (in which almost the same Numbers stood for Days, and Victories) though he was long Liv'd to his Country; short to Na­ture. Yet now his Memory is under your Highness's Protection, 'tis a question, if he were Happier in his Life, or Posterity, be­ing always a Conquerour, then over his Ene­mies, now over Time. I might here take an occasion to publish your Highness's Vertues, but an Epistle is too short, (as the Book would have been) for such a Subject. The general Cry of the World, is to be the Book where all shall read them in a more impartial Character; since our Hopes are, that your Highness uniting to the Pleasantness of Study, the Glory of Arms, will for Fame and Courage be the first on the File amongst our Portuguese Princes. God preserve the most Serene Person of your Highness.

Jacinto Freire de Andrada.


1. POrtugall, given by Alphonsus the sixth King of Castile (after a signal Victory obtained against the Mahometans, Anno 1089.) in Dowry with his Daughter Therasia to Count Henry, Grand-child to Robert Duke of Burgundy, (in Recompence of his extraordinary (though but personal) assistance in the Battail, and to have there so considerable a Strength, where the incursions of the Moors were most frequent and terrible) hath been maintain'd, enlarg'd (at home and abroad) and recovered, by Courage and Policy not below those Deserts which got so unusual a Match and Portion for a Stranger.

2. Count Henry took Viseu and Lamego from the Moors, yet left Portugall with Neighbouring Frontiers, for Southward it was bounded with the River Mondego, (infested with the Invasions of the Infidels) Northward with the River Minho, towards the Rising Sun it had the Province Beira, and towards the Setting, on the Sea-side the City Porto, which being the only Port, unpossess't by the Moors, and chiefly frequented by the French, seems more reasonably then some other Etymologies, to give the name to the Kingdome of Portugall.

3. Alphonsus Henriques, Son to Count Henry (as the fatal greatness of Rome made its first King Romulus a Souldier) was not second to any in Story, in Courage and Action; He defeated Albucaran King of Badajos, and took the City, raised the Siege of Coimbra, besieged by King Eujunius, with three hundred thousand men: In the year 1139. at the Battail of Orique (where impartial and concurrent Histories count an hundred Moors for every Christian) he overcame Ismarus and four more Mahometan Kings, on which he was (as some affirm) after the Fight saluted King by his own Souldiers; from that Action also, the Virgil of Portugall Luis de Camoens (in the 53. and 54. Stanzas of his third Canto) derives the bearing of the Arms of the Kingdome, which are five small shields Azure, in a great shield Argent, left plain by his Fa­ther.

Aqui pinta no branco escudo ufano,
Que agora esta vitoria certifica,
Cinco escudos azues esclarecidos,
Em sinal destes cinco Reys vencidos.
En estes cinco escudos pinta os trinta
Dinheyros, porque Deos fora vendido,
Escrevendo a memoria em varia tinta,
Da quelle de quem foy favorecido.
Em cado hum dos cinco cinco pinta,
Por que assi fica o numero comprido;
Contando duas vezes o do meyo
Dos cinco azues que em Cruz pintando veyo,

Which the Right Honourable Sir Richard Fanshaw late Embassa­dour to Portugal, in his Excellent Translation of that Heroique Poem thus renders,

In his broad Shield which he till then wore plain,
A badge eternal of this glorious day,
Five small shields Azure he doth now include,
In sign of these five Kings by him subdude.
In these five Shields he paints the Recompence,
For which our Lord was sold, in various Ink,
Writing his History who did dispence
Such favour to him more then heart could think.
In every of the five he paints five Pence,
So sums the thirty by a Cinque fold cinque,
Accounting that which is the Center twise
Of the five Cinques which he doth place Cross-wise.

Though the more Venerable Testimony of a Latin Record made of the Oath Alphonsus Henriques took in the year 1152. (before the Bishop and Magistracy of Combra, and the Bishop of Braga) about the Vision he saw before the Engagement, saith, he was proclamed King before the Fight, as was fore-told by Christ, who at the same time commanded him to take for his Arms what he paid for the Redemption of Man, and what he was sold for to the Iews, to which the King added for his Crest Moses's Serpent, A Type of Christ; The words under the King's Oath are, Gentem tuam invenies alacrem ad bellum & fortem & potentem ut sub Regis nomine in hac pugna egrediaris, Nec dubites, sed quicquid petierint liberè concede. Ego enim Aedificator & Dissipator Impe­riorum & Regnorum sum; Volo enim in te & in semine tuo Impe­rium mihi stabilire ut deferatur nomèn meum in exteras gentes; Et ut agnoscant succ [...]ssores tui datorem Regni, insigne tuum ex pretio quo ego humanum genus emi, & ex qno ego à Judaeis emptus sum, [Page] compones: This Record also sets down a famous Prediction delivered at the same time by an old Hermit to Alfonsus (as he then affirm'd upon Oath) concerning the Succession, Alienation and Restauration of the Crown of Portugall; Bono animo esto, Vinces, vinces, & non vince­ris, Dilectus es a Domino, Posuit enim super te & super semen tuum oculos misericordiae suae usque in sextam decimam generationem in qua attenuabitur proles, sed in ipsam attenuatam ipse respiciet & videbit, which this Age hath seen fulfill'd precisely and to the Letter, by the King of Spain's seising on the Kingdome of Portugall after the Death of King Henry the Cardinal (who succeeded the unfortunate Sebastian) the seventeenth King, and by the happy Restauration of the Royal Family in King John the Fourth of Glorious memory, Father to our most Incom­parable Queen Katherine. This Record was found engross'd in Parchment with five Seals annex'd in the Royal Monastery of Alcobaca, the Original was carried to Philip the Second King of Spain, and is now in the Es­curial; there remains in Lisbone an Authentique Copy, and Dom Antonio de Sousa de Macedo hath Printed it in the second Proeme of his Lusitania Liberata, pag. 96, 97, and 98. This first King took Saint Iren from the Moors, and (by the help of the Northern Fleet sent to the Holy Land under the Command of William Long-sword) got from them, after a long and bloody Siege, Lisbone: Afterwards Beja and Evora, and the greatest part of the Country on the South-side of Tagus, by the Portuguese called Allentejo, he Died in the year of our Lord 1185. of his Reign 73. and of his Age 91. a King so extraordinary in his own Person, in the unusual length of his Life and Reign was ne­cessary for the fast Rooting that Monarchy, which was so gloriously to spread it self, as far as East and West extend.

4 Alphonsus was succeeded by his Son Sanctius the first, from whom the Crown continued in the direct Descendency for above two hundred years, till John the first Brother to King Ferdinand, the last of nine Kings, who in continual Warrs had imployed their Pious and Victorious Arms in driving the Moors out of Europe, so long so stoutly did they defend their Possessions.

5. King John (seeing all clear behind him) did then, Prudently and in Compliance with that Innate hatred the Crown of Portugall had against the Mahometans, pass over to Africa, where he took from the Moors the City of Ceuta, as Emulous and Troublesome a Neighbour and Com­petitor to Spain, as Carthage was once to Italy. After this advantage on the Africans, his third Son the Infante Dom Henrique Commander of the Cavalliers of Christ (an order founded by Dennis the sixth King of Portugal against the Infidels, on the Dissolution of that of the Knights Templers) incited by the obligation of his Office and Family, set upon the Discovery of the Western Coast of Arabia, of which, in the expedition of Ceuta (cujus pars magna fuit) and other passages made over thither, he had got the best Information he could find amongst the Moors; He began his design Anno 1420. by sending forth every year two or [Page] three Ships, which were to pass Cape Non, the furthest of the Spanish discoveries, and by them so named, like Hercules pillars, from their de­spair of passing further; In all the Voyages of twelve years they came but to the Cape Bojador, (so named from its Launching out) which no man had the boldness to double, because finding that Cape to shoot out West­ward about forty Leagues further then the rest of the Coast, and at the beginning of the Cape a Bank of Sands to run the same way, the unexpe­rienced and raw Pilots (used then to Sail by the Shore) durst not stand off [...]ix Leagues (which had avoided the Flats) and go so far West­ward. The Infante undaunted by the consideration of expence or danger, continually set out Fleets and gave Orders to the most skilfull and stout Commanders to adventure the passing that then so formidable Cape; In these Voyages Porto Sancto was, after a great Storm, recovered and found out, (and so named from the Preservation), afterwards the Island Ma­deira, so called from the thick Woods upon it; with Resolute and Magna­nimous perseverance, Vast and Prodigious expence, unheard of Suffering and Danger, he at last past the Cape, and in forty three years carried on his Discoveries from Cape Non in twenty eight degrees and an half, of Northern Latitude to Cape Sierra Lione in 7 3/4. of the same Latitude, which makes on the Shore 430. Leagues. In the Sea, besides those already mentioned, were found out in his time the Canary Islands, and those of Capoverde; He laid the foundation of that great Design, not thought of by any of the Antients, but Semiramis, Bacchus, and Alexander the Great, and till now, above the narrow Souls of so many succeeding Ages; the 13th. of November in the year 1463. was the Day of his glorious Memory.

6. Alphonsus the fifth, Grand-child to John the first by his Son King Edward, (who Reigned but five years) set to Farm at a certain Rate the Trade of Guinney for five years to Fermon Gomes, on condition, that beginning from the Cape Sierra Lione he should every year discover one hundred Leagues on the Coast; In January 1471. he first came to the place in Guinney; by him called (and yet of the same name) the Mine, and there began to truck for Gold; His discoveries fell not short of his agreement, for they reached to Cape Saint Katherine (so call'd be­cause first seen on her Day) which lies in 2 and 1/2. of Southern Latitude. From this most famous discovery of the Gold Coast he had (according to the first rule of Sirnames) by Patent from the King given him that of Da Mina, and for his Arms in a field Argent three Moors heads with Gold Rings in their Ears and Nostrils, and Chains of the same about their Necks. In this King's time were discovered in the Sea the Islands of Saint Thomas, of the Prince, and of Anno Bon; He went Anno 1458. in Person with a Fleet of 220. Ships, and about 25000. Men, and took Alcacer Leguer from the Moors; In a second expedition got Anafe, in a third Arzilla and Tangier.

7. King John the Second took the Title of Lord of Guinney, and Built on the Gold Coast the Fortress call'd Saint George of the Mine, [Page] thereby to take Possession of the past and intended Discoveries, and to lay the first Stone of a Church for the Conversion of the Pagans. Diogo Cam by his Commission came in the year 1484. to the Kingdome and River of Congo, where (according to his Orders to raise Pillars of Stone (in stead of Woodden Crosses used before) in the most Eminent places of his Discoveries, fixing to them an Escutcheon Royal, and about it an Inscrip­tion in Latin and Portuguese, declaring the King, the Time and Person employed in the Discovery) He set up a Pillar on the South-side of the River, (how much more Glorious then the Imaginary ones of Hercules) which was therefore call'd Rio do Padraon, (i. e.) the River of the Pillar; the Discovery of the Kingdome of Congo was so considerable, as Diogo Cam returned with the news to the King, who in a little time fitted him out again; in this Voyage he went 200. Leagues beyond Congo, and planted two Pillars, one called Saint Augustines in 13. degrees of Southern Latitude, another which named the place Capo do Padraon, in 22. degrees of the same Latitude. About this time was discovered by Fernaon Do Po the Island yet called by his Name, and the Kingdome of Benim, whence the first Guinney Pepper came into Christendome.

In the year 1486. there came into Portugall an Ambassadour from the King of Penim, to desire some Priests to instruct that Kingdome in the Catholique Religion, this Embassadour told King John, that twenty Moneths Iourney (according to the slow Travelling of their Caravans) Eastward of their Country was a Prince call'd Organé, who amongst the Pagan Princes of that Coast was esteemed as the Pope is in Europe, by whom (according to antient Custom) the Kings of Benim were Con­firmed in their Succession to the Crown, who instead of a Scepter and a Crown, sent them a Staff, and to wear on their Head a Cover of Copper, like an Helmet, and a Cross to wear about their Neck; The King compa­ring this Relation with what some of his Friars had heard at Jerusalem, from the Abissines, of their Prince's being a Christian, and his Kingdome Southward of Egypt, upon consulting with Ptolomies Mapps, and his own Discoveries, and the distance Eastward, concluded Ogané to be the Pres­byter John then so much talkt off, that by his means he might get into the Indies, and that by his Fleets following the Coast they might arrive at Ptolomies Prasum Promontorium, now Mozambique.

8. This Story heightning his hopes and desires of getting to the Indies, he sent May 1487. over Land Pero de Couilhaan to endeavour that way to come to India, and Alphonso de Paiva with Letters to Presbyter John; the first going from Grand Cairo in the Company of some Moors to Adem, (in the Streights mouth of the Red-Sea) thence cross'd over to the Coast of India, and was at Cananor, Calicut and Goa; at his return to Cairo, finding his Companion Dead, and meeting with fresh desires of the King that he should find out Presbyter John, he went again to the Red-Sea, and from thence got to the Court of Presbyter John, where the welcome Ceremony of his Reception was great, but his Return was (according to Custom there to retain Strangers) out of hope. The prose­cution [Page] of the Discoveries on the Coasts was continued by sending out a Fleet, in 1486. under the Command of Bartholomew Diaz, he placed his first Pillar in the height of 24. degrees Southward, in a place then named Serra Parda, 120. Leagues beyond the last of Diego Cam's, pursuing their Voyage they came to Angra das Vottas, which lies in 29. After five days stay here putting to Sea again, bad weather kept them 13. days with their Sails half-Mast high; when the Storm ceas'd, concluding the Coast according to former Observation to run from North to South, they stood in for the Land with an Easterly course, but being some days without making it they went Northward, which brought them to Angra dos Va­quieras, (North of the Cape) not having here any Intelligence for want of an Interpreter, and the fearfull Moors leaving the Shore at the sight of so unusual men, returning to Sea with the same course, they came to an Island in 33 1/4. Southward, where they planted a Pillar call'd the Cross, which also gave the name to the Island. Here the Mariners weary and fearfull of the great Seas they found, began to complain and desire not to be put to tempt Fortune further, but to return, having found a thing more considerable then any of the former Discoveries, which was, That the Land being now observed to run Northward, there must be in their Stern some great Cape which they ought to strive to discover: The Counsel of the Chief Officers of the Fleet rose in this Resolution, hardly granting Bartholomew Diaz's earnest request, to hold the same Course for two or three days, and then finding no encouragement to proceed, to Tack about; at the end of the Limited time, they came to a River 25. Leagues North­ward of the Island of Cryz, in 32 2/3. call'd Rio do Infante, John Infante Commander of a Ship being the first who went on Shore. Hence, the Mariners renewing their Complaints, they returned and came in sight of that so famous Cape, hid for so many Ages, which now did not only Dis­cover it self, but a new World; Bartholomew Diaz from the Storm and Dangers he met with in doubling it, call'd it Cabo Tormentoso, but the King at the return of the Fleet gave it the more Illustrious name of Bona Esperanza; They returned December 1487. having in sixteen Moneths seventeen Days discovered 350. Leagues on the Coast. In this King's time was the Astrolabe found out by two of his Physicians, (to whose thoughts he had recommended the Improvement of Navigation) and one Martim of Bohemia, Scholer to the Great Regiomontanus.

9. King John Dying without Lawfull Issue, the Kingdome came to Emanuel Son to the Infante Dom Ferdinand, Brother to Alphonsus the Fifth, This was that great Fortunate and only Emanuel of Portugall, so call'd not only from being Born on Corpus Christi Day, 1469. but from his Mothers being delivered (after a sharp and dangerous Labour) as the Procession came before her Palace;On which 'twas said, If at Christ's Birth the Angels, at Emanuels, Christ him­self assisted. He was Born, with Arms so long, as standing upright, and holding them down, they reach't to his Knees, on which the Astrologers concluded his coming to the Crown, and the extent of his Dominions, according to their Axiome, Brachia usque ad genua extenta imperare desiderant, & aliquando imperant. Some pretend without any force to the words to apply to him the Sybilla [Page] Cumea's Prophecie in Virgils fourth Eglogue; He began to Reign at 26. years Old 1495. and Fir'd with the high design of his Prede­cessours to Sail through the Ocean to the Indies, he the next year concluded to send the great Vasco do Gama to try for them; This year was spent in Councils and Preparations, and in the following 1497. in the begin­ning of July, an unseasonable time, (but that great Actions expect not Opportunities) the Fleet consisting of three Ships and a Victualler, (after a solemn Procession of Prayers and Tears and general Benediction) set Sail, the first Land they came at was (after five Moneths) the Bay of Saint Helena lying in 32. degrees Southward; On the 20th of De­cember, they doubled the Cape of Good Hope; On Christmas day they pass'd by the Costa do Natal, not arrived at before, and so call'd, from the time they came to it; On Twelfth day they entred into a great River, therefore call'd Rio dos Reys; following on their Voyage they came to another great River 50. Leagues Northward of Sofala, where the Na­tives freely and friendly Convers'd with the Fleet, furnish'd them with fresh Provisions, and told them that Eastward there were men of their Colour who Sail'd in such Ships, whom they often saw pass by that Coast. On which Vasca do Gama call'd the place Rio dos bons Sinaes, and set up a Pillar there call'd Saint Raphael, with this good news and security (the best Warrant they ever had of their Hope) they came to Mocambique, where they were at first well received by the Xeque, after assaulted by his Permission, and betray'd by his Pilot; Palm-Sunday they came to Mombaza, thence went for Melinde, where they made Peace with that King, and had from him a Pilot who carried them in 22. days cross that great Gulf of 700. Leagues, which is betwixt this Coast of Africa and that of Malabar; the first place he arrived at was Calecut, the design of his Voyage and end of his Instructions, having particular Let­ters and an Embassage for the Samorin (i. e.) Emperour, who (as Portugall was inform'd) was the greatest Prince and Lord of all the Spices of those Parts; Vasco da Gama had twice Audience of the Samorim, setled the Trade with him, and having plac'd five Pillars in his peculiar discovery of 1200. Leagues from West to East, returned safe to Lisbone, 23 August 1499.

10. The news Vasco da Gama brought from the Indies of the hopes to recompence so many pass'd difficulties, by the propagation of the Gospel, and the Spices and Iewels of the East, encouraged the King to set out in the year 1500. a Fleet of thirteen Ships, under the Command Pedral­varez Cabrall, who meeting with a Storm at Capo Verde went out to Sea, to make sure of doubling the Cape of Good Hope, and after a Moneths Voyage, came first to the other great Continent of America, where (from the solemn Planting of a Cross) he named his new discovery Sancta Cruz, but the common discourse of Interest, prevailing against Devotion, the profit of the Wood brought from thence call'd it Brasilia. Pedralvarez setting out from Porto Seguro, (so call'd by him from the goodness of it) lost by foul Weather four of his Ships, in that great Ocean between Brazil and the Cape, and after the extremities of a bad Voyage, [Page] came but with six torn Ships to Sofala, thence Sailing along the Coast got to Quiloa and Melinde, where he took two Pilots, with whom he cross'd over for India, deliver'd his Letters to the Samorim, Laded two Ships there, the rest in Cochim and Cananor, (where he began Factories) and from those two places brought Embassadours to settle a Peace and Trade, arriving safely with them in Portugall. After so great Discoveries, the probability of a Trade, and a Resolution to set out every year a Fleet for the Discovery and Commerce of India, King Emanuel enlarged the Title of the Crown, by Styling himself Lord of the Navigation, Conquest and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India.

11. In the year 1502. this now so great a King, knowing Protection not to be less glorious then Conquest, made Vasco da Gama Admiral of all the Seas in the East, and sent him with twenty Sail to the Indies, where­of five were as a setled Fleet to continue there, to protect the new Factories, and to go some Moneths in the year to the Mouth of the Red-Sea to hinder the Moors of Mecca from coming out, who were the fiercest Enemies the Portuguese had, and who most Laboured to hinder their progress in India; for these getting into their hands the Trade of Spices, the Moors who before furnished Christendome, by the way of Cairo and Alexandria, fore-saw the ill consequence of their loss. This Voyage made Tributary the King of Quiloa, placed new Factories, revenged Injuries, protected Allies, and made the Portuguese so famous in the East, as their coming thither was not in a few Kingdoms and Provinces taken for the Aera.

12. The Acquisitions and Trade arrived to that height, as in the year 1505. Dom Francisco d' Almeyda, was sent thither with the Title of Vice-Roy, the first so eminent Title given in these Parts; with him went divers Gentlemen to serve there, with the Obligation then begun and always continued to stay there three years; in his Voyage he took Quiloa, built a Fortress, and left a Commander there, burnt Mombaza, built also a Fortress in Anchediva, he sent his Son Dom Lorenzo to find out the Island Zeilan, and the Maldives, which he performed, and to inter­cept the Moors, who after the Portuguese coming into India, and keeping a Fleet on the Coast of Malabar, carried the Spices laded at Symatra, a new way they had found out, South of Zeilan, and through the Islands, whence to avoid the Coast of India they cross'd over the Gulf, till they came to the Mouth of the Red-Sea, or Persian Gulf: Dom Lorenzo was afterwards Kill'd in a Sea-Fight, which the Vice-Roy's Vengeance made dear to the Infidels.

13. On Palm-Sunday in the year 1506. Tristaond' Acunha, parted from Lisbone with a Fleet of fourteen Sail, and on it thirteen hundred Souldiers, after a great Mortality caus'd by a Plague which hapned among the men, the bad Air was observed to cease, and the Sick and Infirm to recover in their crossing the Line; in the Voyage they made Cape Saint Augustine in Brazil, and crossing the great Ocean before they came to the Cape, discovered the Island then named, and yet called Tristaon d' [Page] Acuna; One of the Ships, parted from the rest by a Storm, first put in at a Port of Madagascar, call'd Matatana, where he got so good Information of the place, as the News put Tristaon on the Discovery, which he perfected, and going afterwards for the Indies, in his way took from the Moors a Fortress in Socotora.

14. After the business of Socotora, the great Alphonso d' Albo­querque (who came with the Fleet from Lisbone) with seven of the Ships designed to go along the Coast of Arabia, and after so many Ages to revenge on the Arabs their Incursions and Possessions on the Continent of Spain; the first place he arrived at in the Kingdome of Ormus was the City Calayate, where he accepted of their Friendship, and forc'd four more to take his upon his own Terms, went on persuing his Victories, and sending fear (his Harbinger) before him, till he came to Ormus, where he made Peace with the King, upon condition to turn Tributary to the King of Portugall, and permit him to Build a Fortress on the Island; By the great Fleet which parted 1509. the Vice-Roy received orders to return, and Alboquerque was possess'd of the Government, which he Eternis'd by taking the Cities of Calicut (the greatest and most powerfull Enemy the Portuguese had in India) and Goa, seated in the heart of India, (there­fore judiciously made the Residence of the Vice-Roys and Governours) went in Person to Sumatra, and possess'd himself of Malaca, so famous among the Antients for its Scituation in the Aurea Chersonesus, and then the great Mart of all the Eastern Merchants; In the time he spent here, he received Embassies and Offers of Friendship from the Kings of Campar and Java, and from the King of Siam upon the Continent, sent an Embassadour to the King of Pegu, and Ships to discover the Spice Islands of the Maluccoes and Banda; He made the first expedition into the Red-Sea, and entred that Streight, Coasting Arabia till he came to the Island of Ceibam, in the middle of that Gulf, being returned from setling Ormus, he Died full of Glory and Deserts on Ship-board, at the Barr of Goa, in the year 1515. and his own Climaterical.

15. The same year King Emanuel designing an honourable Repose, for Alboquerque after so much Sweat and Toyl in Warr and Victory, had sent Governour to the Indies Lopo Soarez d' Albergaria with a Fleet of thirteen Ships, and Instructions to make a Fortress upon the Island of Zeilan, whence according to his Intelligence came all the Cynamon of those parts. At his first coming to the Island in 1518. the King of Co­lumbo, on the noise of the Portuguese Arms and Iustice, readily consen­ted, but altered by the Iealousie and Interest of the Moors of Calicut and Malabar, was afterwards forced to yield a Fortress, and become Tri­butary; In his Government Perez d' Andrade with four Ships went to discover the Gulf of Bangala, and the Coast of China; He was suc­ceeded at the end of three years, by Diogo Lopez de Sequeira, who made a Voyage to the Red-Sea, according to his Instructions from the King, to find out the Coast of Presbyter John, he came to the Island Macua, Inhabited by Christian Moors, and to Arquico a Fort of Presbyter [Page] Johns, where with mutual Tears and other Expressions of Ioy was the first solemn meeting of the Eastern and Western Christians, of which, (that it was to come to pass) the Abissine Friers, said, they had by them, antient Pr [...]phesies.

16. King Emanuel Died in December 1521. after a glorious Reign of 26. years. The first sent to the Indies by his Son King John the Third, was he who discovered them, Vasco da Gama made Conde da Vidigueira, he went with the second Title of Vice-Roy, which was not given of course to those who went to Govern India, but (as the Romans chose their Dictators) bestowed on Men of Eminent worth, or for extra­ordinary Emergencies and Atchievements, so the Turks preparations at Sues, and giving out, he would drive the Portuguese out of India, were the cause Dom Garcia de Noronha was sent thither 1538. with the Relief of four thousand men on twelve Ships, and the Majesty and Ter­rour of the Third Vice-Roy, as our Dom John de Castro was made the Fourth, upon his signal Victory against the King of Cambaya, and raising the second so famous Siege of Dio.

17. Dio famous for twice Baffling the Power and Policy of the East, and scituated at the entrance of the Sea of India, and in the passage thi­ther from Africa, Arabia, and Persia, was (according to some) Built by Alexander the Great, intended to be the Mistress of the Sea and Land, and so called from the word [...], which his Flatterers gave him as the Son of Jupiter Ammon, others (without Searching into the reason of the Name) give it a more Ignoble beginning, by saying it was only anti­ently Inhabited by Fisher-men, but afterward, like Venice grew great, rich, and formidable; It was a constant part of King Emanuel's Instructions to those who serv'd him in the Indies, (knowing a Fortress here would be to India such a Curb as Argos in the hands of Strangers was once to Greece) to try always to get footing in this place. It was accordingly often (but in vain) attempted by all the ways force or stratagem could suggest, but was only that, the Fortune and Grandeur of so great a King could not atchieve; Dom John the Third, not so Covetous of the King­doms, as Virtues and Victories of his Father, commanded the Governours not to lay aside the design, without engaging for it in whatsoever expence or difficulty, who were all so blindly obedient as to lye with great Fleets before it, observing the places of advantage, sometimes falling on by open Force, sometime by Design, yet all unsuccessfull; On which advice the King ordered the Warr to be carried on in other places of Cambaya, that by desolating his Cities, annoying his Ports, and obstructing the Trade, that King might be forc'd to purchase his quiet by granting him a Fortress there; The Execution of the Portuguese's Arms, and Crys of his Sub­jects, brought him to seek Peace by giving, first the City Bacam, with its Iurisdiction and Revenues to the Governour; afterwards being press'd by so terrible an Enemy as the Mogul, and the Rebellion of his own Subjects, he bought Protection and Assistance from the Portuguese, by giving them leave to choose a place there, to Build a Fortress on, which Martim Al­phonso [Page] de Sofa Admiral of the Seas of India, imployed by the Governour to compleat the Treaty, placed on the point which commands the Haven; This was in the year 1535. It was not long before the King of Cambaia perceived the Portuguese by their possession here to have their Feet upon his Neck, and all the East to complain of the interruption of their Pilgri­mages, and the loss of their Trade and Commerce to Mecca, upon which the King listned greedily to Coge-Sofar's perswasion of Besieging the place, on the security of being assisted, by a great Fleet from the Turk, who design'd to drive the Portuguese out of India. This Siege began (An­tonio da Silvera being Governour of Dio) July 1538. the first Army which came against the place consisting of six thousand Horse, and thirteen thousand Foot, under the Command of Alucan, and Coge-Sofar; and in September, Solomon Bashaw Admiral of the Turks came to their Relief, with a Fleet of seventy six Vessels, full of Choise men, and a suitable preparation of all other necessaries. There was not wanting by Sea or Land, the personal and constant gallantry of Assaults, the subtilty of Stratagem, and uninterrupted Battery of great Guns, against a few men taken unprovided; yet did the Enemy raise the Siege himself, at the end of October, and the Vice-Roy Dom Garcia de Noronha found him gone when he came to their Relief with one hundred and sixty Sail.

17. The subjection all India was in, under the Fortress of Dio; the old Animosities for the first Baffle received at that place, and Sultan Ma­humed's revenge for the Death of his Father Badur, kill'd by the Portu­guese, begot the second Siege of Dio 1546. the chief Story of our History, which, (if not much prejudiced by a lessening Translation) may probably appear one of the greatest Actions on Record. Here Envy cannot fasten that, with which she so disparagingly blasted Alexanders Expe­ditions and Conquests in Asia, That he had to do with unarm'd and un­polisht Men, master'd to his hand by Vice and Luxury. Courage, Disci­pline, Design and Arms were here in that height, as they seem'd not to be newly learn'd in the East, and must have prevailed against any one but a Dom John de Castro, one so singular in all Vertues as he might Cope with any of the antient Heroes, and challenge a place in the Kalendar of Saints, whose constant Carriage and Influence over all India, is (besides the universal consent of History) a strong argument for some successes, which might be otherwise startled at as improbable; if any can be so, to that Magnanimous and Hereditary preseverance in difficulties, which we have shew'd to be Entaild for above an Age upon the Portuguese. To Atone the imperfections of the Translation, and help the Reader in the passages of so famous and memorable a Siege, I have procured, (and gratefully acknowledge it as an eminent favour) the Ma [...] of Dio, from his Excellency the Marquess of Sandé, now extraordinary Embassadour in England from the King of Portugall, which I have inserted in the proper place.

18. The Death of our great and glorious Dom John de Castro, left not India so destitute, but the following Governours added Conquests to [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] the State, Converts to the Church; King John the Third was succeeded by his Grand-child Posthumus Sebastian, Born with such restless desires to enlarge his Conquests against the Moors and Infidels, as his thoughts had no other object. The wonderfull success of his Arms in the Indies, in getting ground on his Enemies; the defence of Goa Besieged by Idalcan with 35000. Horse, and 60000. Foot; the keeping Chaul against a Siege of nine Moneths, re-inforc'd with one hundred thousand Foot, and 45000. Horse, managed with all the horrour, resoluteness, and policy of Warr, and the Counsel of the most Prudent about him, could not so defend him against the subtle perswasions of his admiring Flatterers, as to stop his fatal Voyage into Africa, Anno 1578. where after a hard March in the hea [...]s and deserts, (second only to that of Resolute Cato's) engaging with incredicle numbers of the Enemies, he is by some supposed to be the third King slain in the Battail; though others, fond of their own Grief, and his Memory, tell compassionate and tender Stories of his disguise and escape, and thinking, so great a Light could not go out with out its last amasing Blaze, believe Sebastian not yet Dead.

19. Henry the Cardinal, Son to King Emanuel, and great Uncle to Sebastian, was on his Death by the Civillians, Nemine contradicente, asserted King, and accordingly receiv'd by the Kingdome; his old Age, (which allow'd him but the Reign of one Year and five Moneths) and the Character of his Spiritual orders, (beautified in him by the chast and ex­emplary Austerity of a Prince) obliged him to endeavour to settle the Succession, by appointing a meeting of the States at Almeirim, there to hear the pretensions of those five Rivals, who Courted the Crown; The Competitors were,

Antonio, Prior of Crato, natural Son to the Infante Dom Lewis, second Son to King Emanuel, who for some Weeks carried himself as King at Lisbone, by coyning Money, and conferring Honours, till forc'd away by the Duke of Alva, fled to Porto, thence got into France, and in the year 1589. (assuring Queen Elizabeth, That all the Portuguese would unanimously acknowledge him if he got Footing there) the Fleet design'd for the West-Indies, under the Command of Captain Drake, appeared in his Favour, but the Portuguese answered not his expectation; His only prejudice was his not being Legitimate.

Raynusius Duke of Parma, Grand-child to Edward (the fourth Son to King Emanuel) by his eldest Daughter Mary, excluded, because the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdome, provide (in case a Daughter Marry out of Portugall) against a Strangers pretending in her Right.

Catharine, Dutchess of Barganza, second Daughter to Edward, but with the Legal advantage of having Married in the Kingdome.

Philip the second, King of Spain, Grand-child to King Emanuel by his eldest Daughter Elizabeth, Married to the Emperour Charls the Fifth.

Emanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, Grand-child to King Emanuel by his second Daughter Beatrix, Married to Charls Duke of Savoy.

Philip the second, King of Spain, having chased Prior Antonio [Page] out of Lisbone, was acknowledged King of Portugall, and went in Person to Lisbone in June 1581.

20. The Restauration of King John the Fourth, to the Kingdome and Crown of Portugall, Anno 1640. is eminently observable; That the Possession of the King of Spain for threescore years, had not made the Portuguese loose their Courage, or Hopes to effect their desires; That the King of Spain should make the Duke of Braganza, (whose pretences to the Crown and affections of the People he very well knew) Grand-master of the Artillary, who in dischage of his trust seemed to refuse the offer of the Crown; That a secret intrusted with six hundred should not mis­carry; That the design should be perfected with only the Death of the Secretary: And that its influence should be so general and powerfull, as the Castillians were every where, and almost at the same time laid aside particularly in Brazil, where they were totally extirpated; And where afterwards the States of Holland found this policy of the Portuguese, seconded by the Courage of their Ancestors, in taking the Reciffe in Per­nambuck, Ianuary 1654. a place the States with a Fleet of fifty Ships had taken from the Spaniard 1630. of such consequence, That whilst the Crowns were united in one, the Recovery of it, was the great Debate of the Councils, attempted by the Admiral Dom Antonio de Oquendo, 1631. Afterwards for many years, by the greatest Preparations and most eminent Persons of both Kingdomes; yet the complicated Strength of Na­ture, and the Hollanders Fortifications (whom their Experience had made the great Masters of that Art) made it impregnable against all At­taques. The taking in of this by the Portuguese alone, when a King of their own made them act like and for themselves, and the keeping of it against the Force and Fleet of Count Maurice of Nassau, may at the end of a long Preface excuse the Recital of many more performances of the Portuguese, (after their Restauration) Notorious for the Wisdome of the Contrivance and Gallantry of the Execution.

Peter Wyche.

Let this Translation be Printed.

Henry Bennet.

The First BOOK.

I Am Writing the Life of Dom Iohn de Castro, a Man greater then his Name, greater then his Victories; whose Me­mory is yet fresh in the East, descen­ding from Father to Son, a successive Book, wherein the Fame of his Actions is preserv'd always Alive; and we will add to the gene­ral Acclamations of his Glory this little shout, since Records keep not so well in Tradition as Writing.

1. Dom Iohn de Castro, The first Studies of Dom Iohn de Castro. was, a Renown'd Branch of an Illustrious Family: But first we will tell his Vertues, then his Stock; the Nobility a man raiseth by his Actions, being greater then that he acquires from his Ancestors. He spent his first Years in that Learning and Vertue, his Age was then capable of; being so naturally inclin'd to Learning, that he needed not be forc'd, but only put in the way. Dom Iohn, not being the Heir of his House, was intended for Study; Learning being always the second Birth-right amongst the best Houses of this Kingdome. Dom Iohn obey'd, not having then Liberty to refuse, or a School to take another Lesson in.

2. He Learnt Mathematicks of Peter Nonnius, He learnt the Mathe­maticks. the greatest Man Portugall knew of that Profession, and came to be such a Master in the Science, as if he had intended to profess it. In this School he was Compa­nion to the Infante Dom Lewis, whose Familiarity he [Page 2] got into, both by his Quality and Ingenuity: but as Dom Iohn embrac'd Learning out of Obedience, and Arms by Destiny, he look'd upon the glory of the Schools as small, finding himself intended for the Warrs, both by his own Inclination, and by his fore-fathers Example.

3. The repute of Dom Edward Menezes, Governour of Tangiers, was at that time great, whose Name the Africans heard with terrour, and we with respect; Dom Iohn look'd more upon his Victories, then the Schemes and Circles of Euclid, loving the Arts only as they waited on Courage.

4. Being eighteen years Old,He goes to [...]. finding himself more grown in Spirit then in Age, making an escape, he Embark'd for Tangiers, where (contrary to the Custom of such places) he bore Arms nine years, as if he in­tended to spend his Life, in what was only a beginning: on all occasions, in that Warr he behaved himself with Courage equal to his Blood, and above his Years, de­serving the joy of it from his Friends, and envy from the Souldiery.

5. Dom Edward de Menezes respected him,Dom Edward de Menezes Knights him, as if he had then read in this History, his Victories in Asia we are now Writing; he would needs with his own hands give and receive the honour of Knighting him, being proud so long before of this Son of his Discipline; and considering, that so great Bravery deserv'd to be en­couraged by the favours of Princes, desiring that Valour should have due Rewards, equally favouring the King, and Subject, he writ to the King Dom Iohn the Third, that Dom Iohn de Castro had so serv'd,and informs the King of his Desert. that now no Place or Reward could be too great for him; that his Highness ought to conferr some honour on him, because Kings make Souldiers by taking notice of them, and it was just, that in the sight of so great a Prince, Vertue should not remain unrewarded.

6. The King immediately sent for Dom Iohn, The King sends for him, and re­wards him by so honourable a Letter as if he had intended him no other [Page 3] recompence, with that Dom Iohn came to the Court, where he was as much Envy'd for his wounds as for the favour shown him; The King made him Commenda­tory of Salvaterra, awaking Deserts in others by the Value he had for them in him.

7. Dom Iohn spent some time in Court,His behavi­our at Court. without being drawn away to any youthfull Vice, either by his Years, or Example, appearing truly a Man all along, taking so well his Measures, that neither his Maturity made him ill-humour'd, nor his Civility facil: He knew how to play the Philosopher amongst the Varieties of the Court; shunning in that kind of Life what had any shew of Idleness, not any thing that arguesd Discre­tion.

8. He altered his course of Life by Marrying the Lady Leonore Coutinho, He marries Leonore Coutinho. his Cousin German once remo­ved, the Daughter of Leonel Coutinho, a Gentleman of the Illustrious House of Marialva, Nobility so known and so auntient, that our knowledge of that and the Kingdome bear both the same Date: He had no other Portion but the Qualities and Vertues of his Bride; yet without the propps of an Estate, did so maintain his Honour, that he was by all treated with the respect of a Rich, and the pitty of a Poor man.

9. Then presented it self the Battail of Tunis, The Battail of Tunis. an Action more famous for the Victory, then Advantage, in which, Dom Iohn de Castro had no little share, in the Honour of Danger. We will give a larger relation of its success, The King Dom Iohn having engaged in it his Forces,The occa­sion of it. the Infante Dom Lewis, his Person. That notorious Rover Barba-Rossa had infested all the Me­diterranean with more Strength and Boldness then is ordinarily heard of in a Pirat, finding Fortune so ready to assist his Daring, that, amidst the Triumphs of Charls, only Barba-Rossa was the scandal of his Victories; See­ing himself every day more advanc'd in Opinion, and Forces, he went to serve the Turk, with whom, the report of our injuries had given him credit; and buying [Page 4] his favour with the most Valuable things he had, got to be Admiral of the Seas; coming often with great numbers of Gallies, he very much infested the Ports of Naples and Sicily; the Valour of the Natives, or the Protection of the Empire, (to which they were Vassals) not being able to defend them; He made Slaves of i [...]finite numbers, (whereof divers truckt their Faith for their Liberty) laid waste Provinces, and burnt Ships, getting a very great Name amongst the Infidels, by the miseries of the Christians, till forgetting his beginning, his Prosperity made way for his ambition of Reigning, and he usurp'd the Kingdome of Iunis by diverse Arti­fices, which Story be [...]ongs not to our History. Charls, looking upon this Tyrant, having so much force of his own, that he was abetted by a far greater Power, and that his Kingdoms lying so near, it was not fit he should root himself at the Gates of his House; that the Moors (who wanted not [...]alour, but Discipline) being set on work by so experienc'd a Souldier, would come to know their own Strength to the prejudice of his King­doms; resolv'd with a very strong Navy to find him out, and to divest him of the Protection of Tunis, because at the best scaping from thence he must to Sea again, where, as a Pirat, he could only offend with stragling Forces, which the weather, and fortune, might more easily Destroy. He drew his old Souldiers from the Garrisons of Italy, (whom he suppli'd with new) made great Leavies in High Germany and Flanders, Listed Italians and Spaniards, besides Gentry and Nobi­lity which serv'd without Pay, and the Enterprise being so usefull and justifiable, and where the Emperour ventur'd his own Person, there came many Voluntiers to joyn with so pious and valiant Arms. The Emperour Mustered the men he rais'd, in Sardinia, and found five and twenty thousand Foot on the List who received Pay, besides very many others who serv'd without it, who made up a great part of the Army; every day he receiv'd diverse Succours which increast his Camp.

[Page 5] 10. The Infante Dom Lewis, The Infante Dom Lewis is there in Person. a Prince worthy of de­signs matching his Courage, resolv'd to accompany the Emperour his Brother-in-law in the expedition, and though very much disswaded by the King Dom Iohn, with diverse Arguments, some taking in his affection to a Brother, others the care for his Person; yet the Infante apprehending the King's inclinations forwarder to excuse his Courage, then to accept his Obedience, did with some Gentlemen depart privately; which when the King knew, he sent him to Barcellona (where the Emperour then was) large Credit, and ordered the Equipping 25 Carvels, and some other Ships, a­mongst the restThis was the Vessel which in the invasion 1588. was c [...]ll'd the Caca-foogo. one Galleone, which carried two hundred Brass pieces; the greatest that till then ever Rode in our Seas: that, under the Command of An­tonio de Saldanha, they might be in readiness for the Fight, and out of respect to the Infante all the Vessels of the Fleet were entrusted with Gentlemen of emi­nent Quality, of whom Dom Iohn de Castro was one, who in this Action did equally despise Danger and Co­vetousness, as will presently appear by the ensuing rela­tion.

11. Those Gentlemen who Embark'd in this expe­dition,Gentlemen who were at the Fight. and who are come to my knowledge, were (besides Dom Iohn de Castro) Dom Affonso of Portu­gall, Son and Heir of the Earl of Vintioso, Dom Affonso de Vasconcellos, Son of the Earl of Penel [...]a, Lewis Al­varez de Tavora, Lord of Mogadoura, with his Brother Ruy Lorenco de Tavora, who was afterwards Vice-King in the Indies, Dom Iohn de Almeyda, Son of the Earl of Abrantes, Dom Pedro Mascarenhas, who also was Vice-King in the Indies, Dom Diogo de Castro Governour of the Castle of Evora, Dom Fernand [...] de Noronh [...], Dom Fraucisco de Faro, Dom Francisco Pereira, Embassadour from King Dom Sebastian to Castille, Dom Affonso de Castelbranco, Lord High Bailiff of Portugall, Pero Lo­pez de Sousa, Iohn Gomez de Sylva, Page of the Lance, and Dom Lewis de Attayda, afterwards Earl of Attouguia, [Page 6] and Dy'd in the Indies, being the second time Vice-King there. All these Gentlemen serv'd at their own Charge, carrying with them Servants and Souldiers without any pay; their Cloaths also and Liveries show'd with what delight they went to the Warr. All the Fleet came to Anchor in the Port of Barcellona, and saluting the Emperour's Admiral, made a warlick and pleasing sight. The Emperour came to the Portugall Embassadors House, (Alvaro Mendez de Vasconcellos) which being on the Sea-side was fitter to honour and entertain the Entry.

12. The Dukes of Alva and Cordova, with many other Lords, came to the Sea-side to find out the Ge­neral, and the Gentlemen with him, they all went to Kiss the Emperour's hands, who received them with all the honour and welcome befitting his place, very glad to be accompany'd with our experienc'd and stout Souldiery, to whom the half Moons, and Lances of Africa were no strangers. The Emperour acquainted the Infante Dom Lewis with all his weighty Resolutions, not only out of respect to the greatness of his Person, but to that of his Judgement, well seen both in Court, and State; of whom I must here tell a pass of Civility, for the valew the Castillians put on it.Civility betwixt the Emperour and Infante. The Emperour and the Infante were together one Night, and at the going in of a Door both Complemented for the pre­cedency, the one would have the Stranger go fore­most, the other would put it upon Majesty; The Em­perour taking him by the Arm forc'd him to enter first, The Infante not willing to accept the honour, nor able to refuse it, snatch'd a Torch from a Page. The Infante knew so well how to please the Emperour, as he re­solv'd to give him the State of Milan, finding in him Qualities to deserve it, Valour to defend it. But the claims of France, made the Dominion of that State so uncertain, as it lay many years under the Decision of Arms.

13. I will not tell the success of that Warr, because [Page 7] the Story is from my purpose, though Dom Iohn de Castro behav'd himself so in't,The Empe­rour would have Knight­ed Dom Iohn de Castro, who refus'd it. as the Emperour would fain have Knighted him; an Honour, from which he justly excus'd himself, as having had it before from other Hands, which, though not so Royal, suppli'd that defect by their stoutness. The Emperour Commanded two Thousand Crusades should be given to every Captain of the Fleet,A Crusade worth 3 s. 8d. which Dom Iohn alone accepted not, serving more Ambitiously for Renown than Reward.As the re­ward of Mo­ney.

14. Charls now Triumphing, like an other Scipio, after the Warr of Africa, saw Himself at rest, amidst the Applause and Acclamations of Europe, styling him­self more fitly the Founder, than the Heir of his Em­pire. Our Fleet return'd to the Port of Lisbone, where Dom Iohn found in the Embraces of the King, and Salutations of the People, a greater reward than he had refus'd from Cesar; and as one who knew how to despise his own Fame, he retir'd to his Country House at Sintra, He retires to Sintra. desiring to Live to himself, having so carry'd himself in his Country's Service, that he neither forsook it, as an Unprofitable, nor Courted it as an Ambitious Person: Here he past his time in a strange and new kind of Husbandry, Cutting down Fruitfull Trees, and Planting in their stead Wild and Barren ones; by this perhaps shewing, that in all he did he was so dis-inte­ress'd, that from the Earth he Till'd he look'd for no return of benefit: but 'tis not much, if he so little valew'd what the Rocks of Sintra could produce, when he scornfully Trampled upon the Rubies and Diamonds of the East.

15. Dom Iohn in the prime of his Age, found him­self put upon Service by the Examples of his ownHe goes the first time for the Ind [...]es. Family; and, as the Warr in Africa, by the new Con­quests in the East, See Iohn de Barro's Hi­story of In­dia, Decade 5. Lib. 3. Cap. 8. No. 10. was either slighted or forgot, (the World most Valewing the Fame which is far fetch'd) He resolv'd to go for the Indies, whose Conquests stored the Kingdome with Glory and Victories; He went on Board, without asking any employment or [Page 8] reward, counting that Honour more his own he went to winn, than that he might carry with him.

16 In that expedition, Dom Garcia de Noronha, his Brother-in-law, went Governour to the Indies, who look'd upon Dom Iohn de Castro as one fit to succeed him, though he then past but for a private Souldier; as soon as the King knew Dom Iohn's resolution,The King profers him a Reward, and [...]ow he ac­cepts it. he ordered him a Thousand Crusades yearly all the time he serv'd in the Indies, and by his Letters Patents the Government of the Fortress of Ormus, which he, I know not if with greater ambition or temper,Ibid. refus'd; the Memory of rewards rejected being rarer than of those accepted: an Action more easily prais'd than imitated.

17. Dom Iohn de Castro He carries his Son Dom Alvaro. took Shipping with his Son Dom Alvaro then about thirteen, giving him for the pass-time of that Age the Dangers and Tempests of so long a Voyage. Dom Garcia's Fleet arriv'd prosperously at the Indies, where he found the Governour Nuno de Cunha going with a Fleet to the relief of Dio, and to Fight the Turks Galleys which lay before it; in that famous siege, Antonio de Sylveira held out. Dom Garcia at once with the possession of the Government took on him the Obligation of succouring the place, in which service Dom Iohn de Castro offer'd himself,He embarks himself for the relief of Dio. and as a Souldier of fortune earnest upon't, put himself on the first Ship, as if he fore-saw those future Triumphs Dio call'd him to: but the retreat of the Turks lost Dom Garcia the Victory, or rather gave it him without Blood-shed, if less glorious, more secure.

18. Dom Garcia Dy'd in a little time, to whom suc­ceeded Dom Estevaon da Goma, one who had in the Indies the Reputation of his Family,History of India, Dec. 5. Lib. 7. Cap. 1. and was likely to have had the Fortune, had not his Government been so short; He engag'd in an Action, great in the danger, and the glory of it, which was to pass the streight of the Red-Sea, and burn the Turks Galleys which were Building at Sues, with intent (as 'twas given out) to [Page 9] drive the Portugues out of India: a design the Turk thought worthy his Power.

19. When all the Fleet was under Sail, there was not any Souldier of Courage not inspirited by the hazard of so extraordinary an action of as much Fame in the undertaking as Victory.History of India, Dec. 5. Lib. 7. Cap. 5. Dom Estevaon de Gama set Sail with twelve great Ships, and sixty small Boats the first of Ianuary 1541. here Dom Iohn de Castro had the Command of a Gallione, and pursuing their Voyage with Easterly winds, they all, though scattered, saw the Coast of Arabia. The Governour Dom Estevaon da Gama He goes to the Red-Sea with Dom Estevaon d [...] Gama. made it about Monte Felix, and arriv'd at the mouth of the Streight, expected the other Ships of his Convoy; here they had notice that the Enemies Galleys were drawn on shore,Ibid. and so watch'd that there was no Burning 'em without open force; which (for the Flats and Shelves of that Port) would be impossi­ble to our Round-bottom'd Ships. Yet Dom Estevaon da Gama slighting the advice and danger, went forward with some small Barks, (one of which, Dom Iohn de Castro, (leaving his Ship) Commanded.)Ibid. They past by the Primero Islands, which lye in twelve degrees and ½ and by the Bay of Velha which is in almost thirteen, they Anchord in the Bay of Fortune, which is in the same heighth. In all the Creeks and Bays from the mouth of the Streight to Sues, was Dom Iohn taking the height of the Sun, and making a Journal, discour­sing, sometimes like a Natural Philosopher, sometimes like a Sea-man; showing how blind the bare Experi­ence of Pilots is, without the rules of Art; here with as much Judgment, as he had Courage, he Learnedly canvas'd the Reasons why the Red-Sea was call'd so, and the Natural causes of the over-flow of Nile in the Summer; a Theme which hath kept many Wits awake, yet hath Nature for so many years kept her own secret; but we reckon as the least part of this Mans greatness, that which the Romans with so swelling Rhetorick write of their Cesar, that he manag'd a Pen as Judiciously, [Page 10] as he did a Sword Couragiously. This and other Tracts, (of which we promise you more Light) writ at Sea in Storms and Winds, he Dedicated to the Infant Dom Lewis, Ibid. presenting him with the Fruits of that Learning they suck'd in together.

20. From this Harbour they had a sight of Mount Sinai, where the Angels laid the Reliques of St. Ka­therine in a famous Repository of their own Building;Dom Este­vaon Knights Dom Alva­ro. at the sight Dom Estevaon da Gama Knighted Dom Alvaro de Castro, who in memory of so great a Sanctu­ary took for his Crest the Katherine-wheel, which his Family doth Religiously give to this day;History of India, Dec. 5. Lib. 7. Cap. 8. we will give no particular account of that design, because the Vigilancy of the Turks hindered it from taking effect.

21. Dom Iohn Dom Iohn returns to the Kingdome. returning to the Kingdome, (as if designedly giving the Palms of the East time to grow, which were afterwards to Crown his Victories) brought no other Riches on shore but the Fame of his Actions; and being yet in his Sea-cloaths, (those too scarce dry) was by the King chosen to be Admiral of the Navy of the Coast;Is made Admiral of the Coast. putting him on new Employ­ment in recompence of his former Services. Dom Iohn immediately put to Sea in the year 1543. to Convoy those Ships which were expected from the Indies, and plying too and again in his Station, spy'd a French Corsaire, who had with seven Ships infested those Seas, and had made Prize of some of ours, which had Em­bold [...]ed and Enrich'd him; as soon as Dom Iohn saw him, with his Fleet before the Wind he made up to him, and setting on the Enemies Admiral, Boarded him,Defeats seven Ships of the Cor­saires. and after a brave Defence made him yield, two Ships he sunk, the rest by the advantage of the Night sav'd themselves; the Circumstances of this Fight are not to be found in Writing, the Carelesness of other excusing our silence.

22. Dom Iohn in a few days saw our Ships,Brings in the Indian Fleet. when by Saluting one the other they rejoyc'd for the overthrow [Page 11] of the Corsaire; they came together over the Barr of Lisbone, the applause of his reception being so general, that he seem'd to have already weathered the storms of Hatred, or Envy; an Happiness, or Misery, which Great men in their Graves only purchase or avoid: In this success Dom Iohn had no other reward than that of the Victory; for when the Debt is great, Kings, not to be thought Niggards, chuse rather to appear Un­gratefull, being more willing to confess the Vices of their Person, than their Majesty.

23. 'Twas but a little time Dom Iohn had to rest in the content of his Victory, being forc'd for a business of greater moment, to put on his Arms again, as I will (though against my Custom) more largely relate, ta­king it higher, not to Disjoynt the History. That fa­mous Pirat Haradin Barba-Rossa, found himself almost quite broken with the loss of Tunis and Goleta, and more after the loss of his Galleys, losing by Land the power of a Tyrant, and by the Sea the strength of a Pirat; yet was not this Arch Enemy so much shaken, but that Italy many years after sighed under his Lash; He had laid up in diverse places the best part of his Booty, as an other plank to save himself upon; this he presented to Solyman the Grand Signior, of Valew enough, to efface, or excuse, the disgrace of his Fleet, and Flight at Tunis; which was yet fresh in Solymans grief, and me­mory; withall represented what he could do against the Christians, that taking the Sea at first with only two Galliots ill fitted out, his Valour and Success had made him so formidable and powerfull, that with their own spoils he entertain'd them with a sharp Warr, that the Jaols of Africa would not hold the Slaves; that in the Kingdome of Naples, in all Apulia, and the Terra de Lavoro, he had committed such Out-rages, that neither their Blood, or Tears were yet dry; that the Galleys of Sicily out of fear rotted at Anchor; That, that Andrea Doria (so much sought to by the Princes of Europe) could not but confess how oft he was forc'd [Page 12] to Row for't, to escape Barba-Rossa, that he fear'd not to Cite his Enemies witnesses of his Actions; that the Emperour Charls (Nettled with so many Losses, seeing Barba-Rossa only over-cast his Victories) did more like the impatient Man, than the Souldier, joyn all the Forces of Germany, Italy, Spain, and Flanders, to Destroy him, rashly exposing the best of his King­doms, to the chance of his either losing or getting the Day, and though his Old Fortune left him not, he only got the credit of the Battail without any pro [...]it, (for Dispossessing one Enemy of Tunis, investing an other in't) neither was the Victory so entire that it Cost him not Ships and Men, and with the expence of so great a force he had exhausted the Exchequer of Spain; that now was the true time to ruine Christendome, weakned with a great Warr, and grown careless with a seeming Victory; that in the Streight of Gibraltar was the famous City of Ceita, (the Port whence heretofore the Africans with Victorious Arms entred on their Conquest of Spain) which the Portuguese held with weak Walls, and a poor Garrison, more bent upon Di­sturbing their Neighbours, than securing themselves from 'em, because heightned with their prosperity in the East, they slighted things at home, like Rivers that are largest at their greatest distance from their Spring-head; that if the Grand Signior's Majesty were incli­nable to bring under his Dominion that so considerable a part of Europe, He would underatake with a reaso­nable number of Galleys to possess him of Ceita; by which those who were farthest West should Live in awe of his Empire. Thus discourst the Corsaire, endea­vouring with an others force to recover the Credit and Station from which he was fall'n. And as in Princes Courts, great Designs more than possible are listned to, and Barba-Rossa's Experience and Valour had so good security, proud and warlick Solyman began to give ear to a defign of so great Importance, and so well laid for the peace and prosperity of his Empire: He willingly [Page 13] heard Barba-Rossa perswading him that the Benefit of this Action would out-weigh the Difficulty; The Moors of Africa too kindled the Turks indignation, who Lamented they could not breath quietly in peace with us, some bewailing their lost Liberty, others the Effronts of their Prophet in their ruind Mosques; for the remedy of these grievances, they strive to engage the Turk upon his Zeal, and Greatness, which Motives concerning Religion, and Majesty, might veil over the Ambition, and justifie the Action.

24. Charls the Emperour Sollicitous what Barba-Rossa did in Constantinople, The Empe­rour adviseth the King. knowing that that Stock (whose Branches he had Lopt) was not so Dry, but that it might with anothers warmth, produce fresh Poison, did all he could to know what the Turk re­solv'd about the invasion of Spain, and though the first Blow was aim'd at Ceita, yet (Victory never stopping where it begins) and unwilling to be crush'd in our ruins, He ordered the providing of Ships, Listing men, and the doubling those Garrisons which were in the Ports of the Streights mouth, writing to the King Don Iohn his Brother-in-law the News he had, that they might joyntly provide for the resisting the common Enemy.

25. The news coming to Portugall, the King imme­diately fell upon Fortifying Ceita, whose Defence was only after the rate of those Times; and we being Conquerours in Africa, kept our Garrisons by our Neighbours fear. Dom Affonso de Noronha was then Governour of Ceita, Desires aid of him a­gainst the Turk. who was by the King entrusted with the Fortifications, and had sent him Men, Ma­terials, and Engeneers. The Emperour desir'd the King, that our Fleet might come forth and joyn with his at Cales, under the Command of Don Alvaro Bacaon, and so expect the Enemy in the Streights mouth, where, happen what would, the protection of his Ports would secure their Retreat; upon Debate, the joyning of the Fleets seem'd reasonable, that [Page 14] all the weight of the Warr might not lye upon our Forces.

26. The King was busie in finding out one to Com­mand the Fleet, and though there were men enough in our Kingdome, whom the Experience and Dangers of our Conquests had made Souldiers, yet Dom Iohn de Castro's Name made it self room amongst the first; t'was his Pride neither to ask or to deny any Service for his Country: We know that though King Iohn lov'd his Valour, he car'd not for his Right, so that what he got by one Virtue, he lost by an other; and we observ'd not that he had any Place or Preferment about the King, because so free a Spirited man might be endured as a Subject,The King mak [...]s Dom Iohn Gene­ral. not as a Favorite. The Fleet was ready to Sail, a great part of the Nobility of the Kingdome on Board, and the Souldiers expecting who should Command in so considerable an Expedition, when on a sudden Dom Iohn de Castro was nam'd to be the Man, to the general satisfaction even of his Com­petitors.

27. The King sent for Dom Iohn, acquainting him with the News from the Emperour, and with the De­signs of the Turk, expressing to him with what Envy he sent him upon so Honourable an Employment; but since it was the Royal Prison of Kings, to conferr Ho­nour, and not to be in a condition to deserve it; He entrusted him with that Fleet, in confidence he would, with the Arms of the Castro's quarter the Banners he wonn from the Turks; and leave them more Honou­rable to his Posterity, than he receiv'd them from his ancestors; Dom Iohn kist the Kings hand with a sence of his Favours, knowing how much better it was to be esteem'd, than countenanc'd by Princes.

28.He joyns with the Emperours General. On the Twelfth of August 1543. all the Fleet set Sail, and in few days with favourable Winds came in sight of Gibraltar, where they found the Emperours Fleet at Anchor, which receiv'd ours with all the Cere­mony of the Sea, by their often repeated Saluta­tions [Page 15] Rejoycing and Affrightnings of the place. Dom Alvaro Bacaon with the Chief Officers of the Fleet, came presently to Visit Dom Iohn de Castro on Board, where (when the Complements were ended) he gave him an account of what he heard of the Enemy, and that according to Intelligence, his first Onset would be upon Ceita; they then fell upon't, that the Fleets of two such great Princes being joyned, it lay upon both their Honours to Fight the Enemy,They dis­course about the Battail. though he should be much stronger; that we Fought in our own Seas, and in sight of our own Ports, which would be able in the Fight to furnish us with fresh men, and our battered Ships would have a refuge at hand; that though the Turks should get the Victory, they would be so broken, as not to be able to set upon any place in the Streight, which, by Fighting, let the success be what it would, they should secure; Besides, the Orders they had under Seal to find out the Enemy, could not be understood otherwise with safety to their Honour and Obedience. Having taken this so precise and bold Resolution, the Souldiers were all on Fire, and the Chief Commanders Sollicitous in giving out their Or­ders,Resolve to Fight. and disposing for so great an Affair; when on a suddain advises came thick, that Barba-Rossa with his whole Fleet was coming towards the Streight. Dom Iohn de Castro presently sends for his men who were on shore, Commands the Captains to fit and trim their Ships, and sends word to Dom Alvaro he was weighing, who coold of his first heat by an imaginary fight of the Enemy, writ to Dom Iohn, The Spa­nish General changeth his mind. that new accidents must have new Counsails; that by the Spies intelligence, he knew Barba-Rossa's Fleet was double to the Armados; that 'twas neither according to the Intention or for the Service of their Princes, to lose themselves in so appa­rent a Danger; that while their Fleets were entire, the Enemy could undertake no great matter,Endeavours to bring off Dom Iohn. and if in the Fight they should have the worst of't, all the places of the Streight would be the reward of the Vi­ctory; [Page 16] that 'twas much against his humour to desist from Fighting, but the Service of Cesar was to be mind­ed before the Gallantry of particular Persons; that he desir'd him to bring all his Fleet into Port, and as the Turk mov'd, they would more safely conclude what was to be done.He persists in Fighting with the Turks. Dom Iohn de Castro answer'd the Spa­nish General, that he alter'd not his Opinion at the fight of the Enemy, that their appearing timorous would encourage the Turks, whose design being to get footing in Spain, the Fleets ought out of honour to engage, much more out of a sense of the Effront; what would the World say, if the Forces of two such great Princes joyn'd only to manage a defensive Warr against Barba-Rossa, letting the Turkish Banners Lord it in our Seas, in sight of the Eagles of the Empire, and the Cinques of Portugall; that he was resolv'd to expect the Enemy, not fearing to be Blam'd however the day went, be­cause, if worsted, lost men answer'd nothing, and no body would call Conquerours to question.

29. But neither had this Resolution force enough to sway the Spanish General Dom Alvaro Bacaon; we are not certain whether he thought it the better or the more secure way.And stays for 'em three days in the Streight. Don Iohn de Castro put himself in the Streights mouth, where he lay three days: here he had advice, that the Enemies Fleet steered another course, by Dissentions of the Chief Officers, or (as other Memorials have it) Barba-Rossa had received new Orders from the Turk, to bring back the Fleet; yet the Gallantry of Dom Iohn de Castro's staying in the Streight, deserv'd envy from the Living, glory from Posterity, since for the obtaining a memorable Victory, not Courage, but Occasion was wanting; though this so generous resolution was diversly tax'd in Spain, those Branding it, who call all extraordinary actions Teme­rity; yet I believe, those who most condem'd it, would have been content to have it themselves.

30. Dom Iohn seeing, by the Enemies retiring, those places above their fear, went to Ceita, to communicate [Page 17] some part of his instructions to Dom Affonso Noronha, who receiv'd him with so many Shot, as the Spaniards in Gibraltar thought the Fleet had been engag'd, yet would they not weigh Anchor and come forth; so alterable were they in their first, so firm in their second resolution. Here Dom Iohn had news that the Moors had laid close siege to Alcacere Ceguer, He sends his Son to relieve Al­cacere Ce­guer. a place our men kept in Africa at an unnecessary charge and dan­ger; the Governour was a Gentleman of the Family de Freitas, he immediately sent his Son Dom Alvaro with part of the Fleet, and Orders to put relief into the Town, and to continue in the Port till the Enemy sail'd out first, which he did, providing the place with Victuals and Ammunition; and the Moors Army con­sisting of Hot-headed men, the heat of their first On­set being cool'd,He returns to Lisbone, and retires to Sintra. they rais'd the siege. Dom Alvaro re­turn'd to the rest of the Fleet, which, (having secur'd Ceita, and freed it from fear of the Turks) return'd to Lisbone, where the Fame of both his adventures was arriv'd before, which was the greater, by lighting on Valour so unquestionable; but Dom Iohn who counted nothing great, and despis'd his own Actions, avoided popular applause by retiring to Sintra, either out of Modesty, or Hight, not Valewing any thing he did wor­thy of himself.

31. The King Dom Iohn was about finding out one to Govern the State of India, Martin Affonso de Sousa having staid out his Time, and instantly desiring a Suc­cessour, the affairs of the East, upon diverse Emergen­cies declining, and he unwilling that the glory of his Actions should be foil'd by a mis-carriage in the Warr, very well knowing that the Peoples ignorance might occasion such a disgrace as might discredit many Victo­ries; for so considerable an employment, the King look'd upon men differently qualified, upon some, who for the antiquity of their Blood, without respect to their Deservings, us'd to Inherit the great places, a second piece of Tyranny of the Nobilities invention, [Page 18] upon others, who were mean in their Birth, but famous in Themselves, who lost what was due to their Merits, because others had none; so as for so eminent an em­ployment deserts not well Born, or a bare Title would not do.

32. The King on these reasons irresolv'd whom to chuse to trust with-the weight of so great a Govern­ment;Is propos'd by the Infant fo [...] Gover­nour in the Inlies. ask'd the Infant Dom Lewis, whom, (as affairs now stood) He should make Governour in the Indies: He told him the opinion he had of Dom Iohn de Castro's Temper, that, though in the business of the Streights, many thought he had behav'd himself too Daringly; yet 'twas certain, there's no Souldier but would be glad to have been guilty of so Honourable a fault; that, though those who envy'd him, accus'd him of being High and Cynical, because he begg'd no Rewards, or Courted the Ministers of State, these faults were of so good a kind, that Dom Iohn's Vices might be more Va­lew'd than others Virtues;See Iohn de Barro's Hist. of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 1. Fol. 1. that he knew none but Dom Iohn de Castro, who could keep up the first Discipline of the Indies, who serv'd so unconcern'd for his own interest, as if he despis'd all earthly Rewards, and his Majesty were not a King of Men, but a God of Vassals; that he did very much love Dom Iohn de Castro for his Qualities, but so impartially, that he should Valew his Deserts (though separated from his Person) in any other.

33. The King, (with whom the Infant's opinion had no little credit, seeing him prize Dom Iohn with a Zeal for his Prince, and Knowledge of his Friend) lik'd the Hint the Infant gave him,The King chuseth him, and speaks to him. (whose Authority too had an influence over the minds of others) and sending for Dom Iohn de Castro to Evora, ‘where the Court was, in the publick Hall, told him, I have of late been Sollicitous to provide one whom I might send Governour to the Indies, and was of opinion I might find him in the Family of the Castros, from whose Stock the Kings my Predecessors have always [Page 19] tane Generals for their Armies, and Regents for their Provinces; I too flatter my self that the Fruit of so generous a Root cannot degenerate; and that the rather, by guessing what you will do by your former Actions, which have given you so just a repute in the Kingdoms opinion, and my esteem, and for which I confidently put into your hands the Govern­ment of the Indies, expecting that you will so carry your self there, as I may give what you do, for a pat­tern to those who succeed you.’ Dom Iohn kist the King's hand, better pleas'd with the Honour, than the Employment, in so great a charge only Valewing the not seeking it: There were diverse Opinions in the Court about this Election, some found fault with it out of Envy, others out of Custom, and where they could not tax any Defect in parts, they charged the excess; yet was it so lik'd of the most, and best, that the King was glad he had pitch'd upon one, who so much pleas'd every one.

34. The King gave him Orders presently to provide the Fleet, not letting any Body else have to do with it, as is falsly writ by one Author, who tells us, that Dom Iohn went Discontented to the Indies, because he was not Comply'd with in some particulars; a thing so thwarting our certain information, and the little am­bition of this Gentleman, who was more busie in what to deny, than what to ask, as if the King had met with one he was not to entreat but obey.

35. He resolv'd to carry with him his Sons,He finds fault with his Sons rich Cloaths. Dom Fernando, and Dom Alvaro, who being the Eldest, had bespoke some rich Cloaths, allow'd of by his Years and Quality; Dom Iohn passing by chance through the Iubiteria, A street in Lisbone where the Whole-sale­men sell Cloaths. saw a pair of Embroidered Breeches hang out, and stopping his Horse ask'd whose they were? the man answering, that Dom Alvaro the Governours Son of India bespoke 'em, Dohn Iohn ask'd for a pair of Cisers, and cut 'em in pieces, leaving this word with the Master of the Shop: Bid the Boy buy Arms. We read not [Page 20] that the Discipline of the old Romans was more exem­plary or severe.

36. Dom Iohn quickly made ready the Fleet,The Ships and their Comman­ders. with­out the oppression and complaints of the Poor, the Extorsion which great Officers carry out by their Princes favour, being then not us'd, or not known; the main of the Fleet was six great Ships, on which went two thousand paid men. The Admiral call'd the Saint Thomas, on which the Governour went, who gave her that name which he afterwards call'd upon in the Field, justly imploring the protection of the Apostle of the Indies in all his undertakings; the other Captains of the Convoy, were Dom Ieronimo de Menezes, Son and Heir of Dom Henrique, Brother to the Marquiss of Villa Real; Iorge Cabral, Dom Manoel da Silveyra, Simaon de Andrade, and Diego Rebello.

37.What time they set Sail. All the Fleet set Sail the seventeenth of March 1545. and in a few days they had been at Sea, 'twas told the Governour, that in his Ship there were about two hundred who had their allowance of Diet, and nothing to do there; some were not receiv'd because useless, others were offenders who got on Board by stealth: The Officers were importunate with the Go­vernour to put them on Board the Hospital Ship, so to rid his own, and keep their Provisions for the Casualties of so long a Voyage; but the Governour (more Com­passionate than Cautious, making his and the poor mens case the same) follow'd on his course; in a little time Provision began to be scarce, on which the Mari­ners and Souldiers were forc'd to complain of the Go­vernour,The Gover­nours com­passion. who with so Venturous compassion would to save a few, hazard all; most were of opinion to Land those men on the Cape de Verde Islands, where the Of [...]enders would be out of the reach of Justice, and the Necessitous kept from Starving; but the Gover­nour upon Reflection, that the Air and Soil of the I­slands at that time of the Year,When the Winds do not blow. were in every ones opinion unhealthfull, resolv'd to protect the poor men [Page 21] in his own Ship, hoping to preserve both himself and them, saying in their behalf, It would be unhumanly done to deny them the Sea who fled from the Land; They had but little Winds, till they met with the Trade winds on the Coast of Guine, where the Gover­nours Ship striking upon the ground,The danger his Ship was in. was like to over­set, those Seas, in the judgment of Mariners being clear, and where the Card mark'd no Sands. Every ones Con­fusion was like his who drinks in Death unexpectedly▪ the season and fear too heightned the danger, when the Ship being all on one side,Not feeling the Rudder. and not feeling the Rudder, began to be on float again; it might be chance, but seem'd a miracle. The Governour commanded 'em to shoot off three Pieces, that the Ships which were on stern him might avoid the Sands, which, not under­standing the Warning came upon 'em; but with bet­ter Luck, than Skil, though of the same Burden with the Admiral, scap'd the Sands, finding in the same place other Fortune, the cause of which pusled the Sea­men.

38. The Governour,He arrives at Mocam­bique. with the whole Fleet got to­gether, pursuing his Voyage arriv'd at Mocambique, where the Landing of, and the procuring conveniencies for, the sick men was what he chiefly minded, being in that assisted by his two Sons, Dom Alvaro, and Dom Fernando, who then were Heirs apparent of his Chari­tableness, afterwards of his Valour; the time he staid at Mocambique, he observ'd, the Fortress the State hath there to be ill contriv'd in being too far from the shore, by which, with difficulty it provided and reliev'd our Fleets, and being in a bottom was commanded by many Hills, which also hindring the good Air, made it un­wholsome; He put this to those who either by Study, or Experience, had any Skil in this Science,Changeth the Fo [...] seating it better. and all agreed that the faults in the Fortification were judici­ously observ'd; what was Debated was immediately put in hand, and with the choice of a convenient Situ­ation he ordered Materials and Work-men for a new [Page 22] defence; and this going on in the Governours sight, the Gentry as well as others carry'd Stones, some for Flattery, others to promote the Building.

39. The Fortress made tenable, and the Sick reco­ver'd by the fresh Air and fresh Provisions on shore,He departs for Goa. the Governour set Sail again, and having the Winds al­ways favourable, cast Anchor on the 10th. of September at the Barr of Goa; where, Martin Affonso de Sousa, (by a Ship which went before) having had notice his Successour was near, provided to receive him with such Jollity as might shew the content he had, in welcom­ing his Guest, and leaving his Government; he went presently in a Rich Brigantine to meet him at Sea, whence he carry'd him to Antoni Correa's House of Plea­sure, whilst the Solemnity of his reception was prepa­ring; there he Feasted the Governour, Gentlemen, and Captains of the Fleet, with so much Exquisiteness in the manner, and aboundance in the meat, that it seem'd he was doing the last honour to his expiring charge. That night there were Balls and Dancing, Rejoycings which the simplicity of old Portugall carry'd to the East. Here the Governour staid two days, attended by all the Gentlemen of the place, who forsook Martin Affonso de Sousa, even those who were his Favourites, and he had rais'd from nothing, disci­plin'd in the Oriental ingratitude of the Indians, who cast stones at the setting Sun, and adore him rising.

40. When the Entry was to be, the two Governours were in a Faluque with gilded Oars, and an awning of divers-colour'd Silks; the Castles and Ships entertain'd 'em with the horrour of reiterated shootings, the Vivas and expectation of the common people did without any cunning flatter the new Government;His arrival, and recep­tion. they came to Land at a great place where the Common-Councel in a body expected them, and when they were plac'd with all the Ceremony vanity for that purpose hath inven­ted, one of the Magistrates made an Elaborate speech, in which the State expected a great deal of happiness [Page 23] in the new Minister; after the Governour had heard the publick Flatteries, he listned to the private ones of a great many, who with them made way for their par­ticular Interest.

41. When the Solemnity was ended,What con­dition he found his Government in and Don Iohn possest of the Government of India, Martin Affonso went to Cochim, to provide for his return into the King­dome; the Governour immediately was engag'd in the care of quieting the People, who were all in an Uproar for the alteration of the Money, which the King's Officers had rais'd, to the prejudice of the Subjects, and the scandal of the Neighbouring Pagans; I'le tell the occasion begun it.

42. There is current in India a low sort of Money,by the Alte­ration of the Bazaruccos. which they call Bazaruccos, which amongst Christians, Moors, and Pagans, had always the same Valew; this being of Copper, (which then came from Portugall and bore no price) the Officers thought fit for the King's profit to raise the price, the alteration of the Money was solemnly Proclaim'd, and it began to pass at the new Rate; but, as this Legal worth was not intrinsical, (the Valew coming from the Law, not from the weight) the Pagans (not subject to strangers Laws) brought not in the usual Provision, and the people seem'd to suffer by their own orders; the Chief Officers back'd it as the King's cause, standing for the King's profit, in the Peoples destruction; the whole City cry'd out, that the Kings of Portugall never encreast their Treasuries by their miseries, nor us'd to Drink in Gold plate their Subjects tears; that the Pagans and Moors made their Braggs that not being able by the Sword to ruine the Portuguese, by their own Laws they Destroy'd 'em, arming against 'em the ambition of their Governours. The hunger and liberty of the Petiti­oners grew high, justify'd by a good cause, and the Conformity of the common oppression;He hears the City and People. with these grievances the Magistrates of the City, with the poor, Women, and Children, (some full of Complaints, the [Page 24] other of Arguments) went to the Governour, who Commanding the people to be quiet, heard, as a Judge the Magistracy, as a Father the rest, and hunger admitting of no long Cures, ordered the next day for determining the business; thus he sent them away satisfy'd, some be­lieving that (as was the custom of India) it being his predecessors Act, it would by him be counted unjust. The same evening he sent for the King's Officers,His resolu­tion about it. and after hearing what they had to say for themselves, referr'd the matter to the ablest Lawyers, and those best skill'd in the policy of that State, who unanimously agreed the decree to be Cruel, and very contrary to the Pious in­tentions of our Princes; this opinion too was counte­nanc'd by Custom, and the Peoples privileges, besides other Legalties, which (not to make our History tedi­ous) we lay aside. This Law being revok'd by the Go­vernour, Provisions began to come in from the Inland-Country, and the people made him a present of those Lives he had by the indulgent remitting the Tax re­deem'd.

43.Hidalcaon's first Em­bassy. This business made an end of with so much re­pute to the King's Clemency, Embassadours came to him from Hidalcaon, who (after the Customary salutes and giving him joy of his Office) desir'd the Delivery of a Prisoner on the terms agreed on with his Prede­cessor, and this business coming to that height as to engage the State in an open Warr, we will not leave its beginning unrelated.

44. Bazarb Prince of Balagate Dying,Meale's is the better cause. when Nuno de Cunha was Governour, Meale, though in his Cradle, was Heir apparent to the Crown, then was Hidalcaon the second Person in the Kingdome in Power, and the first in Courage, having in the late Warr with the Neighbour Princes given a large testimony of his Acti­ons; Hidalcaon (as amongst this so Barbarous a people Men reign oftner by making use of their Opportuni­ties, than by observing what's Right) seeing his own strength, and the Heirs incapacity, pave his ambitions [Page 25] way to the Crown, began to try the hearts of the great Ones, before whom with a great deal of Artifice he deplor'd the miseries of the Kingdome, in so Infant a successour, under whom they must obey or endure, as so many Kings all those he fancy'd; that the Princes with whom they had now Warrs would not let slip this occasion of ruining 'em, when they saw him who should defend 'em in the Cradle; that where, there were so many, they ought to find out one to save their Country; that he would be the first should obey him, because the Government of the Kingdome could not wait those slow motions, by which Nature gives a little one first Strength, then Understanding; that if with unprofitable obedience they should adore Meale in his Nurses arms, he did not doubt but by keeping their King, they would lose their Kingdome. He was affable to the People, liberal to the Souldiers, as if he desir'd to Reign not for himself, but for them: Ambitiously making use of, the whole Chain of Vertues, not as necessary for Living, but Reigning. The great Ones at last offered him the Crown, believing, he would al­ways remember he was his Subjects Creature, and [...]etain constantly in his Memory so signal a grace.

45. Hidalcaon was Liberal and Stout, and without doubt would have been a great Prince, had he kept the Kingdome by the same Vertues he put on to atchieve it; but seeing himself obey'd, those affected Artifices not having any natural motion, were at an end, and broke out into ambition and pride, the Vices of his Person; He did not then speak of killing Meale, either out of a counterfeit Clemency, or an unheard of Cru­elty, intending perhaps that the poor Prince should by a servile obedience confirm the Scepter he had usurp'd from him. The Nobility of the Kingdome (repenting when 'twas too late, and seeing they now could not without danger, be either Traitors or Loyal) consulted how Meale might secure himself from the Tyranny of Hidalcaon, as if the unfortunate Prince had had more [Page 24] [...] [Page 25] [...] [Page 26] right to his Life then his Kingdome; some years past in these contrivances, in which Meale arriv'd at Age to apprehend his danger, and considering that his presence reproach'd the Tyrants guilty Conscience, (who plot­ted with his blood to quiet the memory of his usurping the Crown,) by the Counsel of those who took the Kingdome from him, He went to Cambaya, where he was well receiv'd, both King and People shewing, how much they resented the miseries of the Blood-Royal; but, as such favours have more ambition in them, then charity, they lasted not long, for, only the first days they treated him as a King, the rest as one Persequuted, but Meale still continu'd in Cambaya, counting more tolera­ble, the sleights of a Stranger, then the injuries of a Tyrant.

46. In the mean time, Hidalcaon's great design was, to destroy those who gave him the Crown, whom, for all they had a just title to his favour by being complices in his Treason, he hated, because they put him in mind, either of his Obligation, or faults, and being now jea­lous of his own Actions, he found that Cruelty would root him faster then Clemency, so that his own Vice, and necessity together made him doubly so; upon pre­tence of correcting faults, either imputed, or forgot, (covering his Tyranny with a veil of Justice) he in­chroach'd upon the Estates of the great Ones, to Level 'em with the common people, Confident, by pulling down the Nobility, to get into the poorer sort, who (out of a natural dislike of their own Fortune) do al­ways delight in the fall of those above them; and they (seeing their patience work'd not their quiet) con­sulted how they might restore Meale, some were for Revenge, others for Calling him in; they had their private meetings, where they took divers Resolutions, which fear, or the difficulty of the business, (harder to execute then design) every day altered; their forc'd obedience being at last wrack'd to the utmost stretch by new oppressions, they endeavour'd by Hidalcaon's [Page 27] Death to redress their Error, and hide the shame of their former Treason; the Desperate, not the Bold were of this opinion, because now Hidalcaon liv'd with the strength of a King, and the circumspection of a Tyrant; He was assisted by the people, who hating the King, lov'd the Cruelties he us'd against the Gentry, who, for the disproportion of theirs, and the others Fortunes are always obnoxious. The Plotters fearfull of themselves, and that their hatred would cool by delay, their base servitude too, turn Customary, seeing their own Force not equal for the enterprize, laid out for assistance from abroad; they bethought themselves of imparting the business to Martin Affonso de Sousa, (then Governour of the State of India) desiring him to send for Meale from Cambaya, and let him be at Goa; that though he refus'd the glory of restoring him, he thereby would keep Hidalcaon in awe, and inclinable to serve the States occasions.

47. Martin Affonso being perswaded, that 'twas more convenient to increase then extinguish this Flame which begun to burst out, 'twixt Hidalcaon and his Subjects, and that the weakning of a Warlike and Powerfull neighbour would turn to the States advan­tage; (Cloaking these conveniences with more plau­sible pretences, as the sheltering under our Arms a dis­possest and persecuted Prince, an Action glorious abroad and profitable at home) resolv'd to find out Meale at Cambaya, See Iohn de Barro's Hist. of In­dia, Dec. 5. Lib. 10. Cap. 11. giving him notice of his Subjects inclinations for his Restauration, who would be more eager when they saw the State protected both his Cause and Person. The Moor upon the receit of so unlook'd for a message, (counting the pity, of men not only different but con­trary in Religion, extraordinary) betook himself to the faith and favour of the State, and with his poor Family embarking himself, arriv'd at Goa, where he was by the Governour receiv'd, with honours more befit­ting his Blood then Fortune, by some construed to be done him, more for effronting the Neighbour then re­specting [Page 28] the Guest. Meale's arrival (who begun now to Reign in the hearts of a great many) being voic'd all along that Coast, his party began to be stronger among the Plotters, who now saw, his cause sheltered under the protection of our Arms, and his name sound­ing better in the peoples Ears.

48. Hidalcaon upon consideration,Hidalcaon's Embassage. that the State (whose victorious Arms were the more dreadfull by their nearness) did not send for Meale only to secure his Person, but defend his Cause, dispatch'd Embassa­dours to Martin Affonso de Sousa, giving him notice that he understood Meale was in his power, whom, he thought Fortune preserv'd, to disturb the peace of the East; that he knew what Title some Seditious spirits gave him, who being weary of Obeying, strove to set up new Lords whom they might Command; that Hidalcaon would not tell what mov'd him to seize on the Crown, because if Princes were bound to give ac­count of their Pretensions, there were no difference 'twixt King and People; that the right of Princes was to be judged of God, not of Men; that 'twas the Worlds opinion now that there was no difference in Princes titles, but only in their Persons; that he deny'd not, that Contemptible and Cowardly Meale was of the Royal blood, but, that, the fault Nature committed, Fortune would correct by giving the Kingdome to him who was Daring and Stout; that nature to Lyons only gave a Crown by their Birth, Men she let winn it and wear it; that many things appear [...]d injust to the World, because besides Custom; that for a man who was worthy of it, to possess himself of a Kingdome, would at first be look'd upon as a Scandal, afterwards as a Law; that Meale was the basest Fellow ever Born in his Kingdome, and he the most Fortunate, and naturally all men hated natures Monsters, and lov'd Fortunes prodigies: that we should examine our selves, how we came to Lord it in Asia? what Kin we vvere to Sabayo, that he should leave us Goa? how near vve were Sultan Badour to [Page 29] Inherit Dio from him? whether Achem left us Malaxa by his Will? and all the places which pay us Tribute all over the East? that he desir'd us not to quarrel at that Title in him, that made us absolute Lords of the World; that, we should let God alone with the Go­vernment of the World, and being Born farthest West, not busie our selves to compose the Disorders of Asia; that he would have us know, he had in his Kingdome Mines of different Metals, that some furnish'd him with Gold for his Friends, others with Iron for his Ene­mies; that in the last place, he desir'd the Governour to deliver him up Meale, that, by the mercy he should use him withall, the World might see how worthy he was to Reign, who so treated his greatest Enemy; that, his Embassadours had order to settle all that concern'd the State.

49. Martin Affonso having receiv'd the Letters, and given Audience to Hidalcaon's Embassadours, understood by 'em, that they proffer'd for Meales person an hun­dred and fifty thousand Pardaos, and the main Land of Bordez and Salsete, very considerable to the State for its Revenue and Nearness to Goa. Martin Affonso look'd upon the business, as very weighty, and either Face promising great advantages; the restoring of a Prince, and pulling down a Tyrant, was a design worthy the Arms of Christians, by which the State would purchase no ordinary reputation, letting the World see, that our Banners were not displaid in Asia, either to usurp King­doms, or get Riches, since their employment was that the Pagans and Moors of the East, should keep the true Faith towards God, and Justice amongst themselves: On the other side 'twas said, that if Meale after a long Warr should come to Reign, he could not give the State more, then now without it Hidalcaon offer'd, and that the Moors by their hatred and Religion being Enemies, the World would laugh to see us with our own Blood, destroy one Infidel and set up an other; when too our happiness depended on both their ruines, [Page 30] besides that our Arms came not to India to defend the Enemies of the Faith, but to destroy 'em; that if Meale found no Protection from the King of Cambaya, his near Kinsman, why should he look for't from the Portuguese to whom he was an Enemy? that when he found him­self restor'd, and strong, the first Lance that was hurl'd against the State would be his, because the Neighbour­hood of so brave men who made him King would be suspicious to him, and the Memory of so great a good turn was enough to make him Hate us.

50. Martin Affonso, on grounds not throughly weigh'd, resolv'd at last to deliver up Meale, dispach'd the Embassadours; and with them Galvaon Viegas an Honourable Gentleman, with full Power, to settle the Contract, in the manner it hath been related, sending with the consent of the Embassadours to take imme­diate possession of the main Land, in virtue of Hidal­caon's profer.

51. In this condition did Dom Iohn de Castro find the affairs of Meale, and was sued to by a new Embassy from Hidalcaon, in confidence of the Capitulation made with his Predecessor;The Gover­nours an­swer. but Dom Iohn with different maturity answered Hidalcaon, that the Portuguese were faithfull to their Enemies, much more to their Guest; that the propositions of his Predecessor, were more for a right understanding of the cause,See Iohn de Barro's History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 1. Cap. 2. then to determine it; that the main Land belong'd to the State by more antient Grants, and that it was just out of its Revenue to maintain Meale, in gratitude to the Kings his Prede­cessors, who annex'd it to the State, that he should suffer him quietly to enjoy this little memory of his Right; that the States securing his Person, was not yet Protection but Charity; that he should not with over-hasty Arms disturb the Peace, for then he would make sure what he fear'd, provoking the State to take in hand the revenging of both; and because his Em­bassadours had hinted that, the denying Meale would necessarily make a Breach, He put 'em in mind that [Page 31] most of the Fortresses we had made in India, were founded on the ashes of destroy'd Kingdoms; that the Portuguese were like the Sea, which raiseth it self and grows greater in Storms; that for his part as he sought not a Warr, so he could not deny one.

52. With this answer the Governour dismist the Embassadours, who, by his firmness in delivering it, understood that neither fear or advantage would bend him to give up Meale; Immediately he put himself in readiness to make or expect a Warr, which coming from a neighbour Prince we might sooner feel the Blow, then see the Sword. He gave orders for the raising of Horse, which were to be about two hundred, and to serve under the same Colours, a more stout, then order­ly Militia: He entrusted the Guard of the City with the Train-bands, and had Souldiers in pay ready for any suddain invasion of the Enemies. He set upon the making ready the Fleet out of hand, which by the Voy­ages and Warrs of his Predecessor, and the poverty of the State, he found all in pieces, and the strength of the Navy, being what is most considerable, here he wholly laid himself out; He new fitted the Vessels which lay in the River, made three Galleys, and six Round-bot­tom'd Ships with wonderfull speed, not failing the Officers in their pay, or his thanks; by which means the work went on, diligence over-coming time; He nam'd Captains of those Galleys and Ships, who intended the work as their own business, an expedient, which did a great deal towards the quickness of the dispatch, the goodness and plenty of Ammunion and Provision, with which (in an opportune and short time) the Fleet was ready, with this he so bridled the Neighbour Princes, as he hindred 'em from joyning with Hidalcaon, who had already sollicited them to shake off the yoak, as an advantage to the common Liberty.

53. Hidalcaon, Hidalcaon's first motion. having notice of the Governours resolution, appeal'd to the Justice of his Sword, endea­vouring to carry the Warr from home, before Meale's [Page 32] presence rais'd the people, who by their commands, and advantages in the Warr, would make the cause their own: He presently on severe penalties forbid the Victuallers carrying the ordinary Provision to Goa, which, having it all from the Inland, was not furnish'd to endure so suddain a Warr; after this he sent Acede­caon a stout Turk with ten thousand men, to take in, that part of the main Land, which Liv'd under our O­bedience.

54. But Dom Iohn de Castro knowing, that first suc­cesses give reputation to a Warr,The Gover­nour goes in Person. went out with two thousand Foot, and the Horse of the place to resist the Enemy, and being perswaded by a great many Gentle­men, that he should not engage his person in so un­equal a party; that it was not for the honour of a Governour of India to put on his Sword against one of Hidalcaon's Captains, nor to let the World know he look'd so much upon this Warr, especially having Gen­tlemen who deserv'd the honour and danger of the Action; it was not possible to disswade him from his first resolution, saying with more confidence then his Forces would bear, that he went out to Chastise, not to Overcome, and marching two Leagues from Goa he came in sight of the Enemy, who, lodg'd at the foot of a Hill with a River in their front, (which was to them instead of a Ditch and Trench) with the advan­tages of their numbers, and Encamping, expected ours, who though wearied with their March, re-inforcing themselves by the presence of the Governour, or sight of the Enemy, begun to pass the River with more Re­solution, then Discipline, the Commanders could not stay, or order them, the most daring cast themselves into the River, and the more cautious were by this put upon a necessity; as to most of 'em to follow their Comrades example, past for Discipline.

55. The Governour with admirable prudence com­manded those who staid behind to go over the River, knowing, that what was in the beginning a fault, was [Page 33] now the Cure; and because that day he had not room enough to Order as a Commander,He fights and routs the Enemy. he Fought as a pri­vate Souldier. Our men run upon the Moors so furi­ously, that discouraged, with the first Onset, they gave ground, and their Ranks, being confus'd and broken by themselves, were disordered and overcome; Our men (which seldome happens) seeing an Army routed without loss. The Moors loss was great in their Flight, none at all in their Resistance; Ours were two Leagues executing the Liberty, and cruelty of Victory, gather­ing up the Arms those poor men flung away, as a bur­den, not a defence. The pursute lasted as long as the Day, the horrour of the Night freeing the Enemies from that of the Victory; Our Souldiers retreated, full of Blood, Honour, and Booty; the Governour kept the Field till the next day, without censuring the Soul­diers for that Disorder which gave them the Victory, following the course of human judgements, which never speak well of Losses, or blame Victories.

56. The Governour,He returns to Goa. at his Entry into Goa, was re­ceiv'd with an extraordinary applause, from that people, so us'd to see, and slight Victories; and because, in this and many other Fights which Dom Iohn wonn, he call'd upon the name of St. Thomas, the Apostle of the Indies, we believe they were got by the favour of so great a Padrone, who, to recompence the piety, and honour the memory of Dom Iohn de Castro, was pleas'd, in the days of his Government, to discover that mira­culous Cross, found at Meliapor on the Coast of Choro­mandell; the wonderfull Cross and the Body of the Saint being as it were cover'd with the same Earth,His venera­tion to the Cross. and as Dom Iohn de Castro worshipp'd this sign of our Re­demption, with a due, but a strange Reverence, (lighting always from his Palanquim or Horse when he met the Cross,A kind of Sedan in the Indies, car­ry'd on mens Shoulders. and putting himself on his Knees) this discovery will not seem to have been by chance, since the mercies of Heaven come not by accident. We will give you the relation of the Mystery, because it carries [Page 34] with it a successive miracle in testimony of the faith of the East, cultivated in those Countries with the Blood and Doctrine of our Portuguese.

57. After the wonderfull finding the Body of this holy Apostle in the City,The finding St. Thomas's Cross. or rather ruins of Meliapor, (then call'd Calamina) the Kings, Dom Manoel, and Dom Iohn, being with a pious Zeal inflam'd to revive those dead Ashes, which had been there from the first planting Christianity by the Apostle, (though now corrupted by the Doctrine of the Armenian and Chaldean Priests, who separated from the Roman-Catholick Church, did make those well-meaning Christians swallow dangerous Opinions, which by the pains of our Missionaries have in part been reform'd) set upon Building a Church in the same place where the Vene­rable Body of the Apostle was found, and opening the Foundations for the Fabrick, found a Cross (wrought in a Marble Pedestall) of four Spans long and three broad, besprinkled with dropps of Blood, which might be thought to be newly done, (the Cross was like that of the Knights of Aviz;) on the bottom of the Pedestall were lesser Crosses of the same fashion with the biggest, sprinkled with the same spots of Blood; on the top of the great Cross was a hovering Pidgeon, there was Old writing about it, which, (being in an unknown Tongue, and not in one continued sence) the Natives understood not; the oldest and most knowing Anti­quaries in different Languages were consulted with, but none could make out the Character or meaning of the Writing, till a while after was brought a Bramene from Narzinga, who expounded it in current Sence, and said thus;

Thirty years after the Law of the Christians came into the World, on the 21th. of December, the Apostle Saint Thomas Dy'd in Meliapor, where was the knowledge of God, change of Laws, and the destruction of the Devil; This God taught twelve Apostles, one of whom, with a staff in his hand, came to Meliapor where he Built a Temple, and [Page 35] the Kings of Malabar, Choromandell, and Pandi, with others of different Nations and Sects freely submitted them­selves to Saint Thomas's Law; time was when the Saint was put to Death by a Bramene, and with his Blood made this Cross.

This Exposition, being an hir'd Interpreters, in a matter of so great moment, our Nation did not too confidenly believe, but sent for an other Pagan Learn'd in all the Oriental Languages, who, knowing nothing of the other Exposition, decypher'd the Letters in the same manner, without any difference, the Copy of the Print (as you see it here) was brought to the King Dom Sebastian in the Year 1562.

[Page] [Page]


[Page] [Page 37] Our Nation (with the greater expence in reverence to that place, which had been the Depository of so Sacred a pledge) went on in Building the Church, the Piety and Conflux of the people of Malabar was great too, at the sight of so notable a Testimony of their Faith. The Church was in a short time perfected, the Cross engrav'd on Marble (as we have said) serv'd in place of Altar-piece. Divine Service began to be said there, with the Decency so remote a place would permit; and on the 18. of December, (the day of our A peculiar Feast in Spain and Portugall, when the B. Virgin look't to b [...] brought to Bed. Ladies expectation) as Mass was saying in a full Con­gregation, when the Priest began the Gospel, the Holy Cross too began to be cover'd with a great Sweat,A famous Miracle of the same Cross. let­ting fall no little drops on the Altar. That the signs of the Miracle might be more Visible, the Priest stop't in the Sacrifice, wip't off the Humidity the Cross breath'd with the Corporalls, which (before a great many there present immediately seem'd dip't in Blood); the Holy Cross began presently to change its Alablaster to a paler Colour, which turn'd to an obscure black, that too chang'd to an unusual bright Azure, which lasted as long as Mass, when that was done it came to the natural Colour of which 'twas found.

58. The same Miracle hath successively for many years been seen on the same day, and we know by good Authors and faithfull Relations that it yet happens sometimes, by which means, those Christians with a stronger Faith receive our Doctrine. This Miracle, after much arguing on both sides, was clear'd before the Bi­shop of Cochim in open Court, the proceedings came to this Kingdome, in the time of the King Dom Henry, the Cardinal, who, by the consent of Pope Gregory 13th. confirm'd the Miracle, which is now divulg'd in our own Chronicles and forein Authors. Dom Iohn de Castro re­ceiv'dHow the Governour was affected with the News. the news of this Miracle with no ordinary shew of Piety, protecting Saint Thomas's Christians, opprest with the slavery of Pagan Princes, who had taken from 'em certain Grants and Priviledges, which by the inter­cession [Page 38] of the Holy Apostle had by the Kings their Pre­decessors been indulg'd 'em, but, by the hatred of the Infidels, and corruption of the times were only re­membred.

59. Hidalcaon gave not over infesting us on the main Land with his usual incursions, which kept us on con­tinual Duty, and hindered the Husbandmen from Til­ling, upon which the Governour resolv'd to strike where the Blow might be most felt;He sends his Son Dom Alvaro a­gainst Hi­dalcaon. He presently Commanded his Son Dom Alvaro to go out with the Fleet, he had provided, with Orders, to do all the hurt he could in Hidalcaon's Ports, giving the Souldiers all free Pillage, that the hopes of Plunder might make 'em not mention some Arrerages the State ow'd 'em; and put by others from playing the Merchants, a Corruption which stole upon a great many by the foul example of their Superiours.

60. Dom Alvaro put to Sea with 900. Portuguese and 400.He goes out with six Ships. Indians on six Ships and some long Boats with Oars, and after a few days Sailing spy'd four of Hidal­caon's Ships going with Stuffs and other Commodities to Cambaya. Dom Alvaro presently commanded his Captains to come on Head him, and the Boats to keep close to the shore, for fear the Enemy should out of Desperatness run a ground; the Ships were Merchant men, and but few Souldiers in 'em, who, seeing they could neither fly,His prize. nor defend themselves, sent aboard the Admiral two Moor Merchants, who, with reasons and tears, shew'd themselves not concern'd in the difference 'twixt Hidalcaon and the State, and profer'd a reaso­nable present toward the expence of the Fleet; but neither the covetousness of the Souldiers, or the policy of Warr would let them be heard, but the Ships were Boarded and sent to Goa, that the Prize might be divi­ded according to the Governours Proclamation. Upon the arrival of those Ships at Goa, the people was stangely transported, seeing Victories so got one upon the neck of an other; in the first they prais'd the Cou­rage [Page 39] of the Father, in the second the Fortune of the Son.

61. Dom Alvaro, Dom Alva­ro proposeth the Entry into Cambre. seeing opportunity and weather on his side, and that the Souldiers were contented be­cause they had in hand the fruit of their late Enterprize, commanded his Pilot to steer to the Port of Cambre, where, since the breaking out of the Warr, Hidalcaon kept double Garrison; there were two Forts with Ordinance planted at the entrance of the Barr, and the Chanel was so narrow that without eminent danger our Ships could neither pass through, or ride there. The General Dom Alvaro, put to the Captains of the Fleet the apparent difficulties, which every one conclu­ded of moment enough to be considered of, alleging that voluntary undertakings ought not to be set upon with so certain danger; that they should more to pur­pose carry on the Warr against Hidalcaon, by Lording it in his Seas, and in his sight, taking away his commerce; that there was more hazard then profit in what could be done by Land; that (as they saw) the Chanel was so begirt with those Forts, our Ships must pass by the mouth of the Canon; that the first Ship they should shatter, would hinder the rest from passing. But Dom Alvaro urging,He resolves to invest. that he was resolv'd to execute his Or­ders, which were, to get on shore and burn the Enemies Ports; the Councel replied by proposing, that he as Ge­neral should stay to Command at Sea, and that most of the Commanders of the Ships would strive to pass the Barr, because if any thing should happen amiss to the Admiral of that Fleet, Son and Heir to the Governour of India, what greater Dammage could the State receive, then the necessity of engaging in so just a Vengeance? On which Dom Alvaro in a great deal of passion brake off the consult, saying, that he car'd for no Victories where his danger was not as great as the least common Souldiers; that, out of obedience he was their Gene­ral, and in danger their Companion; that, he had in­structions from the Governour, to venture his own [Page 40] Person on every occasion, his Souldiers but upon ne­cessity; that he look'd upon the Dangers they repre­sented to be less then those he came in chase of, because Honour was not to be purchas'd without hazarding; that he came from Portugall to find out this Day, which he hop't would be glorious for them all, and that in this Resolution he ask't not their advice, only that they would consult about the manner of the falling on. The Generals Gallantry, and Youth, did then excuse his Rashness, afterwards the Success; 'twas agreed that the men should go into the long Boats, and that at the be­ginning of the Dawning when Day-light was not well broke, and so the Enemy not sure of his aim, they should get on shore;He gets on shore. they all that Night provided them­selves, seeing in the Generals looks hopes of Victory. The General (having left sufficient Guard on the Ships) got on shore, with 800. Choise men, and with Fortune so declaring for him, that of a great many Shot that lighted on the Boats, not one either kill'd or wounded a Souldier, this accident being a Disposition to, or be­ginning of the Victory.

62. The City (which ran along a great Plain) con­tain'd five thousand Families, the Houses by themselves, and not leaning on one an other, without any other policy,The large­ness and strength of the place. union, or share of ground, then what every one took for his pleasure or ability; and yet the Turrets and Balconies of every House, did altogether present a rude Stateliness, as if Built with more Pride then Art; it had on the North-side a little Mountain, whence ran some small Rivulets, with no name, which, contribu­ted both to the pleasantness and fertility of the Soil. The City was antiently Inhabited by the Bramenes, now by Merchant Moors, a place amongst the Eastern people always famous, then for Superstition, now for Wealth; it was not defended by either Walls or Works, the In­habitants being secure by the Power of their Lords, or the Peace they preserv'd with the Neighbouring Princes; but at present, the Warr we had with Hidalcaon begin­ning [Page 41] Victoriously, the Moors, saw the danger they were in, by example, and had drawn two thousand paid Souldiers to Guard the City, who with the standing Militia, were (according to their computation) suffi­cient for their Defence.

63. These came, with their Colours flying, and with so much resolution to hinder our men from Landing, as for a good while they retarded us, obliging us to Fight at a stand,The Ene­mies resist­ance. and so close as our Souldiers could not make use of their Musquets, whose first charge only, they receiv'd with notorious resolution. Here Dom Alvaro notably shew'd his Valour and Conduct, encou­raging his men to Fight, sometimes by Speeches, some­times by the Example of his own Actions. Ours at last saw themselves so streightned as they fought more for Life then Victory. The success, for an hour hung doubt­full, till a great many of the Inhabitants, wounded with their own fear, and our Swords, quitted the Field, shewing in the first encounter, Valour, above Men, in the second, below Women, a thing very ordinary in raw Souldiers, where the greatest fear follows the greatest daring; the rest by this example were getting off, in fear and disorder; here the Moors receiv'd great loss, falling with little or no Resistance, those who drop't too were so many as they hindred the rest from Flying.

64. Ours entred the City mingled with the Moors, Ours enter, where the poor men stop't, o'recome with the fond­ness and tears of Wives, and Children, who then with useless compassion bore 'em company, rather Witnesses, then Defenders of their Lives; some there were, who embracing their Husbands let themselves be run through with our Lances, inventing fresh sadness by a new remedy; Of our Souldiers, some Robb'd 'em, some Defended 'em, some following the disposition of the Season, others of their Nature; Out of desperate Love some of those Women ran amongst our arm'd Squa­drons to seek their Dead, seeming not to valew their [Page 42] Lives; full of tenderness for others Wounds, without any for their own;and gain the City. at last we gain'd the City with less loss, then danger, because resolving to enter under the Enemies Canon, Dom Alvaro was more lead on by Courage, then Discipline; the greater part of the Moors was Destroy'd, some in the Fight, most in the Flight; the VVomen shew'd more Courage, then their Husbands; These lost their Lives, they could not defend, the others despis'd theirs they might have sav'd; of ours there Dy'd twenty two, the VVounded were more, of whose number was the General hurt by an Arrow. 'Twas necessary to end one Cruelty to begin an other, their Anger ceast, and their Covetousness began; Dom Alvaro gave order to Plunder the City, where the Booty was as great as the Victory,The De­stroying and Plundring of it. because, either out of Confidence or Carelesness the Moors had sav'd nothing, and kept in the City those who were useless for the Defence of it, out of contempt of our Forces, or not to dishearten their own. In fine, the Prize was so great, that it could not all be carry'd aboard, the Souldiers took the best, leaving the rest as Fuel for that Fire which was to Consume the City, by Dom Alvaro given up to the merciless Flames; which did not a little strike the Neighbouring Colonies, that place being the Richest and most Tenable of all the Coast, once, as it were, the Bulwark of the rest, now their Lamentable example.

65. The General with all the Fleet weigh'd Anchor, and steer'd for Goa to unlade the Ships,Dom Al­varo returns to Goa. (put out of their trim, by too great a Burden;) resolving to leave there the Sick and VVounded, and return to carry on the VVarr, which the Souldiers, content with the Li­berality, and Fortune of their new General, very much desir'd. The news arriv'd at Goa before the Ships, the Governour very much valued the Victory, the people the Plunder; not long after came intelligence, that those who had scap'd the Rout had been to acquaint Hidalcaon with the lamentable Destruction of their [Page 43] City, who, while they vented their first grief for their Children and Kindred, could not keep in the second calamity of their Goods and Houses, where the devou­ring Fire had so mingled the Ashes, they could not with peculiar tears, weep over their Dead; they told Hidal­caon, that if he resolv'd to continue the Warr with such a people, they would go and Inhabit the Deserts, where they should be out of sight of those Western Beasts, Born for the reproach and ruine of Asia, they told and curs'd our Victories one after the other, which look't bigger in their Fears, then our Books.

66. Hidalcaon, considering the fortune of our Arms, the complaints,Hidalcaon profers Peace. and calamities of the Inhabitants, and many disaffected to his Service, whom the Warr, and those Successes would more embolden, was inclinable to Peace, thereby to remedy the Dissentions and Sedi­tions at home, which might grow stronger by the li­berty of men in Arms; and communicating to his Councel the present condition of things, all were of opinion, they ought by a feignd peace to cloak their grievances, expecting till time offered 'em a fairer op­portunity to set upon the State, joyning their Forces with other Kings who were offended. And the Moors fighting more for their conveniency then quarrel, Hi­dalcaon sent Embassadours to the Governour, frivo­lously excusing the Warr he made, and minding him of the benefit the State might receive by his Friend­ship.

67. The Governour, in publick and in great State, gave audience to the Embassadours,The Gover­nour accepts it. answering them, that as he sought not for Warr, so he could not deny it; that the felicity of the State consisted in having many Enemies, because with Spoils and Victories it grew always greater; but, that he never deny'd Peace to any one, who by his Actions, and faithfull Friendship de­serv'd it; that he would deprive his Souldiers of the conveniences they look't for from that Warr; but Hidalcaon must know the first day he was to pass for a [Page 44] King, was that in which he treated Peace with the Portuguese. Thus did he dispatch the Embassadours, aw'd with so great a Courage; with the same neglect did he always manage the Warrs in the East, in which his Va­lour was equal to his Fortune.

68. He presently betook himself to the dispatching particular business,He looks to the affairs of the State, rewarding the Souldiers who had serv'd him, whom he parted with as well satisfy'd with the rewards he gave them, as his acceptance of their Ser­vice; He put Commanders into the void Forts, which were unprovided by the King; making so just an esti­mate of Deserts, that he was Debtor neither to conve­niency, or the State, a virtue hardly arriv'd at by Princes, and very rare in their Ministers.

69. He was not less fir'd with zeal for the honour of God, then for that of the State, in the confusion of Warr, and the noise of Arms, applying himself to mat­ters of Religion,and matters of Religion. as if he had been only sent to stickle for them. And the King Dom Iohn, knowing his Piety, as well as his Valour, commended to him the propaga­tion of the Faith, and Divine worship. Out of a Letter, which on this Subject the King writ him, is well gathe­red, how both King and Minister were inflam'd in God's cause, of which we will here give a Copy, that the World may see our Arms in the East, brought more Sons to the Church then Vassals to the State.

The King's Letter to Dom John de Castro.

FRiend and Governour. The great Concernment, which lies upon Christian Princes to look to matters of Faith, and employ their Forces for its Preservation, makes me advise you how sensible I am, that not only, in many parts of India under our Subjection, but even in our City of Goa, Idols are Worshipp't, places in which our Faith might more reaso­nably [Page 45] be expected to Flourish; and being as well inform'd with how much liberty they celebrate Heathenish festivals, we command you, to discover by diligent Officers all the I­dols, and to demolish and break 'em in pieces where ere they are found; Proclaiming severe punishments against any one who shall dare, to Work, Cast, make in Sculpture, En­grave, Paint, or bring to light, any Figure of an Idol, in Metall, Brass, Wood, Plaister, or any other matter, or bring them from other places; and against those, who publickly, or privately, Celebrate any of their sports, keep by them any Heathenish Frankincense, or assist and hide the Bramenes, the sworn Enemies of Christian Profession; whosoever of the fore-nam'd shall run into the like Crimes, 'tis our pleasure you Punish 'em, with that severity the Law in that case, or our Prolamation requires, without admitting any appeal or dispensation in the least. And that the Pagans may submit themselves to the yoak of the Gospel, not only out of Con­viction of the purity of its Faith, and fed with the hopes of Eternal Life, but be advantag'd too, by some temporal fa­vour shew'd 'em, (which doth very much work upon Sub­jects hearts) you are with all Diligence to see that the new Christians, may henceforward have and enjoy all the Exemp­tions and Liberties from Taxes, enjoying those Privileges, and places of Honour, which the Pagans did hitherto use to do. We have too been inform'd, that many Indians are forc't to go in our Fleet, and are for that at charges against their wills, desiring that so great Exorbitancy should be remedy'd, we order that the Christians be exempt from that Oppression, and in case the necessity be very pressing, you shall if they go, (with that trust we look for, from your care, and diligence) provide, that they be every day satisfy'd for their Labour; Having known too, from grave and credible Persons, (and what we particularly resented) that some Portuguese buy Slaves for little, that selling them to the Moors and other In­fidel Merchants, they may get by 'em, which is done to the great Dammage of their Souls, they being easily to be Converted to the Faith, we command you to employ all your power for the preventing so great an evil, by hindring such Sales, for the [Page 46] great service which by it is done to God, and you will do to us, if with the rigor the case requires, you remedy a thing which appears so foul to us. You are to take care for the curbing the excessive liberty of some Usurers, who as we are inform'd, are amongst you under the protection of an old Law of Goa, which we do at this present, and you are also to revoke, taking it away from the Body of the rest, as contrary to Christian Religion; you are to give order for the speedy Building a Church in Bacaim, which is to be Dedicated to St. Joseph, and upon our account to assign it rent for a Rector, some Beneficiaries, and Chaplains who may officiate there; and because the Preachers, and Ministers of our Faith, by going about to Convert the Pagans, are in Necessity, we think it fitting, and 'tis our will to give 'em something towards de­fraying their Charges, and only for that you are to lay a year­ly Tax of three thousand Pardaos on all the Mosques the Moors have in our Territories. You shall too out of our Customs and Rights for ever give three hundred Bushels of Rice for the maintenance of those whom the Vicar Miguel Vaz either hath or shall Convert about Chaul, which quan­tity we order to be put into the Bishops hands, that he (as he sees necessity) may distribute it. We have too been in­form'd that about Cochim, Saint Thomas's Christians are cheated in their weights and measures by our Merchants who sell Pepper there, and that they take from 'em the Sur­plusage they (according to an old Custom) ought to have over and above the just weight, and measure, whom for many re­spects, 'twere better to favour then oppress; for that end you are to give order, they may enjoy their old Customs; you are also to treat with the King of Cochim, that he cause to be tane away certain Pagan Rites and Superstitions which his South-sayers use to practice in the sale of Pepper, his advantage by 'em being very little, and the Scandal to the Christians who contract there very great; and because we have been advis'd of the Cruelty that King useth against those Indians who receive our Faith, by seising on their Estates, you must zealously endeavour the said Kings (to whom we have writ about it) leaving that so Barbarous [Page 47] cruelty, which so much injures the Souls and Bodies of his Subjects, which, being our Friend, he will do; you on your part employing that care we charge you with. For that, which by your Letters and Advises we have, concerning the delivering the people of Socotora from the miserable Sla­very in which they Live, we are of opinion so to remedy it, that the Turk (whose Subjects they are) shall not with his Fleets infest those Seas, you are to look how that is most conveniently to be done by the advice of the Vicar Miguel Vaz, whose Experience, both in that and all other business of moment that shall occurr, will very much help you. We know that those who Fish for Pearl, besides other wrongs and oppressions they lye under, suffer in their Estates, our Sea-Captains out of their little fear to God, forcing 'em on very hard terms, only to Fish for them, upon which, (desir­ing that none of our Subjects should suffer any Violence or Oppression) we order you to see that those people be not so hardly us'd, and that our Captains usurp not so unjust a Power; and further, for the avoiding the like grievances and cruelties you are to look if those Coasts be sufficiently Guarded, and, if 'tis possible for us to recover our Dues without having a Fleet there: and finding it Feasible, you are to withdraw thence our Captains, commanding none to Sail along those Coasts, by that means the Natives may enjoy their Estates, and Cruelties and Extorsions be prevented; above all we recommend to you the consulting with the Father Francisco Xaverius in what ever occurs, chiefly what is to be done for the encrease of Christianity on the Fishing Coast, that those who are newly Converted may not be employed in the Fishing, if they be, it may be upon knowledge that with their new Religion they have got new Manners, and the great abuses they use in it may be Curb'd. We have been likewise inform'd, that those who from Paganism are Converted to our holy Faith, are ill us'd and despis'd by their Kindred and Friends, who, with so great Outrage and so high an Hand banish 'em their Houses, and seize on their Estates, that they are forc'd to Live miserably in great want and necessity; that such things may be redress'd, you are (with the Counsel [Page 48] of the Vicar Miguel Vaz) to see they be reliev'd at our Charge, putting, what is to be given 'em, in the hands of the Rector who hath care of 'em, that he may every year distribute it as is most convenient. We know too that from Ceilaon, there came a youth to Goa, flying the fury and anger of his Kindred, and being (as he is) of the Royal Family, that he ought to succeed in the Kingdome, upon which, (for the encouragement of those already, and those yet to be Converted) we have thought good that you accommodate him (now he [...]s a Christian) in Saint Pauls Colledge in the City, where, at our Charge, such Lodgings, and necessaries may be provided him, as are sit, not only for his maintenance, but pleasure, that our Grandeur with Persons of his quality may be seen; besides, you are to endeavour to clear his claim to the Kingdome; and what you find in the business, send us with the proofs, that we may according to conveniency provide; in the mean time 'tis our pleasure, that with all imaginable severity you call the Tyrant to account for his Cruelties against those who are Converted to our holy Faith; obliging him to give satis­faction for so great insolence, that all the Princes of India may see our love to Iustice, and how we put upon our own score the protecting those who cannot help themselves. And because, 'tis not fit Pagan Artificers should (as hitherto hath been allow [...]d 'em) Cast, Paint, or Work any Images or Fi­gures of our Lord Christ, or his Saints, to sell 'em; we command you to use all diligence, for the hindring it, laying Penalties, that he, who shall be prov'd to make any of the fore-mention'd Images, shall (besides the having two hun­dred Drubbs) lose his Estate, because without doubt it looks not well that Images representing so holy Mysteries should pass through the hands of Pagan Idolaters. We have it from the same hand, that the Churches newly begun to be Built at Cochim, and Coulaon, want finishing, being un­cover'd and expos'd to all the injuries of the Weather; which is not only an ill sight, but prejudices the Building; you shall therefore give Order, that (without sticking at the charge) they may be gone on with, till Finish'd, by the work and design of the best Architects and Overseers; you are [Page 49] too, to cause a Church to be Built in Naraon, in Honour of, and with the Dedication to, the Apostle Saint Thomas, and to look to the finishing of that already begun in Calapor, by the name of the holy Cross; you are too, to make another in the Neighbouring Island of Coraon, for design and state­liness as you shall think convenient, there being nothing, which, in the Pagans will more stirr up Devotion for the matters of our holy Faith, then the affection they see on our part. Besides which, we do more straightly charge you with the founding Schools and Houses of Devotion, in all places fit for't; whether, on certain Days, not only the Christians, but Pagans may resort to Sermons, and Spiritual exercises, that so they may come to the Love of our holy Faith, and the Knowledge of the errors in which they Live, being illu­minate with the Light of the Gospel; for which you are to choose Ministers with those parts such a Ministry requires. And above all, earnestly desiring that the Name of God may be known and worship't, and his holy Faith receiv'd in our State, we will, and 'tis our pleasure, that in the Territories of Salsete and Bardez all the Idols, and infernal Worship, which hath hitherto been practis'd there, be utterly rooted out; and that it may be done with the less difficulty, and without the necessity of using any force or violence, we command the Preachers in their Sermons and Disputations, to manage the hearts of the Pagans with such prudence and zeal, that (by God's blessing) they may be sensible of the good in­tended them, by bringing 'em to the knowledge of their Er­rors, and delivering 'em from the miserable servitude of the Devil in which they are, out of which, they only are to be freed by closing with our holy Faith, the sole way to know that blindness in which Satan leads 'em, not to consider how much the Salvation of their Souls concerns 'em; and be­cause it very much imports this business, that the under­takers of it be Men of a good Life and Conversation, and able Scholars, you are to pick out such, from whom we may expect the Effect we desire, and to recommend to 'em the care and diligence requisite on their part; and on yours, you are to endeavour the drawing of, and favouring all men, espe­cially [Page 50] the Nobility and Great ones, (whose example the mul­titude follows) and who being once reconcil'd to our holy Faith, the difficulty will be but little to Convert the common people, who will immediately be doing, what they see done by the Grand [...]es. Let them who turn, he well us'd, (that more may be wonn) having favour shew'd 'em, not only in the general, but in their particulars, be they never so poor and miserable. Of all this, we thought fit to inform you, that, for the confidence we have of your care and diligence, you might remedy all, from which, great Glory will result to our Lord God; and we will reckon it to you as a peculiar service.

By the KING.

70. Dom Iohn put as much of this Letter in Exe­cution, as his being always in Arms would permit him; for the time of his Government was one continued Battail, and the Souldiers, by the Licence of VVarr, were readier to ruine the Laws, then reform their Man­ners; yet will the History shew us no slight Arguments of his Zeal, recompens't extraordinarily by Heaven with signs and miracles, one of 'em, which hapned in the Molucca's, (annex'd to his Government,) I'le relate with my Customary brevity.

71. The light of the Gospel had shin'd in those I­slands; (Saint Francisco Xaverio as a faithfull Labourer in the Lord's Vineyard, having in a great part clear'd those places of the Thistles and Briars of Infidelity) though we owe the first Cultivating to that great Portuguese Antonio Galvaon, the most Couragious Go­vernour and Zealous Apostle of those Pagans, whose Prowess was answered by its Fruits in the wonderfull Conversion of Souls, who with their Baptism re­ceiv'd the easie Yoak of Christ, the Princes and great Ones, as well as the People, being all Tunable to the [Page 51] Obedience of the Gospel. The Devil perceiving that, in that Cessation of Paganism, A miracu­lous success in the Mo­cuccas. a Light appear'd from Heaven discovering the ways of Life, arm'd against the innocent Christians a Pagan thereabouts call'd Tolon, who had usurp't the Island of Moro. He with in­fernal Zeal began to persecute the new Converts, forcing them by new Torments to turn Renegados from that Faith they had profest; for which, many chose to shed their Blood in a happy Martyrdome, others of weaker Faith yielded to the Torments. The Tyrants boldness encreasing to the Affronting of our Arms, oblig'd 'em out of obedience to the Faith, and for the service of the State, to Chastise that Idolater. The persecuted, and fearfull, came with complaints to the Portuguese, in Ternate, who resolving to bring down the Infidel, with more zeal then strength went to find him out at his own Home. Their motion could not be so secret, but the Tyrant had notice of it; who, by fortifying the entrance of the Island with Trenches and strong Barricados, provided for his Defence; and in case our men should get those, he had strew'd Splinters and long poyson'd Crows-feet in all the Avenues which led to the City, o're which, whilst ours in the heat of Anger, and Victory, past, they must necessarily lose themselves. It hapned, that after winning the first Stacade, (which the Infidels probably quitted without any hot dispute, in confidence of their second Strata­gem) whilst ours, baited with the flight of the Enemy, were incautelously passing on, there fell on a suddain, (a thing miraculous) such a quantity of Ashes from the Sky as made ours stop, till, after the Air was clear'd, they pursu'd their Victory over the Crows-feet, where the Ashes had made the way hard and sure; so the astonish't Infidels afterwards related it, making use of the Miracle, for an argument of the truth of that Do­ctrine they persecuted.

72. Thus did Asia yield to the Faith and the State in the time of Dom Iohn de Castro, who had in one hand [Page 52] the Gospel, in the other a Sword, and fill'd the East with the discourse of so great an Action, as was, the Volun­tary undergoing a Warr for the defence of Meale, a persecuted Moor, whose Subjects had refus'd him their Obedience, and the Princes his Allies their Prote­ction.

73. Asia gave him but little time of rest in the Tri­umphs of his Victories, Cambaya beginning immediately to rouse him with the Alarums of a new Warr; the noise of it was already in the States intelligence; but being the most notable piece of our History, we will relate it in a Book apart.

The Second Book.

THE Portuguese were more fear'd, then lov'd by the Princes of Asia, on the Death of Sultan Badur King of Cam­baya, whose private Faults and pub­lick Punishments got him (by the Prerogative of the Blood-Royal) the peoples affection, either out of the natural Commise­ration to Sufferers, or reverence of Majesty, and hatred of our Government, not less abhorr'd as Forein, then Powerfull.

2. Mahumud King of Cambaya, Heir to the Crown and wrongs of Badur, (who Dy'd in the Government of the great Nunho de Cunha) equally fir'd with glory,The King of Cambaya consul [...]s how he may take Dio. and revenge, did (as our Chronicles relate) design to take Dio from the Portuguese; and (by the Confe­deracy of other Princes) to drive 'em out of India, an undertaking, (as some of his own were of opinion) not very difficult; their Arguments were, that the State was a monstrous Body, whose Head being in the West, fed the Members so infinitely distant from it, by the interposition of so much Sea, and Land; that Cambaya's strength was so great, that as well by its Ruine, as Victories, it could crush the State, already [Page 54] weakned with so many accidents. The great Ones, and Nobility of the Kingdome, were divided in their Opinions; some, arguing from the first Siege, (their VVounds at it, and Memory of it, being yet fresh) thought the Portugueses Arms fatal to Cambaya, and though they took to heart the Death of Badur, yet by others patience in taking Affronts, did they excuse their own; they tax'd those, who were the first Authors of making peace with the State, and those who now would have it broken; the last, because they kept not their Faith; the first, because they were not sensible enough of injuries. Others, (as when things are uncertain, it frequently falls out) discours'd to the contrary; and found as many arguments for Warr, as Victory.

3. Amongst all the rest,Is perswa­ded by Coge-Sofar. the most Power­full and Obnoxious man of Cambaya, and who had got the best share in the King's favour, with a great deal of Caution spurr'd on the Warr, believing, the Heart-burnings which were against his Fortune, and the Envy of the great Ones, would, being the fruits of Peace, cease in the common danger; and by his Command and Power in the Warr, he should preferr others, who being his own Creatures would be true to him; I'l give a short relation of the man, because his name will often occurr in his History.

4. Coge-Sofar was by Nation an Albanese, and the Child of Catholick Parents,What Coge-Sofar was. though the Fruit degene­rated from the Stock. He had serv'd some time in the Warrs of Italy, more taken notice of for a brave, then a Souldier; in all Mutinies and Tumults, pick't out as the worst; for some years he led this loose Life, with­out, either reward, or punishment; untill, like a rest­less man, who had rather seek then expect his Fortune, he chang'd his Profession; of a Souldier becoming a Merchant, for being Cunning and Covertous, this was the nearest and surest way to what he aim'd. He begun in a little time, (knowing the opportunity and seasons of Commerce) to grow great by his business, being at [Page 55] once Liberal, and Covetous, for his own ends cunningly making use of both Vice and Vertue. His Stock and Credit was at last so considerable, as Trading up and down the Streights, with three small Vessels of his own, of different Lading, he was met with by Rox Solyman, Admiral for the Soldan of Cairo, who Boarded him, made him yield, and took what he had. The Prize was greater then the Victory, and Solyman for the credit of his own reputation, treated him Honourably, presen­ting him to the Soldan as a Prisoner of Quality, valuing more his Person then his Booty. Coge-Sofar began to be as content with his misfortune, as if it had been of his own seeking; He was experienc't Souldier enough by his Service in the Armies in Italy and Flanders; He spoke of the Forces of the Christians with malice and undervaluing, as if intending to teach the Soldan to know his own strength. The Soldan was by these Arti­ [...]ices brought to look on the Slave as capable of great things, and begun first out of curiosity to listen to him; afterwards out of affection. Coge-Sofar with so sly a flattery commended what ere he did, well, or ill, as it past but for freedome, because making a shew to be only zealous, not acceptable, he kept to himself, the Soldan's favour, and avoided all publick honours more out of cautiousness then modesty. He came to be Treasurer of Cairo, a place of very great trust, which he manag'd with prudence, and fidelity, Vertues so pris'd by the Soldan, as if not till then known amongst the Infidels. At the Councels of Warr his Vote weigh'd most, sometimes for his experience, sometimes for the reason of it; in all designs against the Christians, par­ticularly in those which were to be carry'd on by others, He declar'd his sence with a great deal of confidence, and by this means grew so great that he could not bear his own Fortune, till, not minding the preserving him­self by the same Arts he was advanc't, his Ambition and Pride burst forth; He possest what places he could, and more sollicitously look't after Preferments then Friends, [Page 56] whose help or company he now Valew'd not, he desir'd to be known, only for the Soldan's Slave, and for Master of the rest. He plotted the Destruction of the great Ones on publick pretensions, as if he aim'd that two only were to Govern, till the Moors, wearied of so base a patience, began publickly to complain and disturb the Soldan's inclinations to favour Coge-Sofar, they very feelingly acquainted him with their grievances, saying, they might now be very well excus'd from set­ting out Galleys against the Christians, if their Slaves were to be made their Master, when Turks of the best quality were by the Christians so cruelly us'd, as to go up and down Italy and Spain dragging their Chains after 'em, and had their Faces stigmatis'd with infa­mous Letters, in token of their Captivity, that 'twas not to be born for so many great Bashaws to receive Laws from a despicable Slave; that, though every day they with their eyes saw their own Outrages, they could not disgest those which were offered to their Prophet, by a vile, irreverent and haughty Christian, not so much as going into their Mosques; that now nothing more was to be done then the setting up Crosses in the streets of Cairo, and commanding 'em to be ador'd.

5. These things were said with so much freedome, as they look't more like conspiracy then complaint, and with particular grievances involving the cause of Reli­gion, (which ordinarily carries with it, its own Justi­fication, and the affections of the People) were wil­lingly listned to by the Soldan, who put Coge Sofar out of his Office, with command to change his Religion; so frail do even the greatest Favourites find their Princes favour.

6. Coge-Sofar seeing himself falln, put on again his first Humility, and those Artifices the necessity of the times taught him, and having now only the name and memory of a Christian, easily chang'd, for the Poyson of the Alcoran, Evangelical Salvation, quitting the name given him in Baptism for that of Coge-Sofar, by which [Page 57] we before hand call'd him, not knowing the first he had▪ Coge-Sofar being a Mahomitan, began to winn upon the Moors in their confidence in him; healing by gifts the hatred of those who envy'd him; by his new Apostacy, (by which he Cancel'd the suspition of his fidelity) the malice of the people; carrying on his designs with a more sly ambition, which made him more affable to his Enemies then to Strangers; but knowing the Soldan's Fickleness,How he come to Cambaya. fearing too a second complaint, not reckon­ing on reconcil'd favour as secure, He treacherously one night Kill'd his mortal enemy Rox Solyman and his Son, and putting together all the Jewels and Money he could, went away secretly for the Service of the King of Cambaya, of whose Grandeur and Liberality he had had full information, and how he valew'd Strangers, those especially who had any experience in the Warrs and Policy of Europe; the success answered his fore­cast, for in a little time, either by his Fortune or Indu­dustry, he came almost to engross Badur's favour, being his Companion in his Victories and Losses, being in the last which befell him at his Death. So that now grown by the King's bounty, to be in Power and Authority the greatest Subject, holding also with Mahumed Heir of the Crown the same repute, for the reasons we have already related, and to deserve the favour of the new Prince, by the love and fidelity he shew'd to the Ashes of him who was Dead, he urg'd him to revenge Badur's Death; 'tis reported, that he spoke to this purpose be­fore the King and Nobility of Cambaya.

7. ‘The favours which for ten years I receiv'd of Sultan Badur (for which those abroad admired his Grandeur, those at home envy'd my Fortune) are known to every one. He cast his Eyes upon me, and like a Vapour rais'd me from the ground, preferring me, a Stranger, and a Vagabond, before those who were born in his Palace; of a Subject he treated me like a Friend, and lov'd me as a Son. From this most Gracious Prince, (whose Ashes I reverence as my Lords, [Page 58] and weep o're as my Fathers) have the Portuguese under the sacred shew of peace ta'ne away his Life, to the great Scandal of all other Kings, and no less Outrage of his Subjects, unworthy to have been so, to so mighty a Prince, since we so insensibly and un­gratefully behave our selves; Feeding at our own home the Murderers of our Monarck, who enjoy, as Inheritance, a place, which by so hainous an offence they made their own, lately Strangers, now Patrons. You! Oh Prince, Heir and Lord of this Empire, see your Subjects every day receive Laws from these In­sulters, 'tis for you to decide, whom we are first to Obey, our King, or our Enemies; their boldness will grow greater by our patience, after committing the foulest fault, what will they count little? where no Vengeance is ta'ne on injuries, who will stick to be the Offendor? Lets at last awake out of this so mor­tal a Lethargy. Lets put our Arms up to the Elbows in the Blood of these so unhuman Usurpers. Lets bathe our Semitars in this Poison, that with their Lives they may lose the glory of their so great boast­ings. The Portugall Arms by the Blood of Badur, receiv'd the greatest repute, by the foulest crime, and we suffer that Sword in their hands still, which cut off our King, that with the same, they may usurp his Kingdme; Lets cast from amongst us those Vipers bred furthest West for the infecting all Asia, as will be evident by running over their Outrages, by them call [...]d Victories. And to begin with the first of them,The Portuguese, having, with infinite dan­ger, difficulty and expence employ'd 75 years in discovering the Western Coast of A­frica, Bar­tholomew Diaz in the year 1486. and in the Reign of King Iohn the second, discovered the Cape of Good Hope, (so call'd by the King af­ter the re­turn of the Fleet, from the hopes he had after that to discover the Indies so long de­sign'd; but by Diaz at first nam'd Capo Tor­mentoso, from the Storms and foul Wea­ther he met with there) K. Emanuel (who succeeded King Iohn) in the year 1497. sent Vasco de Gama with a Fleet to the Indies, who past the Cape, and Sailing by the Island of Mocambique, the Kingdome of Quiloa, Mombaca, and Melinde, doubling the Cape Guardafu, (at the mouth of the Red-Sea, and Cape Rasalgate, at the Persian Gulf) arriv'd at Calecut the chief City of Malabar, Camoens, Cant. 1. St. 12. of his Lusiade, says of him, Do [...]vos tambem aquelle illustre Gama Que para sy de Eneas toma à fama. The illustrious Gama in the rear I name, Who robb'd the wandring Trojan of his Fame. So rendred by the Right Honourable Sir Richard Fanshaw, (Embassadour to Portugall) in his excellent Translation of that Poem. Gama, (to whom, for the disturbing the [Page 59] peace of the East, the Seas gave so fatal a passage) the Samorim of Calecut was the first his Sword cut off; the Fleet of Meca, which under the protection of our Prophet, and the peace they enjoy'd by Sea, Sail'd securely, was by this successfull Rover set upon, and made to yield, who for so many years like a Sea-Mon­ster had for his House the Waters, and for his shelter the Winds, and Tempests. After him cameDom Francisco de Almeyda went (with a great Fleet, and the first Title of Vice-Roy,) to the Indies in the year 1505. April 6. His Son Dom Lourenco D' Almeyda obtain'd against the Samorim of Calecut in [...]ight of Cananor an eminent Victory on the 26, of March 1506. The King of Calecut's Armado consisted of 208 Sail, 84 great Ships, and 124 others Vessels (by 'em call'd Paraos) on which were vast numbers of Moors and Naires; The Portuguese had but eleven Sail, and on 'em 800 men, with whom they De­stroyed the whole Fleet, w [...]ich was well furnisht with Artillery. See the relation of this Fight, History of India, Dec. 1. Lib. 19. Cap. 4. The Samorim to revenge this loss, sent to the Soldan of Egypt, and the King of Cambaya to assist him against the Portuguese, and joyn'd with their Fleets, set upon Dom Lourenco's in the River of Chaul, who (after his Ships striking and springing a Leak) was Kill'd by a Canon shot, History of India, Dec. 2. Cap. 8. Campens Can. 10. St. 29, 30. Dom Francisco de Almeyda, who, in one day, and with the same stroke shatter'd the Fleets of Egypt and Cambaya, who so behav'd himself, as if inEys vem ò pay com Animo estupendoTrazendo furia, & magoa per antolhosCom que ò paterno amor lhe est a movendoFogo no coracaon, aqua nos olhosA nobre ira lhe vinha promettendoQue o sanque farā dar pelos giolhosNas inimigas naos: Sentiloha ò NiloPodelo ha ò Indo ver, & ò Gange ouvilo. Camo. Can. 10. St. 33. Behold! the Father comes a Mad man like,In whom for Mastry, grief with fury strives,Whilst at one time paternal Love doth strikeFire on his heart, pumps water from his Eyes.A noble anger whispers him, his PikeShall blood his Foes so that the Tide shall riseIn their drown'd Decks Knee-deep; Nilus shall bear,Indus shall see his blows, and Ganges hear. Sir Richard Fanshaw's Translation. Vengeance of his Son's Death, he would have drunk up the Blood of the whole East, ifDom Affonso D' Albuquerque went from Lisbone for the Indies, was Commander of a Squadron design'd for the Coast of Arabia. See his taking Malaca, History of India, Dec. 2. Lib. 5. Cap. 9. His reducing Ormus, see History of India, Dec. 2. Lib. 10. Cap. 3. How he got Goa, see History of India, Dec. 2. Lib. 5. Cap. 3. Albuquerque who succeeded [Page 60] him in his Cruelty,See Camo­ens Can. 10. Sta. 40, 41, 42, 43. and Government, had not tane the Sword out of his Hands; this Man was Born to affront all our Monarchies, for by Conquering Malaca he Curb'd all the South-Seas; he reduc't Ormus the Mart of all the Riches of the World;See Iohn de Barro's Dec. 2. Lib. 6. Cap. 5. took Goa from the Sabayo to make that the seat of his usurpt Em­pire, and without the Armies of Xerxes or Darius, made Tributary more Kingdoms then he had Soul­diers; He was puft up with the thoughts of taking the Body of our Prophet from Meca, debated the changing the course of Nilus to drown Egypt, un­dertaking out of his ambition the doing two such notorious Outrages, one against Heaven, the other against Nature. I will not go about to relate the ambition of so many, as by our wrongs have grown famous, because I fear neither my time or memory will allow it, do but look with your sight or judg­ment on the remotest parts of the East, and you'l see so inconsiderable a Power giving Laws to the greatest part of the World; they Sail'd from that part of Africa which runs along from the Cape of Good Hope to the Streights mouth of the Red-Sea, possessing on that shore Mocambique, Sofala, Quiloa, and Mombaca, and passing the Cape of Guardafu, looking into the mouth of the Red-Sea, go in sight of Adem, Xael, Herit, Caxem. The Cities of Dofar and Norbete on the Cape of Fartaque, first dreaded their Fleets, after­wards, Curia, Muria, Rozalgate; here lies the City of Ormus, not farr off the Island of Quexiome, Curiate, Calayate, Mascate, Orfacaon, and Lima; then they come to the Capes of Mocandoon, and Iasque, which form the mouth of the Persian Gulph, which reach­eth to the River Indus; next pass by the Cape of Gu­zarate, and Cinde, in our Cambaya, whence as farr as Cape Comori their Fleets sail all along India, for the space of three hundred Leagues, beginning from our City of Cambaya, they rove by Madigaon, Gandar, Baroche, Surrat, Reyner, Moscarin, Damaon, Taraper, [Page 61] Bacaim, Chaul, Bandor, Cifardaon, Galanci, Dabul, Cor­tapor, Corepataon, Tamega, Banda, Chapora; they first got Goa the residence of their Governours, now they have the Coast of Canara, with Onor, Baticala, Bra­calor, Bracano, and Mangalor; then got they that Chief part of Malabar, which their Fleets allarm, where is the Kingdome of Cananor, and in that Cate­coulaon, Marabia, Tramapataon, Maim, Parepataon; with no less insulting they keep in awe the Empire of Calecut, with its Havens of Pandarane, Coulate, Chare, Capocate, Parangale, Tanor, Panane, Balcancor, and Chatua. In the Kingdom of Cananor, and Cochim, they Domineer without Controul, in Porca, Coulaon, Cale­coulaon, Dotora, Birinjaon, Travancor. The dread of their Arms reacheth as farr as the famous Cape Comori, before which lies the renown'd Island of Ceilaon, where they lade their Ships with sundry sorts of Druggs. The Bay of Bengala, or Mouth of the Ganges, doth not scape them, where they are in sight of Tacancuri, Manapar, Vaipar, Calegrande, Chercapale, Tutucuri, Calecarem, Beadala, Canhamorra; they o're run Negapataon, Nahor, Triminipataon, Tragumbar, Co­loraon, Calapate, Sadrapataon; They scare with the quantity and bigness of their Vessels Biznaga, and the stormy Coast of Orixa, and all that distance which lies from Segopora, to Oristaon, and the mouth of Ganges; they Sail by the Cape of Negraes, Arra­caon, and Pegu, with those so many and so famous I­slands; they go along by Vagatu, Martavaon, Tagala, and Favay, Tanacari, Lungur, Tairaon, Queda, Solungor, going as farr as their Malaca, which commands all that Archipelago, after that, doubling the Cape of Sinca­pura, they come to an Anchor in the Ports of the Kingdoms of Syaon, Camboya, Champa, and Cochin­china, and going as farr as the Kingdoms of China, venture to look upon that so reserv'd Empire, which never admitted of a Trade with Strangers; there they Built the famous City of Macao, whence they in­still [Page 62] the Mysteries of their Faith into the Chinese, making their Trade a step to their Religion; from hence they Rove amongst the numberless Islands of Iapaon, visiting Tava, Timor, Borneo, Banda, Maluco, and Lequios, so as the Portuguese Ships with a rest­less Sailing Coast the greatest part of the World for the space of more then nine thousand Leagues, to so difficult a Voyage animated by their Ambition, and guided by their Fortune. I have tediously run o're all the Coast of Asia, where by the influence of Power or Trade the Portuguese Arms have made them­selves known, because the World doth, from such scattered Conquests, falsly conclude their Power, and I their Weakness; for Portugall, being a small King­dome furthest West, and in continual Warr with their Neighbour Africa, where they consume themselves both by what they Winn or Lose, their Fights, and Garrisons being always an expence of men, not being able to stay where they were Born, in hatred of the Soil and Clime which gave them a beeing, they go Roving up and down the World, as if Men, Land and Winds were theirs; I now leave it to the judge­ment of the most ordinary understanding, how little so divided a strength is to be fear'd, which in their Prosperity will be spent by their Victories; what cause have we to dread the Government of these Mad men, who with one Arm in Asia, and the other in the West, strive to grasp the World? they have in India many Princes under 'em, but not one Friend, they all adore and hate their Rulers, because the Portuguese made peace with none but after Victories, and Out­rages, so as not their affections, but their wrongs unite 'em, and they all do Homage while they can­not offend. But what will it be when they shall see Soltan Mahamud take the Field with an Army? what doubt is there but that all the Injur'd will be our Souldiers? by force of Arms they have made many Kings Tributary, and supposing they now are Pro­tected [Page 63] by them, a good turn is sooner forgot then an injury. The Grand Signor Selim, sees the Wounds his Ianizaries receiv'd at Dio, yet gaping, and one so little us'd to receive affronts will not let slip the op­portunity of revenging the first, by beginning the Warr, or seconding you in it, who is ambitious also of having the greatest part of the World under his Empire. The Samorim hath not one Port, which since the Portuguese came into the East, hath not been the Theatre of their Victories, and scarce hath he one Subject who hath not been wounded by their Swords. Hidalcaon sees every day his Territories of Bardez and Salsete running with Blood, and when the Governour made an unjust Warr against him, he brought Meale to Goa to countenance, by his pretended justice to an another, the ruining him; all the other Princes will take Arms against the common Enemy, that they may enjoy the antient Liberty they liv'd in. For my part I offer my Children, my Estate, and my Person towards this VVarr; if I fall in it, Badur by my Blood shall see my Loyalty, and be the success good or bad, I shall not count Death less Honourable, then Victory.’

8. Coge-Sofar's Arguments were, for the Odiousness of the cause,The Soldan approves them, and commits the design to him. and the Authority of his Person, well ap­prov'd of; The King, after magnifying his Loyalty, commits to him (as to one who out-went all the rest in his Zeal, and Conduct) the design: He immediately quickens the preparations by diverse messages to the Neighbouring Kings, putting them in mind of the Af­fronts had been put upon 'em, and offering them his Princes arms in favour of their grievances. He dispach't Embassadours to Constantinople, inviting the Turk to redeem the credit of his Arms by beating the Portuguese out of India, a thing which as much concern'd their Religion, as Policy; He made way for the Succour he ask't of him, with a present of so great Value, as 'twas more likely to stirr up the Turks ambition against his [Page 64] Riches, then that he should send him Auxiliary Forces to maintain 'em.

9. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas was then Commander in chief in Dio, Dom Ioh Mascarenhas Comman [...] in Dio. great by his Birth in Portugall, by his Vir­tue, in the East, a man who deserv'd as well from his Fame, as Fortune▪ He, by private intelligence know­ing Coge-Sofar's designs, a [...]d that all his preparations threatned that Fortress, writ what advise he had to Dom Iohn de Castro, and that he wanted Men, Ammunition, and other necessaries; neglects which so many years Peace wink't at;He adviseth the Gover­nour, or, 'twas perhaps, that our men thought themselves secure, by the reputation of the former Victory; he added too, that the Soldan [...]s Levies were very forward, and the Enemy near, and that Win­ter would shortly come, which would shut out all Relief.

10. When Dom Iohn de Castro receiv'd this advise, he had already sent two hundred Souldiers to the For­tress, under the Commands of Dom Iohn, History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 1. Cap. 6. and Dom Pedro de Almeyda, Sons to Dom Lopo de Almeyda; the other Commanders were Gil Coutinho, and Luis de Sousa Son to the High Chancellor of the Kingdome. And that he might know the condition of the Enemy, He dspatch't two Envoys,Who writes to the Sol­dan. (experienc't in the Coast and In-land of Cambaya) with Letters to Soldan Mahamud, in which he told him the advice he had, of the Levies, and preparations he had made, of which, he hop't, for an account from him, because like a Friend he would accompany him in his design, which he could at present very easily do, having ready at Sea a very strong Fleet, and in the Fortress of Dio stout Souldiers with an Over­plus of Provision, who had much rather enrich them­selves with the spoils of VVarr, then be at the pittance of an idle Peace; He charg'd too those he sent cun­ningly to observe the Enemies Forces, what Auxiliaries he had, and what the people said, that so by that, they might Dive into the bottom of the design. But whilst our Envoys are setting Sail, we will forbear speaking [Page 65] about the business of Cambaya, to make room for the successes in the Molucco's, which depend on this Govern­ment.

11. The Molucco's were many years under the obe­dience of our Laws, Discovered and Conquer'd by the Arms of this Crown, which were the first of Europe came to those Islands, assign'd to us by the partition the Pope made 'twixt the Kings of Portugall and Castile; the King Dom Manoel, had on his side the right of Arms and Laws;The Kings of Portu­gall's right over the Molucco's. these Islands not coming to Portugall by Conquest only, but by Inheritance. In the time of the King Dom Manoel, the last and first of the Name, the Church and State equally flourish't in those Islands, the light of the Gospel, in the ecclipse of Paganism, shi­ning there through his Zeal; many Kingdoms receiv'd from this so happy Prince their Religion and Govern­ment. This King Dom Manoel, History of India, Dec. 5. Cap. 10. Lib. 10. (Baptiz [...]d in Goa) was amongst others King and Lord of the chief Islands of the Molucco's, who well grounded in the Mysteries of our Faith, returning to Govern and Instruct his people, Dy'd without any Heir, in Molucco; and out of Gratitude, for the benefits receiv'd of this Crown, left, by Solemn will, (Confirm'd by all the Formalities of the Law) the King Dom Iohn the third, Heir of the King­doms of the Molucco's, to be successively annex't to the Crown of Portugall. These Islands first discovered with Pains, defended with our Blood, and possest with so much Right, have we seen parted with (against the opinion of the best Lawyers and Geographers) to Ca­stile.

12. The Governour Dom Iohn de Castro found in Goa Cachil de Aeyro, The Gover­nour gives 'em to Ca­chil Aeyro. one of great Power in the Molucco's; who had for his Service deserv'd well of the State, and was the nearest Ally'd to the Royal blood of the last Prince Dom Manoel, but, by many accidents so poor, as he came to India to recommend himself to our Cha­rity. The Governour, thinking his misfortunes not deserv'd by his Blood, (believing too that the memory [Page 66] of our Kings would be more honour'd by giving away,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 1. Cap. 4. then receiving a Kingdome) invested him in the Crown of the Molucco's, with this caution, that in him, and his Posterity, the exercise of the Regality should depend on Portugall. Amongst the Kings of India, some, made so great a gift a piece of Prodigality, others of Pride, but all stood amaz'd that we should take so much pains for what we gave away so easily.

13. Whilst this was doing, things in the Molucco's, were not a little disturb'd,The Casti­lians come thither. by the arrival of three Casti­lian Ships, which, falling from their intended course, got sight of those Islands, and, (to refresh themselves after a Storm at Sea, and carry their Prince more certainty of their discovery) Landed in the Island Tidore; I will not relate the Resistance our men made 'em, because that hapned under an other Government, and is Writ­ten by a better Pen; I'le but just tell what fell out in Dom Iohn de Castro's time, who sent Fernaon de Sousa de Tavora to the Molucco's to dislodge the Castilians, who, invited by the Plenty and Richness of the Soil, had a mind to enjoy the Fruits of other mens Labours, and disturb the Peace, and Trade of those Islands, to which, by Conquest and Inheritance, we had a double Title.Who was their Com­mander. Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, a man more wary then Valiant was Commander of the Castilians, he had proudly boasted of the strength of the Emperour Charls the Fifth his Master, and, of the advantage, which from his Friendship those Pagan Kings might receive in their Warrs and Trade, had too handled the report of us with a great deal of Disparagement; and, (things hop't for, being in the opinion of men, greater then those at present) some of the Islands listned to the Castilian, pleading for it, either sleight or forgotten Grievances.

14. Fernaon de Sousa, Fernaon de Sousa arrives at Molucco. sent by the Governour, arriv'd about this time at Molucco, who upon information, how things stood, by Iurdaon de Freitas, (Commander in chief of the Fortress) perceiv'd the Castilians party grew [Page 67] greater, in hopes of Succour and Money promis'd from Spain; As soon as Ruy Lopez had notice of Fer­naon de Sousa's coming, and of the business he came about (desiring artificially to excuse or delay break­ing with us, till the assistance he hop't for, came from Spain) he sent to Visit him,The Casti­lian goes about to amuse him. and by a plausible Letter, minded him, that they were amongst Pagans, who, that they might be their own Masters, Coveted our falling out; that we already had Warrs, and Enemies enough in India; that we were very few to plant so great a World; that he profer'd us his Sword, with that to keep the Pagans more in awe; that, as Spaniards they were good Souldiers, and as Catholicks they were better Friends; that he was to consider, Peace with the Em­perour more concern'd Portugall then the Cloves of the Malucco; that those differences betwixt the Subjects, might prove like Mines, which often play a great way off the place they were Sprung at.

15. To this Letter, compos'd of Rodomontados and Flatteries,Fernaon de Sousa's an­swer. Fernaon de Sousa's answer was, that he was but a little man, but as short in his Resolution as his Stature; that those Islands were his Masters the King of Portugall; that he was able with the same Sword which got 'em to defend 'em; that he very well knew him to be a Spaniard, and a Catholick, but that being so, did not warrant him to take away his Cloak; that the Emperour would not make Warr with Portugall before first reading in the Chronicles of Castile, how it far'd with his Predecessors; that what he was to do, was, ei­ther to embarque for India, or put himself with his men into the Fort, thence he would provide him with safe Shipping for Spain.

16. The Castilian, The Casti­lian conti­nues his first motion. by this so peremptory Letter, saw that Fernaon de Sousa would not by slow-working Phy­sick Cure the distemper, and, neither able to resist him, nor willing to obey him, writ to him the second time, for a suspension of Arms, that they might advise their Princes how things stood, and they make an accom­modement [Page 68] of this affair; for, if before employing that diligence there should be any Blood shed, it would lye upon both the Kings to revenge their Subjects injuries; that there were betwixt Portugall and Castile many pre­tences and grievances which Peace cover'd; that he was not desirous to revive that Fire which was Buried in the Ashes of a long Amnesty; that if the Castilians went away with complaints in their Mouths, their own injuries might easily bring them back again; that, though broken with the Sea, and their Sufferings, if oblig'd to unreasonable conditions, their own Gallan­try would inspirit 'em, with more vigor then their pre­sent necessity.

17. Fernaon de Sousa, by the intrigues of this Letter, and other intelligence, knowing, that the Castilians aim [...]d at doing their business by delays; answer'd, that leaving off Arguments he should prepare to defend his right by the Sword.

18. Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, by this answer finding himself,The Cap­tains see one the other. either detected or scorn'd, chose rather to be overcome by reason, then force, and immediately writ to Fernaon de Sousa that the next day, only with three Companions they might meet at Sea, to conclude on the terms of Passage and Shipping he had proffer'd, which was accordingly done, Fernaon de Sousa coming from the Fort in a Boat very richly adorn'd, and steer­ing to the Castilians, who staid for him, they spent a great deal of time in the tedious Ceremonies of con­cluding who was to go into the others Boat; the Castilian went into Fernaon de Sousa's, where their Sa­lutes and Civilities made way for the business in hand.

19. Fernaon de Sousa with a great deal of moderation insisted on the reasons of his pretensions,Their agree­ment. which were engrost and allow'd of, by the Kings of Portugall and Castile, See the Copy of this agreement, History of India, Dec. 4. Cap. 1. Lib. 7. and which Ruy Lopez de Villalobos was glad to see, our right being his discharge; they concluded, that within three days the Castilians should come into our Fortress of Ternate, where passage should be provided [Page 69] 'em for India, with liberty to carry away the Goods, Commodities, and Arms they had, and that the King of [...]idore, of their Faction, should continue as before in our favour; the Solemnities which ended this agreement were a great Banquet, and merrily Drinking their Kings healths, a civility they often afforded 'em; Fernaon de Sousa (as the custom is in India) added presents to the entertainment, giving Jewels to the Captain and his Companions, so leaving 'em more satisfy'd with their Merchandize, then dispatch, for the pleasantness of the Cloves made up the Disgusts of their recep­tion.

20 Fernaon de Sousa, The Casti­lian keeps [...]ot his pro­mise, having sent away the Captains, return'd to the Fort, very well satisfy'd that he had so much, to the advantage of his own Honour, and the State, plaind so perplext a business; on the third day, (the day appointed for the Castilians to come to our Fort) Fernaon de Sousa made all the Pompous prepa­rations he could, to shew the Pleasure with which he expected his Guests, whom he went out to Sea to seek, which when Ruy Lopez was advis'd of, he sent off a Boat from shore, desiring him to put off the business till the next day, for he was then encountring with some difficulties, which from him he should be acquainted with.What Fer­naon de Sousa doth in the business. Fernaon de Sousa, taking this delay to be design, and that the Castilian kept not touch with him, and receiving the message at Sea, commanded his men to Row, and with more passion then prudence went alone amongst the Castilians; Ruy de Lopez saw it, and with a Guard of fourscore Musquetiers came to wait for him at the Sea-side, whence carrying him to his Lodgings, told him what a Tumult had hapned amongst his men, for Dom Alonso Henriquez, Captain of a Ship, cloaking his own interest with the zeal of serving his Prince, refus'd to stand to the agreement, and had about him (who upheld his party) his Friends and some muti­nous Persons, possessing the King of Tidore and others with extravagant Jealousies thereby to encrease his [Page 70] Faction, calling his Sedition, Zeal, and the Generals moderation, Cowardise, for delivering up the Arms and Banners of Spain, which with his Life he had sworn to Defend, and depriving the Emperour of the Com­mand of such plentifull Islands, and the poor Souldiers of the fruit and reward of so dangerous a Voyage; that the Portuguese, a proud Nation, and always Cross to theirs, would Laugh at our so tame a surrender: But that he knew all that bravery to be falsly grounded, for 'twas neither the service of Cesar, nor the love of Ho­nour, which mov'd 'em, but the desire of the Cloves, of which they had gather'd great quantities, and could not trust us, that we would let 'em carry to Spain the news of that Commodity, whose worth would pay 'em for all the dangers and troubles they had run through; Fernaon de Sousa and the rest, (who said as he did) hearing this, as to that particular, took off their fears, and (the Castilians gallantry only covering their inte­rest) the next day they rendred themselves at the Fort, forgetting the high words in which they had Ranted.

21. But the noise of Cambaya's Arms allows not a Digression for less concernments,Coge-Sofar's proposition to the Cap­tain of Dio. Coge-Sofar did abso­lutely superintend this Warr, the good Event of which he laid partly in his Forces, partly in his Stratagems. Whilst he brought together his Baggage and supplies, (which for their greatness required several opportu­nities) he writ to Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, that he was desirous to take away that Scandal which disquieted the Peace made betwixt the Soltan and the State, that with mutual Friendship they might enjoy the Fruits of so just an agreement;History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 1. Cap. 2. that we had, by the Articles, a­greed a Wall should be made 'twixt the Fortress and the City, which was then not done, not to shew any Jealousie in so young a friendship, but now, when so many years Peace had carry'd away any unjust affe­ction, 'twas fit to satisfie the people who desir'd that separation, as a mark of the Liberty they liv'd in; that when on that side we sleighted the Wall of the City, [Page 71] 'twas out of Anger, and the liberty of Victory, and the Inhabitants could not endure to be every day minded of their Ignominy by so scornfull a Memorial; that when no Symptoms of hatred were in their minds, 'twas not well to preserve them in scattered stones; that we being but strangers in Dio, 'twas not for us to give Laws like Masters; that the Citizens would take it very ill that what their Kings allow'd 'em, their Neighbours should take away; that we ought from others Subjects to seek for Friendship, not Obedience; that the Sultan had given him that City, which he resolv'd to enlarge with new Inhabitants, who should see that Fortress was not a Bridle, but a Defence to those who Liv'd there; that 'twas but fit the Portuguese should give the people all possible satisfaction to secure a Peace founded on oppression.

22. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas by this Letter perceiv'd that Coge-Sofar sought for pretences to break, for, to permit the Building of the Wall, help't his design; to deny it, justify'd the Warr; whereupon he answered him,The Cap­tains an­swer, that in so well grounded a Peace as was 'twixt Mahumud and the State, 'twould be more secure to throw down, then go about to build up Walls; that the Wall would neither endanger us nor secure them; that 'twixt the Fortress and the City there was an other manner of defence which Guarded it, which was the Loyalty of the Portuguese; that he gave him joy of his new Seigniory, that he might reckon on the Por­tuguese as of his other Subjects; that what he pro­pos'd was to be referr'd to the Governour of India, who was setting out a Fleet to come and Visit the Fortress; that upon his arrival he would acquaint him with his proposition; and immediately advis'd the Governour how things stood,and advice to the Go­vernour, who by the Envoys he sent to Cambaya had already a more perfect knowledge of the intended Siege, receiving but a dubious answer from the Soldan, who neither own'd, nor deny'd the Action, unseasonably repeating past offences, as if [Page 72] (without disturbing the Peace) he would commence a Warr.

23. The Governour,Who suc­c [...] Dio with Men and Ammu­nition. giving himself wholly up to this business, and considering the importance of the place, resolv'd for its defence to engage all the strength of the State, without sparing expence, danger, or dili­gence. He very feelingly recommended the succour of Dio to the Cities of Bacaim and Chaul, which were the nearest to him, putting them in mind of their Honour, Reward, and Duty; in Goa he ordered the providing a great Carvel with Ammunition and Provision, and two hundred and fifty Souldiers, who finding the Seas high, with a great deal of difficulty recovered Bacaim, and striving to cross over to Dio, were by strong and con­trary Winds shattered and forc't back.

24. Coge-Sofar not having his Forces together,The T [...] ­chery Coge-Sofar set upon. set upon us by other ways. With large gifts, and greater promises, he bought out the fidelity of one of our Souldiers, that in the dead of the Night he should either fire the Powder, or poyson the Cistern, or if he could not compass either of those designs, he should endeavour, through the House in which he Liv'd (fit for that mischief by its joyning to the VVall) to let the Moors into the Fort.History of India, Cap. 6. Lib. 1. Dec. 6. The Souldier being timorous, or irresolv'd, acquainted an intimate of his (a Moor) with the business, who (the reward for discovering Treasons being surer then for Executing 'em) told it to the Commander in chief, he having, by two other hands had it, and considering how foul the fault was for the example of it, and not sufficiently prov'd for the punishing it, that the Offence deserv'd not pardon, nor the Conjuncture allow'd not the punishment, sent away the Souldier with Letters to the Governour, ac­quainting him with what proofs he had of the suspected Treason.

25. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas making sure of a Warr,What pre­ventions Dom Iohn Mascarenhas made. gave order (whilst a pretended Peace gave Colour to a Trade) to buy up what Provisions were in the City, [Page] [Page]


[Page] [Page 73] a care which for some time kept off, or reliev'd their Starving; for the security of commerce was soon al­tered, by a Captains coming into the City with five hundred Turks, more to dispose, then make a Warr. He brought fresh Letters for the Commander from Coge-Sofar, in which both warily and earnestly, he prest the making up of the Wall; Dom Iohn Mascarenhas would not now return any answer to 'em, telling the Turk, the Portuguese granted no Petitions, which were writ by men with Musquets on their Shoulders. That day was not the first of Warr, being the last of Peace; for on the next Coge-Sofar entred with eight thousand men to begin the Siege, cutting off from us all succour by Land; what was to be expected by Sea, the storms of Winter began now to hinder; the worst Enemy the Fortress had.Illustre [...]em [...] & batalhas. Fam'd for Sieges and Pitch't fields, Cam. Can 10. Sta. 35. This being the place where the Por­tuguese acted so great wonders, we will in short inform you of its situation.

26. The Island of Dio, renown'd for the Richness of its commerce,The de [...]scrption of Dio. deplorable for the ruine of its Inhabitants, famous for the report of our Victories, lies in a Bay, and on a Point, which bounds the Kingdome of Cambaya, in the heighth of twenty two degrees Northward. The Natives do fabulously speak of the antiquity of its Foundation, allowing it a more noble, then certain be­ginning; keeping the Records in their Traditions for want of writing: The Port was always the chief Scale of the Bay, frequented by Ships which went to Mecca, which Voyage, Religion and Trade make very grate­full to the Moors. The City, is by a Channel which goes about it, divided from the main Land; 'tis by situation strong, and by helping out nature with art, is made more tenable. The Channel which surrounds it, hath two Outlets, one toward the North, which shallow, and full of Sands is of no use; the other to­ward the South inconvenient too for the Cragginess of the Rocks which form it; it hath on the fore-part of the Isle an other Channel where Ships may Anchor, and [Page 74] by this is the best passage to the City. 'Tis not of that figure,The famous Portuguese Historian who hath writ their Voyages to, and Con­quests, in the Indies; of­ten quoted in this Tran­slation. Iohn de Barros describes it of, having been al­tered by the differency of Moors who have possest it, each of them Fortifying it a new way, as they were taught by their judgment or the variety of Times.

27. Coge-Sofar came into the Town with eight thou­sand men, (many of 'em Turks who serv'd him for Pay) sixty great Pieces, ('mongst which were eighteen Basilisks) Ammunition and Provision for his men, as fore-seeing the length of the Siege;Great Canon so call'd. He had too in his Camp a thousand Ianizaries, who had more then ordi­nary Pay; who, out of their Habituated insolence slighted the design, condemning Coge's fear for bringing Forces together, and disturbing the Grand Signior's Arms against four pitifull Christians, defended by a rot­ten Wall, against whom, neither Honour was to be gain'd by Fighting, or Plunder by Conquering. Coge-Sofar neither commended, or condemn'd the Turks courage; but (better taught by his fear, or experi­ence) look't upon the Victory as not so sure; in opening his Trenches, planting his Batteries, forming his Squadrons, he shew'd himself a Souldier; and when he was laid down before the Fortress made this short Speech to the Turks.

28. ‘Friends,Coge-Sofar Speech to his men. and Companions, 'tis not my design to teach you, either to fear or despise those few Por­tuguese, whom you see besieg'd within those Walls; for though Souldiers, yet are they not more then men. Fortune hath hitherto, bore 'em company, or serv'd 'em all over the East; and the Fame of their first Victories hath help't 'em to the rest. VVith a few men they make VVarr upon the whole VVorld; and by the course of things, an Empire (kept up only in the Opinion, or by the weakness of the Conquer'd) cannot last, without Forces; they have scarce five hundred men in the Fortress, most of whom are Gar­rison Souldiers, who of custom use to be the poorest, or most useless; by Land they can have no relief, [Page 75] what is to be had by Sea, the Winter cuts off; they want, by the security of their Peace, or Pride, (out of which they despis'd every thing) Ammunition and Provisions: being but few, the same men must always be upon that VVall, not having one Souldier in re­serve, to supply an others place; they have not Pioneers to repair the Breaches of our Batteries, and their Duty amongst so few must necessarily make 'em yield; they are insolent upon the Dammage they did the Grand Signior's Galleys at the siege of the same Fortress; it concerns so many honourable Turks, and Valiant Ianizaries as are here to go on, for the ho­nour of your Nation and Empire, as the most justi­fiable cause of this VVarr; for though Cambaya hath Armies and Souldiers, 'tis not for the Grand Signior's repute, with Forein force, to revenge his injuries. I therefore put you upon this design, that none else might Rob you of the glory of so just vengeance; this same Ground you now tread upon, covers the Bones of your Comrades, Kindred, and Friends, who (me-thinks call upon every one of us by Name) tel­ling us the Deaths and VVounds, they from these Murtherers receiv'd, hoping by your Prowess to rest reveng'd. These are those who kill'd Badur, ingrate­full for benefits, presuming too farr on the Majesty of so great a Prince; the revenging of whom, will be acceptable to all Kings, necessary to us who are his Subjects.’

29. Having made an end of his Speech, either desir­ing, more to justifie the VVarr,He sends again to the Captain of Dio. or gain time for the expectance of supplies, he try'd Dom Iohn Mascarenhas with harder terms, resolutely insisting on the Building up the VVall, and demanding that the Ships of the Soltan, (his Master) might Sail freely up and down without passes from our Generals, an affront, which, the Sultan bore as a Friend, but could not endure as a Prince:History of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 7. Lib. 1. He further requir'd that the Merchants Ships might not be oblig'd to put in at that Port; which was [Page 76] a Liberty he ought to grant for the benefit of Trade. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas return'd answer,The Cap­tains answer. that, friendly Treaties were not to be made amidst Drums and Guns; that, 'twas the Custom of that Fort to give Laws to every one, not to receive 'em from any; that he hop't shortly to Banish him for a breaker of the Peace, when to his grief, he should accept of worse Conditions which should be writ with the very Blood of his Iani­zaries.

30. The Governour, by this time, had, with strange Expedition, made ready nine Vessels, telling the Soul­diers who went on 'em, that in so Honourable a design, only his Favourites were to be trusted; that he would now change the Confinement of his Place, for the li­berty of any Souldier; that, though he was resolv [...]d in Person to go raise the siege of Dio, he could not dis­semble the Envy he had to those who were first to Grapple with the Turks, and presently calling for his Son,a Dom Fernando, told him in the publick Hall; ‘I send you Son with this relief to Dio, The Gover­nour sends his Son Dom Fernando to Dio. which (as I'me inform'd, is now besieg'd by a great Army of Turks;) for what concerns your own Person take no care, for, for every stone of that Fortress would I venture a Son, I charge you to remember [Page 77] from whom you come, who are by Kindred your An­cestors, by their Exploits your Example; strive to deserve the Name you Inherit, considering that by Birth all are equal, and men only differenc't by their Actions, and that I tell you, he who returns most Honourable shall be my Son; That's the blessing our Fore-fathers left us, to Dye gloriously for our Laws, for our King, and for our Country. I put you in the way of honour, 'tis in you now to winn it.’ With that he gave him his blessing, and recommended him to Diogo de Reynoso, one of the bravest Cavalliers who came for India; In this relief was Sebastion de Sa, Son to Iohn Rodriguez de Sa, who, in this occasion, and others gave remarkable proofs of his Courage, there went too with him, Dom Francisco de Almeyda, Son to Dom Lopo, to be a Companion to two Brothers he had in Dio; there were in the same relief, Antonio da Cunha, Pero Lopez de Sousa, Diogo da Sylva, Iorge Mas­carenhas, Antonio de Mello, and many other Gentlemen, who then pursu [...]d dangers as if they fled from 'em.

31. The Governour writ a very civil Letter to Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, telling him how much greater it was on this occasion to be Commander of Dio then Gover­nour of India; that he had in that relief sent him his Son Dom Fernando, that if ever he return'd into the Kingdome, he might amongst the Vanities of his Old age tell of his being a Souldier under him; that he might be confident, all the strength the State could make should be ingag'd in the Defence of that For­tress; that there were on those Ships many young Gentlemen, whose forwardness it behoov'd him to temper, because men Besieg'd were only to stand upon their Defence; that he had there sent him, as much Ammunition as would expect a second Relief, two En­gineers, and a great many ordinary Work-men (with Instruments and Materials for that purpose) to make up the Breaches of the Enemies batteries: In which Dom Iohn de Castro shew'd not only the zeal of a pub­lick [Page 78] Minister, but the experience of a Souldier, by fore­seeing their extremities and preventing 'em.

32. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas had Commanded a Bridge (which went from Saint Iames's work for the convenience of the Garrison over to the other side) to be broken down, and the making of a Draw-bridge in stead of it.The Cap­ [...]ain of Dio disposeth of the Com­mands of the Fo [...]. Saint Iames his Tower he committed to the charge of Alonso de Bonifacio Clerk of the Custom­house, Saint Thomas's work to Luis de Sousa, St. Iohn's to Gil Coutinho, that which was over the Gate to Anto­nio Freire, and another work of Saint Iames's which commanded the River to Dom Iohn de Almeyda and his Brother Dom Pedro de Almeyda, Saint Georges to Antonio Pecama, the Fause-bray to Iohn de Venezeanos, and the Curtain to Antonio Rodriguez; amongst those Officers he divided one hundred and seventy Souldiers,History of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 7. Lib. 1. He and thirty more were Supernumerary to help upon occa­sions. Dom Iohn with so few men expected so great an Army as came against him; providing with so much security for his Defence, as if the danger was neither feard or unexpected. He ordered the Ammunition and Provision to be kept very strictly, because the hindrance of the Weather, and the Enemy, made the receipt of any more uncertain. He set the Slaves and those who were not fit to bear Arms, to bring Lances, Powder, Stones, and Provision to the Works, that the Souldiers might not be taken up in any thing but Fighting; in this Work he employ'd too the Children, the Old men, and the Women, so that there was not in the Fortress Person, or Sex idle or unserviceable, and calling them together upon the Parade of the Fortress, he smilingly spake to 'em;

33. ‘Those Turks, and Ianizaries you see from hence,and speaks to his Soul­diers. are come to winn of us the Honour they lost in the first Siege, yet are they not more considerable then those who were beaten, nor we less then those who overcame; I confess to you I envy the meanest Souldier who kept this place, because the memory of [Page 79] his Valour doth yet honour his Posterity, whom we know not so well by their Name, Country, or Birth, as by being the Sons, or Grand-children of those who so gloriously fell, or triumph'd in Dio. The greatest honour'd their Families, the meanest begun theirs. Fortune hath brought us upon such an other action; those stout Portuguese had not Buried with 'em all the glory of Fighting, they have left us what will make us famous. Let not the inequality of our Forces fright us, for Renown is not to be purchas'd by ordi­nary dangers; we have Sail'd five thousand Leagues only to find out this Day, and in it to gain that ho­nour neither Kings or Countries can give us; for Kings give Rewards, not Deserts; we want not Pro­vision or Ammunition to hold out the Siege till Re­lief arrives, and though in this Season the Seas are high, yet have we a Iohn de Castro (who with his Sword in his mouth will come under the Waves to help us) and so many other Gentlemen and Persons of Quality who will think themselves injur'd if with­out them we gain the honour which is before us; after which we are not to look for any thing more from Fortune, being to be put on their List who have memorably serv'd their King and Country, for the keeping up of whose Honour we are come from farthest West-ward thus remote; and (what's above all) we Fight against the Enemies of our Faith, and in so just a cause cannot want owning, since we serve the God of Victories.’

34. When the Speech was ended, there was in the Turks Camp heard a great Shooting, by which Coge-Sofar welcom'd a Relief of two thousand Foot, which were come to him from Cambaya, all old Souldiers, who made the succour more considerable by its quality, then number; there came with these two of the Mogull's Commanders, Persons very much Cry'd up by their own men. The same day there came in a great part of the Nobility from the Court, which at some [Page 80] distance from the Leaguere, Lodg'd themselves in Rich Tents,There comes in more Relief to the Ene­mies. with such Order, as wanted nothing of the Discipline of Europe; Our men, by not valuing their Lives, put off the Terrour of such great preparations, encouraging one the other by Discourses suitable to the occasion, taking Counsel of their necessity how to be­have themselves.

35. The next day (which was Maunday Thursday in the year 1546.)They begin to batter the fort. there appear'd betimes in the Morning near our Fortress a solid work of Earth, with its Skit-gates, and in them some great Pieces, and on top of the work a great many Sacks of Cotton, cover'd with Raw hides to resist the Fire, a thing, which for the little noise and time it was contriv'd in, much startled our men, and did not look like the design of a Confus'd and Barbarous multitude, who, whilst the Siege lasted, shew'd as much Valour, as Discipline; they presently began, with a great deal of success, to batter our Fort, dismounting four of our Gunns, which did the greatest Dammage to their Battery.

36. That days good fortune Counsell'd 'em for the rest,A Stratagem of the Ene­mies in a Ship. making in five Nights as many Forts, at a propor­tionable distance, to give by the several Breaches a ge­neral assault, which so few Defendants so divided would not be able to withstand; the success might have an­swer'd the design, had not our Fort which lay on the Sea, and commanded theirs, done 'em so much harm, that they thought fit to look to their own Reparations before our Offence; the great Gunns were silent for two days, in which they contriv'd a second Fabrick to secure their first.History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 1. Cap. 8. They put to Sea a Tall Ship, full of Powder, Stone-pitch, and other Combustible matter, this they laid on the first Deck, as a Stratagem prepar'd for a second design, over this they made a false Deck, capable of two hundred Fighting men, as if with them designing to Scale: The Ship so lay, as to command that part of the Fort, whether, they concluded, our men upon their advantage of place to Fight on, and [Page 81] numbers, would probably come, when in the heat of the Conflict, quitting the Ship, they would set her on Fire, which lighting on the Fort, might burn it with­out any Dammage or Danger to their own men; and that presently entring on the ruins the Fire had left, they would on them cast up an other, whence they might batter our Fortress, and by this new work secure their former, and so their Gunns play securely. A Stra­tagem grounded on Soldier-like conclusions.

37. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas had (by some Spies he had in the Camp) notice of the Machine and design, and calling to him Iacome Leyte, Commander at Sea, a Souldier of great trust, told him he would not Rob him of the honour belong'd to his employment; that he thought the first Atchievement of this Siege ought to be his, and acquainting him with the advice he had, gave him Orders to be ready in the second VVatch. Iacome Leyte put to Sea at the hour appointed in two Boats with thirty Souldiers, and Rowing quietly till he came up with the Ship, began to cast in her a great many Pots of Powder.Set on Fire by our men, The Moors at once saw their danger, and the Fire burning 'em, and running to their Arms, distracted by fear and sleep, did faintly and con­fusedly defend themselves, hindring one an other by the Noise and Tumult so unexpected an Onset had caus'd: some began to throw themselves into the Sea, who shew'd the way and example to the rest; at last, with Complaints and Clamors they left the Ship, giving the Alarum to the whole Camp. Iacome Leyte had time enough to make fast a Cable to the Ship, and tow her after his;and brought to the Fort. The Captain receiv'd him with Praises and Embraces, making more of this success, because it so happily began the Warr. The Moors, though with eminent danger, continued their Battering, for every stone they unloosned of the Fortress, paying Souldiers, and Canoneers, their Battery did no considerable harm, only Saint Iames's Bastion, being the weakest or the most Batter'd, was open in two places, and the Breaches [Page 82] wide enough to enter upon assault; though those with­in defended themselves with Retrenchments, and by Night stole Earth to make up the Breaches.

38. The Battery continued not without Execution, the Wall being in many places open, every where shat­tered, and not a Souldier could peep through the Bat­tlements, who was not peirc't with the Enemies Ar­rows, or wounded with their Shot, which was so thick as it appear'd to be a continual Discharging, Coge-Sofar little valuing the spending Ammunition, or venturing Soldiers, as being sufficiently furnish't and stock't with both; He was too, answered by our Gunns from the Fortress, and with more Dammage, for the Moors being in multitudes, not a Bullet was spent in vain.

39. The Turks were earnest to go on upon the Assault, because in many places the Battery had done Dammage enough to scale the Wall, yet did Coge-Sofar keep them off, expecting more Force, or willing by continual Duty and Wounds to abate the height of our men, whose eagerness he hop't by slow Fighting to tame, and waste the Forces, Ammunitions, and Patience of the Besieged; an Argument not altogether out of the way, for the Winter, which had begun furiously, took away the possibility of that succour which was necessary, and wanted from the first day, for the care­lesness of Peace and suddain invasion of the Enemy had made ours unprovided to endure the weight of that Warr, their confidence in that kind being so extrava­gant, that since the siege Antonio da Sylveira held out, the place was only kept by the repute of that Victory; and Dom Iohn Mascarenhas had no more then forty Barrils of Powder for Canon, and twenty for Musquets, scarcity of Provisions, as well as of Men, who saw the VVarr before they expected it, the Defendants were but two hundred, most of them Garrison-Souldiers, who were to have their first credit by that Siege.

40. The Captain was not a little troubled at the State of things, and the uncertainty of relief, which, it [Page 83] concern'd him as cautiously to keep from his own as the Enemy, neither would he in the beginning of the Siege stint the Provision, and Ammunition, seeing, one way, the ill consequence, [...] the other, the necessity of doing it; when the VVatch came to tell him there appear'd nine Sail, which seem'd by their Built to be Ours, the transport of this News brought all the Souldiers on the VVall.History of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 9. Lib. 1. The distance, and closeness of the VVeather made them of different Opinions, but within an hour they made the Colours of the Squadron, and presently af­ter the Admiral with the King's Arms, which by contrary VVinds was working it up towards our Fortress; they all had their Pendants flying, and Flaggs of defiance in the main top; they immediately saluted the Towers, who return'd them the same Sea-civility. The Moors from the Shore made many a Shot at them whilst they cast Anchor; They first unladed the Ammunition and Provision, afterwards the Souldiers, and last of all Dom Fernando went on shore, which was either the Fa­thers advice, or the Sons gallantry.

41. The Commander in chief, having receiv'd those Gentlemen as Companions of his Fortune, knowing of Dom Fernando's coming, went to seek him on Board, and met him on the steps of the Fortress as he was coming up, he took him in his Arms, and spake to him as time and place requir'd,Dom Iohn Mascarenhas receives him. offering him his own Lodging, which Dom Fernando would not accept, desiring him to reserve that honour till they had Peace; that for the present, that part of the works where was the greatest danger should be his Chamber; that his Sleep would do him no good, one step from the Wall; Dom Iohn Mascarenhas again embrac't him, wondring, in so Green years, to meet so Manly a temper.

42. There came in the Ships good store of Powder, Arms, and Provision, with which they might hold out the Siege till fresh Relief; neither did the Governour forget to send Physick and Regallos for the Sick and Wounded. The Commander shew'd the Souldiers the [Page 84] Governours Letter, in which (as we said) he secur'd him of his coming, for which he was providing with the greatest diligence and strength the State was capa­ble of, which put new hearts into the Besieged, and made them look with an other Face upon the exigen­cies and preparations of the Warr, which was like to continue, Coge-Sofar receiving every day supplies, and laying new designs, for which he had from diverse places brought Engineers, who were, by ambition and reward, put upon new inventions, which made our men more sollicitous for the danger they saw not, then for that before 'em.

43. The Governour, [...] after having dispatch't his Son Dom Fernando, gave Order for Proclaiming a Warr at Fire and Sword against the King of Cambaya, as one who was perjur'd, and had broke the Peace betwixt him and the State: this he did with Warlike and Legal solemnities, thereby to publish, and justifie the motives of a Warr, which kept in suspence the judgments of the whole East. He writ to the Inhabitants of Bacaim, minding them, that as nearest, they were oblig'd to succour Dio, that other places help't in the States dan­ger, they in their own, the Gunns which battered Dio, shaking the Houses of Bacaim; that he was providing to go raise the Siege, and use all imaginable Hostility against Cambaya, because the State never had a defen­sive VVarr with the Kings of the East; that he desir'd 'em to be ready to accompany him with Ships and Men, as was to be expected from so many Honourable Citi­zens, and Loyal Portuguese; that he left it to them­selves what they would do for the Service, looking that every one out of Loyalty and Love to his King, should out-go his possibility.

44. He writ in the same manner to all those places from which he could receive any help, finding them dispos'd to the Service, and for that to the spending their Estates: an happiness which we must reckon upon as peculiar in his Government, as on diverse occasions [Page 85] the History will shew. He fell upon providing the Fleet with a great deal of earnestness,He borrows of the Mer­chants. and finding the State too poor for such an expence, ask't great summs of the Merchants upon his word (which was the Gold and Diamonds he only laid up) a Pawn on which all men of Trading offer'd him what they had; I know not if now amongst men of Power Estates of that nature go currant for so much. He ordered publick and private Prayers to be made,He goes to God by pub­lick Prayers beseeching God, since t'was his own, to protect the cause of the Faithfull, relying more upon Sacrifice, then Arms; his ordinary discourse was with Experienc't men about the business of Dio, and was more inclin'd by the reason, then the authority of the Votes.

45. Our Arms in Dio did not grow rusty. The Com­mander having advice that there was expected to be put into the Army a great Caravan of Provisions, which were to be Laden on the Coast betwixt Balsar and Damaon, upon it sent forth the Sea-Commander Iacome Leyte with three Ships, to lye about the Island Dos Mortos, who by Night getting over the Barr and Sailing along the Shore,They take a great deal of Provisions from the Enemy. took by it a great many Ves­sels which came to furnish the Army, he put the Moors to the Sword except some he kept to hang at the Yards Arms when he came over the Barr; which he did, pre­senting the Army with a Lamentable sight, who had too the Confirmation of what had past by the Fire they saw burning the Vessels, the Provisions were brought into the Fortress, which were what they then most wanted.

46. Coge-Sofar had already lost a great many men, without seeing the Fortress or minds of the Besieged shaken to flatter his hopes of getting it. Out men walk't upon the VVall with wanton Ornaments and Feathers, to shew their pleasure in, or contempt of the VVarr they were engag'd in. Coge-Sofar, seeing us with so inconsiderable a strength Masters at Sea, and that the Provisions his Army had came by stealth or in [Page 86] danger, ordered the setting out Fleet from Surrate, which met with three Ships of ours coming from Ba­caim and Chaul to furnish the Fortress; the Portuguese fought very desperately, but by the Odds of their strength, most of them Dy'd, who sold their Life at such a rate, that the Moors had no cause to rejoyce in either the Prize or Victory. Dom Fernando de Castro ask't leave of the Commander in Chief to go with some Ships to their help, which he did not grant, knowing 'twould be labour lost, for the Enemy stole out and presently retir'd.

47. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas thought of advising the King by Land how things were with him;The Cap­tain sends News over Land to the King. there was fit for that purpose an Armenian, skill [...]d in the Language and Customs of the Moors; he was sent away in a light Brigantine, which was to set him on shore on the Coast of Por, thence in a Iogues cloaths (which is amongst them a Religious and poor Habit) he was to go to Cinde, and from thence to Ormus with Letters to the Captain; He travell [...]d in the company of some Basora Merchants, who by the River Euphrates carry'd him to Babylon, where he was to stay for the Caravans to go over the deserts of Arabia.

48. Coge-Sofar carry'd on his works with no less danger then toil, and with so Cruel and Barbarous a resoluteness, that he us'd the Bodies of those Pioneers our men Kill'd, for filling up the Ditch; using so in­human a Discipline, to cover perhaps the loss which novv began to be knovvn in the Army, though made up by daily Reliefs vvhich continually fill'd the Camp. Coge-Sofar, vvhere the advantage vvas most, planted sixty great Pieces, of which there vvere Basilisks, Salvages, Names of Canon. Eagles and Camells, besides less Gunns vvhich exceeded that number; He secur'd the five vvorks he had rais'd vvith nevv VValls, and covered the Pioneers vvith crooked Traveses of so many vvindings that our Guns could not come at 'em;The Ene­mies com­mand the Fossee. The Moors by this means commanded the Fossee of the Fort, where they had [Page 87] planted eighteen Basilisks, which plaid for a fort­night together, with so much Dammage, as our men for their last remedy defended themselves with the very ruins, making Forts retrenchments and reparations of the stones which had been thrown down.

49. We had now lost fourscore men, and had more then an hundred VVounded, besides the scarcity and badness of the Provisions had made many sick; most of the Ammunition was spent, and by it our men brought into a great deal of danger, which Coge-Sofar having notice of by some Slaves who run away from the For­tress, ordered the Batteries should be re-inforc't, belie­ving the hearts of such shattered Forces could not hold out;History of India, Dec. 6 Lib. 2. Cap. 1. and as one, who would divide with his Prince the smiles of Fortune, sent to the Sultan, who was at Champanel, to come to the Camp, to put the Fortress on the first assault into his hands; upon the credit of that promise the Sultan came with ten thousand Horse,The Sultan comes with a great Ar­my. and most of his Court, he was receiv'd with a Vollee Royal, seconded with diverse Instruments of Warr and Mirth, Musick which ours heard, as abating their Courage, and grating their Ears.

50. Our men believ'd that the Mirth in the Camp, so Solemniz'd with repeated Vollees, was to welcome those Turks they look't for; Dom Iohn Mascarenhas presently commanded Fernaon Cavalho Commander of the Fort next the Sea, to set out a little Boat to know what past amongst the Enemy, (the Spies he had in the Camp, being either Treacherous, or Discovered) which was done that very Night, and a Moor brought us, who told us of the Sultan [...]s coming, Coge-Sofar's promises, and the confidence they had of their design. The Commander freed the Moor, and bid him from him desire the King of Cambaya to stay in the Army, for he hop't to come and Visit him in his quarters. The Moor rejoyc't at his Liberty, and wondred at the Captains answer; being brought before Mahumud, and repeating the Captains words, he told him, the Por­tuguese [Page 88] had their Fort thrown down, and their Hearts whole.

51. Coge-Sofar commanded they should continue Battering, and bid Simaon Feo (one of ours whom he had against the Law of Arms detain'd Prisoner) tell Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, that he wondred to see him so pent up, without Sallying out to Fight in the Field, as did the brave Cavallier Antonio da Sylveira, that his actions very much disagreed with his words; our men answered the message with Bullets from the Wall; the Battery lasted five hours, not without doing a great deal of Dammage to the Buildings, which were tottering before; yet our Shot return'd it with more loss, and better fortune, for a Bullet at randome kill'd a Moor in the Sultan's Tent, as he was discoursing with him; and the Eastern Moors credulously addicted to Omens, the King looking upon what had hapned, as a warning of some mischief which was coming (perhaps dissembling his fear by his Superstition) immediately went out of the Field,He retires and lewes Iuz [...]caon in his place. leaving behind him Iuzarcaon, a stout A­bessine, who in the Mogull's Warrs serv'd against Sultan Mahumed, and now as a Souldier of fortune, was by some advantages perswaded to take pay in this Warr.

52. The King, having left the Tents, stouter in Peace then Fight, and retiring to his pleasure House of Melique on the same Island, did hasten relief, which daily re­cruited the Camp. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, who in so close Siege knew no certainty of the Enemies designs, was talking vvith the Cavalliers and Gentlemen how much it concern'd 'em to get some advice. Diogo de Anaya Coutinho, A f [...]mous action of Di [...]go de Anaya. (a Gentleman vvho Liv'd upon his Pay, yet of bravery becoming his Birth) hearing this dis­course, offer'd himself to the Captain, and let down by a Cord from the top of the Wall, protected by the darkness of the Night, went to the Enemies quarters, he had not gone farr, but he spy'd two Moors talking hard by him, he scrupled to set upon 'em, because to carry off two was impossible, to fight with 'em incon­venient, [Page 89] but advising with the occasion,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 1. Cap. 9. he Knock't down one of 'em with his Lance, and closing with the other (who by Crying out biting and strugling defen­ded himself) carry'd him to the Gates of the Fortress, where he found the Corps of Guard, who with Praises and Envy, brought him and his Prisoner to the Captain. I will now relate a Circumstance greater then the action, Diogo de Anaya had borrow'd a Head-piece of a Souldier, and missing it when he was in the Fortress, thinking he had lost it in striving and closing with the Moor, went by the same Cord down the VVall, and looking it in the sight of an incenst Army, found it, and brought it back, not less rash then fortunate.

53. By the News the Moor brought, the Captain knew, that Coge-Sofar and Iuzarcaon, this stout, the other desperate, had both mutually Vow'd to Mahomet to take Dio, or perish in the design; that, if they could not brook us when vve vvere Friends, they should not endure us when Conquerours. By their continual Battering many of their great Guns burst, instead of which they sitted others, shooting impetuously against Saint Iohns, Saint Thomas, and Saint Iames's Bastions, Commanded by Dom Iohn de Almeyda, Lovis de Sousa, and Gil Coutinho, who slept always in their Armour, in danger constant, unwearied in duty.

54. Saint Iames's Bastion was the weakest and most battered, and the Turks in that fought with our men upon very little disadvantage. There was not in the Portress Parapet or Battlement which was not thrown down, and from Saint Iohns to Saint Iames's Bastion all the Curtain was open, which made the duty of the Day be seconded by the labour of the Night, it being not possible, yet necessary for so few Defendants, so broken, to repair in a few hours the ruins of a Fortress so every where Battered, yet did they unanimously betake themselves to that Labour, they could neither master or excuse.

55. The Women of the Fortress help't to bring Ma­terials [Page 90] for the making up the Breaches,The courage of the Wo­men of Dio. going without any fear upon the Wall, stumbling at Lances, Swords, and Bullets, mastring their Nature and Sex, as if they wore men's hearts in a disguise: some there were who put on Arms and brav'd the Enemy, running from their Needle to a Lance, from their Couch to the VVall; of all the rest Isabell Fernandez deserv'd the greatest glory, whom (instead of Praises to honour her Me­mory) our VVriters call the Old woman of Dio, fa­mous by this name in the Annals and Memorials of the East. This great Matron spent part of her Estate in Junkets and Regallos,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 2. Cap. 2. with vvhich in the heat of the dispute she fed the Souldiers, animating 'em (with Ar­guments above the courage and judgment of a VVo­man) to defend themselves by Fighting. This diligence of the Matrons (which readily and seasonably put 'em upon any thing, were it servile, or hazardous) was in fine a lightning their Labour, and an example in Dangers.

56. Coge-Sofar, seeing that the mischief his Arms did by Day our industry repair'd by Night, contriv'd a design more subtil in the laying of it, then usefull by the success. Against Saint Thomas's work, (vvhich by its make and place lay most obnoxious) he resolv'd to cast up an other which should equal or command it, that by Battering it from above he might throw down the Battlements, so hindring the Defendants from Fight­ing, and from making up their Breaches by night, his Guns being so Levell'd by day as to be sure of their aim. He presently ordered vvhole mountains of Earth, and brush Fagotts to be brought to fill up the Ditch, and strengthned the Counterscarp vvith bodies of great Trees, to keep up the Earth. The multitude of Pioneers vvho vvere in the Camp made up an other Army, vvho without fear or time carry'd on the vvork. In the interim the Guns from our work plaid to the great loss of the Enemy, for the Work-men being so thick and expos'd, not one Shot from the Fortress was lost.

[Page 91] 57. Coge-Sofar, considering the greatness of the loss, gave order they should work by Night, when our shoot­ting being without aim and at Rovers the Execution would be less, commanding them to make the most Noise, where they Work't least, that our Canoneers led by their Ear, might point their Ordnance as the Sounds and Ecchos reach't them. This was known to Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, who fill'd the Fortress with Lights that the Pioneers who work't on the security of the Night, might be expos'd to the same danger as by day; but Coge-Sofar (who had learn't Experience in the Warrs of Europe) gave order for the making of crooked and cover'd Trenches, by which the Moors more securely went on with the raising their Fort, and we vainly to our loss spent store of our Bullets.

58. The Captain was not a little troubled at it, for if that work went forward there would not be any se­cure place in the Fortress, the Enemies Canon com­manding our Fortifications; so that between the Be­siegers and Besieg'd there would be no advantage of place, and that of numbers the Moors had eminently above us. Upon debate of the matter in Counsel every one knew the danger, none the remedy. Some, with more Courage the Prudence, were for our mens Sally­ing forth with apparent danger to interrupt their work, not considering the hazard they run upon, to be greater then that they freed themselves from; but few consented to this advice, yet none could give other. Some Sallies ours made but to little purpose, for the Numbers and Vigilancy of the Enemy secur'd with a great Guard the Posts of the Work-men. But in great Straights danger being usually the best Counsellour, Dom Iohn Mascarenhas bethought himself of an eminen­cy in the Fortress, which was higher then Saint Thomas's Fort, from whence our Guns might play; here he made some Pieces be planted, which did so lucky Execution, as in a few days they beat down that Machine, which in its raising and falling cost the Blood of those who [Page 92] Built it. But this Hydra being of so many Heads, with the same ruins Coge-Sofar set upon the filling up the Ditch, which was easier for him, being a Work that needed neither measure, design, or fore-cast.

59. Two thousand Pioneers began with the mate­rials of the Fort to fill up the Ditch, and whilst 'twas doing a great body from the Army with Darts, Arrows, and Musquet-shot, kept our men from coming to the Wall. The work increast as did the danger of the Be­sieged, for the Fortress being ruin'd above, the plain ground with but little raising would be equal to the Wall. The Captain laid about to frustrate his design, and being irresolv'd how, some Old men (brought up in the Fortress) told him that by their quarters there was a Sally-port in the VVall, which length of time had covered with loose Earth; that, by that, without any danger, and with a great deal of ease, might be stole away the Earth they brought to fill up the Ditch. The necessity demanded speedy Execution, the Cap­tain commanded men to Digg, and found a Sally-port fit for his purpose. Our men Sallied out in the Night, and stole the Rubbish which was undermost,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 2. Cap. 3. leaving a hollow superficies which covered the hollowness, solid in appearance to the Enemies, and as the ground was expos'd to the violence of the Weather it sunk of it self, with the fall of all that imaginary Superstructure in sight of the Enemy.

60. Coge-Sofar had presently intelligence of the way we took to delude that which cost him so much pains, and coming to that place (out of impatience to see all his designs Counterplotted) there came out of the Fortress a Bullet shot at randome which took off his Head,Coge-Sofar Dyes of a [...] in the middle of a Squadron of Turks. There was in the Army a general resentment for the loss of so great a Souldier. Our men saw them with inarticulate Lamentations, and drag'd Colours bury the Body, with all the Military and Civil ceremony the vanity of VVarr could teach 'em: His Son Rumecaon swore presently by [Page 93] the Blood of his Father, to be reveng'd of it, grief and anger being amongst them the last Sacrifice offer'd to their Dead.

61. Rumecaon succeeded his Father in his Enmity, and Charge,Rumecaon his Son suc­ceeds him. carrying on the Warr with the Obligation of a General, and Resentment of a Son, engag'd both by his grief and office. He commanded the filling up the Ditch should in six several places be gone on with, the Army being hourly furnish't with Pioneers, Provi­sions, Munition, and Souldiers, and the work every where rising, which Rumecaon hastned on, as a dispo­sition to a general assault; by comparing designs, he too bethought himself to go on with contrivances that his Father had begun; He made six cover'd approaches, all which ended at the Sally-port of our Fortress, by which ours had tane away the Earth, these met upon a wooden Bridge, which we had made there, out of de­sign under it to steal the Earth; upon this they were making the Fabrick we spake of, charging the Bridge with Stones and Timber, of such a bigness as the weight sunk it, and it presently fell to the ground with the loss of those who were at work under it. The Commander seeing this, ordered the shutting up of the Sally-port, the use of it being tane away, and to avoid any suddain invasion of the Enemy, who without any interruption work't on; while we were Hammering out, any Plot, or open Force to defeat so dangerous a Fabrick, on confidence of which, the Moors (by their Festivals and Shouting) seem'd already rather to enjoy then expect the Victory.

62. Those cares were seconded by others of no less weight, for there were not now in the Fortress two hundred Fighting men, some being wore out by Duty, others by Sickness, and Wounds, and had more need of recovering their strength, then exposing it in second dangers. Amongst the common Souldiers distrust made way for fear; Provision, and Ammunition were scarce; the stormy Seas and cruel VVinter cut off all hopes of [Page 94] relief; for, either to send for't or receive it, the Season was not convenient.

63. Iohn Coelho was Vicar of the Fortress,The Vicar Iohn Coelho goes to the Governour. who had besides the Virtues of Priesthood resolution enough to go upon any danger; He offered himself to the Com­mand, (which was very acceptable to him) in spight of storms to venture to Sea, and touching at Bacaim, or Chaul, as an Eye-witness to acquaint the Comman­ders how things stood, thence too, by Corriers over Land to give the Governour intelligence, promising on his Habit to return with the first news to Dio as a faith­full Companion of their Fortunes. The Commander presently provided him a Catch with twelve Mariners, where wee'l leave him wrastling with the Waves, till we are to give an account of the success of so stout and pious a Voyage.

64. The Moors by force work't in filling up the Ditch, imperious and cruel Rumecaon commanding them to Dye, or continue Working; for their reward, receiving in the very act, a miserable Grave. They at last came to lay the Ditch plain, and against Gil Cou­tinho's works where it could not be fill'd, they laid cross great Masts, with planks fastned to 'em, which they made use of for a Bridge, under that to ruine the VVall, which our Guns could not hinder 'em in, for they were cover'd.

65. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas immediately ordered great Chains, to throw them from the VVall on the Bridge, there hung at 'em Sacks of shreds dipt in Gun­powder, Salt-peter, and other Combustible matter, which being thrown, fir'd so violently on the Bridge, as presently to ruine it. Rumecaon came to make good the work with new Planks, more VVork-men, and Soul­diers, these defended the place, the others continued Labouring; which our men endeavoured to interrupt by their Canon and Musquet shot, which did very much hurt the Enemy; but Rumecaon went on so obstinately, that he made fresh men pass over the Dead, who though [Page 95] forc't upon't, overcome the danger by their Obedience. By so chargeable a way of working, he at last came to fill up the Ditch.

66. Rumecaon, Propositions offered to our men by Rumecaon. by the few Defendants who supply'd the Posts, knowing how the case stood with us, had a mind to sound our Inclinations, believing in so dange­rous a Conjuncture, Reason and Nature would teach us not to throw away our Lives. At the beginning of the Night, those on Saint Iames's work heard one calling to the VVatch in Portuguese, saying, he was Simaon Feo, who upon some extraordinary business would speak with the Commander in chief.History of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 4. Lib. 2. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas had presently notice of it, and entring into discourse with the Souldier, he told him, that he was Simaon Feo, sent by Rumecaon, who had a mind, out of his affection to the Courage of so great Souldiers, to save their Lives, they now desperately defended; that they saw the Fortress every where Ruin'd, the greatest part of the Souldiers sick, or VVounded, without any hope of relief, in vvant of Provisions and Ammunition; that vve should not by perishing obstinately, discredit by the rashness of a few, the greatness of our Actions; that vve vvould give up our selves, he desiring for his own glory to keep alive so brave Enemies; that he vvould give us all Honourable terms, leaving us the disposal of our Estates, and Ships for our passage, vvhich if vve ac­cepted not, vve vvere to look to endure the rigour of VVarr, and that Licentiousness vvhich in Onslaughts is Authoriz'd by Indignation and Victory. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas answered him, that the Fortress the Portu­guese kept needed no VValls; that in the open Field they vvould defend it against the strength of the vvhole VVorld; that on the first assault he should learn this truth, that he ought to bethink himself of sending to the Sultan for more men, and better Souldiers; that the Portuguese scorn'd such small Victories; that he hop't with Heads of Turks to make up the ruins of the For­tress; that if he vvanted Provisions, he vvould go look [Page 96] for 'em as Booty in his Camp; that as long as his Soul­diers were Arm'd, they could want nothing in the possession of their Enemies; that he hop'd shortly through his arm'd Squadrons with Sword in hand to cut out the happy passage he offered him, he told Simaon Feo, that, though he was oblig'd to repeat an others words, he should not return with an other message, for he would make him be Shot from the Wall.

67. Rumecaon seeing we fed upon Dangers, hard Duty,The Enemy assaul [...]s [...]a [...]nt Io [...]'s work. and Hunger, affronted too by so slight an answer, resolv'd to give the first assault; There broke upon us a Dismall day, (which was the nineteenth of Iuly in the year 1546.) the Enemies Army at the Dawning, being seen round the Fortress. Iuzarcaon with fifteen hundred choise men fell upon Saint Iohns work, Com­manded by Luis de Sousa, with whom were Dom Fer­nando de Castro, Sebastion de Sa, Diogo de Reynoso, Pero Lopez de Sousa, Diogo da Sylva, Antonio da Cunba, and other Gentlemen and Souldiers not passing thirty; These with so much Bravery expected the first shock of the Enemy, that they beat back the first fourscore who began to Scale, who by their Out-crys, Blood, and Fall, shew'd the loss they had receiv'd; Others presently came after them, finding the dead Bodies had made their Scaling easier; Iuzarcaon encouraged them, by mind­ing 'em of their honour, their reward, and their venge­ance. The striking on the Air by the Guns, and Cla­mours of men, made an hideous impression on the Walls of the Fortress. The Battery was continued against the other works, the assault against Saint Iohn's, and Saint Thomas's; that those who in themselves were but few, might being divided, sooner yield.

68. Rumecaon with his Turks assaulted Saint Thomas's work,And Saint Thomas's. kept by Dom Iohn de Almeyda, and Gil Coutinho; his men pick't out for their Valour, and of a proud Na­tion fell on so furiously, as though run through with our Lances, they gave not over Scaling, seeking for Victory in their Death; they had the advantage of [Page 97] numbers, we of place, and those who had bestrid the Wall, must either Enter Victoriously or Dye wounded, Retiring being more dangerous, then Fighting. The Enemy with fresh men continually re-inforced the Assault; Ours, always the same, were too hard for the first Assailants, and match for the last. The Women came to their help with Arms, and Powder, putting on that Courage which was rather seasonable then natu­ral; some of 'em with Regallos and Drinks put Life into the Souldiers, and not able to show their own strength, did encrease it in others; there were of them, who animated 'em with Speeches, deserving to have had in so great hearts the force of men; and amongst the actions of this Siege we shall relate theirs as most unusual, if not as the greatest. There was seen at the foot of the work a Mountain of Dead bodies, some with their Wounds bleeding, others burnt with the Fire; some at their last Gasp, 'twixt anger and grief, cry'd for Vengeance; sometimes too it hapned, that those who went to Vindicate 'em Dy'd first. Our men that day did wonders, which were more easily seen by their success, then they can be by Writing; for in par­ticularizing accidents the truth is uncertain, most of all in the chances of Warr, where anger, fear, and other passions so captivate the judgment, that each particular man can hardly be a faithfull Historian of his own Actions.

69. Dom Fernando de Castro that day gave proof of a Courage befitting his Birth,What resist­ance our men made. and above his Years. Seba­stian de Sa left us a famous memory of his Valour, till having his Knee shot through with a poyson'd Arrow, and falling down for Dead,History of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 4. Lib. 2. not being able to maintain the Fight, he would not forsake it; He was at last by his Camrades, full of grief and envy, carry'd off, having before sufficiently reveng'd his Blood on the Enemy. Every one in fine behav'd himself so Stoutly, as that one day was enough to make 'em Souldiers. After Fighting two hours they seem'd but to begin the assault, [Page 98] Rumecaon carrying himself as if in one day he intended to make an end of the VVarr. He commanded every Nation to Fight by themselves, either the more to Spurr 'em on by Emulation, or that they might better observe Orders; he himself, Commanding and Fighting, by his Voice, and Example made 'em stand to't, and not glut­ted with the Blood he saw spilt, Prais'd the forwardest, and Vilify'd the backward'st, carrying out 'midst the horrour of Arms, his anger with prudence. Dom Iohn Maescarenhas behav'd himself not only as a Commander, but a Companion where the greatest danger was, Fight­ing, and Commanding so prudently, that he came off owing nothing to Courage, less to Conduct.

70. Rumecaon, The Enemy re [...]res with loss. seeing the great numbers of Dead which were about the VVorks, and that his men kept back when commanded to come on, commanded the sounding of a Retreat, carrying off in great haste the Dead and VVounded, so to keep from his own their Loss, and from us our Victory; yet we had it from them­selves, that they lost in this assault five hundred men, the VVounded were many more; there Dy'd of ours but one Souldier, the VVounded were less then twen­ty. By this disproportion 'tis seen that the Victory was not only obtain'd by Human force, but that God main­tain'd the cause as his own; our Arms being the happy Instruments of his Power, of which the History will yet give us greater proofs.

71. Upon the Enemies retiring the Commander in Chief summon'd our men to a second Labour, which the Necessity, or Victory made them easily digest. The Breaches of the Fortress were of force to be made up; the Stones and Mortar, being the soft Beds which our Souldiers had to recover their so decaid strength with; they all went willingly and chearfully on the Service, led on by the example of the Commander, who after the Enemies, Conquer'd his own Nature. The Fortress in the morning appear'd in part repair'd, our men by their working recovering themselves, as if they had been [Page 99] at rest; the weight of their Arms not permitting them to make any difference 'twixt Day and Night. The Enemy was by this assault so broken, as he durst not in many days come to Blows with us, his experience ma­king him more Cautious or Cowardly; He now and then fac't the Fortress vvith some inconsiderable Pi­queering, to shake us with continual Alarums, or by our taking our Posts, to observe the inclinations of our minds; yet did he not leave off Battering, intending by a long Siege to vveaken us: but the Camp daily encrea­sing vvith new Recruits, and the Sultan declaring his concernment for this Warr, Rumecaon resolv'd to give the Fortress the second assault.

72. And considering the loss he had receiv'd, though Fighting vvith so much advantage of numbers, he look't upon the slaughter of his men as having higher Causes, for vvhich 'twas fit to appease the Prophet.Iuzarcaon falls to Su­perstition. He immediately commanded the bringing forth of a Ban­ner vvhich had in it the Picture of Mahomet, and that the Army vvith that should go so many times in Pro­cession about the Mosque, and vvith other barbarous and ridiculous Expiation should appease and reconcile Mahomed, History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 2. Cap. 5. whose displeasure retarded their Victory. Fernaon Carvalho, Commander of the vvork toward the Sea, saw the Army that night go in Procession vvith great store of Lights, and by times heard Noise and Clamours which presently ended in a suddain silence, again bursting forth into Groans of a confus'd multi­tude, their Sighs and Out-crys were seconded by In­struments of VVarr, and in this Superstitious vanity vvere many hours of the Night entertained. Fernaon Carvalho was troubled at the strangeness, and could not guess for what it was; but acquainted Dom Iohn Mas­carenhas with what he saw, who guest it a preparation for an assault, abetted by some Barbarous ceremony and Superstitious rite, with vvhich they hop't to reconcile the anger of their false Prophet.

73. The Commander in Chief made ready for this [Page 100] second storm of the Enemy, finding in such shattered Forces, all his Souldiers heart-whole, the Wounded and Sick quitted their Beds and Cures, more eager to go upon Dangers then recover their Health. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas with Courage and Judgment ordered and dispos'd what was necessary for their defence;An other assault. Day­light was hardly broke when the Enemy appear'd before the Fortress with Clamours and dolefull Noises, which by the sounding of Warlike instruments were in the silence of the Night made more Dreadfull; The Army came up divided into three Squadrons, and had carry'd before 'em (amongst the rest) a Ba [...]ner in which was the Image of their Prophet, that both Religion and their King's honour might animate them; at the same time they fell upon Saint Iohns and Saint Thomas's work, and Antonio Pecanha's Guard with so much sury as they neither saw or fear'd danger, but were by ours so re­ceiv'd, as they were with more haste forc't back, then they came in to the Onset, many falling down Dead, most of 'em Wounded, and others burnt by Fire. Iu­zarcaon and Rumecaon were heard to incite others to Scale the Works, who under shelter of the Vollees of Musquets, infinite Arrows, and other Shouting, did go on afresh. 'Twas here the assault was Kindled in a great deal of heat, the Turks earnest to recover their lost Credit, were by rage and shame put upon Fighting, ob­stinately getting up through Fire and Sword, like men who less valued their Lives then the Victory, so as they got to be on the same ground with ours, Fighting man to man upon the Work.

74. Louis de Sousa, Dom Fernando de Castro, with the other Gentlemen and Souldiers of their Company did that day give new repute to our Arms, so behaving themselves as Rumecaon represented 'em to his men, sometimes for their example, others as their shame; the Turks were continually reliev'd, Ours, always the same, shew'd themselves as stout against the last as first; the Fight grew hot every where, of the Enemies a great [Page 101] many were Kill'd and VVounded, yet did their rage or anger, either hide or slight the loss; for, on the Body of him who fell did an other plant himself, to fling his Lance, or Fight more firmly, the heat and impatience of Victory inventing new Subtilties or never heard of Cruelties.

75. They at last entred Saint Thomas's work,The Turks enter Saint Thomas's work. which for a good while they kept, as some fell others coming in their place. 'Twas here the fury of the Enemy was great, as well as their Slaughter. Dom Francisco, and Dom Pedro de Almeydo shew'd themselves Brothers as well by their Soutness as Blood, withstanding the shock of so many Enemies all the time of the assault.

76. The Turks of Rumecaon's Division fought with ours Body to Body, upon equality of ground, and ad­vantage of numbers, the danger heightning our Cou­rage. Few of those who entred the work got off Alive, but having this Door open towards Victory they en­deavour'd though with eminent danger to keep it so. This being the first honour the chance of Arms had in the Warr conferr'd on Rumecan, he with praises and promises rais'd the pride of the Turks. 'Twas nois'd amongst ours the work was lost, which Alarum, whether 'twas craft, or chance, might have lost the For­tress; for those who fought in other places almost all forsook their Posts to relieve the work they gave for gone; those chiefly who Guarded the Houses toward the Rock, came so furiously to the Relief, as the rest had time to Breathe, who by their Duty and VVounds were now wearied and broken.

77. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas went about the Posts, assuring them all, that the work was yet ours, and how Couragiously 'twas maintain'd; that Rumecaon stood looking on the Slaughter of his men, who cast them­selves weltring in their Blood from the VVall, and by their fall made sure of their Deaths. The Storming continu'd, and on both sides Death and Wounds seem'd to add to their Courage and Bravery, which Iuzarcaon [Page 102] observing, and believing those few Defendants the For­tress had, were employ'd in those Bastions vvhich vvere attaqu'd, [...] leaving the Battail, vvith some Souldiers sur­rounded the Wall, and coming to the Fause-bray, vvhich vvithout art Nature had made defensable by the height and cragginess of the Rock on vvhich too the Sea beat, seeing it unguarded, vvithout either Souldiers or Watch, guest that the situation made us secure of it, and sending for a Senjack with a hundred Turks and scaling Ladders they begun to Scale there without being either seen or resisted; for the Souldiers who had the Guard there, upon the news Saint Thomas's vvork vvas lost, quitting the Post they kept, vvith more Cou­rage then Discipline vvent to relieve it.

78. The Turks boldly clim'd the Rock, making their way to some Houses, joyning to Saint Iames's Church, which gave them passage to a Gallery where they plant­ed Ladders for others to come up by. Iuzarcaon stood without encouraging 'em, believing he had stole both the Honour and Victory from Rumecaon. History o [...] India, Dec. 6. Cap. 6. Lib. 1. The Turks won those Houses, and were going down into the For­tress, and one of 'em more resolute, or diligent than the rest, went into a Marry'd womans House, and asking Money of her to save her Life, the poor Woman sur­priz'd with fear, made as if she went forth to procure it, and going into her Neighbours told her in a fright, the danger they were in, this, startled at the News, ac­quainted an other,The Cou­rage of a [...]spain [...] who with Manly prudence and courage took up a Sphear, and going to the House where the Turks where, saw one of 'em at Door watch­ing how things went abroad, and coming up to him, laying on with her Sphear, forc't him to retire within the Doors, with so much Mastery of her judgment in the danger she was in, as she had the Caution to lock the Door, and the Courage to wait on the Turks, and hinder their coming forth, worthy certainly to have her memory Recorded amongst the most famous Cham­pions.

[Page 103] 79. The women who Liv'd thereabouts being seiz'd with so just a fear, went to look out the Commander in Chief, crying, Turks in the Fortress; they found him with three Souldiers running about the Works; hear­ing womens Voices, not less Prudent then Couragious, He commanded them to be silent, and took them with him to shew him the House where the Turks were,The Captain comes in to her help. dis­patching one of the Souldiers with commands to draw off some from the Works, where the Enemy was less pressing, without saying any thing of the danger the Fortress was in to those who were Fighting; he like­wise sent off an other Souldier to bring him all the scat­tering men he found from Duty; by the way he light upon Andre Bayaon with an other, and coming to the House where the Turks were, he saw the Woman, who kept 'em fast, and, with more then masculine Courage disputed their coming forth; so unfortunate as to have no reward in her Life, so no name in our History.

80. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas looking on the so extra­ordinary Valour found in a VVoman, as an Omen of the Victory, having it from her, that the Turks were Lockt up in the House, sent a Abessine (who by chance was there) for a Pan of Powder, and because he mov'd slowly, shov'd him by the Arm, when at the same instant from the Leads of the Church, (where were gotten some Turks) came a Bullet, which Kill'd the Abessine, who kept it off from the Captain. There pre­sently came a Souldier with Powder, which Dom Iohn Mascarenhas taking out of his hands, forcing open the Doors, threw in amongst the Turks, the Fire burnt most of 'em, and the Bullets which with certain aim they Shot from within mist him, which was interpreted to be by chance, by some others, providence. Behaving himself that day like Commander and Souldier, co­ver'd with his Buckler, and having his Sword in his hand, with four more he set upon the Turks, and by dint of Sword drove 'em to the Gallery,And drives out the Soul­diers. where he so prest 'em, as to make 'em throw themselves down the Rock, with [Page 104] no less danger then that they fled from, most of them Kill'd or coming off Maim'd by their fall.

81. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas had now News,The Turks get upon th [...] Church. that on the Leads of the Church there appear'd a great many Turks with two Banners planted, beginning to Shoot our men from above as they came on; here 'twas the danger was great, for there being no other then Fire­arms, Fortune out-went Courage. VVe were less then sixty, the Turks more then an hundred. Dom Iohn Mas­carenhas seeing, that by keeping the place they encreas'd, sent for Scaling-Ladders, chance and necessity so orde­ring it, that in his own Fortress he was forc'd to be­come the Assailant. Our men fastned a little Ladder to the VVall, and the first Souldier who Ventur'd on it vvas by the [...]ances of the Turks immediately thrown down; they then brought bigger and clapping 'em to the VVall, the Commander in chief striving first to get up, vvas by the Souldiers just violence kept from passing. Our men got up by the VValls of the Apostle Saint Iames's Church, confident by the place, of the Victory; the advantage of place made great Odds in their Fight­ing, the Enemy had firm footing, Ours by their hang­ing in the Air broke two Ladders, for their strife and heat vvho should first get up vvas an other VVarr. The Commander by his vvords and example animated the Souldiers, vvhich he did more out of his Duty then Necessity. The Conflict vvas obstinate and resolute, some of our men fell back Dead, none came off VVoun­ded. The impatience of getting [...]oom to Climb vvork't more upon those vvho stood below, then the Wounds they saw their Camrades receive; for, though in so long and dangerous a Siege they had not too much of the Warr, they cut one an other vvith unheard of Cruelty.

82. Iuzarcaon encourag'd and reliev'd his, vvith fresh men so, as in a little time he fill'd the place where they fought, (which was the Leads or Roof of the Church) with Souldiers. Ours at last, after a sharp [Page 105] contest, at the price of their Blood got upon the Wall, showing in the inequality of place and numbers, a difference in Courage. Three long hours the dispute lasted,And retire. in which time the few who were there so be­hav'd themselves, as that one Action deserv'd a particu­lar History, yet find we not their names Recorded, who by their Blood challeng'd so distinct a memory. The Turks were almost all Kill'd, some by their fall, others in the Fight, and suppos'd to be their best men, who were singled out for so great an Action.

83. The Commander hearing the assault lasted yet on the Works, carry'd off his men to refresh 'em in a second danger, and visiting the Posts, found our men so engag'd in keeping off the Enemy, that after four hours the assault seem'd but to begin; The Dead at the foot of the Works were so many as they wanted ground to lye upon, whose Bodies made the Scaling of the Wall easier. Rumecaon without, encourag'd, or reproach'd his men, as he saw the bravery or coldness of their Cou­rage in Fighting; provoking 'em by Rewards, and Pu­nishments; on all occasions of this Siege showing both Resolution and Discipline. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas gave not over Ordering, and Providing what was ne­cessary every where, so as the Souldiers in no danger found him wanting; On that day which was the A­postle Saint Iames's, it appear'd the Saint would shew us the Victory was his, and that he was not now less Powerfull against the Moors in Asia, then he had been before in Spain.

84. The dispute continued hot and dreadfull on both sides, Iuzarcaon (taking it to heart, not to com­pass the Scaling of the Fortress which had cost him so dear) came with those men under his Command, to put more Life into the assault, when by a Bullet from the Fortress, which hit him on the Breast, and past through him he fell down Dead;Iuzarcaon's Death. And being a Person of such Value, for his Courage, and the place he held, the News was immediately disperct through the Army, [Page 106] when it came to Rumecaon's Ears (was it Fear, or Com­passion) he receiv'd it vvith no little Resentment, immediately Commanding the sounding a Retreat, to bring off Iuzarcaon's body, a loss could not be conceal'd from his men, and being greater then any they had before sustain'd, they now thought the Victory not worth what it had already cost, and if they should at­chieve it, doubted who would remain to enjoy it. That their Prophet apparently shew'd himself angry with them, since he could endure to see his Banner so igno­miniously torn. To these Considerations they added others which spoke against their Generals fortune, and the cause of the Warr; laying to his charge that they had the worst of it. Rumecaon by diverse Artifices re­medy'd these jealousies, Palliating his own loss, and Enhauncing ours, laying before 'em the Sul [...]an's Favour, and their own Fame, as the most considerable part of that reward they were to look for.And that of many Turks. VVe lost in that assault seven Souldiers, and had thirty VVounded; on the Moors side the Dead were above one thousand, and the Wounded neer two.

85. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, after ordering the Burial of the Dead, and the looking to the Wounded, (in which he spar'd no Care, and less his Estate, which he profusedly spent, without keeping account) did by a Brigantine send the Governour word how things stood, and of his want of Men, Ammunition, and Provisions. Sebastion de Sa, The [...] in Chief advi­seth the Go­vernour. at the instance of the Commander in Chief, and Friends, went on the Vessel, though with these words in his mouth, that only on the work where he was VVounded, could he recover his Health, which every one desir'd he should preserve, because his Actions in that Siege deserv'd no little Fame, and a much longer Life; He recovered Bacaim when his Vessel was almost sunk, was received and entertain'd by Dom Ieronymo de Menezes, Captain of the Fortress there, who presently dispatch't the Letters to the Governour, with what ad­vice he had from Dom Iohn Mascarenhas.

[Page 107] 86. Dom Iohn de Castro was at that time very Solli­citous how things went at Dio, because the Winter kept him from having any News, or sending any Relief; yet did he, without sparing Cost or Danger, even under the VVaves, succour it,How the Governour was con­cern'd to re­l [...]eve Dio. (vvhen most streightned) with Men and Ammunition, as will be immediately seen by the History. He had (with an intention to go in Per­son to raise the Siege at Dio) made march the whole strength of India, and the success seem'd as it would answer the design, for the Kings of India made him very honourable Offers, and the Gentlemen and Souldiers presented themselves without Pay or Reward.

87. About that time, vvhich vvas the beginning of Iuly, History of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 7. Lib. 2. arriv'd at the Barr of Goa, the Ship, Holy Ghost, Captain, Diogo Rebello, she had been of the Governours Conserve, and by bad vveather had VVintred in Melinde, and though she came vvith some of her men Sick, the Air of the Land, the Governours care, and the excess of joy for the business of Dio, made them in a little time recover their health; Dom Iohn de Castro vvas glad of so seasonable a Relief to encrease the Fleet; yet came no News from the Fortress, vvhich the people construed to be an Argument of some ill success; when arriv'd the Letters sent by the Vicar,The news of the Vicar comes. by vvhich the Governour understood, the straightness of the Siege, the strength of the Enemy, and the vvant Ours vvere in of Men and Provisions, and the time rather requiring Execution then Counsel, he resolv'd vvith part of the Fleet to send away his Son Dom Alvaro de Castro, against the opinion of the Mariners, vvho in the beginning of the VVinter counted the attempt too hazardous. Yet Dom Iohn de Castro would not be Over-rul'd,He sends his Son Dom Alvaro with relief, by the love of a Son, or the apprehensions of the Season, but resolv'd upon sending Relief; vvhich being known by the Souldiers, and Gentlemen, they came to offer them­selves, even those vvho by their Years and Command vvere exempted; of their number vvas Dom Francisco de Menezes, vvho, after having had great Commands, [Page 108] offered as a common Souldier, to go vvith the Relief, the Governour took him in his Arms desiring him to stay to go on the Fleet vvith him, but seeing him reso­lute to go in that Succour,and first of all Dom Francisco de Menezes with seven Ship. gave him seven Ships, vvith them to try to make his passage; Dom Francisco put vvith them to Sea, and vvith him vvere a great many brave Souldiers, and some of his Kindred, vvho out of love to Honour bore him Company.

88. Three days after departed Dom Alvaro, recon­cil'd to his Father, upon his complaint,Dom Al­varo parts with Nine­teen. that he had sent before him, his Brother Dom Fernando, as if by Birth­right he claim'd the first dangers. There Embark't on this Relief a great part of the Nobility, whom, the pleasure of the design, and the company of the Gene­ral, made to undervalew the [...]urks, and Storms. The Governour gave his Son his blessing, and put him on Board, with great tenderness from the people, for offering up his Sons for his Country, toward vvhich, then toward his own Blood, he shew'd himself a more indulgent Father. The Governour having given his Son some private Instructions, commanded him (though by his General-ship otherwise dispens't) to obey Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, and so writ him word; Dom Iohn de Castro having always a true Value for other mens Me­rits. The Ships of the Fleet were Nineteen, whose Commanders were,The Com­manders who went with him. Dom lorge de Menezes, Dom Duarte de Menezes, Son to the Count of Feira, Luis de Mello de Mendoca, and his Brother Iorge de Mendoca, Dom Antonio de Attayde, Garcia Rodriguez de Tavora, Lopo de Sousa, Nuno Pereira de Lacerda, Athanasio de Freire, Pero de At­tayde de Inferno, Dom Iohn de Attayde, Bathasar de Sylva, Dom Duarte Deca, Antonio de So, Belchior de Moniz, Lopo Voz Coutinho, Francisco Tavarez, and Francisco Guilherme.

89. The Governour having dispatch't this Fleet,The Gover­nours prepa­rations. was busie in preparing for that himself resolv'd to go upon, laying out for Provisions and Money, which he took up upon his Credit, the only Treasure he kept by him in [Page 109] India, with which he Commanded the Hearts and E­states of all men, as we shall prove by the visible Argu­ments of example.

90. The Ladies and Maids of Chaul, The Women of Chaul pre­sent their Jewels. possest by the same generous Spirit, contributed all the Jewels and Gold they wore, and with a Liberality above VVo­men, without either obligation, or asking, sent 'em to the Governour, and with 'em word that they had less tenderness then envy for their Children and Hus­bands who went with him. We read not in the An­nalls of the Cesars, a braver Action of the Roman La­dies.

91. When the present came, there was accidentally in Goa a Lady of Chaul (by name Catherina de Sousa) who putting all the Jewels she had in a little Box, with this Letter sent 'em to the Governour. ‘Sir, Knowing the Women of Chaul have presented your Honour with all their Jewels for the carrying on this Warr,The present and Letter of a Lady. though I am now in Goa, I would not be without my share of that honour, which belongs to me, as one of that place. I send your Honour my Jewels by my Daughter Katherine. Guess not by the smallness of their number, how many may be in Chaul, for I assure you I am she who have the fewest, having divided 'em amongst my Daughters; and your Honour may believe, that the Jewels of Chaul alone, without being Exhausted, are sufficient for ten years to continue the Warr. The favour I begg of your Honour is, presently to spend mine in Don Alvaro's expedition, because I hope by the intercession of our Lady he will get such signal Victories as will excuse your Honour's Voyage and Trouble: this I begg in my Prayers, and that our Lady by Hers will so add to your Honour's Life, as you may return into Portugall to the presence of your Lady-wife and Daughters. Dated in Goa, at my Daughter Donna Maria's House, this Eleventh of Iuly. I would, (were there need of it) for your Honour's Service, pawn my Daughter Katherine. I [Page 110] know not, whether their love to their Country, or their a [...]fection to the Governour produc't these ex­treams. We have seen as much necessity for it, but not so great Bravery as in Dom Iohn de Castro's time. Many Gentlemen, after having been Generals, and now Old men leaning upon Staffs, came and offer'd themselves for Souldiers, there not being any one grown stiff by his Years or Command.

92. After both Reliefs were gone,History of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 7. Lib. 2. the Governour was uniting the strengths which remain'd, and disposing the Government of the City in his absence. All the Exigencies of the State found him ready with one hand in Peace, the other in Warr. And the Fortress wanting Ammunition, and Provision, (besides what was already sent) he Laded a great Carvell, which being a heavy Vessel would have much ado to endure the Sea. Some Souldiers had refus'd to go upon her, counting it dan­ger without reputation to strive with the Elements. The importance of the business made him desire to entrust the Carvell with some Person of Quality, whose honour would lessen the danger. He imparted the bu­siness to Manoel de Sousa de Sepulveda, a Gentleman, for his Courage and Judgment, very much indear'd to him; who told him, Antonio Moniz Baretto had Gallantry and Industry enough for greater things; that though, for some sleight Quarrel against him as Governour, he would not sue for, yet would he not deny the King's Service in so great an urgency; that he would feel him, and bring the answer of his Resolution. So it was, that Antonio Moniz, Antonio Moniz ac­cepts of a Voyage to Dio. understanding the Governours pleasure, and that he put him on a Voyage whose difficulty only made others refuse it, presently embrac't it. We will in its proper place tell the success and danger he met with.

93. There was by the Vigilancy of the Governour entred some Relief into the Fortress, by which the Danger and Duty lay upon more Shoulders, yet were they not in any proportion to the Enemy, because the [Page 111] last Recruit which came to the Army, consisted of thir­teen thousand Foot,There come an other Iuzarcaon to continue the Siege. under the Conduct of an other Iuzarcaon, in Valour not Inferiour, nor in Fortune [...]ove the first. He brought express Orders from the Sultan to streighten the Siege, and Letters from him to Rume­caon, that he could not stand by and see four contemp­tible Fellows, from the Worlds end, affront the Kings of Cambaya at home; that they should all Dye in the design; that he had rather have a desolate then a sub­jected Empire; that half the Portuguese being already Buried in the ruins of the Fortress, if they could not force 'em to yield as Men, they should as Lyons kill 'em in their Dens. Rumecaon gave no other answer, then by shewing (sometimes for his glory, sometimes for his excuse) our Walls, and Works, every where thrown down, being very much transported that the Sultan was not satisfy'd with what he had done, and more pro­vok't with despair, then reward, he promis'd to satisfie him by Death, or Victory; and being more obey'd for his Cruelty then Command,The Enemy makes a Bastion. he ordered the making of a Bastion before Saint Iames's work, which was with incredible haste perform'd, and furnish't with Men and Ordnance; and commanding our Works, our men could not appear without being fech't off by the Ene­mies Bullets.

94. The Commander in Chief was not a little troubled at it;Ou [...] mer throw it down. for if Rumecaon should (as his design was) Storm on that side, our Defendants would not be able to resist him, without lying open to the Ene­mies shot. Resolv'd therefore to throw down the Work, he recommends the Execution of it to two Brothers, Dom Pedro, and Dom Iohn de Almeyda, who Sallying out about Mid-night with an hundred Souldiers, found the Moors, some sleeping, others careless on confidence of the place and hour. Charging them on a suddain, in a little time they made a great Slaughter, for, forgetting themselves they run upon our Lances and Swords, not aware of Death or Enemy. Those who by flying could [Page 112] provide for themselves, with Groans and Crys gave the Allarum to the Camp, without being able to affirm any thin [...] for certain. In the same confusion came the news to Rumecaon, who (as dangers by Night appear bigger) concluded this Exploit of ours was grounded on some great Recruit arriv'd by stealth, which escap'd his Sen­tinels. He call'd the Officers to Counsel whilst the Army betook themselves to their Arms, and resolv'd with all his strength to relieve the Bastion. He wasted the time of Action in Orders and Preparations, and coming to the place found the Work on the ground, the Guards kill'd, and our men Retir'd; an Action of no less fortune then concernment. There Dy'd of the Enemy three hundred, of our not one.

95. Rumecaon presently ordered the raising thick Walls of Earth against Saint Iohn's work, to be Guar­ded by a Troop of Moors, who by turns took the Watch, and on the top of 'em he planted some Canon to Bat­ter the VVork at a more convenient distance. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, Vigilant in preventing the designs of the Enemy,The Cou­rage of four­teen Souldi­ers. put out through a Skit-gate fourteen Soul­diers, in a stormy and dark Night, who charging on a suddain the Moors, drove them from their Posts, whilst the Labourers with Pick-axes and other Instruments threw down the Work, which being told Rumecaon, he resolv'd with open force to storm the Fortress, ordering for the next day a general Assault, on which he made a Speech to his Souldiers, encouraging 'em, by the affronts they had receiv'd from so few Enemies, brought Low by Duty, Hunger, and VVounds, that those who fell there were more honourable then those who surviv'd, to be to the VVorld an infamous testimony of an igno­minious VVarr; that it was in them, to save their King's Honour, to revenge their Companions and to leave a glorious Fame of themselves in the East; that they ought to be confident of the Sultan's thanks, for he would not fail to reward 'em, and take a particular ac­count of all their VVounds; that if any would venture [Page 113] to govern the Generals staff, he promis'd as a private Souldier to be the first should Scale the Wall.

96. Thus he left 'em fir'd with glory and revenge. Next morning by break of Day, at the Noise of war­lick Instruments, and with their Colours flying (the Displaying of which was observ'd by ours) the Army march't,A general assault. and coming to the Walls began to plant Scaling Ladders round about the Fortress, with the advantage of innumerable and different Shots, of Arrows, Bullets, and other Arms, which came from the Body of the Army. The horrour too of the Fight was increas'd by confus'd and repeated Noises, which, Violently, raising their Spirits and confounding their Judgments, hindred both Command and Obedience. The Moors boldly Scal'd the Walls, as did the Turks on the other side, as if they envy'd each others danger, all strove to be the first at hazards, and blows. Ours, though but few (every one his own Commander, and encourager) so behav'd themselves as if each single man had been to answer for the reputation of all. The first who came to the top with their Blood and Lives paid for their daring, but were immediately with the same eagerness seconded by others, some prick't forward by their own Courage, others by the General, who from below as he discovered in 'em, heat, or fear, prais'd or reproach'd those who Scal'd.

97. The Moors cast Granados, Pots of Powder, and Balls of Wild-fire in such quantity into the Works, that our men Fought in the Flames, which catching their Cloaths burnt them alive. The Commander in chief strove to avoid this danger with some Barils of wa­ter,How our men kept off the Fire. which did partly extinguish or mitigate the heat of the Fire; but the Enemy, knowing how much hurt it did, us'd in all their assaults the same artifice, against which ours found out a more easie then effectual re­medy, many Cloathing themselves with Leather, which the Fire did not so soon seize upon, Dom Iohn Mas­carenhas with Hangings he had of gilt Leather (the [Page 114] Walls being naked) help't to Clothe many of the Soul­diers.

98. The Warr grew hot, and the Fortress (hid in Clouds of smoak) was hardly seen, 'twas only disco­verable by a weak Light, the continual Flashing of Shooting, what was seen, and what was heard was full of horrour; there were at the Foot of the VVall innu­merable Bodies, some Dead, others Gasping, and all that was before the sight, or judgment, was a foul Spectacle, of Deaths, horrour, and wounds. 'Twas in all the VVorks on both sides Fought with great Cou­rage, though with disproportion of Numbers 'twixt the Besiegers and Besieg'd. The work Luis de Sousa defended, (where was Dom Fernando de Castro) was near lost, the assault taking it with the most Breaches, and being attaqued by the Choise men of the Army: Yet did the Defendants give glorious marks of their Valour, Fighting with such Courage in the Flames, as they shew'd themselves, besides Valiant, insensible. Dom Fernando de Castro did here render himself singular by Actions above his Years, proving Courage stays not for Age. The Portuguese did that day things worthy a bet­ter Pen, and larger History. The very Turks were testi­mony of their Prowess, saying, the Franks only deserv'd to wear Beards.

99. During the assault the Work toward the Sea shot often amongst the Enemy, who Fighting in Com­panies were more exposed, and receiv'd no little loss, which Rumecaon taking notice off,The Enemy retires, seeing his Colours torn, and his best men Dead, and that without the loss of a stone the Portuguese had maintain'd the Breaches of their Fortress, commanded the sounding a Retreat, less sensible of the loss, then shame. That day was at several time happy to our Arms;With the Death of three hun­dred. for the Enemy losing on the place three hundred, and carrying off two thou­sand VVounded, there was missing none of ours, though some lost much Blood. The Commander in chief im­mediately look't after the VVounded; the tenderness [Page 115] with which he us'd them being the chief remedy; By helping the infirm, not only with Expence, but grief and Fellow-feeling; he shew'd himself in Peace their Father, in VVarr their Companion. Their danger was presently succeeded by their Labours, for by Night they all repair'd what the Batteries had thrown down by Day, and all with such Chearfulness undertook the Task, as if they came to rest themselves by carrying Stones, Earth, and Fagots.

100. Rumecaon seeing the hazard and difficulty of taking the Fortress by Scaling,History of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 2. Lib. 8. commanded the filling up of the Ditch from Saint Iohns to Saint Iames's work, a thing he put the Ianizaries upon, who proud of their Repute and Courage did ambitiously covet the most eminent dangers of the Siege.Rum on goes about filling up the Ditch. There were Dead already four hundred, leaving their name and grief for 'em great amongst the surviving, who carry'd on the VVork, which prov'd to 'em of little advantage and great danger; for our Guns took 'em off, and a great many of the VVork-men; whose Bodies by a Cruel and Barbarous discipline were thrown in to fill up the Ditch, the VVork being of Fagots and Earth, went on, Kneaded with the Blood of the poor men who La­bour'd in it. They planted some Pieces with which they did harm to our works, chiefly Saint Thomas's, where they took from us the use of a great Gun, and the Bat­tery look't dispos'd for greater Execution.

101. About that time the Vicar Iohn Coelho, with nine Souldiers in a little Boat arriv'd at the Fortress,The Vicar returns to Dio. for though he found the Seas high, and the VVinds con­trary, pains and necessity over-came the danger; He reported the Governour was with all diligence prepa­ring to come to raise the Siege; that he had already sent great Recruits; that there were five hundred men in Bacaim, who hop't with the first opportunity to cross the Gulf; that many not brooking any delay had al­ready ventred to Sea. This news went about the For­tress, and was by the Souldiers entertain'd with Dancing [Page 116] and Musick; every one looking out to Sea took the Clouds for Ships, so credulous are men upon any glimpse of hopes. The Moors had the news of our Re­cruits, and before our men should grow in Numbers with the force they expected, a general assault was or­dered, and they resolv'd to enter the Fortress, or by their Deaths, Blood, and Perishing, show the World and the Sultan, the fault was not theirs.

102. That day with three and twenty Canon,A fresh assault. and some Basilisks they began to Batter, which they conti­nued till Sun setting, and the next day till three in the afternoon. They threw down most of the Walls, so that Ours could not by any Reparations or Traveses shelter themselves from the continual discharging of the Ene­mies Musqueteers. The Turks by the ruins of the Battery got presently on Saint Thomas's VVork, yet did the Captain Luis de Sousa, Dom Fernando de Castro, and Dom Francisco de Almeyda, with other stout Souldiers who kept it, receive them with such fury on their Lances, as they forc't them back, some Dead, others Maim'd. There presently follow'd fresh men, whom our Swords made company for the former. The like fortune had the Fight in the other VVorks, the Moors loss, and our mens courage being the same. The Battery had so raz'd our Fortress, that the Moors (as in a pitch't Field) fought with Ours upon the same advantage of ground, Levell'd by the ruins, but by their Numbers and Fire­works did out-do us. Ours that day deserv'd immortal memory for many hours enduring the weight of so un­equal a Fight; for those of the Enemies, who were wearied or wounded, were relieved continually by fresh men; the Portuguese being always the same shew'd no difference of either Courage or Time.

103. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas went about all the Posts commanding,How our men keep off the Enemy. and Fighting, one while their Cap­tain, another their Companion, and seeing St. Thomas's work in the greatest danger, being most charg'd by the Enemy, sent for a great many Pots of Powder, by those [Page 117] so honourable Matrons, who despising danger and la­bour, came seasonably through Lances and Bullets, to their help, with unheard of example, and with encou­ragements to the Souldiers full of great judgment and courage, whilst others animated them with Regallos and sweet-meats as if they coveted or deserv'd equal fame with them. We had the wind in our faces, which, rai­sing clouds of Dust from the loose ground the Enemy stood upon, almost blinded our men, who only by that accident run the hazard of being lost, yet Fighting with their Eyes shut they received the Moors, more intent upon offending the Enemy, then providing for them­selves. The Enemies fought desperately, Rumecaon every moment minding them of their Kings and their own honour.

104. Iuzarcaon with the Souldiers he commanded,Iuzarcaon falls upon Saint Iohn's work. with so great a resolution fell upon St. Iohn's work that our men were in no little danger: for after throwing down the first who came up, others with so much fury got upon the Walls, that for many hours they maintain'd the Fight equal, till wounded with our Swords, some Dead, others faltring in their Courage, lost the place and their Lives. Here was the resistance and danger greatest, for upon our men, whose force was already wearied and shaken, came other fresh Moors, yet, as if they had kept their strength and courage for the greatest pinch, they repuls't the last as the first.

105. In Antonio Pecanha's Post the Fight was not less stout or fortunate,The great loss of the Enemy. and without particularizing acci­dents, we may by the success judge the fortune of the Day: for the Enemy left sixteen hundred Dead, be­sides the innumerable number of the VVounded: an incredible thing of a few more then two hundred Soul­diers, as were ours: so we find it writ in the Relations and Histories of that Siege, which being ours do with a more wary Pen write their own praises. VVe came off with the loss of three Souldiers, and thirty Woun­ded.

[Page 118] 106. The Fortress by the Battery which preceded this assault was every where Ruin'd and Open, and we to repair it wanted Time, Materials, and Men; yet did Ours steal the hours of their rest, working by Night, and throwing down the Houses of the Fortress, made use of their Stones and Timber, making a kind of sud­dain and stoln Defence, more becoming the time then the necessity.

107. Ammunition and Provision was wanting,The strengths of the Fortress. there was no more Powder then what was every day made, a little, and ill Dry'd, a want which the Moors began to know, and had thereby the hearts to continue the Siege, they had likewise advice that the scarce­ness of other necessaries was answerable, for Wheat was at three Crusades an Alquiere, About one third of a Bushel. and yet the want of it greater then the price; the Sick instead of Hens eat Crows, which coming to feed on the Dead bodies, the Souldiers kill'd, and at an exorbitant rate Sold, the Famine came at last to that height, as they spar'd not Doggs, Cats, and other such Food, unwholsome and unclean. Yet did they with such miserable Dyet reco­ver their strength, undervaluing dangers, and duty, by the greatness of their minds over-coming the passions and affections of Nature.

108. Pans for Powder (which the Militia of India use by Sea and Land,How the want of Pots of Powder was supply'd. and in this Siege were of no little Execution) were as well as other offensive VVeapons wanting, which was supply'd by putting together two Gutter-tiles, the Concave inward, and Pitch't with­out, at which hung lighted match, and being thrown amongst the Enemy, divers were burnt by 'em: by this easie invention did ours hasten the Victory.

109. The Commander in chief desir'd to get some intelligence concerning the practices of the Enemy, who slye, and designing, did yet with strange reserv'dness keep from us his designs. Besides it was advis'd from the Fort next the Sea, that most Nights some Moors came as farr as the Bridge of the Fortress, where they stop't, [Page 119] as men who for some end came to survey, and be ac­quainted with the situation; their silence, the time of Night, and the continuance of it, evinc't their dili­gence not to be casual. Upon which, Dom Iohn Mas­carenhas perswaded Martim Botelho (a Souldiers of trust) with ten Camerades to go one Night upon the Bridge, and endeavour by Force or Craft to bring off one of those Moors▪ Martim Botelho, with the others about Mid-night went out at the Skit-gates of the Courtain, carrying only Swords and Bucklers, and being arriv'd at the set place, (not to be discovered by the Moors) they lay vvith their Faces on the ground, and listning a while, heard some coming toward the Bridge, rising, they sud­dainly set upon the Moors, vvho vvere eighteen, and seeing themselves so unawares attaqu'd, did at the first Onset turn their backs,Nob a Town in Palestine. leaving only on the place a Nobite, vvho vvith a Lance stoutly defended himself. Martim Botelho seeing it greater concernment to take, then to Kill him,Our men get intelli­gence, put by vvith his Sword a thrust of his Lance, and closing vvith him brought him fast in his Arms to the Fortress, vvhere his Reception vvas vvith that honour the Action merited.

110. The Commander by the Prisoner knew the Enemies intentions,what News of the Ene­my. and made use of the advice to prevent some Stratagems the Turks vvere contriving, besides he told him there were missing in the Army five thousand men cut off by us, not to name Officers of note; that the Souldiers of the greatest Authority despair'd of the design, hearing vve should as soon as the Sea vvas down be Reliev'd; but that Rumecaon vvas by the losses he had sustain'd more obstinate in carrying on the Siege, as one engag'd by his honour, and by his pro­mise given to the Sultan; that by the advice of a Tur­kish Engineer of Dalmatia, he had commanded the undermining Saint Thomas's work,Saint Tho­mas's work mined. (vvhere vvas Dom Fernando, with Diogo de Reynoso, and other Comman­ders and Cavalliers) vvhich vvas done in so great silence as our men could not make out the design, because [Page 120] perhaps they believ'd that Fire-works vvere not as much us'd in Asia, History of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 9. Lib. 2. as Europe; but the Chief Officers of the Army being Turks, they brought as well Discipline as Courage.

111. Whilst they vvere vvorking in the Mine, Ru­mecaon commanded 'em to seem to sap divers places of the Wall, that vve being intent upon the common danger, might not guess at the secret one. And by an other Plot to divert our attention, he ordered the making some wooden Horses to be plac't before Saint Thomas's work, as if by them he intended to take it by Scaling, and resolving to fall on the tenth of August, on the Ninth he commanded the drawing off some Guns vvhich he had Planted. And that vve might not by vvondring at that find him out, He endeavour'd by an other design to make us more secure.Rumecaon endeavours to keep it from us. He that night sent an Absessine subtilly instructed to the Fortress, who coming to the Wall, counterfeiting a Panick fear, cry'd to the VVatch to take him in, that he might discourse things of great concernment with the Commander; being let in, and listned to by Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, he discreetly began his Speech, cursing the desperate­ness of his condition, that being Born of Christian Pa­rents, he had like an abortive fruit of Catholick Plants abjur'd the Faith of his Fathers in vvhich he vvas bred; that now vvith his Eyes opened he came to Knock at the Door of the Church, that the Latin Priests might bring back to the Sheep-fold of Christ, so lost a Sheep; that this vvas the miserable relation of an uncompos'd Life; that about the affairs of Cambaya, he could assure him the Sultan had news that the Mogull vvith a great Army vvas entred the Confines of his Kingdome, putting all to the Sword; that Iuzarcaon, who had late­ly brought thirteen thousand Foot to the Camp, had orders to joyn vvith Rumecaon, and both together go against the Enemy; that vvith the resolution he commanded the drawing off the Canon, but that he should be provided the next day to look for a general [Page 121] assault, because the Turks would not without some Noise end that Warr. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas com­mended and confirm'd his resolutions of turning Catho­lick, besides the taking kindly his intelligence, and again let him down the Wall, to acquaint him with any new thing that hapned in the Camp.

112. The news of raising the Siege, with the certainty of the assault which was to be given, was Nois'd about the Fortress, and the Souldiers for joy put on that day their Bravery, some rejoycing at the approach of the Enemy, others at the end of the Warr. The Comman­der in chief found a great forwardness in all the Soul­diers to expect the assault, for all thinking 'twould be the last of so long a Siege, every one coveted to give the latest memory of his Actions.

113. Dom Fernando de Castro kept his Bed of a Fea­ver, and hearing of the intended assault,Dom Fer­nando came sick upon the Works. rose, his Gal­lantry offering violence to Nature; Dom Iohn Masca­renhas, sometimes as his Commander, others as his Friend went about to hinder it; but Disobedience here passing for Virtue, he rather offended against Health then against Honour, putting on his Armour and coming to the Works.

114. The day of the glorious Saint Laurence broke, Dedicated by his happy Martyrdome to Fiery trials. The Gentlemen with so much transport of joy came to their Posts as if already in possession of Reward and Victory. They presently saw at a distance the Enemies Army marching Orderly, and dispersing it self round about the Fortress.The Enemy makes shew of an other assault. Our Canon plaid with no little Execution, the Enemy, Souldier like, enduring the Charge, rather then discompose the Order he march't in, till he had gain'd his Post, and planted Ladders to begin the assault; they fell on the Works with great resolution, hoping by Fighting to amuse us, that the confusion of the Conflict might cover the Stratagem of the Fire they had laid. Our men shew'd great Bravery, as if in haste to rest [Page 122] themselves in Victory, promis'd in the issue of that Day.

115. The fury of the Sword, without any fear of that of the Fire, was kept off, in Saint Iohn's Work; the Enemy fought carelesly, till the sign of springing the Mine arriving 'em they all at the same time retir'd; the same fear, equal and suddain in 'em all, discovered us the Plot. The Commander in chief cry'd out im­mediately for 'em to leave the Work; that the Mine, now known by the suddain retiring of the Enemy, might without any hurt take Fire. Every one by leaving his Post obey'd their Commander, only Diogo de Rey­noso with disorderly Courage kept the place, calling them Cowards who quitted it. At those words all re­turn'd to their Posts, rather following example then reason.The [...] Min takes Fire. The Mine immediately with a most hideous report took Fire, and those stout Defendants lay Dead in that place, they had kept alive.b Here Dy'd Dom Fernando de Castro at the age of Nineteen, rais'd from a sickness Nature might have past over, but Courage made it mortal. Dom Francisco de Almeyda lost his Life, keeping up the courage and misfortune of his Family. Here lay Buried Gil Coutinho, Ruy de Sousa, and Diogo de Reynoso, who with his Life paid for so many Deaths, he so generously, but fatally was instrumental to. Dom Diogo de Sottomajor, flying with a Lance in his hand, fell upon his Feet in the Fortress, without any hurt by the Fire, or his fall; some lighted in the Ene­mies Camp, about sixty men were lost by this mis­chance; thirteen who came off which their Lives, were [Page 123] wounded or deform'd by the Fire. Others more large­ly write the accidents of this Fire. We had rather, then grieve the attention of those who read the History, a­mongst the chances of this so famous Siege, silently pass over this unfortunate Day. Our men wondered to see the Execution of smothered Powder should be so great, that the stones of the Fortress blown up by the vio­lence of the blow should Kill a great many in the Enemies Camp, the Fire rather following the impulse of Nature then the prescrib'd Limits of the Engi­neer.

116. After some time, when the Fortress was clear'd from smoak, Rumecoan commanded five hundred Turks to enter at the ruins of the fir'd Work, the rest of the Camp in whole Companies seconding 'em.The me­morable Courage of five Soul­diers. Yet met they with five stout Souldiers who resisted 'em, for a good while sustaining the weight of so strange a Com­bate; so unheard of a truth, as there goes as much Courage to the Writing, as Action, though qualify'd by the confession of our Enemies themselves, and by the reverence of so many Years.History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 2. Cap. 10. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas with fifteen more came to that quarter to their Relief, where he beheld two Spectacles, one challenging Com­passion, the other Amasement, and relieving the five, all together made so stubborn a Resistance, as to stop the fury of a Victorius Army; such a thing as, related only with the bare truth, out-does all the Greeks or Ro­mans have in their Histories or Fables.

117. 'Twas given out in the Fortress that the Turks were Masters of the fir'd Work, upon which, some Souldiers who fought in the other Posts came thither, as where the danger was greatest. The false report hap­pily sav'd the Fortress, for they made a Body capable of resisting thirteen thousand Foot, so many (as our Histories reckon) were they, who went on upon the Min'd work.The Cou­rage of Isabel Fernandez and other Women. The Women, taught not to value their Lives, brought Lances, Bullets, and Pots of Powder, and the Magnanimous Isabel Fernandez, with only a Bill [Page 124] in her hand, did by her Actions animate the Souldiers, though much more by her example and words, crying aloud, Fight for your God, Fight for your King, Ca­valliers of Christ, for he is on your side. The Enemies, by the success of the Mine, having so fair a Door open to Victory, resolv'd that day to conclude the business, encourag'd by their General, and the opportunity, now Fighting as own'd by fortune. Those who were on the Work, (out of ambition to be the first in so eminent an Action) behav'd themselves the more resolutely, and being Ianizaries and Turks, would have for them­selves only the honour of the Day. Rumecaon com­manded the re-inforcing the assault in other places, that against so inconsiderable a strength, diversion might fa­cilitate the Entry.

118. The Fortress was often lost, the Enemy being numerous and fresh, Ours, besides their being but few, spent with the labour of so unequal resistance. The Vicar Iohn Coelho, The Vicar encourageth the Souldi­ers. holding up a Crucifix, came to en­courage 'em, saying, that God whose cause they main­tain'd was the giver of Victories, at which sight those Loyal, and stout Champions, put in Breath again, seem'd more then men in their Courage, for not one had any weakness or sence for his Wounds, continuing the Fight with the same vigour, and boldness, as they begun it.

119. Now was the Day declining, and the Turks closely mingled with Ours, now mortally Burnt, out of the same Wounds each man pour'd his own, and an others Blood; and by a whole Armies charging on so few Defendants, our Souldiers receiv'd many thrusts in the same place. What we relate with truth, may seem heightned. The great things the Portuguese did that day let the whole East speak, I believe, every Stone of famous Dio will be for 'em a silent Epitaph; Our Pen shall not be ungratefully silent of the Names of those five Cavalliers we spoke of,The names of the five Souldiers. who were, Sebastian de Sa, Antonio Pecanha, Bento Barbosa, Bertholomew Correa, and [Page 125] Mestre Iohn a Chirurgion. With the Fight ended the day. Rumecaon commanded the sounding a Retreat, after losing seven hundred men in the assault, the Wounded were without number, of whom very many Dy'd (for want of looking to) in their Cure; the multitude tyring out the Chirurgions and making scarce the re­medies. Mestre Iohn only Dy'd of those five Cavalliers who kept the VVork, torn in pieces by his many Wounds, which he sufficiently Reveng'd, unwilling to leave the Fight, or obey his Friends, who would have forc't him to retire, as one so considerable for his Pro­fession, not less for his Courage.The pecu­liar Courage of Isabel Madeira. His Wife Isabel Ma­deira came to bind up his Wounds, and after Burying him with her own hands, with few tears, and great grief, went with the other Matrons to work in the [...]renches;Ib. so great a Courage, as hath been but seldome seen in the most resolute.

120. Upon the Enemy's retiring, Dom Iohn Masca­renhas gave order for the Burying the Dead, which were in the ruins of the Work, removing them from one Grave to an other; for the straightness of time and place they were Buried all together, so honourable Ashes being without Funeral honours, and Officious tears; yet rest they, in so poor a Grave, more mist by their Country, then those who in Alablaster urns have left of inglorious Lives an idle Memory. Dom Fernando de Castro was laid in a Depository by himself, that if the Governour his Father would carry his Bones to any other place, he might make him a more Stately, but not more glorious Monument. After the Commander in Chief had with pious Earth covered his Companions, he fell upon repairing the Breaches the assault had left in the Walls, help't in it by the VVomen, who had their share of labour and danger, not reserving time and place for the grief and tears of their Sons and Husbands, whom they had seen expiring before their Eyes, and had themselves Buried, by unheard of examples smothering the inclinations of Nature. [Page 124] [...] [Page 125] [...]

[Page 126] 121. After repairing the works with Stones, yet warm with Blood and Fire,The Com­manders re­solution. the Commander in Chief call'd to Councel those few Companions who had sur­viv'd the Storming, representing to them the compassi­onate condition they were in; the greatest part of the Defendants being Dead; those who remain'd, Sick or VVounded; the Arms all in pieces; the Provision stink­ing; the Ammunition consum'd; the Fortress thrown down; the Seas, by reason of the VVinter, more innavi­gable; the Enemy vigilant, and hourly Recruited, be­sides his knowledge of all these wants; all which con­sidered, he begg'd of 'em, that, without any regard had to their own Lives, they would consult with him, how best to Salve their Kings, and their own Honour; that they would bethink themselves, how the VVorld stood looking on, and that the whole East had their Eyes upon 'em, as being in a condition to deserve the greatest Fame, or Infamy; that if 'twere not in their power to get the Victory, 'twas in it to deprive their Enemies of it, every one having the power of Dying bravely; that they would purchase greater honour, cut in pieces, then the Moors if Victorious; that he had call'd them together to impart to 'em his Resolution, hoping every one would approve it, which was, that, wasting that little Provision and Ammunition they had, burning what ere might be Pillage, breaking their Guns, with Swords in their hands they should Sally forth to find the Enemy,Ib. then could not that be call'd a Victory, where neither Plunder or Prisoners were to be had. There was not a Souldier, who, having heard Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, thought it not long till so ge­nerous a resolution was effected. Let Rome say, if in her Annalls she finds Recorded so great an Action of her Fabios, Scipios, or Marcellus's.

[Page 127] 122. Whilst this was in debate,d Dom Alvaro de Castro was strugling with the storms of Winter,Dom Al­varo de Ca­stro's Voy­age. for, it being then the four and twentieth of Iune, a Season when those Seas are not Navigable, He, sollicitous for the danger the Fortress was in, not valuing that of his Fleet, did by force of Oars sail even under the Waves; The Whirl-winds were so Tempestuous, and the Seas so High and Counter as they swallow'd up the Ships; some with the force of the Weather broke, others lo­sing their Masts and Tackling, lay without Steerage at the mercy of the Sea, Shipping in water on both sides, without any Government of their Helm. Dom Al­varo, resolute in the relief of Dio, turn'd too and again, finding himself every moment so under water, as with the Ships rowling the Sea beat off her Rudder; yet by his impatience, with some Ships of his Convoy got shattered and torn into Bacaim, the rest recover'd diffe­rent Ports,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 3. Cap. 1. and Bays. Here Dom Alvaro found Dom Francisco de Menezes forc't back again with the same VVeather, after several times venturing into the Gulf, which he found so High and Stormy, as for saving the Bottom he was forc't to cast Over-board all his Lading of Ammunition and Provision.

123. Antonio Moniz Barretto at that time came in with his great Carvel of Provisions,Antonio Moniz ar­rives at Bacaim. which (so general was the Storm) had been oft times lost, and on his arrival deliver'd her up to Dom Alvaro, with a resolution in a little Vessel he found, in despight of the Seas to go for Dio, so season'd with one danger, as to [Page 128] venture on an other. The storm that day encreasing, the Ship began to drive, and spent two Cabells; the Vessel being of such consequence, as having in her all sort of Provision for relieving the place, Dom Alvaro endeavoured to help her, but do the Mariners what they could, so great was the Storm they could not get to her, yet did Antonio Moniz Barretto put himself in a little Boat he by chance found on Shore, and, though those from the Land saw him a thousand times under water, the Vessel being light, and yielding to the Seas, Liv'd in 'em; at last he arriv'd, made fast a Cabell to the Carvel,Saves the Ship of Pro­visions. and against every ones judgment, with more fortune then reason, tow'd her after him, and con­cluding that only such a Vessel, little and light, could make her way through so great Seas,Ib. on which the beating and shock of the VVaves would make a less im­pression, he privately bought it of a Merchant, and with some Mariners whom he paid what they ask't, embark't on her. There was casually standing on the shore Garcia Rodriguez de Tavora, who seeing Antonio Moniz reso­lution, desir'd him, to take him with him, Moniz excus'd it, saying, 'twas not convenient he should have so emi­nent a Person for his Companion,Two Gen­tlemen go for Dio. who would ecclipse him: that only for himself he would have that danger, without any other going in his Boat. Garcia Rodriguez assur'd him he would every where confess, 'twas he who carry'd him, and give it him under his hand; so scru­pulously in those times did they manage points of ho­nour. Antonio Moniz, satisfy'd with that modesty, per­mitted Garcia Rodriguez to come on Board. Miguel de Arnide, a Souldier of a Gigantick body, and not less in Gallantry then Stature, seeing them put out to Sea, cry'd to 'em from the shore, What Gentlemen do you go without me to Dio? Ib. here's no room for you, an­swer'd one of them, but the stout Souldier, with his Cloaths on, Leaping into the Sea with a Musquet in his mouth, swom toward the Boat, and Antonio Moniz see­ing so great Bravery staid to take him in, saying in one [Page 129] so good a Companion he carry'd a good Recruit to Dio.

124.The dan­gers of the Voyage. Those Gentlemen were at Sea in so bad VVea­ther, as all that day and night they Sail'd at the mercy of the VVinds, the Boat, with her Helm lach't, and keeping no course, obeying the Seas; the VVaves some­times drove 'em on shore, at others made them lose what they had got, they were with a Bonnet brought to their main Yard, turning up and down as the Seas carry'd 'em, which fill'd them so full of water, as very hardly did they free her with Bucquets; in that per­plexity and danger past they the Night, all worn out with their continual Labour, by the darkness of the Night and closeness of the VVeather not knowing where they were; The day broke, but with little diffe­rence from the Night, and they were still striving with the VVaves, till about Evening they came in sight of the Fortress, so Battered, as, for the ruins, they hardly made it; they came at last to an Anchor, without the Sentinels taking notice of it,They arrive at Dio. on which they conjectur'd the Fortress was lost; Antonio Moniz call'd so loud to 'em, as being heard by those within, they went with the news to the Commander in Chief; here 'tis said, that the Sentinell asking who's there, a Souldier answered, Garcia Rodriguez de Tavora, The gene­rous jealousie of two Gen­tlemen. which Antonio Moniz ta­king ill, reply'd, that he was the man came thither, and, if Garcia Rodriguez had not civilly and modestly tempered Antonio Monits just resentment, the Jealousie, (though time and reason were above so slight Quar­rels) might have caus'd a greater Breach. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas came to receive 'em, and with embraces told 'em, how much he valued their so seasonable Relief; he ask't Antonio Moniz where Dom Alvaro de Castro was, who in the Souldiers hearing answered him aloud, Sir you have him here with sixty Sail in Madrefabat, They tell news of Dom Alva­ro. and with the first fair weather you'l see his Streamers; but between themselves he told him, that, after often put­ting to Sea, being forc't back again, he was yet at Ba­caim, [Page 130] but so impatient of his stay there, that he would not wait for the time of year to come to his Relief; this news was so entertain'd, that the Souldiers with Dancing and Capering forgot their past Sufferings, in their hopes of the Recruit at hand; and those who had serv'd under Dom Alvaro, upon their experience of his Gallantry, warranted his coming, in spight of the Seas and VVinds.

125. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas entertain'd his Guests on Saint Iohns and Saint Thomas's works, where were the most ruins, Courting them, who had so well de­serv'd from greater dangers, with those pastimes of VVarr. Our danger was not at that time less, though less apprehended. Antonio Monits sent back the Vessel he came in to his Cousin-german Luis de Mello de Men­doca, who had begg'd it of him; there went on her some maim'd Souldiers, with Letters for Dom Alvaro de Castro from the Commander in chief, in which he gave him an account of all had past,The Com­mander in chief advi­seth Dom Alvaro, telling him in short the straights we have before related. The Boat came back to Bacaim to the great joy of those who saw her, to hear the Fortress yet held out for the King, though that was allay'd with the dreggs of so many being Kill'd, of whom the most resented was Dom Fernando de Castro, who left behind him in so green Years so ripe a Me­mory. Dom Alvaro receiv'd it with the constancy of a Souldier, comforting himself with having his Sword in his hand to revenge him: and immediately that Even­ing commanded the Fleet to put to Sea, with orders to go away directly for Dio, who puts forth from Dio. and that no Ship should look after an other.

126. Rumecaon in the interim, seeing greater Execu­tion done by Mines then Assaults,Rumecaon goes on with the Mines. and having heard, by some Slaves who fled from the Fortress, of our Fa­mine and Danger; of the grief ours were in for the miss of so many eminent Persons who were lost in the Mine, and of the scarcity of Ammunition and Provi­sion, resolv'd to continue Mining, which was done with [Page 131] less Danger, and more Execution, and in pursuance of the design, commanded them to Sap at Saint Iames's work, and that part of the Wall which runs about it. All was done by crooked and cover'd Galleries, to hide the design from us, and secure the Work-men. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, cautious, and fore-warn'd, arguing from the short truce of the Enemy, that he was work­ing in some other new Mine, affraid too of Antonio Pe­canha's work, gave order for the Repairing it, and the opening some place to Listen at, by which he found they were working at that part of the Wall,Our men labour to prevent 'em. which the Enemy found so strong, as to be proof against his Tools; an extremity he with Fire and Vinegar over­came. A proof the Enemies we had to do with in Asia, wanted neither Courage or Discipline, as some falsely write, who to lessen our Victories, take the Eastern Moors to be Raw and Barbarous; that day they begun to destroy the Wall, and presently Rumecaon commanded, that 'twixt Saint Thomas's Work and the round Tower the Mine should be made, which our men knowing, Counter-mind, and made up a strong Wall within; and wanting Materials, and VVork-men, those honourable Matrons help't in so difficult a Work, to favour the wounded and sick, who could neither endure nor excuse the Labour.

127. Rumecaon having perfected the Mine, resolv'd under protection of that, to make a general Assault, and calling to him the Officers of the Army, and those who were chose to Scale the VVall, 'tis reported he made 'em this Speech. ‘Those ruins you see, besmear'd with the Blood of our Fellow-Souldiers,Rumecaon encourageth his men for an other assault. must this day be our Grave, or our Quarters; they who keep those shattered VValls are an hundred men, whose strength is by hunger and wounds so abated, as we only Fight with the shadows of those who have been men, who miserably Sacrifice to our Semitars Lives without Blood. All that honour, they with unhappy Courage have won in this Siege, is to be Ours; for, [Page 132] from the end of a Warr are the Atchievements nam'd, and the World gives always the Courage to the last success; Let's make an end of winning the Fortress, Let's climb that mount of Triumphs, we shall with only one Victory revenge infinite Affronts; Let's deliver this Slave Asia from Prisons, and Taxes, Let's free our Seas, which groan under the weight of their Fleets; we shall by this Assault make an end of so glorious a design, and the East will for whole Ages joyfully remember so glorious a Day.’

128. Having ended his Speech, he spoke to, and ani­mated particular Persons,They fall upon Saint Iames's work. with motives seasonable to the Time, and Persons, designing rewards to those who should first Scale the Walls, as would have done the most prudent and experienc't Commander of Europe. On the same day, the sixteenth of August, the Enemy with all their strength march't out of their Quarters, and dividing themselves orderly about the Works, left the main Body of the Army to fall upon Saint Iames's, where they hop't to open the Gate for Victory. Here they gathered Tumultuously, with rude Crys in their mouths, and letting fly, in great abundance, Arrows, and Darts, to summon our greatest strength to the De­fence; here the Fight was at the hottest, till in the height of it, the Enemy, seeming to yield to our resist­ance, as on a sign given, suddainly retir'd; Our men who had been fore-warn'd, knowing the cheat of their feign'd fear in which they went off, quitted too the Work, looking for the springing of the Mine, which the Moors made play, and being resisted by the Counter­forts and Scarp of the Wall,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 3. Cap. 2. which met with it, it sprung Recoyling towards the outward face of the Wall, and the Curtain flying, carry'd it with so great violence upon the Moors, that above three hundred were Kill'd, and many more Maim'd.

129. The Fortress was for some time hid in the Clouds of Powder, and Smoak, so as neither side knew their loss; as soon as the Air grew thinner, the Enemy [Page 133] came on in Troops to get upon the spoils and ruins of the Fire, with so much confidence of Victory as they hindred one the other, droven on out of Covetousness of reward, or Ambition of honour; yet did Ours re­ceive them on their Lances, sending 'em back VVoun­ded to those whom the Mine had destroy'd; after them came on others, also after a long dispute repell'd by ours, who were Gall'd with the multitude of Ar­rows, Darts, and Balls of VVild-fire which came from the Camp, with which they spoilt some of our men, and hindred the Souldiers, attent on both dangers, from the Defence; yet so Burnt and VVounded, not one quitted the place he kept, where they so Heroically be­hav'd themselves, as is witness'd by the success and ine­quality of the Fight. The fire, the Moors cast into the Works, was so great, as Ours fought in live Flames, which the Commander in Chief remedy'd, by bring­ing Barrels of water, which mitigated, or put out, the fir'd Cloaths, and Bodies. The Enemies greatest force being drawn hither, here it was our men made the grea­test opposition, which made the Fight the more ter­rible, Recruited every moment by the Moors with fresh men, and Re-inforc't with the presence and voice of the General.

130. Antonio Monits Barretto, and Garcia Rodriguez de Tavora gave here eminent proofs of their Courage,Ib. enduring, with more then ordinary constancy, the weight of the Enemies, shewing, in the extremities both by Land and Sea, the same Gallantry. A great share of the honour of the day is due to those, never enough prais'd Matrons, companions not only in their labour,The women continue their Cou­rage. but danger. The good Old woman Isabel Fernandez, with a Bill in her hands, by her words, but more by her example animated the Souldiers; and the others, a­mongst the Arrows, Lances, and Bullets, either show'd their own Courage, or assisted it in others.

131. In the other works, they were not idle; for to facilitate, by the diversion, the entrance at Saint Iames's, [Page 134] where the Mine sprung, there was Fighting in all. Ru­mecaon gave order to Batter the Church in the Fortress, which, by being high, might be thrown down, believing too the offence in that place would be more sensible; but ours had so receiv'd the Enemy, as they now coldly and remissly went to Scale the Wall, kept back by the horrour of our Execution amongst 'em.

132. Rumecaon out of impatience Commanded the founding a Retreat,The Enemy retires with loss. leaving above five hundred Dead, without number the Wounded. Any one of ours might content himself with the honour he that day gain'd. That stout Souldier Miguel de Arnide so sig­nalis'd himself, as he prov'd even that Body too little for so great a Soul, and accompanying so vast a Growth with proportionable Strength, who ere was reach't by his first blow, excus'd him from a second. Mojatecaon, vvho vvas come to the Army vvith a great Recruit, and spoke vvith scorn of the valour of the Portuguese, Mojatecaon praiseth our mens Va­lour. by the experience of that day forming an other judgment, said they vvere vvorthy to command Kingdoms, and that the VVorlds good fortune consisted in their being so small in number; for Nature had, like Lyons, made them few, Locking them up in the Denns of the West.

133. VVe lost that day seven Souldiers, those vvho vvere Scorch't vvere twenty two; and now the vvell vvere so few, as not to be enough to help the Wounded, less able to repair the ruins of the Fortress, for vvhich, time, Materials and Men vvere vvanting; but Rume­caon finding so tough resistance in the Assaults, had an other opinion of our strength. At this time three of our Slaves ran to the Enemy,Rumecaon hath intelli­gence from three of our Slaves who ran away. vvho brought before Ru­mecaon, told him, there vvere not threescore Souldiers in the Fortress, vvho could bear Arms, and those very much vvore out vvith Hunger, and continual duty of Labour, and Centries; in vvhom nothing vvas to be found but obstinacy vvithout force. Rumecaon, on the certainty of this news, resolv'd the next day vvith all [Page 135] his strength to storm us, acquainted his men with the condition we were in, and gave order they should all hear it from the Slaves mouths,Ib. who running up and down the Army merrily spread the relation of our ne­cessities.

134. As soon as the Day broke, the Army had orders to give the Assault;He gives an other assault. at which, as at the last of the Warr, every one would be present, some put on their Bravery, believing they went rather to Triumph then to Fight. They came out of their Tents with their Colours flying, playing on diverse Instruments, which seconded by the noise of the Camp, form'd Barbarous, and hideous Ecchoes, and having, by the intelligence we have spoke of, o'recome their fear, as soon as they came in sight they advanc't to Saint Thomas's work, which being almost all thrown down help't them up by its ruins. The first company who fell on, with confi­dence of Victory, were Turks, who, by our mens cast­ing amongst them some Pots of Powder,Our mens stout resist­ance. were forc't being all on Fire to retreat. Others came on with the same fury, and after a long dispute, as the first, gave back, of whom our Swords had drawn Blood; but Rumecaon not doubting but so continual resistance would spend us, as Iron which is blunted by cutting, by the slaughter of his own men guessing at our weakness, Commanded his Souldiers to go take possession of the Fortress, which had now none left to oppose 'em. Here tumultuously fell on a great Body of the Moors, en­gag'd on by their own credulity or the words of the General. These at their first speed got upon the Wall, and began body to body to Fight with ours, many and fresh, against a few, already wearied and wounded; yet deriving Courage from their gallantry; and necessity, the last found them as Valiant as the first. Some of the Enemies falling down, others came in their places, which often lost the Fortress. Here fell in Dom Iohn Masca­renhas, animating, as a great Commander, his Men, and Fighting, as the stoutest Souldier, himself; and provi­ded [Page 136] for all the chances of Warr, had ready all sorts of Arms; which our men made use of, being by those stout Women, put into their hands. Luis de Sousa Com­mander of that Work, shew'd that day great Gallantry. Antonio Moniz Barretto, Garcia Rodriguez de Tavora, Dom Pedro, and Dom Francisco de Almeyda, did things wor­thy a larger History,Ib. and all the Cavalliers, and Soul­diers, who were in the Action, purchast a most deserv'd Name.

135. Rumecaon by the Slaves information, believing he should find free entrance,Rumecaon falls upon Saint Iohns work and re­tires. Commanded his men to fall upon Saint Iohns work; but those few Defendants there were, so behav'd themselves, as the Enemy was forc't vvith loss and shame to retire. Rumecaon, amaz'd at vvhat he saw, said, vve vvere the Instruments of Hea­vens anger against Cambaya, and the second time, with certain Barbarous and Ridiculous expiations, vvent a­bout the appeasing Mahomet; and because in storming, he lost a great many men without success, and the Soul­diers now grown Cowardly, did on the apprehension of their being so daily Butcher'd, slight their obedience, he set upon Mining again, as a vvay more effectual or more secure; and first he commanded the opening some Loop-holes in the VVall, which divided the Army, and our Fortress, by vvhich our men receiv'd no little harm, Fighting as in a plain Field, vvithout the protection of the VVall, vvhich vvas thrown down; and the showring of Musquets vvithout any intermission annoy'd us.

136. He commanded his Souldiers to Batter the Ci­stern vvith a great Gun,He endea­vours to break down the Cistern. because that being broke, as in a necessity past Cure, thirst vvould destroy us; this Cistern is at the entry of a Street, vvhich vve call the Cova, and vvas the Moors old Ditch, vvhere those vvho vvere not fit for Service retir'd; here fell store of Bul­lets, not vvithout doing mischief to the poor people vvho fled thither for Protection, and endangering the Roof vvhich cover'd the Cistern. The Commander in Chief prevented this fear by ordering an high defence of [Page 137] Wood lin'd with Earth, which secur'd the apprehen­sions of either inconvenience, making holes too in the common joyning of the Houses, next the Fortress, by which they supply'd one the other securely.

137. The Moors in the interim work't in the Mine, vvhich vvas carried to Saint Iames's vvork, and being by Ours found out, they on the inside put strong Abute­ments, and opened some Vents, that the Fire might spend it self, at the time of springing the Mine, it met vvith such resistance in the Scarp, that carrying vvith it part of the Work, it plaid vvithout the Fortress,An other Mine plays with loss to the Enemy. Kil­ling great numbers of those Souldiers and Miners, vvho were employ'd in it, not one of Ours miscarrying, by the Courtain of the Wall holding firm; it might be by chance, but that so extraordinary, as it appear'd a mi­racle. The Moors, vvhen the Mine plaid, did by vvhole Companies get up on the ruins of the Work, vvhere they vvere Resisted by our men, vvorn out by Watch­ing, vveakned by their Fasting and Wounds, and more in Heart by the greatness of their Courage, then the force of Nature,The great danger ours were in. yet so animated by honour and dan­ger, as they seem'd to Fight with fresh, and entire strength, keeping off the wild Current of the Enemy with his own loss; The place was of reception for more to Fight upon, and the danger encreast by the ine­quality of the numbers. The noise of Arms, and con­fusion of Crys, interrupted all Commanding, and Obeying; of the Moors many fell, but by the dili­gence of the Commanders, others came in their place, by which they gave Ours no respite, who from a farr were thrown at by Darts and Arrows, and Fought clos'd hand to hand. Thus did they for many hours hold out the Fight. The Enemy gain'd so much as to plant three Colours on the VVorks,The Enemy plants three Colours on St. Iames's work. which their great numbers of Musquetteers defended; thence they de­scended by the VVall to the Apostle Saint Iames's Church, which joyns to the same VVork, and placed themselves on the Top of it, so that one half of the [Page 138] VVork and Church was kept by the Moors, and by us the other.

138. The night came on, and not Peace but Nature put an end to the dispute; yet did they with wandering and uncertain blows blindly continue the Battail. The Commander in chief gave presently order for the cast­ing up a weak Work (which more divided then pro­tected us from the Enemy) which was made by stealth, and with Swords in their hands; the Souldiers had no other Lodging then the place they fought on, where, not on their Arms, could they securely take a little re­pose, neither had they conveniency of time or place to dress their VVounds. The Commander indulg'd himself no rest from his Arms, less from his Thoughts; He that night Commanded the Levelling a Canon at the Door of the Church, which commanded the VVork, and with that gall'd the Moors, who while they kept possession of what they had got, receiv'd no little loss, till by a high Rampier they cover'd and secur'd themselves.

139. The danger by Sea, was not less then that by Land;Luis de Mello de­parts from Bacaim. for immediately, upon the arrival of Antonio Moniz's Carvel to Bacaim, the next day (the four­teenth of August) Luis de Mello with fifteen Compa­nions embark'd on her, and after him Dom Iorge, and Dom Duarte de Menezes with seventeen Souldiers in a Fly-boat.History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 3. Cap. 3. Dom Antonio de Attayde, and Francisco Guil­herme, each in a Ship of his own, with fifteen Souldiers. Luis de Mello presently put to Sea, but for the contrary VVinds made but little way, the further he got off from the shore, he found the Seas higher, and the Carvel being but little, and loose, and the VVaves so great, as by the force of the Storm to break over and flowre her,The dangers of his Voy­age. she ship't the water on both sides, which the Mariners, every moment over-whelm'd, freed with Bucquets, upon which both Grumets, and Souldiers, grown fearfull, and out of heart, desir'd Luis de Mello to stand for his Port again, saying, that with men they could Fight, [Page 139] but not with the Elements; that 'twas now not Cou­rage, but Obstinacy, to lose themselves for nothing; that against the wrath of God no Bravery could carry it out. Luis de Mello went to quiet 'em, alledging, that Antonio Moniz past in the same Vessel and same Storm; that he had not with him better men then he, nor did the Seas shew him more favour; that none without danger atchiev'd great things; that when their Friends, and Camrades were Fighting with the Turks, they were not to wait for calm Seas, and fair Winds to go and re­lieve 'em; that though the Waves swallow'd the Ship, he would, on his Sword swim to Dio; that they should go man the Sails, for God would help.

140. The terrour, and shame of these words, did for the present quiet 'em, so as that Evening and Night, they were striving with the Storm, expecting every Wave should overset 'em, and now wanting strength to furnish their Duty, seeing the Tempests likely every minute to grow bigger, Mariners and Souldiers agreed, by force to compell Luis de Mello to Tack about, which being told him by one Gòmez de Quadras, a Souldier under his command, he took all the Arms, and laying 'em up in the Gun-room, with his Sword in his hand said, who ere spoke of going back, should be answer'd by Stabbs;He resist [...] those who would re­turn. that none of their Lives was more Valu­able then his, that they should be afraid where he was lost, to lose 'em; that they should look forward, towards Dio, for that now, neither their honour, nor safety had any other Port. The Souldiers seeing this resolution, and the Mariners more afraid of the Com­mander, then the Storm, pursu'd their Voyage, with water always on Board, and drinking in Death, as if every puff of Wind had been to Bury 'em; thus were they Sailing in continual Shipwrack, till in the Evening they came in sight of the Fortress, whence they were perceiv'd with Joy and Amasement.He arrives a [...] Dio and [...]ells news of Dom Alva­ro. The Moors at their coming over the Barr ply'd 'em with Shot, but they came without any hurt under the Fause-bray, [Page 140] where the Commander came with an Over-joy to re­ceive 'em; who, was by Luis Mello assur'd, that Dom Alvaro de Castro could not be two days behind, news by every one entertain'd with such Rejoycing as reach't the Moors, on which they concluded the Relief was now at Sea, and Rumecaon resolv'd to streighten the Siege. Luis de Mello with his men were quartered on Saint Iames's work, the most part of which was held by the Enemy, and which he had Garrison'd with the best men of his Army, put there to Dye in defence of what they had got.The other Gentlemen arrive. The next day arriv'd Dom Iorge, and Dom Duarte de Menezes, having scap't with the same resolution, as Luis de Mello, the same dangers; with this Recruit, more considerable in quality then number, the Warr seem'd to put on an other face.

141. The new Guests importun'd Dom Iohn Mas­carenhas to let 'em see the Enemy, by setting on the driving him out of Saint Iames's work, which he easily granted, and resolv'd to bear them Company. All provided against the next day, and when it broke,A sight in St. Iames's work. got upon those Walls the Enemy had made for his Defence; charging the Moors so Vigorously, as they forc't them from that place, maugre the Courage and Opposition they maintain'd themselves with; The noise before the news reach't Rumecaon's Ears, who coming with all his Force to that place, again engag'd with Ours, on equality in the ground, but advantage in the number; Here both sides fought it out, Hand to Hand, and Body to Body, wounding one the other with short Weapons, every one with his Blood and Life maintaining the ground he stood upon. Ours with so inferiour a party shew'd so much Gallanty, as the Moors without the Works stood looking on with fear and wonder; yet, the Enemies force having so much the Odds, he re­gain'd that part of the Work he had won before, and re-inforcing it with a double Garrison, ordered the gi­ving a general Assault to the Fortress. The Fight was every where at the same heat, many of the Moors [Page 141] drop't, some ta'ne off by the Sword, others burnt with the Fire; but when the dispute was at the hottest, the day began to over-cast with a great storm of Wind, Rain, Thunder, and Lightning, as if in the Air was kindled an other new Battail.

142. The Moors, seeing our Match put out by the Rain, and that neither our Pots of Powder, nor any other Fire­works could do them any mischief, looking upon the course or variety of the Weather as Divine favour, came under covert in the midst of thick Rain, upon us with­out fear, and with Shouts, and Crys, as if they had Hea­ven on their side. This was the day, in which our men shew'd the greatest Courage, and the Fortress was in the greatest danger;The danger the Fortress was in, and the Courage of our men. because the Moors run upon our Lances and Swords, either Brutish, or Valiant. Six hours lasted this so resolute Assault, till the day turn'd clear again, and our men began to make use of their Pots of Powder, with which they Burnt not a few, whose sight cool'd the others Courage, making them Fight more Cautiously till the close of the Day, and Rumecaons sounding a Retreat;Rumecaon retires with great loss. when he left, four hundred Dead, and above a thousand Wounded; of ours seven Dy'd, the Wounded were more. All the Gentlemen of the Recruit were in this Assault, giving the same proofs of their Courage and Birth; Dom Iohn Mascarenhas play'd by turns the prudent Commander and stout Souldier, always present in danger, without prostituting his Command. Our men past that night with Watching, having for their so near Neighbours the Enemy, who had, for the straightness he held the Besieged in, receiv'd new Honours from the Sultan, The Enemy is recruited. and a Recruit of five thousand Foot was come to him, with many Turk-Officers, whom Rumecaon desir'd should be presently brought to face our men, that by shewing them with whom he had to do, he might justifie his Actions.

143. The day after the Assault, came over the Barr Dom Antonio de Attayde, The other Gentlemen arrive at Dio. and Francisco Guilherme, who found not the Seas less Boisterous then those we have [Page 142] spoke of; who reported Dom Alvaro de Castro could not be missing a day, having made the Fleet set out with this Order, that no Ship should stay for an other. The Souldiers, for this News and Recruit, kept Holy­day with Musick, and continual Dancing, which made the dangers of the Siege go onely for a pass-time.

144. Rumecaon, having notice there were already ar­riv'd some Recruits at the Fortress,Rumecaon despairs of the design. and thinking when the Weather opened, the Portuguese would not be back­ward to assist one the other in the greatest Dangers, began to despair of the design, seeing hardships shook not our mens Resolutions,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 3. Cap. 4. and that his Souldiers in their Discourses did not allow the cause of the Warr, accu­sing the Breakers of that Peace we kept so inviolably; He was afraid of some dispositions he saw for a mutiny, which, by aggravating the miserable condition of Ours, and the infallibility of their Victory, he Labour'd to prevent. He paid the Souldiers, and commanded the They are Judges, Prea­chers, and Governours of Colled­ges. Cacizes to Preach the certainty of Glory for all those who Dy'd in this Warr, and the Rewards, which for de­fending their Country, they were to receive from the Sultan, not forgetting to joyn the Temporal, with the Spiritual. And Mines not being so Dangerous as Storming, and of more Execution, he resolv'd to go on with them; on this design, he commanded the opening a great Mine, in that tract of the VVall which from Saint Iohns work goes untill it end in Antonio Pecanha's Centry-house; but our men being caution'd (though subtil, and contriving Rumecaon, sap't under the other VVorks,He opens an other Mine, which is prevented. commanding his men by night to make a noise there, by that diversion to keep from us his intention) Dom Iohn Mascarenhas had notice of the Mine, against which, as at other times, he secur'd himself, the Gentle­men working to prevent it, whose example eas'd the Labour of the Souldiers.

145. VVhen 'twas time to spring the Mine, the whole Army mov'd,It plays and our men defend the Breaches. and begun to surround the For­tress; there came before two Sanjacks commanding a [Page 143] Company of Turks, who were to enter at the Breaches presum'd upon at the playing of the Mine, which with a hideous Noise carry'd into the Air the whole face of the Wall; The Turks, though blind with Smoak, and Dust, (the force of the Fire had rais'd) ran presently on, but found the opposition of an other VVall, the Fire either had not reach't, or had prov'd too strong; yet seeing Antonio Pecanha's Watch-house open in three places, carrying thither their Arms, they endeavoured to gain it; but our men, as to the weakest place came to its Relief, stopping the Current of the Enemy.

146. Here the dispute was for a while close and hot, the Besiegers and Besieg'd, as it were Fighting in a plain Campagnia, and Rumecaon believing, that there was all our force, Commanded 'em to fall on the other VVorks, where too the Portuguese entertain'd 'em with their Swords. The Enemy that day shot infinite Bul­lets into the Fortress, which, though That was almost raz'd, did no harm, an accident which for its rareness look't like a miracle.The Enemy retires. The Fight lasted some hours, the Enemy retiring with his usual loss, we with our ordinary good fortune.

147. Rumecaon, who now thought himself re­proach'd by the length of the Siege, as one who to ju­stifie himself, went in quest of dangers, and difficulties, the next day in Person fell upon Saint Thomas's work, commanding several Officers to Scale the other vvorks, which made those days Storming go for a successive assault.Rumecaon falls upon St. Thomas's work. The Moors fought here, more Desperately then Valiantly, making haste, though run through with Lances, and Swords at once, to Dye, and Kill; readier to offend, then save themselves, seeking Death as the gate to that imaginary Glory, promis'd 'em by the Ca­cizes, who in favour of the design, and to beget in the Souldiers a contempt of their Lives, continually prest that Diabolical incentive. In this heat, did they for some hours endure the Crisis of the Battail, with the loss of fourscore, upon whose Bodies they continued [Page 144] Fighting, forc't on by the grief and loss of their slain Camrades. They in fine behav'd themselves with such resolution, as to keep that part of the VVork where the Fight was, planting on it their Colours, covering them­selves with Trenches and Barricados.

148. The dispute in Saint Iames's work was not cooler, the Enemies had twice got it, but met with so gallant a resistance,How it went in St. Iames's work. as at no little expence of Blood they again lost it; The fire the Enemy cast amongst us here was so much, that our men fought in Flames, ha­ving no other remedy for their Relief, then to cool themselves in Barrils of water. Antonio Moniz Barretto, was, with but two other Souldiers on the VVork, re­pelling the fury of the Enemy, and Moniz, stepping off to allay the heat of the Fire in the Barril, was seis'd on by one of 'em, saying, Ah Signior Moniz, will you let the King's work be lost? I'me all on Fire (answered he) and go to bathe in the Tubbs, if your Arms (reply'd the Souldier) are well enough to Fight, all the rest is nothing; whose hints Moniz accepted, so pleas'd with the Souldiers courage as he got him his discharge, and brought him with him for Portugall, generously con­fessing his own backwardness, to the others advantage, and always calling him by an honourable Title, The Souldier of the Fire; neither do the relations of this Action, make him known to us by any other name.

149. In this, and the other VVorks they this day fought,The Enemy retires again. with equal courage and danger, which we will not particularly relate, because the Circumstances do so agree, as looking like the same thing repeated, the Writing, and Reading would be tedious; yet, though the relation of this Siege doth not by its variety delight, who will deny this Action to be one of the most fa­mous in human Story, which as so was valued by the most Warlick nations of Asia, and Europe? Upon the Enemies retiring, we fortify'd our selves in the ruins of the Fortress, where we were continually on our Guards.

[Page 145] 150. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas the next day, sent out Antonio Correa with twenty Companions in a Carak,Antonio Correa goes out to look for some Prize. a Souldier of great Courage, whose Birth (but by his Actions, which deserve, or suppose it Eminent) we know not. He got over the Barr, and Coasting the Island as was commanded him, without any Prize re­turn'd; but as stout Souldiers satisfie not themselves with brave unless successfull Actions, Correa (more des­perate then obedient) return'd to tempt Fortune five times on the same Errand; but that which seem'd chance, was Mystery, and Heaven decreed or per­mitted the stout Souldier should be obstinate in the design, who is to blame himself if his own fault pro­cur'd his misfortune. He in fine, with too importune Curiosity, return'd, to provoke or know his Fortune, and standing up with the Island, perceiv'd a Fire at a distance, which made it seem less, but Rowing towards that place, leaving his Companions in the Boat, went on Shore, and walk't a while alone, till the light of the Fire discovered twelve Moors, who were warming them­selves about it; immediately he return'd pleas'd to his Companions, bidding 'em leave their Boat, for now they had in their power the Prize they sought for, yet the Souldiers, either forgetting themselves, or Ministers of an higher providence, went not with him, making way for their Commanders fortune, who seeing the Souldiers base resolution, went alone to the Moors, having heart enough to go attempt that danger, he could not master; on a suddain he set upon the Moors, who surpris'd with so unlook't for an Assault,Sets upon twelve Moors, who take him. some fled, the rest, but Faintly and Timerously stood to their Defence, but coming to themselves, and seeing them­selves Hack't but by one man, began with more re­solution to resist him, those also who were fled came back to joyn in the Defence, and while Antonio Cor­rea was at blows with some of 'em, others behind mastered him, and after taking him, like a Beast kept him Ty'd, and so carry'd him to Rumecaon, in credit [Page 146] of their Prize, shewing the VVounds they had re­ceiv'd.

151. Rumecaon commanded he should be loos'd, asking him how many men were in the Fortress?He is carry'd be­fore Rume­caon, if the Governour intended to come to Dio? with what force, and in what time his Son was expected? he with great assurance answered him, that there were in the Fortress six hundred men, who were every day earnest with the Commander to lead 'em forth to the Camp; that they very shortly look't for Dom Alvaro to come with fourscore Vessels, who upon his arrival would Sally forth into the Campagnia, because some Gal­leys he brought with him wanted Turkish Slaves; that the Governour was preparing greater Forces, be­cause at once he would determine the business of Cam­baya. Rumecaon who knew the truth of our strength, envy'd so brave a Soul in so low Fortune, and esteeming him as a Souldier, who in Chains despis'd him, ask't him to turn Moor, that he might in a better Religion have better Fortune,Who per­swades him to change his Religion. and know the difference there was 'twixt serving a rich Monarck, and poor Pyrats. The stout Cavallier scandalis'd at the Affront of so base Ci­vilities, told him, The Portuguese were always ready to shed their Blood for their Religion, and King; that Mahamed was an Impostor, infamous for his Actions and Doctrine; that if there were in Cambaya any Rene­gados, they were of other Nations, as was his Father Coge-Sofar, whom, as a Monster of the place he was Born in, his Parents and Country own'd not as their Son.

152. Rumecaon not able to endure from a Slave the affronts of his Religion and Person,How he useth him. kindled with Zeal and Contempt, commanded, that before taking away his Life, he should in his presence be beaten and spit upon, believing the Punishment not so much to him as the scorn, then ordered, he should in disgrace and deri [...]ion go naked through the Streets, a Barbarous inventor of so new a Punishment, first against Man, [Page 147] then against Humanity; yet did this Souldier of Christ (like one, now a Souldier of an other Militia) with a softer Courage overcome by suffering. Rumecaon, after these affronts, saying, his Prophets honour deman­ded satisfaction in Blood,He com­mands he should be Beheaded. commanded he should be Beheaded, and the Palm, he deserv'd as a Souldier, he obtain'd as a Martyr; his Head was put upon a Pike, and set, where from the Fortress our men might see it, who as Souldiers, out of a natural but unjust Compun­ction vow'd to revenge his Blood, as Catholicks, envy'd his Death. The next day, those who were in his Com­pany return'd, whom the Commander, respecting the time, would neither see or punish; yet did they expiate their fault, by venturing on all occasions, like men who loath'd Life without honour. Many of 'em accus'd by their Conscience, design'd their own Death. The Moors at a distance mock't and geer'd at us, pointing at Antonio Correa's Head, recompensing so many losses with that satisfaction, and grown by it more daring, did in contempt of us some extraordinary Actions.

153. Between Saint Thomas's and Saint Iames's work was our Colours planted; which one of the Moors (believing he could without danger effect it, the Wall being Low, and not Guarded) had a mind to take away; coming by stealth and unseen of our men, getting up by the Ruins, he got hold of the Staff, and though he by forcing mov'd it, yet could he not carry it away, and quitting out of fear his hold left it Leaning; seeing how little his first attempt cost him, return'd with the same Caution in quest of the Colours, and as he was reaching out his Arm to take hold of it,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 3. Cap. 5. one of our Souldiers with a Musquet-shot Kill'd him. This hapned in face of the Camp, who for his first exploit entertain'd him with Shouts and Praises, now look't upon him falling with a profound silence. Ours ran in great haste to cut off his Head, which they so planted, as with it to confront Antonio Correa's.

154. The Moors who were fortify'd in Saint Thomas's [Page 148] work, went on at the purchase of their Blood, getting ground inch by inch, carrying always before 'em Moun­tains of Earth, and Boughs, with which they covered and fortify'd themselves. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas com­manded the bringing a great Canon to the Church door, which lying higher then the Moors, had 'em for a mark, from whence he so furiously Gall'd 'em, as to break their Defences, and with the loss of a great many, make 'em Dislodge.

155. The Fortress vvas now raz'd,The extre­mities of the Fortress. and the Portuguese instead of Walls defended their own Ruins, the Enemy vvithin the VVorks at the gates of Victory; of the Provisions, some the time had Corrupted, the rest for their quality vvere Unwholsome, from vvhence procee­ded so malign Diseases, as the vvell receiv'd more hurt by the Infection, then from the Enemy.

156. Dom Alvaro de Castro vvas departed Bacaim vvith fifty Ships,Dom Al­varo is forc't back. (so they call any Boats in India be they European Carvels, or Vessels vvith Oars) and being Over-laded vvith Ammunition and Provision, not able to Live in so great Seas, they vvere, shattered and loose, forc't to alter their course, and recover diverse Bays and Creeks, as the vveather drove 'em. Amongst those Ships vvhich vvere scattered by the Storm, was that commanded by Athanasio Freire, vvho standing in for the Land, vvas cast into the Bay of Cambaya, almost quite sunk, and in such a condition, as by common con­sent they agreed to run on Shore at the first Land they made, counting Life more prisable then Liberty; ac­cordingly they run a-ground near Surat, vvhere they vvere taken Slaves, and carry'd to Sultan Mahumed, vvho sent 'em away Prisoners, and commanded 'em to be put in the same Dungeon vvhere he kept Simaon Feo vvith other Portuguese.

157. Ruy Freire vvho came in Conserve vvith Dom Alvaro, Ruy Freire arrives at Dio. in a Ship of his own, and Souldiers paid at his own Charge, did better keep the Seas, and Sailing that day and the next in the Storm, came in sight of the Coast [Page 149] of Dio, whence he lay in for the Fortress, and coming over the Barr got to an Anchor under the Fause-bray, where he was by every one welcomed, and told the Commander in chief the news of Dom Alvaro's com­ing, as much expected as necessary, not then knowing any thing of his going back, of which we shall give an account.

158. Dom Alvaro de Castro, Dom Al­varo keeps on his Voy­age. and Dom Francisco de Menezes, were with the general Storm forc't back to Agacaim, all shattered; where they quickly fitted themselves, and with most part of their Fleet ventured to Sea again, and over-coming the fury of the weather got sight of the other Coast near Madrefaual, whence they made at a distance a great Ship which came steal­ing by our Fleet. Dom Alvaro commanded the Captain to make up with her, as did two Ships more of the Company. The Ship presently stroke Sail, being the King of Cambaya's, and coming from Ormus, she sent off two Merchants who came and presented Dom Al­varo their pass, sign'd before the Warr;He takes a [...]hip of Cambaya. who seis'd on the Ship, and sent her to Goa, that the Governour might determine if she was to be made Prize; The Commodities in her were Coral, Chamlots, Pintados, and Carpets, all which were judg'd to be lost. Dom Alvaro de Castro holding on his course arriv'd at the Barr of Dio with forty Ships, with their Wast-cloths, Strea­mers, and Pendents, making a show both warlick and pleasant.He arrives at the For­t [...]e [...]s with forty Ships. He saluted the Fortress with all his Guns, which, with the sounding of Drums and Trumpets re­turn'd him the like answer. The Commander in chief made the Gates of the Fortress be opened to receive Dom Alvaro, all the Gentlemen, and Souldiers too, came to receive and welcome the Fleet,His recep­tion by the Commander in chief. on which be­sides Dom Alvaro in Person, came Gentlemen and Ca­valliers of eminent condition; they brought Ammu­nition and Provision for some time, the Governour not willing to have it at the Courtesie of the Seas, to deny or give passage to a second Relief. Dom Alvaro [Page 150] took up his quarters in the Work vvhere his Brother Dom Fernando fell, those who formerly had been under his Command came to serve under Dom Alvaro, and most of the Gentlemen, some as having bore a part in the sorrow for his Brother, others in his Victories; all too vvould take the word from him, as Admiral at Sea, not one being vvilling to be exempted from his Command, a thing contrary to the Time, and more to Discipline; yet Dom Alvaro told the Commander, he came to re­ceive orders from him, which Dom Iohn Mascarenhas taking for a Civility, answered vvith the same Court­ship; but Dom Alvaro shew'd him his instructions, which vvere not the least part of the other excellencies of the Governour, to say, that, though by the Jurisdiction of his Place, and the King's Commission, he himself vvas exempt from any subjection vvhich belong'd not to the Governour of India, he sent his Son Dom Alvaro to re­ceive orders from Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, the great Honour he had gain'd in that Siege so requiring it; a temper in a man truly great, vvhere he had already lost one Son and ventur'd an other, to covet none of that Fame, he vvith his Blood help't to purchase, greater doubtless in this Neglect, then afterwards in his Vi­ctory.

159. Rumecaon knowing of Dom Alvaro's arrival, said, there vvere now Prisoners in the Fortress to ho­nour his Triumph, and commmanded his men to work more eagerly in the Mines.Both advise the Gover­nour of the condition of the Fortress. Dom Alvaro immediately dispatch't his Ship to the Governour with Letters, inti­mating in vvhat condition he found the Fortress, and Dom Iohn Mascarenhas advis'd him of all had past. There vvere now six hundred men in the Fortress, all Souldiers of repute, whom, Dom Iohn Mascarenhas thought capable of greater things, then only a Defence; he commanded the planting three great Guns against the Enemies Posts, vvith vvhich he so furiously Batter'd 'em, that Rumecaon, as intent to defend himself as spoil us, re-inforc't his Fortification.

[Page 151] 160. There was in the former assaults, Buried in the ruins of Saint Thomas's works, a great Gun of an extra­vagant bigness, which the Commander was earnest to get up into the Fortress, and imploying Ropes and Machines, found it impossible, desiring so at least to secure it, as the Enemies might make no use of it, he ordered it to be ty'd there with great Cords. The Moors continued digging under the Walls of the Work, and striking on the bottom Stones, by the failing of the Foundation the VValls fell down, the great Gun re­maining ty'd and suspended in the Air.The Enemy falls on again and retires. The Moors came presently on to enter the Work, but found in their way Dom Francisco de Menezes, with others about him, who engag'd the Moors in a very hot dispute, and that being the first day of their seeing the Enemy, they charg'd him with such Vigour, as he was forc't to retire, leaving many of his men on the place. In the height of the Fight, some of 'em fasting a great Cabell to the Gun dragg'd it off, unseen of Ours, who engag'd in the Fight, did not take notice what the Moors were doing.

161. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas did vigilantly attend the designs of the Enemy,Our men resolve to go out and seek him. more afraid of their Mines, then being Assaulted openly; which coming to the knowledge of Dom Alvaro's Souldiers, warn'd by the late example of Dom Fernando de Castro, and other Gentlemen, and Souldiers, who were Burnt to Death, they all agreed to Sally out and Fight the Enemy, fear­full where the danger was doubtfull, resolute where 'twas certain.

162. They said they would not by their useless obe­dience be Burnt to Death, when they might Dye in the Field, with Victory or Revenge; that knowing how to Fight like men, they would not perish like Beasts, fast­ned to their danger; that of two, they rather chose that they might overcome, then that they could not avoid.The Com­mander goes about to dis­swade 'em, Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, first by Reason, then by the Authority of his Place, and Person, did what he could to disswade 'em, but in vain, because (as their [Page 152] crime had some semblance of Virtue) they were proud of it, and expected rewards and praises for their Dis­obedience. Dom Alvaro de Castro help't to keep 'em back, much disgusted by so foul an obstinacy,as do Dom Alvaro and Dom Fran­cisco saying, the King would be more sensible of the disobedience of one Souldier, then the loss of a Fortress; that it belong'd only to the Commander to Govern, to them to Obey and Fight. Dom Francisco de Menezes told 'em they were the first who would Defame the name of Portuguese; that they would go with their Honour lost, their Lives in no little danger, and though they scap't the arms of their Enemy, they could not free them­selves from the just anger of their King, whom, by so base a Mutiny, they in the Person of his Commander, despis'd. For all this, with a fatal resoluteness did they provide to give Battel, saying, no fault could be such, as Victory would not excuse, and if they were lost, they were exempt from reward or punishment; that they stood up for the honour of the State, whose Custom, was rather to take places on the Moors, then lose its own.

163. All the mutinous Souldiers could be brought to,The Soul­diers hold their reso­lution. was to put off their Sallying forth till the next day, having left 'em for their Counsellour that so short time to consider, what was best for their safety, and honour; They, by a fatal unanimity, all rose resolute and ready for the Fight, telling the Commander if he would not command 'em, they would amongst themselves chuse a Head.The Com­mander in chief and Gentlemen to prevent greater mis­chief resolve to go with 'em. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, seeing himself now forc't to go along with the unruly; and that standers by would judge more advantagiously of the daring, then prudent; resolv'd in Person, with Dom Alvaro, and most of the Gentlemen, to follow 'em; the Commanders by a new Discipline obeying, and the Souldiers comman­ding.

164. There were in the Fortress (as we have said) six hundred men, of whom one hundred staid to main­tain the Posts, of the rest, Dom Iohn Mascarenhas made [Page 153] three Battallions, two he gave two Dom Alvaro de Castro, and Dom Francisco de Menezes, the other he took for himself.Our men Sally out, and in what or­der. They immediately Sally'd out of the For­tress, and at the first charge got the Posts the Moors had made in the Ditch, who on easie terms quitted 'em. By this shaddow of Victory began our ruine; for our men ambitious, and out of order, assaulted the Wall.History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 3. Cap. 6. The first who got up was Dom Alvaro, seconded by two Brothers, Luis de Mello, and Iorge de Mendoca, who came up after him; Dom Francisco de Menezes entred at an other place; and amongst the first were Antonio Moniz Barretto, Garcia Rodriguez de Tavora, Dom Iorge, and Dom Duarte de Menezes, Dom Francisco, and Dom Pedro de Almeyda.

165. Rumecaon, Iuzarcaon, and Mojate [...]aon, The Ene­mies resist­ance. came with numerous Companies to receive ours, 'twixt whom the Fight began, maintain'd on our side with more Courage then Discipline; Dom Francisco de Menezes was forcing back the Moors, who not able to endure the weight of the charge lost ground apace, till reliev'd by a great many others, they stop't the Current of our men. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas climbing up the Wall, at the same time with the other Officers,The Cap­tain chides the Muti­neers. seeing diverse of the mutinous Souldiers, standing at the foot of it, with­out the hearts to get up, with sharp words, did aloud up­braid, first their Disobedience, then their Cowardliness, who without a word follow'd him, striving to answer by their Actions, and presently charging the Enemies who were engag'd with Dom Alvaro, made 'em quit part of their ground; but the party being so inequal, the Moors began to recover, so charging Ours, as to put 'em to disorder.

166. Dom Alvaro behav'd himself,The Cou­rage and Discipline of Dom Al­varo. as his Birth, Re­pute, and Courage promis'd, not being at a loss in Discipline, hard to be kept up when the day is lost; He was, as much as possible, Ordering and Leading off his men, Retreating honourably with his face always towards the Enemy, who had cut off some of his men, [Page 154] and the rest, not able to endure the force of the Moors, were leaving him; which Iorge de Mendoca perceiving, though Wounded, took Dom Alvaro in his hands to help him up the Wall, and not able by the bleeding of his Wounds to perform it,He gets upon the Wall, and with a blow of a Stone falls down. was help't by his Brother Luis de Mello; Dom Alvaro being upon the Wall, re­ceiv'd a blow with a stone, which made him without any sign of Life fall down on the other side.

167. After Luis de Mello had help't Dom Alvaro, Luis de Mello is shot through with a Bul­let. he likewise sav'd his Brother, who was with Garcia Rodri­guez de Tavora, Antonio Moniz, and other Gentlemen, repelling the fury of the Moors, till shot through with a Bullet he fell down for Dead; his Companions carry'd him off, and laid him on the VVall, thence was he brought to the Fortress, afterwards conveigh'd to Chaul, where he Dy'd of his Wound, deserving, by his singular Courage, if not a more glorious Death, a longer Life.

168. Dom Francisco de Menezes, as he was Fighting stoutly,Dom Fran­cisco de Menezes's Death. was tane off with a Bullet, at whose loss his men began disorderly to retire; here was the Execution greatest, for the Moors knowing our mens confusion charg'd 'em more Vigorously.

169. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas in this misfortune be­hav'd himself with Courage,The pru­dence of the Commander in chief. and Prudence, some times Leading off his men, other times facing the Enemy, (whilst the Mutinous were retiring) by this course avoiding no little mischief; and having now secur'd the Walls, there went a report the Fortress was lost, on which the Souldiers like Routed men, began every one to disperse; in this so dangerous Conflict, Dom Iohn Mascarenhas cry'd to his men, shaming them with their going off, and Fighting so couragiously that only with a few who stood to him he kept off the Enemy. The Gentlemen who were in the Fight, got a loud name in so unhappy a Day. Lopo de Sousa at the foot of the Wall defended himself against a whole Company of Moors, making them often retire, with such Bravery, [Page 155] that they charg'd him at a distance, till by a Dart which past his Breast he fell down Dead, leaving his Blood sufficiently reveng'd.The Gen­tlemen who were that day taken notice of. Antonio Moniz Barretto, Garcia Rodriguez de Tavora, Dom Duarte, and Dom Iorge de Me­nezes, who had seventeen Wounds, made the Victory dear to the Enemy.

170. Rumecaon endeavouring to make the best of our Rashness,Mojatecaon falls upon the Fortress and retires. commanded Mojatecaon with five thou­sand men to march to the Fortress, to intercept those who were flying in the Rout, and falling upon Saint Thomas's work, he found Luis de Sousa there, who with Canon and Musquet-shot, Kill'd great numbers of his men, yet the Moors emboldned with the heat of Vi­ctory, continued Scaling, but were so stoutly resisted, as with notorious loss to retire.The Com­mander in chief Rallies the Souldi­ers. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas took such pains, as he Rally'd those men who were scatteringly going off, and making of them a close Bat­tallion, led 'em on to the Fortress, meeting by the way many of the Moors, who being careless in the security of Victory, he so Couragiously charged 'em, as many left their Lives, more the Place. There were lost in this miscarriage five and thirty men, of whose number were the Gentlemen we have spoke of;Our loss by this mis­carriage. the Wounded were above an hundred, but in so unbridled a design, the loss was not so much as the disobedience. The Commander in chief went presently to look out Dom Alvaro, whom he found yet Speechless, and by the judgment of Chi­rurgions in danger of Life, which lasted those days Philosophy calls Decretory or Critical; yet his pain abated, and Dom Alvaro recovered his health, to the satisfaction of those, who lov'd him for the quality of his Birth, and Person. Nuno Pereira was in the Fight, who behaving himself with known Courage, came off with fourteen Wounds;History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 3. Cap. 7. he desired leave for his Cure to go to Goa, having there a Family, and being lately Married to a great Fortune, most of which he spent in the King's service, till (as we shall tell hereafter) he lost his Life.

[Page 156] 171. Rumecaon reflecting on this so unexpected Vi­ctory,Rumecaon is encoura­ged by the success; got by our mens unruly Courage, had more hopes of success, and a stronger resolution to see the end of the design; for which he begun to find his mens obe­dience more pliable, having by this days experience lost a great deal of that fear they had of our Arms; he presently sent the Sultan news of the Victory, which was at Court solemnis'd with publick Rejoycings; and Ru­mecaon receiv'd from the King the honours of a Con­querour, being for the future better supply'd with Men, Ammunition, and Money, on the coming in of a great part of the Nobility, in hopes to go share in his For­tune:goes on with his Mines and we with our Repara­tions. He presently commanded his men to go on with the design against our Work, stealing the Earth from underneath, that being unfurnish't the weight might sink it, by the failing of the Foundation on which it rested, Dom Iohn Mascarenhas deluded this Plot, by ordering an other Fort to be made within, which took a less compass, and by containing less Earth was fitter for defence. This could not be hid from Rumecaon, who brought thither a great party of Moors, these with Stones, Darts, and Balls of Wild-fire, did without inter­mission charge our Work-men, some sure of their aim in those places the Wall discovered, others by casting over it, by which they Wounded our men, more intent on their Work then Defence, to avoid which, the Com­mander gave order they should by hidden Lights work by Night, laying the Stones by the marks and observa­tion they had taken by Day.

172. Rumecaon high, and confident, on the counte­nance the Warr shew'd him in the last Fight, in con­tempt of the Governours coming, every day expected, began (as one who would in his imaginary Victory already enjoy the ease of Triumph) to Build a new City;Builds a new City. whether 'twere to put his men in heart, or as a Credulous man, he grounded upon the prosperity of his imagin'd successes. He made Palaces for himself, with that Order and Grandeur, the wantonness of Peace [Page 157] would have allow'd off; He set out quarters for the Officers, by that, obliging 'em to defend their own Dwellings, shewing in the Fabrick, no less Skil, then Pride: He ordered the laying Boats across in that place of the River which goes from the Custom-house to the Town of Rumes, which being made fast with great Cabels, he fill'd equally with Earth, o're which, (as on a Bridge not steady, but secure) the Carts which provided the City had an easie passage. Upon Rume­caon's confident setting upon so costly a Fabrick, 'twas Voic't in many of the adjacent and remote Kingdoms from Cambaya, that we had lost our Fortress, which re­port pleasing the ears of the Moors, and Pagans, spread all over the East, till the Sultan receiv'd the Comple­ments of many Princes who gave him the joy of the Victory. The sound of this News was with fear and silence listned to in Goa, and though at large, and with­out an Author, came to the Governours ears, who by the privacy and caution with which it went from one an other, did argue its probability.

173. This misfortune so much fear'd,The solli­citousness of the Gover­nour. seem'd con­firm'd by the slowness of advice from Dio, neither was there any certainty what was become of Dom Alvaro's Fleet; those who would put by such thoughts in the Governour, seem'd rather to slight, then deny the news, and he as most concern'd, seeing the necessity of en­couraging the people, seem'd not to lay it to heart, contradicting the News he fear'd, by the Face he put upon't.

174. This sollicitousness took up the Governour,Dom Ma­noel de Lima arrives from the King­dome, at Goa. (only diverted by the business and preparations of the Navy, which, omitting no diligence, he intended) when News was brought him, there was come to the Barr a Ship from the Kingdome, Captain Dom Manoel de Lima, who was parted from five more of the same Conserve, all under the Command of Lourenco Pirez de Tavora; the others were Commanded by Dom Iohn Lobo, Iohn Rodriguez Pecanha, Fernand Alvarez da [Page 158] Cunha, and Alvaro Barradas. The Governour thought Dom Manoel de Lima's arrival very considerable, for the Person, and the necessity; he came Commander of the Fortress of Ormus, which the King had given him to put by some animosities which were 'twixt him and the Governour Martin Affonso de Sousa, whose return from India he expected, to demand satisfaction of him for some injuries. These disgusts the King took up, con­cern'd as a Father in the peace of both his Subjects. Dom Manoel would presently have been gon for Dio, with three hundred Souldiers at his own Charge; but the Governour disswaded him, desiring his Company in his Fleet, and his Courage and Experience in the ma­nagement of the present Design.

175. The Governour being more then ordinarily perplex't about the business of Dio, The Go­vernour re­ceives news from Dio. thinking no good of the want of advice, the Admiral, which carry'd Dom Alvaro, arriv'd at the Barr of Goa; She came in with her Wast-cloaths and Streamers, and by her joyfull Salutes, endeavour'd a farr off to tell the news she was fraught with. The greatest part of the people ran to the Sea­side, to enquire after their Children, Friends and Kindred, and those least concern'd, after the common interest of the State. The Captain was carried to the Gover­nours Palace, satisfying by the way many repeated and troublesome questions; He found the Governour with the Bishop Dom Iohn de Albuquerque, and Friar Antonio do Casal Guardian of the Fanciscans. The Governours first question was,His piety and joy a [...] the receipt of 'em. if the Fortress yet held out for the King his Master? to which the Captain answered, it did and would do; At vvhich news the Governour fal­ling on his Knees, vvith his Eyes to Heaven gave God thanks, not vvithout shedding some tears, vvitnesses, of his piety towards God, and his zeal for his Prince, and receiving presently his Letters,His stout behaviour at the news of his Son Dom Fernando's Death. he heard the Death of his Son Dom Fernando, vvhich he receiv'd vvith so great constancy, as those about him perceiv'd no alteration in his Words or Countenance, as if to appear a Father, [Page 159] had been weakness, and to have the common affections of a man, dishonour. He thank't the Captain, and sent him to chear the City with the news; then retir'd, and in private wept for his Son, expecting time to grieve in, without less [...]ning his place or courage. The same day came into Port the Ship which brought Nuno Pereira, who Dy'd at Sea of his Wounds. The body was Buried, with the Funeral solemnity due to the Person, accom­pany'd by the Governour, Nobility and People; the Gentleman leaving behind him a most endear'd Me­mory.

176. The next day there was made a solemn Pro­cession to thank God,A procession for Thanks­giving. at which the Governour assisted, Cloath'd in Scarlet, comforting (a thing unheard of) the people for the Death of his own Son; He knew by this Ship, of our mens disorderly and obstinate Sally, which occasion'd so many Deaths, and of the danger Dom Alvaro was in, moderating, or smothering his grief for't, as one who less valued his Sons Lives, then their Reputation.

177. On the same day he dispatch't Vasco de Cunha, He sends relief to Dio. that Sailing along the Creeks and Bays of the Coast, he might bring together Dom Alvaro's Fleet, and carry it into Dio▪ by him in his Letters, he Congratulated with Dom Iohn Mascarenhas for the honour he had gain'd, not less for himself then the State; assuring him, that in few days he would come and see him at Dio, with all the strength the State could furnish, for which he spar'd no cost or diligence; and that while the Fleet was setting out, he would send him a Recruit, sufficient to secure the Fortress, and bridle the Enemy, which he speedily effected; for presently after Vasco de Cunha, he sent away Luis de Almeyda with six Carvels, and four hundred Souldiers, with Ammunition and Pro­vision, and plenty of other things which the necessity of the Siege requir'd; and so indefatigable was his dili­gence in providing himself, that in a very short time all his Fleet was ready to Sail, only wanting the relief of [Page 160] Cananor and Cochim to put to Sea; for with such affe­ction and obedience, was he forwarded by every one, as the Ladies and Gentlemen of Goa, came and presen­ted him with their Children and Estates; that Fleet carrying with it as many blessings from the people, as others use to carry tears and complaints.

178. Vasco da Cunha following his Orders,Vasco d [...] Cu [...]ha comes to [...]. was bring­ing together the Ships, which he found in the Creeks shattered by the Storm, and with them recovered Ba­caim, where he found the Commander Dom Ieronymo de Menezes ready with fifteen Ships to go and relieve Dio; engag'd anew by his resentments of his Brother Dom Francisco's Death, of which we have given an ac­ccount, yet had he some days deferr'd his going, upon certain advice, that the Bramatuco would in his absence come and Besiege that Fortress,History of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 8. Lib. 3. a diversion procur'd by the Sultan, in favour of the Besiegers. Dom Ieronymo looking upon himself more oblig'd to defend Bacaim, then relieve Dio, delivered his Ships to Vasco da Cunha, who setting Sail with 'em, met at Sea Luis de Almeyda with six Carvels,He, with Luis de Al­meyda goes into Dio. all of them in Conserve went into Dio, making shew by the number of the Vessels of a more considerable Recruit, yet was the Fortress se­cur'd from Famine and Danger, and the Souldiers be­ing paid and furnish't, the Warr was less fear'd then desir'd.

179. Now was the VVeather fair for us,Luis de Al­meyda goes to look for the Mecca Fleet. and the States Ships began to Command at Sea; Dom Alvaro, as Admiral, ordered Luis de Almeyda with three Carvels (all of 'em under his Command, in two of 'em went Captains Payo Rodriguez de Aravjo, and Pedro Affonso) to stand for the Barr of Surat, and expect the Mecca Fleet, which would strive to recover that Port; who pursuing his Voyage, within few days saw two Ships crossing the Gulf, one great one, the other of a less Burden; as soon as Luis de Almeyda spy'd 'em, with all the Sail he could make, he stood up with 'em; the Ships came before the Wind, and seeing our Carvels tack't [Page 161] about, but our Ships being light, and better Sailers, with all their Canvas abroad, were up with 'em present­ly. Luis de Almeyda Boarded the great Ship, which had for Captain a Ianizary, a Kinsman of Coge-Sofars, who relying on the bigness of his Ship, his Guns and Men aboard, provided for his defence, provoking on all parts a very hot dispute, the Blood run down on both sides, the Moors fought out of necessity, Ours out of duty, and having the advantage of Courage and Discipline entred the Vessel,he takes two Ships, where the Moors, inspirited with despair fought to Dye reveng'd, till with the Death of the most considerable, the rest yielded. They found the Ianizary full of Wounds, whom Luis de Almeyda made be carry'd aboard his Carvel, and his Cure attended. The other Ship on a slight resistance was made yield by Payo Rodriguez de Aravjo. he goes with 'em to Dio. After this action, Luis de Almeyda, while his Commission lasted, ply'd too and again in that Station, in which time he took some Boats of Provision going to furnish the Army, making others run on Shore, by which the Camp begun to feel some scarcity. With the Ships he had tane he presently came into Dio, with the Moors hang'd at the Yard-arms, torturing infinitely the Camp by so sad a spectacle. Rumecaon offered two and thirty thousand Pardaos for the Ianizary Captain,Dom Alvaro refuseth to release a Ianizary, and com­mands to hang him up. who (as we have said) was of Kin to him; but Dom Alvaro commanded he should be hang'd, saying, he came not thither to Sell, but spill Blood, and that by the Moors he would get nothing but their Heads. Rumecaon was scar'd with his anger, the Turks with his contempt. Dom Alvaro, not to let his Souldiers Swords rust in the Scabbard, till there was a time of Action, sent forth some Ships of Bacaim and Chaul, to take the little Vessels which furnish't the Enemy,Our men take four­teen Barks from the Enemy. which succeeded so happily as they took four­teen, bringing them in with the Moors hung at the Yards, which was now less resented then trembled at, seeing our anger and vengeance had neither Limits or Compassion.

[Page 162] 180. Dom Iohn de Castro, in the mean time, resolving with himself to Chastise the King of Cambaya, by whose example the Princes of Asia would Live in peace and reverence of the State, desir'd first to sound and try others mens judgments, that by their approving the design, he might find 'em more forward in the Execu­tion of their own Councels;The Go­vernour in Councel de­clares his re­solution of going to Dio. for this he call'd before him the Ecclesiastical and Civil Government of the City, with the Gentlemen and Souldiers of Eminency, to whom he declar'd his Resolution to go in Person to raise the Siege of Dio, and to Fight Rumecaon in his own Quarters; that though all knew it; in their parti­culars, he had a mind to tell it 'em in common, that in the approbation of the Common-wealth, he might carry with him the Justice of the cause as part of the Victory. Upon hearing the Governour, every one was affected, in the first place with his Modesty, that sub­jected an Independent Minister; then his great Zeal, that upon the yet reaking Blood of his Children, sa­crifis'd his own Life for the Service of his Country. Upon giving their Votes in the business, their discourse was various; Dom Diogo de Almeyda Freire, Comman­der in Chief in Goa, whose experience was, by his Years and the chances of Warr, enlarg'd, did thus deliver his Opinion.

181. ‘The small force we now have,Dom Diogo de Almeyda's opinion to the contrary. is by their ig­norance of it formidable to our Enemies, all Asia re­puting our strength, more by our Victories, then our Souldiers, so that the Fame only of what is past, keeps us up at present. Your Excellency hath in this Fleet brought together all the Power of India, in which we can hardly reckon two thousand Portuguese, and with so little Noise we design to fright the whole World. This Tree of the State (on whose Branches hang so many Trophies gain'd in the East) hath its Roots by infinite Leagues sever'd from its Body; its best way of preserving 'em, is by being underprop't, with Peace with some, and Awe from others. We [Page 163] can never perform what is expected from our joyn'd Forces, for one Victory will add but little to our Reputation, and only one loss Destroys us. We have already Reliev'd our Fortress, and to what end on a Wound already Cur'd, to spend the Medicine which is to serve for others? what new Prudence teaches us in one only Fight to venture what hath been got by so many Victories? we have an Army sufficient as we are to maintain us so, not strength when we are lost to repair us. No great Souldier without ne­cessity ever gave a Field-battail, for where on both sides the loss useth to be equal, the Conquerour only keeps the Field and a useless Glory. At Dio we neither covet, or can possess any thing but the For­tress; with what blind Madness go we then to pur­chase that with our Blood which is our own already? what new Colonies have we to Plant the Island? from what part of the World can we bring others who are not Moors or Pagans, as fickle in their Loyalty to the State, as those who now oppose us? We go to Fight Turks and Moors, exceeding us in Numbers, equal in Arms, and Discipline; if we have the worst of it, we have no place to save our selves in, for the Country is theirs; if we have the better on't, no ad­vantage will come of the Victory. We have with our Fleets Conquer'd India, with them must we keep it, having the advantage of Vessels and Mariners. If we look for Victory only in Fights, lets slight our Garri­sons, and dismantle our Cities; if 'tis told me, 'tis for the States honour, to destroy a Kingdome for an affront, if all who have ta'ne Arms against us, had receiv'd strict Punishment, the East had been already unpeopled. Shall we blame Affonso de Albuquer que for not Burning Ormus, after so many Hostilities and Treacheries of its Kings and Governours? shall he forfeit the great Name he atchiev'd there, because for the Affronts and Quarrels of the Samorim, he de­stroy'd not Malabar? shall Nuno de Cunha stain that [Page 164] Renown'd fame for not making Warr upon Cambaya, after the Treason of Badur? shall we set upon De­stroying the Turk for his Bashaw's daring to Besiege our Fortress? shall we set out our Fleets against Achem, because he hath so often invaded us in Ma­laca? shall we put to Fire and Sword Hidalcaon, for his taking every day our Provisions, and infesting our Lands of Bardes and Salsete? what despair drives us to offer the innocent States throat to the Enemies knife. This Fleet, so terrible in appearance, so weak in effect, is a bridle to Rumecaon, to Ours a Defence; but upon Landing so few Souldiers, the East will see into the secret of our Forces, and all the Princes endeavour to break down those weak Prisons in which we keep 'em Fettered. Quintus Fabius Maximus's winning many Battails was the glory of the Roman Empire, his avoiding one was its preservation. The first Conquerours built us a House, we have nothing to do but to keep it. If by storming Dio the Enemy have lost an Army, what wants that action of Vi­ctory? what of Punishment? Offence is undertaken with equal strength, Vengeance with farr greater; for to get satisfaction for one Affront, we are not to venture a fresh injury, the rather, because Fortune is in nothing so absolute as in the chances of Warr. Victories are many times gotten by light accidents, and lost by others. Will it be then just to put to the Contingency of Success the Scepter of the East, founded, with the dread and envy of Nations, upon so many Victories? If we lose this Fleet in which is amas'd together the whole strength of India, what Treasures hath his Majesty laid up to set forth an other? we shall begin again, to Petition, or Conquer the Princes of India; we shall bring back to its In­fancy this Empire now grown Old; we shall Live on the Courtesie of those Crowns we have provok't, remaining their miserable Vassals, of whom we were once Masters.’

[Page 165] 182. Dom Diogo de Almeyda's Reasons satisfied those of his own Opinion,The Gover­nours an­swer. mov'd those of the contrary; yet Dom Iohn de Castro, secure in the Resolution he had taken, thus Discourst against 'em. ‘That no ruling Nation was content with a defensive Warr amongst her Inferiours; that the State had made her self in the East Arbiter of Peace and Warr, most of the Princes of Asia coveting under our shelter to Live secure; that all the Forts we had in India were to be maintain'd by the same Arms which wonn 'em; that the respect, the Moors and Pagans had for us, would last no longer then they knew we could put up an Injury; that all those Princes stood looking on our Punishing Cambaya, and durst not yet with their Auxiliaries come in to its Relief out of fear to be crush [...]t in its Ruins; yet if they saw us contented to make up the ruins of our Fortress, and bind up the Wounds they have opened, they would come again to uncover 'em, and aim the second blow at the heart of the State; that Reputation was the Soul of Em­pires; Patience in particulars a Virtue, in Crowns a Ruine; that we had in this Siege lost so many gallant Gentlemen, so many Cavalliers and Souldiers of Ho­nour, as the Wounds they receiv'd would cover with Infamy the Surviving, if they saw 'em not Reveng'd; what account could we give the World of this Siege, but of our patience in enduring it; that the State by Fame more preserv'd her self, then with all the Spices of the East; which were only a valuable Com­modity when we got 'em, not by Commerce, but by Tribute, That, to conclude, he would not suffer the first weakness of our Arms to happen in Dom Iohn de Castro's time; that he was resolv'd to Fight, the Blame should be solely his, every one should have a share in the Victory.’ The Governour out of hopes of Success, or heighth of Courage, spoke these words with a Spirit presaging his fore-seen Tri­umph.

[Page 166] 183. The Arms in Dio vvere not idle, for neither did the losses receiv'd, or our hopes of relief, fright stout and resolute Rumecaon; He knew the strength the Governour would bring in Person, (greater in report then appearance 'twould be) yet did not for that un­bend his resolution of carrying on the Siege, and ex­pecting the worst of Fortune. He commanded his men to under-mine the Watch-tower over the gate,Rumecaon begins an other Mine, where Antonio Freire had his Post; and though they work't with most profound silence, by diverse Strata­gems diverting our attention, the Commander in chief (whom no Casualty, or Accident took unprovided) found out their work, which as at other times he pre­vented. The Moors on the 10th. of October play'd the Mine, which sprung without any hurt on the outward face of the Wall;which he plays with­out any loss to us. the Fire giving back by the resist­ance of our Counter-forts, and the Moors saw within a new Wall rais'd, wondering at our fore-sight of all their designs, and that neither strength, or industry profitted 'em against so stout and cautious Enemies. Though Rumecaon found by Experience there was less Fruit then Labour in the Mines, yet to weary out our men, or keep his own in good Discipline, he began to open others, which too being known, were prevented, of which we speak nothing, because they had no memo­rable effect, and to avoid the tediousness things so alike have in their Relation.

The Third BOOK.

1. DOM Iohn de Castro, (on the seven­teenth of October of the Year one thousand five hundred forty and six) delivering up the Government of the City to the Bishop,The Gover­nour parts for Dio. Dom Iohn de Albuquerque, and Dom Diogo de Al­meyda Freire, set Sail directly for Bacaim, where he design'd to expect other Recruits and Provisions, which were not yet arriv'd, making it a point of honour that the Governour of India should not be one day Besieg'd in Dio, but with Caesar's Fortune, Come, See, and Over­come.

Eys vem despois o pay, que as ondas corta
Co restante da gente Lusitana
E con forca e saber, que mais importa
Batalha da felice & soberana
Huns paredes subirodo escusaon portas
Outros a abrem, na fera esquadra insana
Feytos faraon tan dignos de memoria
Que naon caibaon em verso, ou larga Historia.
Este depois en Campo se apresenta
Vencedor forte e intrepido ao possante
Rey da Cambaya e a vista che amedrente
Da fera multidaon quadrupedante.
Cam. St. 71, 72. Can. 10.
Lo, now the Father follows with full Sail,
And the remainder of the Lusian force,
He with strong hand, and head of more avail
Gives a brave lucky Battail to the Moors,
Where no way is he makes one with his Flail,
And where there is the Rampiers are his doors;
Such that days fe [...]ts, so terrible the blows,
They will not stand in Verse, nor lye in Prose.
Then lo, he to [...]he great Camlayan King
Presents himself a Victo [...] in the Field,
Pale fear into the face of him doth fling,
And of his furious Horse, which ground shall yield.
Sir Richard Fan. Transtlation.

2. The Fleet consisted of twelve Gallions,The Fleet and Com­manders. of which the Admiral was the Saint Denis, on which went the Governour, the rest were Commanded by Garcia de Sa, Iorge Cabral, Dom Manoel de Silveyra, Manoel de Sousa de Seputueda, Iorge de Sousa, Iohn Falcaon, Dom Iohn Ma­noel Alabastro, John de Barro'; Hist. of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 3. Cap. 9. Lewis Alvarez de Sousa. The Vessels with Oars were sixty, of which the chief Commanders were Dom Manoel de Lima, Dom Antonio de Noronha, Miguel da Cunha, Dom Diogo de Sottomajor, the Secretary Antonio Corneiro, Alvaro Perez de Andrade, Dom Manoel Dèca, Iorge da Sylva, Luis Figuera, Ieronymo de Sousa, Nun [...], Fernandez Pegado Ramatho, Lourenco Riberio, Antonio Leme, Alvaro Serraon, Cosme Fernandez, Manoel Lobo, Francisco de Azevedo, Pero de Attayde Inferno, Francisco da Cunha, Antonio de Sa Native of Romania, Vasco Fernandez Captain of Goa, and Commander of fifteen Fly-boats, Barks, and other Vessels, on which went the Canarins brought up in Goa, and in company other Ships of Cananor and Cochim.

3. The Governour in six days come to an Anchor at Bacaim, Arrives at Bacaim where Dom Ieronymo de Menezes, his Brother-in-law, and Commander of that Fortress, came to him on Board, comforting one the other, in the loss of a Brother and a Son. The Governour unwilling his Arms should want employment, sent forth with six light Ships Dom Manoel de Lima, to take, in the Bay of Cam­baya, some of those Vessels which Recruit, and Victual [Page 169] the Enemies Camp. He there ply'd for some days to and again, in which he took sixty Vessels of Provision from the Moors, whose Bodies he ordered to be mangled, and towing em, put'em to Float in the mouth of the Ri­vers, for the Current to carry'em to the Island, where they might be seen with horrour and amasement of the incenst Portuguese, inventing every day new Cru­elties. Dom Manoel, when his Commission was expir'd, came in, with threescore Moors hanging at the Yards­arms, a sight which sacrifis'd more to Vengeance then Humanity. The Governour, rejoycing at those Prelu­diums of the Warr he had undertaken, sent Dom Manoel de Lima out again with thirty Ships, and Orders to put to Fire and Sword all the Coast of Cambaya, that the memory of their Punishment might be Recorded in their Ruins.

4. Lourenco Pirez de Tavora Commander of the Ships which came from the Kingdome (as hath been said before) put in,Lourenc [...] Pirez goes after him, with most of the Ships of his Squadron, at Cochim, there hearing the news of the Siege, he immediately parted for Goa, believing he should find the Governour on Shore; and upon know­ledge of his being parted with the whole Fleet, set Sail directly for Dio, preferring the King's Service to the advantages of his Voyage. His example was follow'd by most of the Gentlemen who came that year from the Kingdome, the ruins of our Fortress being the first place they Landed at in India; Amongst whom was Dom Antonio de Noronha, and other Gentlemen, (Son of the Vice-King Dom Garcia) with threescore Souldiers at his own charges: these were the Riches the Gentlemen of those times came for, to the East; wounds being then more pri­sable Commodities then now Diamonds. The Gover­nour by those Ships receiv'd Letters from the Infante Dom Lewis, whose Copies we will put down, to shew the King's and Infant's attention to the least actions of Ministers, (forming a true judgment of 'em, by Re­wards, or Punishments, to be even with 'em) and the [Page 170] simplicity of the stile, so free from the humour and height of other times; whose Memory to the Lovers of that Age will not be tedious.

The Infante Dom Lewis's Letter.

5. ‘HOnourable Governour. By your Letters to my Lord the King, and my self, I have seen an account of your Voyage from your parting from Mocambique till your arrival in India, and what you did there till the departure of the Ships; the condition you found the Country in, the quality of the Persons, the Licentiousness of Trade, the weakness of the Fleet; how you behav'd your self to Hidalcaon in the business of Meale; how in the affairs at Ormus; and how to those Gentlemen, who were permitted by Martin Affonso to carry thither Commodities; and what more you said in those Letters; and because my Lord the King answers all those things particularly, I will not do the same but in short. Yet cannot I forbear telling you, how I was here on Shore frighted at the danger you scap't about the Island Comaro; 'twas seriously a great and wonderfull fortune, and which I take as a good Omen, it seeming to me, God in that would shew you he was to preserve you in the difficulties of India, for which no less a miracle is necessary, then that shew'd you in your scaping so eminent a danger, for which I have given hearty thanks and am glad to hear Dom Ieronimo de Noronha bore you Company in it, since God hath likewise pre­serv'd him, and 'tis for a man of his honour to share in the extremities and troubles of his General. As to the other things you write me, My Lord the King's answer being particular, and I present at the dispat­ches, 'twere I think too precise to write 'em to you over again; for by his Letters you'l see his satis­faction, [Page 171] in the way you design in those parts for his Service, and in the good opinion the Country hath of you, which he particularly commends to your care in all businesses; what in that I have more to tell you, is, that I'me very much satisfy'd with your ma­nagement of affairs in that place, and with your words as well as actions, for by those 'tis seen the crossing so many Climates hath not altered you from your self, or my constant opinion, which, you are not content in shewing, by your actions, but your words are a pledge you will continue doing the same, of which I'me very well assur'd, that what by humane power can be compast you will truly perform. His Majesty is not less satisfy'd with your manner of wri­ting, for your Letters came well digested, they con­tain'd nothing superfluous, and by 'em is sufficiently seen what I said before, that you both know what you are to do, and have a desire and earnestness to do it, without any temporary respect of interest or affection, which I not a little rejoyce at to hear from you; for though I am sure of your actions, 'tis yet a sign of the great abundance of your heart and virtue, your coveting to say so, which makes me con­fident God will perfect all your good desires, and bring you out of that Country, to your great satis­faction and honour, for he cannot be unsuccessfull who designs nothing but the service of God and his King; and though that is to be purchas'd with no ordinary difficulty, let me mind you, that 'tis there resides merit, and that Our Saviour Christ was by that to enter into his Glory; and if things appear to you above your Mastery, remember, 'tis there God puts in his helping hand, and seconds those who serve him with your attention; and that men of them­selves can furnish nothing but will and diligence, which made Saint Paul attribute to himself nothing but the planting, because God is to give the increase, as he will give it to all those undertakings you plant [Page 172] with that zeal, I'me secure you have in all your actions; therefore be not frighted at great things, or slight little, poise equally, and remit the end to God Almighty; and though some things succeed not as you desire, be not transported by despair, while you act with a just zeal, and clear intention, because God often permits his servants to commit errors, thereby to merit by their patience and trust in him, and for the increase of their experience and perfection; do justice according to your Conviction, always taking, as you use, counsel and advice in business; preserve your self in that clearness you practice in the temporal injoyments, and advantages of that Country, then happen what will, all will tend to a good end. Be very exact in what relates to Divine worship for the Conversion of the Infidels, for that's the Armory must chiefly defend India. Endeavour to Banish thence men's extravagant expences, the Effeminate­ness and Luxury they Live in, and the excess of Cloaths and Furniture, disposing them to't mildly, and winningly, by your own and your Sons example; and by Countenancing and Favouring those whose practice is contrary; and if those things be above your reforming let it not trouble you, because the corruptions of time, must by time have their amend­ment, and cannot be remedy'd on a suddain; con­tinue therefore your good intention, managing things according to the disposition of the time and persons you have to do with, so, I hope in God, he will (as you desire) direct all things, to his, and my Lord the King's service and your honour. For your request, of my solliciting your stay there may be short, I per­ceive you have no little reason for your desire, but my opinion is, it cannot be set upon till seeing your Letters, which God willing we shall receive this year, I therefore deferr answering that point till the next year. I have spoke to the King in the business you writ me about your Son Dom Alvaro, his Majesty knows [Page 173] him well, and is well inform'd of the qualities of his Person, and desires to honour and favour him, yet for some reasons his Majesty hath commanded to be writ you; and as himself writes, that this year he signs no Grants, he hath thought fit not to answer that till the next; in the mean time, he hath sent Commands for conferring on him that honour, you 'l find in his Letters Patent. I' me very carefull of put­ting him in mind of all that concerns your Sons, and hope in God 'twill be so ordered, that you shall re­ceive from his Majesty honour and reward, as also your Sons, whom he desires to use according to your Deservings; and you may be confident his Majesty very well knows your will to serve him, and is very much satisfy'd with your way of doing it hitherto. I spoke to his Majesty about Affonso de Rojas, and on your consideration he immediately granted, what I ask't him, but (as I said) because he tells those who go to the Indies that this year he signs no Grants, he hath diferr'd Affonso de Rojas business till the next, and saith, he will then reward him. I'le take care by the grace of God, to send you the Letters Patent, and am very glad of the good News you tell me of Affonso de Rojas, and am apt to believe, that being Mr. Ol­medo's Brother, and in our Company, he must prove an honest man. What you sent me on the Ships which came, was delivered me, I was very glad of it, and value it as coming from your hands.’

The Infante Dom Lewis.

6. Dom Manoel de Lima setting Sail from Bacaim went by Night into the River of Surat, The hurt Dom Ma­noel doth about Surat. and getting up with the Tide came in sight of a great Village, which, though not Inhabited by the Abissines, had its name from 'em; the Village was on the East side of the River, spread on a great Plain▪ and, though in an open place, had [Page 174] two thousand Families,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 3. Cap. 9. defended (without any other Fortification) only by some Trenches, on confidence perhaps of their first beginning the VVarr, and the strength of that Army they had in the Field. Dom Ma­noel went on shore, and our men, in the same order they Landed, fell upon the Enemy with more Courage then Discipline. The Moors were stout enough to expect, not to resist, less scar'd by their apprehension of our men, then the horrour of their own who first fell; whose Blood so frighted 'em, as they turn'd their backs. Many were cut off in the Flight, few in Resistance; the Slaughter was great, the Souldiers Sword sparing nei­ther Sex or Age. Dom Manoel commanded his men to Fire the Houses, burning together Town and Estates; Covetousness was below their fury; only one Moor had his Hands ordered to be cut off, who was left Alive not to carry the News without signs of Victory.

7. The Fleet went out of the River,He destroys the City of Antote, and Coasting along two days came in sight of the City of Antote, famous for its proud Buildings, and rich Inhabitants, whom their commerce by Sea had well enrich't; these, warn'd by others sufferings, resolv'd to Defend their Houses, or Dye in 'em, valuing so equally their Lives and Fortunes. Dom Manoel got on Shore, though not without loss; for the Moors waited for us, showing themselves Souldiers in their Resolution, not in their Conduct, who charg'd us divided into Companies, with wandring and uncertain Shot, betraying the same fear in their Resistance, they did afterwards in their Flight. Dom Manoel got ground of 'em, till he forc't 'em into the City, where, at the sight of Women and Children, they were made stand by their Compassion; here our men thought they had to do with Enemies, for they fought, with the Bowels of Fathers, Cowards in defen­ding their own, stout in protecting the Lives of others; but their Courage not being natural, and proceeding from tender or timerous affections, their compassion yielded to their fear, which gave us possession of the [Page 175] City, Children, and Victory; and Dom Manoel, more designing Ruine then Conquest, gave up the City to the Flames. The cruelty out-went the destruction, for many Bramenish young Ladies, exempted from crime by their Sex, from the Sword by their faces, in Colour and Beauty not inferiour to those of our Europe, were not spar'd in the Victory.

8. Dom Manoel de Lima went Coasting all the Bay of Cambaya, destroying the Towns,And other places, and retires. so depopulating every place, as to seem not to be glutted, with Blood or Vi­ctory; at last retires with more Glory then Booty, and found the Governour with all the Fleet together at the Island Dos Mortos, the next day (the sixth of Novem­ber) they set Sail for Dio, the Ships went light, and with the multitude of Pendants and Streamers, made a pleasant and beautifull sight.

9. At the Fortresses making the Fleet,The Gover­nour arrives at Dio. such was the general satisfaction, as of men who after such a deluge of Blood, saw those who brought 'em Peace in Victory; the Fortress was round about full of Colours, the raz'd Ruins putting on contentment. The Commander in chief gave order for Shooting off all the Guns; an­swer'd by the Governour from Sea with an amazing Vollee, seconded by Instruments of Warr and Musick, solemnizing so frightfull a day with chearfull Vespers, the Moors too discharg'd a great many Pieces, shewing their joy or contempt for the Governours arrival.

10. Dom Iohn de Castro kept that Night at Sea,He holds a Council at Sea. and sent for on Board, the Commander in chief, Garcia de Sa, Manoel de Sousa de Sepulveda, Iorge Cabral, and other Gentlemen of the Councel, whom he acquainted with the resolution he came with, to Fight the Enemy, upon which he ask't no mans Opinion, because the Governour of India drew not his Sword to Defend but Chastise, but in what manner he should fall upon the Enemy, he desir'd all their Counsels; Garcia de Sa, with such reasons, approv'd, and prais'd his fix't Resolution, as for his Person, and their weight were very taking [Page 176] with the Governour. They discourst about the way of Fighting, and concluded of it, which was a secret till the Execution. 'Twas ordered the men should in the silence of the Night, be put into the Fortress; and on their Landing, Musick, Trumpets, and Shooting from the Ships should keep the design from Rumecaon. The men in three Nights by Ladders of Cords got into the Fortress; which was done with so much Caution, as not to be discovered by the Enemy.

11. Rumecaon, [...] discourse. on the approaching danger shewing himself most Resolute, told his Souldiers, if the Gover­nour resolv'd to come out and Fight in the Field, the Moors would march into the Fortress through the Gates, not over the Walls; that he hop't with the Portuguese Colours to sweep the House of their Prophet; that they fought for the Liberty of so many Princes, who sigh't under the heavy Oppression of Tribute, and Ser­vitude; that they should reserve their Courage, in one day to revenge the Injuries of so many Years; that the State was crush't under the weight of so many Victo­ries; that Fortune had so ordered it, to bring 'em toge­ther, at one Blow to cut 'em off.The num­ber of his Army. The Turk heightned this insolence, by Commanding all the Souldiers should have double Pay; his Army was of above forty thou­sand men, most of the Officers, Turks, old Souldiers, famous by the report of their Courage, brought thither by extraordinary Pay. There were come lately to the Camp seven hundred Ianizaries, who proudly desir'd to Fight by themselves, that the Moors might see who gave 'em the Victory. Rumecaon supply'd the Posts, and plac't the main Body of his Army,His ordering 'em. so as to attend that place where he thought our Fleet would Anchor; nei­ther did his Confidence disturb his Discipline. Thus expected he to be falln upon by us, ready for Defence, doubtfull of Success.

12. The Governour having now got all the Soul­diers into the Fortress, found diverse Opinions about falling on the Enemy, and all the Arguments striking on [Page 177] the Contingency of Success, they could not be approv'd or rejected, without the knowledge of what's to come, known to no body. Garcia de Sa, by the Authority of his Years Courage and Birth, discourst again about the conveniency of Fighting; but Dom Iohn de Castro commanding silence said,The Gover­nour resolves to Fight. that the Lot was already cast, that by the Valiant he should be well thought of, and from Cowards he car'd not for approbation; that those without should expect the success to give their judgments. He spent that Evening in disposing the Souldiers for the next day, not to alter by delay their Courage or Resolution;His orders to▪ the Fleet. He gave order the Fleets Boats should for a sign expect three Roquets to be fir'd from the Fortress, and, at the same time our men resolv'd to Sally forth, Row toward that place of the Enemy which was most Obnoxious, with Drums and Trumpets sounding, crediting what they could their intentions of Landing,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 3. Cap. 10. covering the entrance of the Boats with Lances, which would make the Stratagem probable, and that the Governours Boat should, by its place, Flagg Royal, and Adornments, be known at a distance; a Stratagem, which either gave, or furthered our Victory.

13. The day broke, which began the eleventh of November, Dedicated to the memory of the glorious Saint Martin, Bishop of Tours, who might, as a Saint favour, as a Souldier fight for us. The Governour, with the first Light, came with his Generals staff on the plat­form of the Fortress, his white Armour added so much to his Majesty, as his Charge was respected in his Per­son; Mass was said at an open Altar, that they might begg Victory of the God of Hoasts; the Governour and Major part of the Souldiers receiv'd the Sacra­ment, and the Guardian of the Franciscans proclam'd a Plenary indulgence to all those who Dy'd in the Bat­tail; when this was done, he commanded the pulling down the gates of the Fortress, and the Dressing break­fast for the Souldiers with 'em, that the Generals confi­dence [Page 178] and the despair of any shelter, might equally assist the Victory, making them stand to't out of glory, or necessity; He thus spake to the Souldiers.His Speech to the Soul­diers. ‘We are going now to a Battail, in which, if Conquer'd, we shall honour our God with our Lives, if Con­querours, our King with our Victory; The strength of the Enemies Army, is Turks and Ianizaries, who like Souldiers of fortune desire Warr, hate Fighting; the other part consists of diverse Nations, brought into one Body by their Pay, but not to be forc't by it, to be all unanimous. These are not stouter then their Fathers, and Ancestors, there's no reason they should be more Fortunate, all of 'em have by our Arms been Mastered▪ This Empire of Asia is the Child of our Victories, we have Nurst it in its first Cradle, [...]let's, now 'tis grown up, maintain it, that after long succession of time▪ it may point to the World the glory of this Action; for me to encourage you to Fight, were to forget my self we were Portu­guese.

14. The order he put his men in,The order he put 'em in. was this, he gave the Van-guard to Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, he claiming the greatest danger in recompence of his former; He had five hundred Portuguese, six hundred Canarins, and five hundredThe peo­ple of Ma­labar is divi­ded into No [...]bility call'd Naires, and into Com­mo [...]lty, call'd Poleas, 'twixt whom the difference and distinction is so great, as if a Naire be but by chance touch't by a Polca, he is bound by certain ceremonies to cleanse himself from that Contagion; The Naires have their Women in common, being bound from Marriage to be always ready to follow the Samorim, (i. e.) Emperour to the Warrs, without the partial concernment of Wives and Children; their Heirs are their Brothers or Sisters children; they must be of descent, the Emperour not having the power to make one; their Temperance is admirable, as is their Courage in incountring dangers or difficulties. The Po [...]eas are Tradesmen, and so bound to one Trade, as it is of necessity entail'd on the Fa­mily; a Carpenters Son cannot be a Taylor, nor a Taylor a Carpenter; They are too Slaves and Labourers to the Naires; if any women Naire mingles with a Polea she is counted Damn'd, and immediately put to Death. See Barro's History of India, Dec. 1. Lib. 9. Cap. 3. Naires. Dom Alvaro de Castro comman­ded five hundred Portuguese more, part of whom were the Gentlemen, and Offiers of his Fleet. Dom Manoel de Lima had five hundred more; the Governour had the greatest Body, which was of about eight hundred Por­tuguese, with some Canarins, and Malabareses.

Dous modos ha de gente, porque a nobre
Naires chamados saon, et a menos digna
Poleas tem por nome, aquem obriga
A ley naon mesturar a casta antiga.
Porque os que usaraon sempre hum mesmo officio
De outro naon podem receber consorte
Nem os filhos teraon outro exercicio
Se naon o de seus passados ate morte
Para os Naires he certo grande vicio
D' estes serem tocados, de tal sorte
Que quando algum se toca per ventura
Com ceremonias mil, se alimpa et apura▪
Dest a arte o Iudaico povo antigo
Naon tocava na gente de Samaria
Mais estranhezas inda do que digo
N'est a terra vereys de usancavaria
Os Naires sos saon dados ao perigo
D' as armas sos defemdem da contraria
Banda o seu Rey, trazendo sempre usada
Na esquerda adarga, et na dereita espada.
Bramenes saon os seus Religiosos
Nome antiguo, et de grande preminencia
Observaon os preceitos taon famosas
De hum que premeyro pos nome a sciencia
Naon mataon cousa viva, et temerosas
Das carnes tem grandissima abstinencia
Somente no Venereo ajuntamento
Tem mas licenca et menos regimento.
Geraes saon as molheres, mas somente
Para os da geracaon de seus maridos
Ditosa condicaon ditosa gente
Que naon saon de ciumes offendidos
Estes, et outros costumes variamente
Saon pelos Malavares admittidos
A terra he gross a em tratta et tudo aquillo
Que as ondas podem dar da China ao Nilo.
Camo. Can. 7. St. 37, 38, 39, 40, 41.
Two Ranks they have of people, Nobles which
Are Naires stil'd, and those of base degree
Call'd Poleas. To both the Law prescribes
They shall not marry out of their own Tribes.
And those who have been bred up to one Trade,
Ont of another may not take a Wife;
Nor may their Children any thing be made
But what their Parents have been all rheir Life.
To touch a Naire with their Bodies shade,
A scandal is to his Prerogative;
If themselves chance to touch them as they meet,
With thousand Rites himself he washes sweet.
Just so the Jewish people did of Yore,
The touch of a Samaritan eschew:
But, when ye come into the Country, more
And things of greater strangeness shall ye view.
The Naires only go to Warr, before
Their King, they only stand a Rampier true
Against his foes. A Sword they always wield
With their right hand, and with the left a Shield.
Their Prelates are call'd Bramens (an Old name
And (amongst them) of great Preheminence)
Of his fam'd Sect, who Wisdome did disdain,
And took a Stile of a more modest sence.
They kill no Living thing, and highly blame
All flesh to eat, with wondrous abstinence;
But other flesh their Law doth not forbid,
Yet they as prone thereto as if it did.
Their Wives are common, but are so to none
Save those, who of their Husbands kindred are;
(O blessed Lot, blest Generation,
On whom fierce Jealousie doth wage no Warr.)
These are the Customs, but not these alone
Which are receiv'd by those of Malabar;
The Land abounds in Trade of all things, Isle
Or firm-land yields from China unto Nile.
Sir Ric. Fanshaw's Translation.

[Page 181] 15. The Moors daily encreased the Camp,The Fleet Rows to shore. and very lately were arriv'd Alucaon and Mojatecaon with five thousand Souldiers. The Governour commanded the Signal agreed on, of Firing the Roquets, should be given the Fleet, which, upon understanding it, betook them­selves Lustily to their Oars, and being close to Shore discharg'd all their Guns in the Moors quarters. The smoak for some time hid the Ships, which made the Enemy fall on, not where the fear was, but where he apprehended; sollicitous in the imaginary, careless in the real danger.Rumecaon came there to resist 'em Rumecaon with the main Body of his Army, charg'd there to hinder our men from Landing. The Governour at that time, with Scaling Ladders in readiness to clap to the Wall,The Go­vernour Sallies out of the Fortress. sally'd out of the For­tress. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas with his men encompast the Ditch, to get up at that place where Diogo Lopez de Sequeira's work was. Antonio Moniz Barretto, who was of this Body,The unfor­tunate Gal­lantry of three Soul­diers. trusted with his Scaling Ladder three Valiant Souldiers, whose Blood was the first was spilt in that Victory they Liv'd not to enjoy. They were come but that year from the Kingdom, in Lourenco Pirez de Tavora's Fleet, Natives of the Town of Torraon, and brought recommendatory Letters to Antonio Moniz from his Mother, which they deliver'd as they were going to engage; He joyfully receiv'd 'em, telling the Souldiers, if they came off Alive, he would do 'em good Offices with the Governour; to which they unani­mously reply'd, that, only for that day they needed his favour; that their Carriage should cut out their passage for the future; that they begg'd him to trust 'em with the Scaling Ladder, and be confident, they would Plant,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 4. Cap. 1. and Defend it, with their Lives. Antonio Moniz seeing in such ordinary Souldiers such extraordinary Gallantry, confidently delivered it 'em, saying, he trusted 'em, with the Ladder, and his Honour; and as soon as with unfortunate Courage they had planted it, a shot at randome took off their Heads.

16. Ile here give the Story of a strange Challenge,A strange Challenge. [Page 182] which I should pass over were it not as Famous, as Compassionate. Dom Iohn Manoel, and Iohn Falcaon, Gentlemen of a great expectance, were for some sleight Jealousies (which in the Worlds opinion are heavy, as they are taken) fall'n out, and resolv'd to ju­stifie their Pique in the Field, making Valour or Chance judge of their quarrel; The seconds, who engag'd with less pre-occupy'd judgments, endeavour'd to decide the quarrel by a more honourable Duel, alledging, the Governour was ready to engage; that a Challenge al­ways a Crime, would be now a Scandal; that by the Edict they would forfeit their Lives; that Dom Iohn de Castro, was not, though thought so, so indulgent a Father, he bore with faults, but not with insolences; that they might salve their Honours, where they ven­tured their Lives, by agreeing, that he who first, and with most Courage scal'd the Enemies Wall, should have in the particular and common Fight, the clearest Reputation; so by their Witty courage, inventing how to Dye with Rewards, and how to Fight Duels with­out a Crime, both the Enemies accepted the proposal, desiring their Kindred, and Friends, to hold their Lad­ders as to men who were to Fight for the States and their own honour; at the same time both began to climbe. Dom Iohn Manoel laying one hand on the Wall had it cut off, relieving himself with the other, that too by a stroak was ta'ne away, and putting his Elbows to't to secure his hold, his Head was cut off by a Semitar. Iohn Falcaon at the same instant seis'd on the Wall, and having mastered it, while he stoutly defended him­self was cut in pieces. The Braves in the Army were of different opinions, who of these gave greatest marks of their Courage; in favour of both, wee'l say, he who gives all for it, owes no more to honour.

17. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas began with his men to plant Ladders,How Dom Iohn Mas­carenhas behaves him­self. many getting up with as much Reso­lution, as Fortune, for though receiv'd with Lances, they o'recome the resistance; these had the honour [Page 183] to be the first in the Danger of being alone in the Camp, sustaining the weight of the Moors till their Companions came to 'em; how those who first scal'd the Walls behav'd themselves, may be guest by their posture of Fighting, the Moors fought on firm ground, Ours suspended in the Air. Dom Alvaro de Castro, and Dom Manoel de Lima, got over the Wall in several places, receiving most hurt in the stoutest Resistance; while they fought scattered, they lost some men, closing they made more room for the getting up of their Soul­diers.

18. The Governour in the plain Field, met with greater Danger,The danger the Gover­nour was in on the Bridge. then there was in Scaling; for he march't toward the Bridge, defended by a great Body of men, and great Pieces planted on it, the importance of gaining it equal'd the danger. The Governour eminently hazarded himself in falling on, his Courage was singular, his Fortune miraculous; for the Moors often put their match to the prim'd Guns, and not one took Fire, a success, by the Miracle opportune,His mira­culous deli­verance. by the Accident unusual, yet would not Heaven have the whole Victory, for the coming of the Turks in greater numbers to the defence of the Bridge, with Musquets, Granados, and Pikes, stop't the fury of our Souldiers, some turn'd their backs to the Bullets, God perhaps, by that, shewing us, what we are when left to our selves; the Cowards fled, the Valiant stood to't; Dom Iohn de Castro, below none in Courage, above all in Prudence, with some who follow'd him clos'd with the Enemy, crying aloud, Victory,He crys out Victory, the Turks run away: This noise was spread with so happy Ecchos, as our men once more Rally'd, and came to their Colours; the Turks fearfull, or Credulous, left the Field, this shout of the Generals being the gate of Victory. Our men did here the Exe­cution of Conquerours, and now that past for truth, what was before stratagem. The Governour pursuing his Fortune, went up and down the Field, and, as Vi­ctory is exempt from Rashness, and Fear without Coun­scel, [Page 184] Dom Iohn surrounded almost with the Enemies whole Army, cry'd out Victory, and the Moors run a­way, without loss,and pursues it. but out of order: In fine, we had by him before the Battail the Victory; Those who en­gag'd with the Governour unanimously affirm, that he was the first got upon the Wall, and none but himself contradicted this testimony, who freely said, Lourenco Pirez de Tavora clim'd first;What he saith of Lourenco Pirez. slighting repute so weakly proud, and desiring to be excus'd from stealing honour, he knew so well how to purchase.

19. Rumecaon, upon advice of his mens disorderly Flight, came in with a Body of Turks, to stop, or interrupt the Victory; and retarding the fury of our Souldiers by the advantage of his Numbers, pois'd the Battail. The obstinacy of the dispute lasted some time; The Standard Royal was twice shot down, at which sight the Governour impatiently cry'd out, what means this Portuguese? shall they take out of your hands the Vi­ctory? shall they carry off the Standard?The Go­nour fights in Person. and charging the Enemy under cover of a Buckler which had stick­ing in it two Arrows, with words and actions so encou­rag'd the Souldiers, as with their fury, to make the Moors give ground, and the last fly, by the fright of the first.

20. Dom Alvaro de Castro, and Dom Manoel de Lima being joyn'd, rais'd the envy of their Souldiers and Enemies; they charg'd Alucaon, and Mojatecaon, Valiant Turks, and the Chief Commanders of the Army, who, for no little time, made the Victory doubtfull; The blood Dy'd the Arms, Dy'd the ground, the rude noise of the Moors, did like a fresh danger fright the Camp, the horrour and confusion so mastered the Senses, as many before feeling their Wounds, felt themselves Dy­ing. Number at last yielded to Courage, and the Turks with infinite loss quitted their ground. Dom Iohn Mas­carenhas charg'd Iuzarcaon, Rumecaon Rallies in the plain Field. whose Post he gain'd, not with less Valour, or worse Fortune. Rumecaon, without losing his Courage or Judgment by the first loss, ex­pected [Page 185] the second, forming his Squadrons in the open Field, out of necessity, or confidence, for in so nume­rous an Army the fright was more predominant then the loss; and as in extremities 'tis usual to accuse Fortune, Rumecaon in the hearing of our men, with superstitious Crys and Noises made his Atonements, as if so to appease the indignation of the Heavens.

21. Dom Iohn de Castro, The Go­vernour and his Son fall on him. unwilling to lose one mo­ment of so glorious a Day, joyn'd his small Army, and, giving the Van-guard to his Son Dom Alvaro, fac't the Enemy; who resolutely expected him, and putting out the Horns of the Half-moon in which he was form'd, came begirting our Infantry; yet Dom Alvaro, as if he would have to himself the glory of that Day, fell upon the Enemy with so much Gallantry, as he was the first of his men who Wounded the Moors, charging or opening with his Sword and Buckler a close Squadron. The Enemy in the first charge maintain'd the Field,Dom Al­varo breaks him. afterwards unable to endure the weight of the Battail, retir'd in Disorder; our men Routing the disordered Ranks, rather chas'd, then Destroy'd the flying Enemy. Here the Victory began to be notorious; but Rume­caon with a great Batallion of Moors, and Ianizaries, made Head against our men, who spread upon the pur­sute, neglected or not minded Discipline.

22. Here was Dom Alvaro given for lost,The danger and resolute­ness of Dom Alvaro. for his scattered Souldiers, unable to make any Resistance, march't off, leaving the Enemy the Camp, and Victory; nor were his Perswasions, or resolute Fighting, of force enough to Retain some, or Rally others, on so sleight accidents depends the fortune of Warr. Antonio Casal a Friar,Fre. An­tonio Casal plants a Cru­cifix. (whose Religious courage is by Authors re­corded) with a Crucifix lifted up, by pious, and mo­ving Arguments, began to rebuke and animate our men, shewing 'em the Image of Christ expos'd again on the Cross to second injuries, it hapned that a Stone cast at randome, so unnail'd an arm of the Crucifix as to leave it hanging, the holy Figure shewing it self in the same [Page 186] prospective, inclin'd to the Believers,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 3. Cap. 2. falln to the In­fidels; Our men more animated by Heavens then the States injuries, shew'd in a different cause, different Courage, more engag'd by the Outrages offer'd their Creator,Our men are encou­raged. then by the fevere Commands of their Mo­narck. On a suddain they all Rally'd, and recovering strength, were rather Instruments then Authors of the Victory. Rumecaon upon the Routing of his men re­tir'd, and Dom Alvaro engag'd with him at the same time entred the City,Rumecaon retires, and Dom Alvaro enters the City. more hindered by those who fell, then by the resistance of the Living, who did not now defend themselves.

23. At that time came up Dom Manoel de Lima, Manoel de Lima joyns him, as Couragious by Land, as Sea, who, where he was plac't broke the Enemy, till joyning with Dom Alvaro, and both entring the City, did bloody Execution on the Moors, who Routed, and Scattered, strove to save themselves more by Flight then Resistance, and the face of Warr look't more like Plunder then Fight, our men found Moors, not Enemies; many of 'em creeping into their Houses hid their own Estates, as stoll'n from the Victory; others cast away their Arms to fly nimbler. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, and Dom Iohn Mas­carenhas. at an other place entred the City, ending that day so glorious a Siege.

24. The Governour fought still in the Camp, solli­citous for his mens Victory, secure in his own, when News came to him, that the Town was delivered, but Rumecaon Rumecaon offers Battail again. (like a Mine) plaid again, retarding the Victory, with eight thousand Souldiers, so disposing himself, as to give or expect Battail, so great were their Numbers as with the leavings of the Field to manage a new Warr. About that time Sally'd out of the City, Dom Alvaro de Castro, Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, and Dom Manoel de Lima, to joy with the Governour for the Victory; when they saw Rumecaon in the Field with an other Army. The Governour, that his suspence might not be mistook for fear, with the same Courage of the first, ingag'd in the second Battail, putting his men into [Page 187] three Squadrons, two fell upon the Enemy in the Flank, he himself in the Front; this was the order of his charging the Enemy,The Gover­nour defeats him. who more Desperate then Reso­lute receiv'd our first shock, afterwards fought without Courage or Confidence, and being seconded by his men with a faint and forc't Obedience, left us on sleight resistance the Field; though in all the Actions of Siege and Fight, Rnmecaon shew'd himself no less Souldier then Valiant; but in adversity, Fame is sooner deserv'd then purchast.

25. The Moors opened their Front, the Governour (like an impetuous River carrying all before it) fell upon them undefended; now was the Execution without Fighting, the Moors look't like Enemies by their Fly­ing, not by their Defence;The Victory gotten. and our men falling upon some Companies not yet broken, they, as for their ad­vantage Disordered themselves, flying from one another with as much, rather more apparent Danger then from us; others not to pass for Enemies threw away their Arms, as Instruments which might mind us of their Offence and our Vengeance; there were in fine, in that Tragedy acted all those affections fear puts on. Rume­caon Rumecaon's Death. seeing all lost, put himself in a poor Garment a­mongst the Dead, exempting himself from Rage and Vi­ctory; but a Stone from an unknown hand, by his Death sav'd his waiting on the Triumph. Many stood to be the Authors of his Death, as formerly of Galba's, who had more Murderers then Wounds; and in our own Age and Kingdome have we seen the like accident.

26. I purposely omit the particular accidents of this Battail, because none can be prais'd without injury to others, wee'l only give a short relation of the Officers, and most eminent Personages, out of reverence to their Place, and Quality; besides in the confusion of a Bat­tail 'tis difficult with the exact Rigour of truth to par­ticularize accidents; and 'tis certain, those whose Pen finds out the Atoms of the most occult Carriages, en­deavour to help out the History, or are very sharp [Page 188] sighted in finding out Events. 'Tis enough for know­ledge, that so famous an Action credited then our Arms, now our Memory, and I believe that of all the designs in Asia no Siege out-went, or Battail equal'd this.

27. The numbers of the Enemies Army cannot with certainty be affirm'd,Diverse opinions of the Enemies numbers. because with different Calcula­tion, some raise 'em above sixty thousand, others say less, neither could the Moors who were ta'ne Prisoners, make any exact judgment of those they lost; but by all accounts, the disproportion of the Armies was so noto­rious, as was sufficient to amase the World with the report; and in forein Histories we find the Victory writ with more applause then in our own Memorials; and if our Country imitated the Roman Empires grati­tude towards her Sons of desert, she would in proud Statues let the World read Dom Iohn de Castro's actions, which like Annals of Brass should be publick Volumes to all Ages; we find not that his Reward was suitable to his Merit,Congratu­lating for his Victory. perhaps to raise it, he here met with the usual misfortune of Heroes, yet enjoy'd he as a more durable recompence, the glory of his Name. The Princes of Asia, by ambitious Embassies gave him the joy of the Victory. The Chamber of Goa call'd him Duke, either to mind him of it, or to seem to desire it. The King Dom Iohn honour'd him with the Title of Vice-King of India, the Fourth the State had there. The same Earth which covers his Ashes, Buries his other Rewards, his Posterity only Inheriting the glory of so great an Ascendent.

28. The Governour laid aside the King's share of the Booty, many Colours, and forty Pieces of great Canon, amongst which was that, we now have in Saint Gillians Fort, which keeps the name of the place whence 'twas taken. He delivered up the City to Plunder,The plu [...] ­der of the City. not reser­ving for himself the point of a Lance, a constant de­spiser of the Riches of the East; 'twas for this and other Virtues,Our assist­ance from Heaven. the Governour (as the Moors affirm) was al­ways assisted by some Divine power, for on the top [Page 189] of the Church they saw a Virgin, whose brightness they were not able to behold,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 4. Cap. 1. at whose sight their hearts fail'd, on which they quitted their Arms, some out of fear, others out of reverence. This favour from Heaven is not above belief, if we consider the justice of the Cause,How many the Moors lost. and piety of the General. There Dy'd of the Moors five thousand, amongst them were Rumecaon, Alucaon, Accedecaon, and other Turks of Name; the Prisoners were six hundred, who afterwards honour'd the Triumph;Our dead and woun­ded. we lost of Ours thirty, the Wounded were neer three hundred.

29. The Governour had but few days rest in the repose of Victory, being immediately seis'd on by the Anxious care of Re-building, rather founding the For­tress from the first Foundation; a Work, for the Ne­cessity of it indispensable, for our Straights impossible, for the expences of so long a Warr had drain'd the States Revenues, so pawn'd besides, as only to be re­deem'd by a Peace of long continuance;The Go­vernour Builds up the Fortress. yet the Go­vernour, not Disheartned by these difficulties, went about beginning the new Fabrick, with a new design; for in the judgment of the Skilfull, 'twas requisite to enlarge the Situation, to make the Walls thicker, the Bastions nearer, to Build Magazins in a dry place for the keeping Ammunition, and Provision, that it might be preserv'd well conditioned, which it had not been formerly, but by the moistness of the Soil corrupted. Materials could not be bought, or brought, without pay, or wages; Stone-cutters, Pioneers and Work-men ask't satisfaction for their Labour.

The Governour had neither Plate, or Jewels to serve his occasions, so as to be forc't to try other Pawns, Valuable by his honour, not their own nature. He commanded the Bones of his Son Dom Fernando to be ta'ne up, to send 'em in an unheard of Pawn to the City of Goa, but the Earth having not quite corrupted the Body, he cut off some hairs of his own Beard,Pawns for it the hairs of his Beard. on which he ask't twenty thousand Pardaos of the Chamber of [Page 190] Goa; his affection for his Country finding him out a strange way, never light upon by those Loyal Decios, Curtios, and Fabios, of whom Rome yet proud, preserves their Memory in the Ruins of her Empire. The pawn was accompany'd by this following Letter.

A Letter writ from Dio by the Go­vernour Dom Iohn de Castro to the City of Goa.

GEntlemen, Magistrates, Iudges, and People, of the most Honourable and always Loyal City of Goa; I writ to you some days since by Simaon Alvarez one of your Citizens the news of the Victory God gave me against the Commanders of the King of Cambaya, and that you might without any allay enjoy the pleasure and satisfaction of the Victory, I spoke not in my Letter, of the great streights and necessities I was in; but now I think fit, no longer to dissemble, and to give you an account of the urgencies which are upon me, and to desire your assistance to supply, and remedy things of so great moment as are now in my hands; for the Fortress of Dio is so beaten down to the ground, as not one foot of the Wall can serve again, so as 'tis not only necessary this Summer to Build it up again, but with such Skil, and in such a form as the King of Cambaya may lose his hopes, of being at any time able to take it. To this trouble is added an other as great, or greater, to me incomparably above all others, which is the trouble and perplexity the Lasquerins put me to for their Pay, which I have secur'd to 'em, else would they be all gone, and I should be left alone in the Fortress; which would put me into no little danger, and consequently all India; for the Commanders of the King of Cambaya, with those men who are left of the Defeat, quarter at Suna, two Leagues from this Fortress, and the King every day sends 'em Horse and Foot to increase their Camp, as if they would return and [Page 191] try their fortune by giving an other Battail, wherefore I am in great want of a considerable sum of Money, and, because it concerns the service of our Lord the King, and complies with your Honour, and Loyalty, I earnestly begg of you to remember your old Custom, and great Generosity, which ob­lig'd you (as good and Loyal Subjects) always to relieve the urgent necessities of his Majesty, and for the great and intimate affection I have for you all, you would lend me twenty thousand Pardaos, which as a Gentleman I promise, and on the Holy Gospel swear, before a years end to see you Repaid, though I should be set upon, by greater necessities, and extremities, then those by which I am at present envi­ron'd. I commanded the taking up my Son Dom Fernando, whom the Moors kill'd in this Fortress (fighting for God, and our Lord the King) to pawn to you his Bones, but they were found so, as 'twas not fit to take 'em out of the ground, by which I am without any other Pawn, but part of my Beard, which I hear send you by Diogo Rodriguez de Aze­vedo, for as you know, I have neither Gold, Plate, House­hold-stuff, or any thing of Value to secure your Estate, only a plain and naked truth given me by God Almighty. But that you may more certainly rely on your Payment, and it may not be thought by some, that (what hath at other times fallen out) some intervening accident may keep you from it; I here send you an order for the Treasurer of Goa to be paying you out of the Tax for the Horse, engaging all can be made of it, till you are re-imburst; for the manner of the paying it you are to fix it with him; Excuse me for not affe­cting words to heighten to you my extremities, being, from what I have said before firmly perswaded, that you will in this Conjuncture, do what you can, and above your abilities, without any other mediation, then your accustomed Nobleness, and our reciprocal Affection. I recommend my self, Gentle­men, to your Goodness.

30. Upon the Messengers arrival at Goa, the people furnish't him with more then he demanded, seeing they [Page 192] had a Governour, so little proud as to ask, so great as to defend 'em;The Citi­zens of Goa return 'em. they return'd him those honourable Pawns, which are at present preserv'd in the hands of the Bishop,They are yet preser­ved. Inquisitor General, his most deserving Grand­child, who put 'em in an Urn or Pyramid of Crystal, set in a Basis of Silver, on which are Engraven several Disticks, which make an ingenious Memory of so fa­mous an Action; this honourable Relique remaining with his Posterity, to make Hereditary the virtues of Dom Iohn de Castro. With the Money was carry'd the following Letter.

The Chamber of Goa's Letter in answer to the Governours.History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 4. Cap. 4.

MOst Illustrious, and Excellent Captain General, and Governour of India, for the High and Mighty, and most Excellent Prince our Lord the King. Diogo Ro­driguez de Azevedo, arriv'd at this City on Monday the sixth of December, and the next day delivered a Letter to the Chamber from your Illustrious Lordship, which was read with no little pleasure, and satisfaction, because, by it we were assur'd of your Health, which good news we always covet to know, and desire encrease of, and for it, this City, and People, in general, and by themselves, give God many thanks, and are confident in our Lady, the Virgin Mary, the Mother of God and our Advocate, that as long as the people of India hath your Illustrious Lordship: for their Captain, and Governour, we shall never want the Divine assistance in our affronts and troubles, in recompence of your most Catholick and modest Life, your Carriage, and Actions of most com­mendable Virtue, on which hope we now enjoy our present quiet; for, the late and glorious Victory atchiev'd by your prudent Conduct, great Courage and Magnanimity, the raising the Siege of Dio, the routing and defeating the King of Cambaya's whole Army, besides above twenty thousand [Page 193] others, Moors, Turks, Rumes, Coracos, and Renegade Christians, Germans, Venetians, Genuese, and French, and diverse other Nations, (considerable numbers of whom were Kill'd by our Lances and Swords, as this City is assur'd by honest men and eye-witnesses) these good Ser­vices are certain signs, that for the future, by God's grace and protection, we need not fear any other troubles which shall appear from a fresh Army of the King of Cambaya, or other Neighhouring Kings and Potentates, or whole India, who are certainly our implacable Enemies, besides being Infidels, and haters of our holy Catholick Faith, from nei­ther of whom can we have any secure or firm Peace, though some shew of a double and cousening Friendship. As for the Loan, which in the name of our Lord the King you ask of us, the Cities answer is, That we the Inhabitants will now and always do our duty in serving his Majesty with our Estates, Lives and Souls; and because the Cities, and every particular man's design is to serve your Illustrious Lordship with an Eye that such a Loan is very much for the service of our Lord the King, whose the City is, and we are all, with a great deal of diligence and care, from the day that Diogo Rodriguez de Azevedo delivered his message, to the present (which is the seven and twentieth of Decem­ber) have we rais'd twenty thousand, one hundred and forty six Pardaos, and one Tanga, at five Tangas the Par­dao, which the City lends, that is Citizens▪ and People, as also the Bramens, Merchants, Traders, and Goldsmiths; and by our Letters we assure your Lordship, that this City, and its honourable Inhabitants, are bound for your service to lay down our Lives more chearfully then for our own honour and interest. As for the Pawns your Lordship sent us, the City and Inhabitants think our selves injur'd by your Lordship to rely so little on us, and our Loyal [...]ies; for in a business that so concern'd the service of our Lord the King, and his Royal State, such honourable and glorious Pawns were not ne­cessary, our Loyalty obliging us to serve the King, and present necessity, after that your Obligations on us, and your Lordship great affection and love to this City and Inhabitants, [Page 194] for which, and what besides we confess owing to you, we kiss your hands, and begg of God Almighty your enjoying perfect health, and prosperity, in much honour, and great Victories over the Enemies of our most holy Faith. My Lord, Diogo Rodriguez de Azevedo returns to carry you back your Pawns, and he, and Bertholamew Bispo Pro­curator of this City bring you the Money, which the City, and People lend you, of their good and free will; they carry too, the order you sent hither to the Treasurer for the payment of the Money; and our desires, you would accept all, as from Loyal Subjects, we profess to be to our Lord the King, and men oblig'd to your Lordship.

and I Lewis Tremessaon Clerk of the Chamber gave order for the writing it, and sign'd it, by the authority I have so to do.
  • Pero Godinho,
  • Iohn Rodriguez Paez,
  • Ruy Goncalvez,
  • Ruy Dioz,
  • Iorge Ribeiro,
  • Bertholamew Bispo.

31. The works at the Fortress went on with so great satisfaction to the Officers,The work go on at the Fortress. and Labourers, as it advanc't without time, and the pay of Work-men and Souldiers was so punctual, as the State was only poor; for the Governour, besides what the City lent, the Ladies, and Gentlewomen, sent him in a Cabinet their Diamonds, and Jewels, by which Female impotency sacrifis'd both to Glory and Vanity; an offer which expected neither interest, or recompence; whence is seen, how much bet­ter the People supply the Virtues, then Tyrannies of Regents.

32. He commanded Dom Manoel de Lima with thirty Ships to go along the Coast of Cambaya, And the Warr against Cambaya. and Burn all the Villages, to shew the Sultan, his Revenge was not satisfy'd by the Victory; but not to put in at the City of Goga, because the intelligence said, that there were imbody'd all those who scap't from the Battail. Dom Manoel, Dom Manoel de Lima wageth it. (who again look't for good fortune in that Bay) went Sailing along the Coast, and in a few days of being out, was surpris'd by so violent a Tempest, as [Page 195] to be forc't by the necessity of the Storm,Goes to the City of Goga. to put into the Port forbidden by his instructions. The Citizens having their imaginations fill'd with the late dangers, at the sight of the same Arms which wounded 'em quit­ted the City; the Souldiers, as well as the unservice­able Rabble,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 4. Cap. 3. in the same distemper flying to the Moun­tain. There was at Anchor in the Port a Moorish Ves­sel, belonging to the Qamalake, (one who was in good correspondence with the State) which observing the flight of the Moors hal'd to our men to fall upon the City. Dom Manoel not understanding the sign, conclu­ded that in defiance they bid him Battail, and 'twixt anger and impatience making ready, perceiv'd the City emptying, and the poor people running in confus'd multitudes towards a small Mountain, which was in sight, believing the distance, and cragginess of its situa­tion would secure 'em from being fall'n upon by our Souldiers; Dom Manoel found out the design of the Ships hawling, and put to't, 'twixt the opportunity, and his obedience, brought the business to Council; and amongst Valiant Souldiers, Gallantry being the best in­terpreter of Orders, 'twas voted they should enter the City, because the Governours instructions could not take in all accidents, who, if there, would be the first should leap on shore; the Counsel was immediately follow'd by Execution; Dom Manoel, almost without any resistance entred the City; the pillage of the Soul­diers was great, and what was below the coveting, was committed to the Fire, which burnt Estates and Houses; the Dammage was greater then the Victory.Which he Sacks and Burns. Dom Manoel took three Baneans Prisoners, by whom he was told, that all the Inhabitants had sav'd themselves in a place of the Mountain not farr of; he resolv'd to in­vest it, that the fugitives and opposers might have the same Punishment; at break of Day he went to the place, taking with him for guides the Baneans, forc't by miserable necessity to deliver up their Children and Kindred; and those who thought themselves secure in [Page 196] the shelter of the Mountain, saw over their Heads the Sword, before the Enemy. The slaughter differenc't not cause from cause, person from person, natives and strangers, guilty and innocent with their Lives paid for their own or an others offence. From Persons the affront past to Religion, he caus'd many to be Hang'd up in the Temples of their Idols, an outrage in the Su­perstition of their Religion, inexpiable. He cut the Throats of all the Cattel, sprinkling the Mosques with Cows blood, an Animal, which as the depositary of Souls, they adore with adominable worship.

33. Dom Manoel de Lima return'd to his Ships,He returns on Board, and is in dange [...]. and ventur'd to cross the Bay, where without a Storm he fear'd Shipwrack; for the Tide is there so unruly, and impetuous, as is sufficient to loosen the Vessels. In Sailing he came in fight of the City Gandar, peopled by Pagan Merchants, rich by its Commerce, weak by its Inhabitants. This was in the first Onset yielded, and burnt,He destroys Gandar. the Natives discovered their Estates as a ransome for their Lives, which neither by opposing nor yielding could they save, for the anger, rather inhumanity of the Souldiers more coveted blood then booty. He de­stroy'd many other places of the Bay, whose ashes and ruins for many years kept up the memory of their De­struction. Those Natives who surviv'd the miseries of their fellows, retir'd to the Inland of the Kingdome, where in secure poverty they preserv'd themselves.

34. Dom Manoel return'd for Dio, Returns for Dio. where he found the Governour employ'd about the new Fortifications, in whose sight the Works advanc't; diverse businesses re-demanding him at Goa, he had a mind to leave the Fortress in a state of defence. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, either wore out, or satisfy'd with the difficulties of the Siege, before his time was out resign'd, his Govern­ment, desiring that year to return for the Kingdome, to enjoy that Fame of which he so well deserv'd. The Governour endeavour'd to disswade him, fearing none would accept it after him; for by the late Victory and [Page 197] alteration of the Trade, the Spurrs of honour, and profit, were Blunted, the greatest incentives men Bow under. But Dom Iohn Mascarenhas's resolution to go for the Kingdome,Dom Iohn Mascarenhas leaves his Command. in Lourenco Pirez de Tavora's Fleet, put the Governour upon finding out a Commander for the Garrison, which some Gentlemen had refus'd to be, out of Dislike to a place which had been the Seat of so many Victories, perhaps out of the hazard there is to suc­ceed Persons of extraordinary Eminency;Dom Ma­noel de Lima offers to con­tinue in it. yet Dom Manoel de Lima offer'd to remain on the place, out of either complacency to the Governour, or confidence of himself.

35. The Governour in the mean time provided for his passage to Goa, and ordered Antonio Moniz Barretto with some Ships to look out for the Fleet of Cambaya, Antonio Moniz takes some Ships. which (by his private intelligence) he knew were to Visit the Coast of Por, and Mangalor, which Moniz meeting at Sea, Boarded, and carry'd into Dio, their Lading help't to bear the States charges. The King of Cambaya in his resentment of so many losses, burst forth into a most barbarous Revenge,The barba­rous revenge of the King of Cambaya. commanding two of our innocent Prisoners, taken during the Warr, to be Kill'd, taking his satisfaction for so great Outrages on so little shadows.

36. The affairs of Dio being concluded, fortune began to alarm the State with new accidents; The Governour had from Ormus repeated intelligence,News from Ormus. that the Turks with a mighty Army had thrown out of Bal­sora Mahomet As-Cnam, a Loyal friend to the State, who summon'd our Arms, as Auxiliary forces, to resist the common Enemy. The dangers, and consequences of having so unruly a Neighbour, were of no difficult discovery, for whom and us the World, much less the State, would be too narrow; The importancy of Bal­sora was weig'd, as a Foundation laid for greater de­signs; whose situation we will briefly acquaint you with.The descrip­tion of Bal­sora. Balsora is a Colony of four thousand Families, seated in Arabia the Happy, in twenty four degrees of [Page 198] Northern Latitude, not farr distant from the River Eu­phrates. 'Tis from the Fortress of Ormus two hundred Leagues, from Babylon a little above forty. Ships go from Ormus thither along the Coast of Persia, having on that side more convenient Ports and Watering. 'Tis inhabited by Moors, Schismaticks from the Turks, for though all Worshippers of Mahomed, yet differ in their Belief; these following the Rites and Ceremonies of the Persian, whom the Divel in different Cups makes to drink of the abominations of Mahomed; here the Turks fortify'd themselves, [...] themselves in it. and began to gain upon the Neigh­bouring Arabians, on some by Arms, on others by Be­nefits, setting up a new Prince in Balsora, who being of the Race of their antient Kings was lik't of by the Arabs, and would be faithfull to the Turks, whose Li­berality, under a shew of friendship, Veyl'd their ambi­tion of ruling. This mans pretensions, whom the Turks saluted for King, others write at large, I omit the rela­tion, as importune to the Reader, and from the design of the History.

37. The Governour resolv'd to send Dom Manoel de Lima for the Fortress of Ormus, Dom Ma­noel de Lima goes for Ormus, (which came to him by the Death of Dom Manoel da Sylveita) that as the Perquisits of the place he should take on him the obli­gation of managing the Warr against the Turks; the Fortress of Dio, being once more left as a Stone of of­fence, rejected by the Builders; for no Gentleman would remain there, with only the care of the Fortifi­cations, Dom Iohn Mascarenhas carrying away with him the glory of the danger. I know not if the affairs of India are now held in the same respect. The Gover­nour was troubled the Theater of so many Victories should be laid aside,And Dom Iohn Mas­carenhas re­turns to his Command in Dio. which Dom Iohn Mascarenhas hearing, offer'd that Winter to continue in the place, a thing taken very well by the Governour, who told him, whilst the Fortress was finishing, 'twould be Wall'd by his reputation; and that it may be known how facil this so great Personage was in confirming other [Page 199] mens deserts, I'le set down a Letter he writ to his Son Dom Alvaro, What the Governour writes of him to his Son Dom Alvaro, upon Dom Iohn Mascarenhas going to Goa to take passage for the Kingdome. ‘There comes by this occasion Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, the same the Pagans, and Moors take him for, I who am a good Christian make the same confession of his Courage, having, in all the Fights found him always at my side; He goes to embark for the Kingdome, I ask it of you, to entertain him, as you would my own Person, and not to consent he should Lodge any where but with you, which yet is below his merits, I hope in God he will in a little time return to these Parts, to cor­rect my Defects.’ He also writ largely to the King of every mans Desert,and to the King of every one. said nothing of himself, betraying his partiality for other mens services, his ingratitude for his own.

38. Order being taken about Dio, the Governour left Dom Iorge de Menezes with six Ships,He leav [...]s Dom Iorge on that Coast. to hover the rest of the Summer about the Bay of Cambaya, and gave him instructions to proclaim in all the adjacent places, That all the Moors, and Pagans might return to Inhabit the Island, for under shelter of his Justice, their Persons and Commerce should be secure, enjoying their Antient peace and freedome; and truth being credited by Courage, the Pagans as much sought for the protection of our Arms, as Laws, there coming in great numbers of Merchants and Inhabitants to improve the Trade, counting that Peace secure, which begun on the confines of Warr.

39. The Governour took Shipping for Goa, Embarks for Goa. expect­ed there by the general applause of all people, the articulate Ecchos of his Victory; in ten days he came into Port, where the Bishop, the Commander in chief, and Magistrates came to Visit him,Arrives, and is vis [...]ed at Sea. desiring him to stay at Pangim, whilst the City prepar'd the Triumph they intended for his Reception, that the World might not think 'em uncivil, barbarous, or ungratefull; that so de­serv'd a Triumph, was not the ambition of the Person, [Page 200] but glory of the State; that Kings carry away the ad­vantages of Victories, Subjects the honour; that he might scorn the Reward, without refusing the Me­mory.

40. The Governour suffer'd himself to be o'recome by the kindness of the People,A Triumph is decreed him. as one who could not sleight the honours of a Triumph, without injuring those who bore him Company in the atchievement, nor limit the popular Rejoycing, without envying the common prosperity; their festival Solemnities having their excuse in our Fortune, their example in the Caesars. The fifteenth of April of the Year 1547. was ap­pointed for the day of the Triumph, the first, and last, our Arms ever saw, us'd to purchase Fame without glory. The City Built in Saint Catherines Basar, a great Arch, covering the Materials with diverse Carpets. The gate of the City was from the top of the Wall thrown down,The Fabrick of it. the Stones appearing humble, or gratefull; the Hangings of the Walls were of Rich cloth of Gold, greatness could do no more, the general satisfaction was not content with less. In many places the Adornment was of diverse Colour'd Velvets, that the Gold might set off the Majesty, the diversity of Colours the plea­santness. On the Walls on each side the Gate were two gilded Lyons, upholding in their Paws the wheels of the Castros, History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 4. Cap. 6. always Famous, now Triumphant. There run along by the Arch a dilated Thicket of Trees, which with intermitting shades, qualify'd the heat, without hindring the light. The Sea appear'd all co­ver'd with Ships, Galleys, Boats, and Brigantines, which came from the Nighbouring Islands, all with their Streamers and Wast-cloaths. There was in the Court of the Palace a Fortress, design'd for the Model of Dio, within it some Guns charg'd without Bullets, and other Fire-arms, a pleasant Representation of former Hor­rours. In the same Fortress was hid exquisite Musick, which with Tunables voices kept time in singing the praises of the Governour, delighting by their sweetness, [Page 201] the Ear, by their words, the Judgment. The general correspondency in the adorning the Streets, was as if design'd to shew the Riches of the East; The Em­broidery, as common, was look't upon with scorn. The Cloaths of the Citizens were in all kinds such, as if the People had Triumph'd; Neither, if their hearts could have been seen, would the applause of their souls have seem'd less, being the voluntary Demonstrations of in­artificial affections.

41. The Governour came from Pangim in a little Gally,The Gover­nours entry. differenc't from the rest by its Adorning; he had with him the old Cavalliers, his Companions in the Expedition, who shar'd equally of the glory and dan­ger. The Galleons of the Fleet went on Head, in their Stern follow'd the Vessels with Oars, with their Sails furl'd in the Brayles, and all shadow'd with the Verdure of several Boughs, appearing from the Land, a loose Wood, or moving City. When they came in sight of the Fortress, by the horrour of their Salute, the Warr seem'd rather real then apparent; the Guns also from the Shore, gave 'em so terrible an answer, as the senses could not distinguish whether it were a Fight or Triumph; all the Fleet opened to make way for the Governours Gally. He was richly Cloath'd, giving the Season its due, and became them as well, and sprightly as his Arms; He had on, a French suit of Crimson Satin, with Gold twist about the Slashes and Seams, and not to forget he was a Souldier, he put on a Coat of Mail wrought on Cloth of Gold with Buttons of Plate, Feathers in his Hat, and the Guarniture of his Sword Gold. Upon the Key, the Officers of the Militia, Nobility, and Magistracy of the City waited for him, with whom he entred the first Gate, where one of the Consuls made him a sober Speech in Latin, shewing, that by the advantage of his Valour we had humbled the proudest Scepter of the East, whose Ruins would be his Fames best Trumpets; that Portugal had now secur'd the State, born again in his Arms, who fought as [Page 202] well for Religion, as Empire, so laying his designs, as the Voice of the Gospel reach't Parts so remote; that now the Moors and Pagans could not but believe that God to be Great, who was the God of so great Victo­ries; that after long Revolutions of time in the East, men Sailing by would point at the place of the Battail, the Destruction of Cambaya going in Tradition from Na­tion to Nation, from Kingdome to Kingdome; that Parents would tell it their Children, to fright 'em with the memory of former Dangers; that now our Colours gloriously Roll'd up, might rest in the Temple of Peace, having opened that of Victory. He discours'd largely upon the passages of his Government, yet in the thoughts of the people, was rather sparing, then extra­vagant in his Virtues, greater in the Eyes of strangers, then in our praises. The end of the Speech had its Cadence in the Harmony of differing, and agreeing In­struments; immediately were Shot off some Guns, charg'd instead of Bullets with diverse Comfits,They re­ceive him under a Ca­nopy. which falling at a little distance, made a pleasant, though run­ning Banquet for the common people. The Magi­strates of the City receiv'd the Governour under a Ca­nopy,The order of the Tri­umph. and presently a Citizen of quality, reverently bowing, took his Hat from his Head, putting him on a Crown of Triumph, and in his hand a Palm. The Guardian of the Franciscan's Order walk't before, with the Crucifix he held up in the Battail, the Arm unnail'd, and hanging, (a Signal by which the Divine Majesty not only in that but this Age hath secur'd to us our Kingdoms and VictoriesDom An­tonio de Sousa de Macedo (now Secre­tary of State in Portugal) in the third Chapter of the third Book of his Lusitania Liberata (Printed at London 1645.) saith, The design of shaking of the King of Spain being Compleated, by Killing the Secretary, and Proclaming Iohn the Fourth Duke of Braganza (at that time at his House in the Country) the Nobility, in the King's absence de­sir'd the Arch-bishop of Lisbone to Govern the City; who going in solemn Procession to the Palace, as he past by Saint Anthonies Church, and was praying to the Saint to intercede for the good of the Kingdome, and his Native Conntry, the Arm of a rich Crucifix which was carry'd before him, Miraculously unnail'd and held it self forth to the people, who receiv'd the Miracle, with acclamations crying out, God stretcheth out the hand of his power to free the Portuguese, and decide their cause against the Castillian, who had said, he only desir'd God should be Judge. This is the Miracle hinted at by the Author, and compar'd to the Crucifixes having an Arm unnail'd in the Battail, as was related in the 22. Parag. of this Book.) there follow'd the Royal [Page 203] Banner of our Cinks, beheld by the Moors and Pagans with fresh admiration; immediately came the Standarts of Cambaya, dragg'd on the ground in the sight of Iu­zarcaon, and other Commanders pinion'd, who repre­sented the Tragedy of their Fortune, for them com­passionate, to us pleasant; there were seen six hundred Prisoners, dragging their Chains after them, after them the Field-pieces, with different and numerous Arms. The Ladies from their Windows sprinkled the Trium­pher with distill'd waters of diverse Spices. The Offi­cers through whose hands past the Gold, and other rich Commodities, came and made him voluntary offerings, the equal disposition of their affections being more Valuable then the Triumph. The beautify'd, and open Churches shew'd their acceptance and thanks. In this order he went to Visit the Cathedral, the Mother-Church of the East, where the Bishop, and Clergy re­ceiv'd him with the Hymn Te Deum Laudamus; being entred into the See, with Religious offerings he ac­knowledg'd the Author of Victories, and it being now late, with little Ceremony retir'd to the Palace, one days time being too narrow for the Majesty of the Triumph.

The Fourth BOOK.

THere were but few Kingdoms in the East, which in the Government of Dom Iohn de Castro did not Alarme that State, by diverse Rumours of Warr, by either Arms against us, or against one the other, inviting our Forces to make Peace, or forward the Victory; the East also saw him often girt his Sword for the cause of Religion.

1. King Iohn had sent to the Island of Zeilan some Franciscan Friars,Franciscan Friars go for Ceilan. exemplary in their Lives and Do­ctrine, that by Martyrdome and Preaching, they might bear witness of the truth of the Gospel, that be­ing our Prince's greatest concernment, whose Banners Asia saw oftner display'd in reverence to Religion,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 4. Cap. 7. then ambition of Empire. These Friars on their Landing in the Island were by the King of Cotta civilly entertain'd, the Sun of Righteousness beginning once more to rise in the East. That Paganism began to Listen to the Voice of Heaven, and that Barren ground to answer the pains by its Improvement, by the coming in of in­finite Sheep to the Sheep-fold of the Church.

2. Those Embassadours of the Gospel went forward, to give News of the Light to the King of Candea, They preach the Faith in Candea, and the King hearkens to it. in [Page 205] the heart of the Island, whom they found Courteous in the entertainment of their Persons, flexible to the obedience of their Doctrine; He was instructed in the mysteries of our Belief, that with a stronger Faith he might wash in the waters of Baptism. He gave the Friars ground, Materials, and Money, for the Building a Church; that being the first Fortress the Conquest of the Gospel rais'd in the Island against the delusions of Idolatry; for of the Preaching of the Apostle Saint Thomas (if it reach't so farr) neither had their Under­standings any light, nor their Country memory.

3. That Prince shew'd himself obedient to the pre­cepts of our Religion,He is in­constant. but not constant, for the fear of his Subjects revolting on his change of Doctrine, made him, not to lose what he Esteem'd, forsake what he was Convicted of; for as a Plant not yet Rooted, the force of human perswasion enclin'd him either way. The Religious men endeavour'd to take those Rubbs out of the way of Life,He Friars encourage him. by assuring him that under the protection of our Religion, and Arms, he might secure both Crowns, for the State was at that time Govern'd by Dom Iohn de Castro, who for the propagation of the Faith us'd to venture his Blood, for his Friends, the State.

4. The King listned to the proposition, saying, if the Governour would send him Relief,His reso­lution. he would not only himself profess the Faith, but preach it to his Sub­jects. One of the Friars carry'd this resolution to Goa; the Governour,The Go­vernour de­sires that Conversion, and sends to him Antonio Moniz. certify'd of the cause of his coming, desir'd the Conversion of that Prince, as his greatest business in the East, not less zealous in giving Children to the Church, then Victories to the State. He immediately dispatch't Antonio Moniz Barretto with seven Fly-boats, and Orders, that if he found any of our Ships at Sea to carry 'em with him; writ honourable Letters to the Prince, which he accom­pany'd with several Presents: but leaving Antonio Moniz at Sea, we will (to observe the order of time in [Page 206] the Relation of successes) speak of the taking of Ba­roche.

5. The Governour had dispatch't from Dio, Dom Iorge de Menezes, to commit all imaginable Hostilities in the Bay of Cambaya, to show the Sultan the edge of our Arms was not Blunted, by their former Execution. Dom Iorge took some Vessels of Provision going to fur­nish the Enemies Ports, that those the Sword had spar'd, might be made an end of by Famine. He came one Evening in sight of the City Baroche, whose state­ly Buildings presented him with the Politeness of Eu­rope. 'Twas situated on an Eminency surrounded with Brick-walls,The Situ­ation and Fortifying of Baroche. which were more for shew, then defence; yet were there diverse Bull-works to be seen, made not without some in-sight in Fortification, furnish't with­store of Ordnance, which commanded the entrance in­to the Haven. The height of the situation discovered the Gates to be of square Stone polish't, and the cor­respondency of Turrets and Windows, argued the wealth and policy of the Inhabitants. The Trade of the place was in very fine Silks, a Commodity expor­ted thence to many Ports of the East. Madre Maluco was Lord of the City,Madre Ma­luco Lord of it. and had Tributary the Neigh­bouring Villages, which, by their fertility and bigness, made him up a moderate Seignory.

6. Our men had by chance taken a little Boat of Fisher-men, Natives of the place, who upon enquiry told what we have related of the City, and upon Dom Iorge's desire to know what Garrison was in the place, had said, that Madre Maluco had carry'd all the Souldiery to Amadabat, the Sultan's Court, and at present were remaining only some Artisans, and other Trades-men. Dom Iorge thinking the occasion opportune for assault­ing the City, though his strength was not proportio­nable to such a design, yet (events depending on acci­dents) resolv'd to run his Fortune; and to amuse the Inhabitants in security, steer'd an other course, Sailing by a different Rumbe, taking along with him the Fisher­men, [Page 207] to be his Pilots in the entrance. At night the whole Fleet tacking about,Dom Iorge enters by Night. stood up with the Port, and getting all on Shore, (the Enemies confidence, or neg­ligence, being unprovided of any Defence, or Sentinel) fell upon the Unarm'd, and weak Multitude, when the Night, Confusion, and Sleep, run 'em upon the danger they avoided, miserably wandering, they shun'd their own as Enemies, flying from those who fled themselves. The skreeks of the Children stirr'd not up in their Pa­rents any Compassion, less Vengeance, for the suddain fear gave 'em over to the basest affections of Nature; the Crys and Laments of the Women discovered them, their, Ah me, being their greatest danger; those who by flying into Houses scap't the Sword, were in them con­sum'd by the Fire, the poor people having no remedy against, but choice of their Death; the Invasion, and Sack was at the same time; the Slaughter, as in a Fight without resistance; the Plunder, as in a City forc't to deliver. Dom Iorge in fine purchas'd in this Action, Fame without Danger, Victory without an Enemy; yet doubt we not that had he found more Opposition, his Courage would have atchiev'd what his Fortune effected. He commanded the City to be Burnt, where, in a few hours, the Nobility and People, Gardens and Houses became compassionate Ashes, without any di­stinction of nature, or separation of place. He put on Board some of the smaller Guns, broke in pieces the great. This Action being so famous amongst our Soul­diers, as to give him who was call'd Menezes, the Sir­name of Baroche, as the Ruins of Carthage gave Scipio the name of Africanus.

7. Maluco came with five thousand Horse; soon enough to deplore, too late to help,Maluco comes too late. and seeing the Fire and Sword had left nothing in its own shape, re­turn'd impatiently to the King of Cambaya, as one whose green Wound very sensibly smarted. He repre­sented to him the Destruction of the City, as an Out­rage aggravated by being the latest of so many; The [Page 208] Sultan seem'd touch't with this new accident, and Vow'd once more to set upon Dio the stone of offence, on which was broke the strength of so vast an Empire; but while the Heart-burnings of Cambaya vent them­selves in an imaginary Revenge, we will speak of the Spirituals of Candea, which as Seed choak't up by Thorns came not to produce any Fruit.

8. Madune King of Cotta came to know that the King of Candea endeavour'd by the change of his Religion to get the protection of the State, (who as those Pa­gans are zealous observers of their errors) sought for arguments to perswade him,The King of Co [...]ta against the King of Candea's Conversion. that Idolatry was necessary for his Crown, telling him, his new Belief would make his Subjects rebell,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 4. Cap. 8. the Neighbouring Kings his Enemies, himself Ingratefull to his old Gods, who had for so long prospered the Scepter of Candea in his Royal Pro­genitors; that the Governour of India must of ne­cessity be the most Insolent man upon Earth, who suffered not the World to have any other King, or God, but that, he Obey'd, and Ador'd; that he deny'd not the Portuguese Religion, to be either better, or more fortunate, since they serv'd the God of Victories; yet 'twas sufficient for him to serve the Gods of the Coun­try he was Born in, without coveting a better Poste­rity, or greater Fortune then his Predecessors; besides, who knew that the Governour under pretence of Re­ligion design'd not the usurpation of his Scepter; that he ought not to receive on the Island, men of such a temper as could not be satisfy'd, without being the Lords, to be any where; that if the Franks promis'd him, to furnish him with a better Creed, and inlarge his Territories, what sound judgment would credit so un­usual goodness in men he never saw, especially when they were not so great despisers of Temporalities, but to come from the end of the World to Domineer in Asia? that if example had with him any Authority, he should find more Kingdomes destroy'd by 'em, then in­doctrinated; that 'twas true, their Ioques (by them [Page 209] call'd Priests) did willingly Dye for their Religion' but did it, either out of an ambition of Name, or prodi­gality of Life; if there were not in the West more Fools, then in other Parts, who were all possest with that dan­gerous obstinacy of instructing the World; that in fine, he Counsel'd him as a King and Ally to cut off the Relief he expected from the Franks, in expiation to his old Gods, justly incenst to be thrown off for a forein Divinity; that were it their Pride in pretending to come and enlighten his Understanding, or ambition to usurp his Kingdome, the Circumstance of either fault deserv'd this Punishment; that in prosecution of it he would assist him with Arms, and Souldiers, making that a common Cause, which was the Outrage of all their Idols.

9 The unfortunate Prince not able at once to throw off the weight of his old Errors,The King of Candea consents. suffered himself to be perswaded by the Arguments of his Barbarous, and Treacherous friend; his Eyes yet darkned with the Clouds of Idolatry, not being able to endure the Dawn­ing of the Light of Truth, and immediately, wanting prudence or resolution, conspir'd in Madune's Trea­chery, like a Diseas'd Frantick, angry with the Physi­cians: In fine, they expected their Guests, resolv'd to put in Execution their plotted malice.

10. Antonio Moniz being parted from Goa, Antonio Moniz Voy­age. found some of our Ships in several Ports, which, according to his Orders, he joyn'd to his Fleet; having doubled the Cape of Camorim, and past the Quick-sands of Manar, he steer'd for Baticalou, to go from thence by Land to Candea. He had with him twelve Fly-boats, out of which he took one hundred and twenty select Souldi­ers, and with them march't, in the security that he was going to a Prince, a Friend, and one obliged by the State, above all, if not yet a Convert, at least gratefull, and a well-willer to the truth of that Doctrine we profest; at his coming to Candea, He comes to Candea, and finds all things alte­red. by every ones being in Arms, the Treason could not be kept so close as that Antonio [Page 210] Moniz had not notice of it by diverse advices, and by their pretending to divide his Souldiers, so to Kill 'em more securely; besides, the King in Person would not see 'em, perhaps, not to discover by his Affections, his Timerous, and guilty Conscience. Antonio Moniz march't presently out of the City, Commanded all the Impediments and Baggage to be Burnt, to be thus more at liberty, to Defend and Retreat, and assembling his Souldiers spoke to 'em;

11. ‘Friends and Companions, you all know the Treason plotted against us by this Pagan King, whom we come to serve and assist;He en­deavours to resist. I have intelligence they will set upon us by open Force, having now a reason, or cause to hurt us, they had not before, that is, that we have found out their Treachery. None of us hath any more Life, then he can Defend; Courage, and Discipline may save us; we expect no Relief, for it lies in our selves; and the Infidels will not persist in their Treason, if they find it Costly; and what is it? if in this Conjuncture we do that for our selves, we came to do for them, that is, lose our Lives. The passages which go to Baticalou, where our Fleet is, must be suppos'd Lin'd with the Enemy, wherefore I am of opinion, for us to go to the King of Ceitavaca, a faithfull Friend to the State, where we shall find en­tertainment and secure protection to go from thence in quest of our Fleet.’

12. As soon as Antonio Moniz began to march, the Enemy appear'd in Companies,Is set upon by the Ene­my. charging us with Arrows, Darts, Stones, and other such Weapons, with which they Wounded some of our men, and made account by this importune way of Fighting to Destroy us with­out danger. The Enemy appear'd to have a Body of eight thousand men, Commanded by their Officers (by them call'd Modeliares) expert in that wild way of charging and retiring, out-going us in number and agility, and without doubt would one by one have Destroy'd us, had not our Musquets made 'em stand off, [Page 211] from which they receiv'd no little Dammage, and grea­ter fear, for scar'd, by seeing some drop down Dead suddainly, the rest follow'd us with more fear and cau­tion; they thus continued Gawling us all that day, one while Venturous, another Cowards; with this un­equal and troublesome chase, they gave us a flow, but un-interrupted charge.

13. By the coming on of the Night our men had more security, then repose,The diffi­culty he was in. for they were so disquieted with wandring and roving Shot, that the poor Souldiers could not take any little rest upon their Arms, eating their Biscuit with their Eyes toward the Enemy, and their Hands on their Weapons; so past they till the next day, when they discovered the Pagans, more Ven­turous and Daring, for that first horrour our Fire-arms bred in 'em, was either quite lost or moderated. They at last arriv'd to the confidence to charge us with short Arms, on which Antonio Moniz was forc't to stop his March, and sometimes front 'em, in this we cut off some of their men, and took Prisoner, amongst the rest one of their Modeliars, who by his Habit and Arms seem'd to Command the party, as also, by their venturing and daring to recover him, making several Charges, in which they were worsted, yet so constant in their re­solute attaquing us, as our men quite worn out could no longer maintain it.

14. Some were of opinion to face the Enemy,His pru­dence in moderating his men. and either by Fighting free themselves, or Dye reveng'd; but Antonio Moniz told 'em, that the greatest proof of their Courage would be enduring, and the only way to save 'em; that they had already Conquer'd the greatest part of the way; that Marching with care and in a Body, they could not receive much Dammage; that the greater the danger was, more would the pleasure be, when they should tell it gloriously, and securely. Thus did the Commander encourage 'em, and Bridle the despair of so tedious a Resistance, till the coming of the Night made 'em some amends for the Days difficulty; [Page 212] for the Pagans being also broken, gave our men some time to rest; yet at break of Day did they assault us more furiously, asham'd perhaps to find amongst so few so stout opposition. They now came on more boldly on our men, who defended themselves, though with less strength, with their usual Courage.

15. Antonio Moniz commanded one to break the Modeliars Leggs he had taken Prisoner, and cast him in the way, whom his own men, leaving off Fighting, im­mediately went to Relieve, mov'd by their affection or pity, to see their Leader or Companion, in so compassi­onate a condition; Our men, were for some time as if without an Enemy, yet suddainly Fir'd with Commi­seration, or Revenge, did they violently fall upon us in a narrow passage, which ended in a Bridge made over a great River not to be Foarded; here Antonio Moniz shew'd extraordinary Courage, facing the Enemy with nine more,His courage in Fighting. till his Souldiers got over, and when he had 'em on the other side, broke a part of the Bridge, a diligence, which stopp'd the Pagans passage, and pur­sute. Antonio Moniz by so Heroick a defence got not popular applause, yet the few who know how to Value extraordinary Actions,His retreat. voted this Retreat worthy the Fame of a signal Victory; they got at last to the King of Ceitavaca, where they had kind, and hearty Recep­tion, and recover'd their Hunger, Wounds, and hard March in a free and courteous Hospitality, who offered 'em his Forces to revenge so just a quarrel.

16. The poor King of Candea repenting of the Crime,The King of Candea repents. the perswasion of a Neighbour Prince induc't him to commit, and abhorring the Treachery, as hatch't in an others Brest, sent a Messenger to Antonio Moniz with ten thousand Pardaos for the expence of his Fleet,Sends a Messenger. and a Letter, that the sorrow was his, the mischief an other mans; that coming to him when an Infidel, he should not now forsake him when a Christian; that the God on whom he began to believe, was therefore so great, because he pardoned offences; that he ought not [Page 213] to suffer those tender Flowers which were Blossoming in the Garden of the Church, to be unsheltered, ex­pos'd to the scorching of Idolatry; that his coming in Arms being to weed that Wood of Pagan superstitions, he should not wonder to get off hurt by the Briars, and Thistles of Infidelity; that, the God they Preach't to him, being so Gratious, did not in his Justice, without Mercy save the World; that Earth ought not to despise him, who was not cast off by Heaven; that he entrea­ted him to come to his Succour, who was ready to Sa­crifize all he had, for his Protection, and his Life for Religion.

17. Antonio Moniz on this Letter resolv'd to return to Candea, Antonio Moniz de­fir'd to re­turn, looking on the Interest of Religion to be more considerable then the hazard of his Life; but the Souldiers cleaving fast to the Plank they scap't on, would not quit the protection of a Prince their Friend, saying,His men are against it. The first cheat was a false Traitors, the second would be a Credulous, and Incantelous Commanders, that they would not return to trust that Viper which had once bit 'em; for if when oblig'd by a voluntary relief he would have Kill'd 'em, what would he now do when provok't by their affronting his bafled Army? that they would thank God for one Miracle without asking an other; that the Governour sent them not as Apostles, but Souldiers; that if they went to Dye for the Faith, they might go without Arms, but their Cal­ling was not to Preach, but with their Sword defend Religion. Antonio Moniz seeing the Souldiers cool'd in their Zeal, and obstinate in their Obedience, con­sidering, that if God would save that people, he would find out the means, resolv'd to recover his Fleet;He goes to his Fleet. and while he is at Sea, we will to the business of Hidalcaon, which we have Retarded.

18. Hidalcaon alarm'd by Meale's being in Goa, Hidalcaon sends Soul­diers upon the Conti­nent. en­deavoured by the Cure of Arms to purge those Dis­quiets, and because the Warr of Dio had weakned the State, thinking to surprize the Governour in the [Page 214] confidence, or carelesness of his Victories; knowing also his absence from the City of Goa, he fell upon the Territories of Bardez and Salsete, in the security of Peace unguarded; He sent four thousand Souldiers, who without drawing their Swords took possession, ma­king the Peasants bring in their Fruit, and the Annual Customs they paid the State. The news of their In­cursion reach't Goa, and caus'd no little trouble by ta­king them unprovided to resist the Enemy. They re­solv'd to expect the Governours return,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 4. Cap. 9. whose name was sufficient to take down Hidalcaon's Pride, only in the Interim to Garrison the Fortress of Rachol, with this small Curb to bridle the invasion of the Enemy.

19. Upon the Governours arrival at Goa, he be­stow'd the first Days on the pleasure of his Success, but would not pass any more in ease, as one who counted Peace a Vice, Warr his Profession; He immediately went to Agacaim, thence dispatch't Dom Diogo de Al­meyda Freire with nine hundred men to Dislodge the Enemy, who with four thousand Souldiers quartered in the Neighbouring Villages;They retire for fear of our [...]. when the Moors heard our men were on their March, without staying to hear our Drums, or see our Colours, they retir'd to the Mountain, out of respect (as was thought by all) to the Victories of Dio, whose Fame had seis'd the whole East with fear and reverence. The Campagnia was again brought under our Obedience, enjoying with the Jealousies of Warr, an insecure Peace, as was to be expected from a Male-content and Neighbour Prince. Hidalcaon, taking himself affronted by his mens Flight, made the reputation of his Arms an other cause to raise Warr, and sent eight thousand Souldiers to take in that ground which was in dispute, whilst he was making greater Levies, with an intention (as he gave out) where his Kingdome lay at stake, to venture his Person; but whilst Goa is unalarm'd by the noise of his Forces, we will speak of the affairs of Malaca, and Maluco, dis­pos'd by the Governours prudence, and finish't by his Fortune.

[Page 215] 20. Bernadim de Sousa was sent Governour to the Maluco-Islands, which by their distance from the heart of the State, were of a more fickle Obedience,Iohn de Barro' s Hi­story of In­dia, Dec. 6. Lib. 1. Cap. 8. both for the Subjection of the Natives, and Libertinism of the Governours, who behav'd themselves as Absolute and Independent. Iordaon de Freitas had sent the King Aeyro to Goa, The king Aeyro sent Prisoner to Goa. in Chains unbecoming a Crown, and with a false Process drawn against him; which Dom Iohn de Castro commanded should be prov'd according to Law, and absolving the poor King from the imputed Crimes,Absolv'd by the Go­vernour, after a Royal entertainment, restor'd the injuries of the innocent Scepter with favour, and honour, Comman­ding Bernadim de Sousa to give him possession of the Kingdome, with more reverence then had been us'd to other Kings, by our Governours, that that Nation might take notice of the States clemency and justice, which held the Scales even betwixt Friends and Sub­jects.

21. Bernardim de Sousa arriv'd at the Island of Ter­nate, and getting on Shore,Is brought to Ter­nate. went into the Fortress, without those Ceremonies, the ambition of that people Customarily us'd in the reception of their Governours. Iordaon de Freitas who read in the suddain coming of his Successour, and his own guilty Conscience, the Process of his extravagancies, was not a little disquie­ted, knowing Dom Iohn de Castro's impartiality, that permitted not the Governours, to do, or receive any injuries from the Confederate Kings, and that by Aeyros being Justify'd, he must necessarily be Condemn'd; yet gave Bernardim de Sousa possession of the Fortress, to whom immediately repair'd Aeyro's Children, more to know their Fathers punishment, then expect his return, so Timerous are mens judgments in their desires; Ber­nardim de Sousa bid them go fetch him to Shore in such State, as it might appear, he rather went to plead Ser­vices, then answer Accusations. His Children, though not trusting to the pleasure of such unexpected News, went running to the Sea-side, follow'd by multitudes [Page 216] of the people, who look't upon, as a thing unusual, Justice against one so Powerfull, admiring the equality of our Laws, so indifferent to Natives, and Strangers. Aeyro came on Shore, saying, we had against our selves, given him the Victory, and that he would with his A sign of Admiration amongst them. Finger in his mouth always speak of the Governours excellencies; He carry'd in his hands the Fetters he had on at his departure, making pass-time of the memory of his grievances; by this Justice things in the Ma­lucos were for many years in a gratefull Obedience.

22. Malaca at that time enjoy'd a most profound Peace, setled by the friendship and commerce of the Neighbouring Princes;D [...]verse Kings con­spire against Malaca. yet the King of Viantata find­ing he had Force enough to set upon any great design, was by strength, and ease put in mind of many for­gotten grievances, which his Predecessors had receiv'd from the Kings of Patana, and having good correspon­dence with the Princes of Queda, Pam, and other Bor­derers, found a way to bring 'em into a League, making them take their parts in revenging an others Injuries; they put to Sea a great Fleet, and by Capitulations agreed, that the King of Viantata should be satisfy'd in being reveng'd on his Enemy, and they go away with the Booty of the Warr for Venturing their Lives in an others quarrel.

23. In this Conjuncture,How the Commander behaves him­self. Simaon de Mello was Com­mander of Malaca, and on knowledge of the Breach betwixt those Princes, writ to Diogo Soarez de Mello, who was in the Haven of Patane, to come to that For­tress, for all those Kings being Friends to the State, he had rather arbitrate then side in their differences; besides, it was in Policy, reason to let 'em be broke by a Warr, that being drain'd, they might Live with more Subjection under the peace and obedience of our Arms, considering time might furnish 'em with an opportu­tunity, and their strength with Courage, our Domi­nion over them being a sufficient cause for them to hate us, and for a Warr, a strong Army look't for no other pretensions.

[Page 217] 24. Diogo Soarez not refusing the advice dispatch't some Ships Laden for China, The King of Achem Lands, and immediately retires. and parted himself with two little Galleys for Malaca. The King of Achem was at this time with twenty great Vessels looking out for Prizes, with the force of a Prince playing the part of a Pirat; He took some Junks of Provisions, and at Sea behav'd himself insolently to some Ships of his Friends, his suc­cess heightned his confidence, Landing by Night in the Port of Malaca, only to say he had set footing on ground that Liv'd under our obedience, and with this glory wonn solely by stealth, He immediately return'd on Board.

25. The City was in an Uproar, and the fear and night encreas'd the danger, many flying from their own shadows; the Crys of the fearfull only reach't the For­tress, for they were surpris'd with fear without danger. The Commander in chief sent out Dom Francisco d' Esa with some Souldiers, who going into the Colony of the Chelins, saw in every ones fear and confusion the face of a Warr without an Enemy, who was by this time on Board, carrying with him only the imaginary vanity of having Landed; Simaon de Mello was as sensible of the King of Achem's Cowardise, as if it had been an Outrage; so sacred were the Walls of that Fortress, as if to march towards 'em had been an Insolence, to look on them a Crime; He presently set forth a light Vessel, to find out the King of Achem's course, whilst he put to Sea two great Carvels, and six Fly-boats to find out the Enemy. Diogo Soarez de Mello with the two Gal­leys we spake of came at this time into the Haven, as if steer'd by our Fortune to help the Victory. Dom Francisco d' Esa was nam'd Commander of this Squa­dron, who,The Fleet goes out to find him. though ill fitted out, like one who hastens to a suddain quarrel, put to Sea, with instructions, that if in ten days he saw not the Enemy, he should return to Port, not having Provisions for longer time.

26. They Sail'd eight days without sight of the Ar­mada, and arriving at an Island had news the Enemy [Page 218] was come to an Anchor at Queda, The Com­mander hears News of him, and resolves to follow him. a Voyage of two days. Dom Francisco resolv'd to proceed, but the Soul­diers mutiny'd, alledging, 'twas like a raw Commander to chase a flying Enemy; that their Provisions were al­ready spent; that they came not to Fight with Famine; that if by the Governours orders they were limited to ten days,The Soul­diers muti­ny. their Obedience would be better then the Victory; yet Diogo Soarez de Mello, Diogo Soarez quels 'em. though Inferiour in Command, higher in Authority, said, what Captain soever tack't about, he would set upon him first, for he should do the King better service in sinking disobedient Souldiers then valiant Enemies. One fear thus laid with an other, they set Sail for Queda, where they heard the Enemy was in Port eight Leagues off, Dom Fran­cisco resolv'd, having him so near, to persue; here was the Souldiers murmuring greater then before, though less insolent, seeing the hazard of their fear out-go that of the danger, so as they follow'd the Admiral with greater signs of satisfaction then ever, either to Gild over their former apprehensions, or their souls, presaging the Victory, created more honourable affe­ctions.

27. That evening they saw the City Parlez, They see, and set on the Enemy. where the Enemy was at an Anchor, in a Bay form'd by the River, at a little distance from the City. The Com­mander of the Squadron made some of his sound the River, and with Boughs laid out the Chanel, to avoid the Shelves, and knowing by the soundings there was water enough for the Carvels, lay in, as the Enemy with two Galleys, and other Ships, was coming to find out our Fleet; for he was told by his Spies, who from the Shore had only seen the great Carvels, (the Fly-boats, and Galleys being covered by the shelter of a crooked winding Point made there by the River) there were none but Merchant men. The Enemy had sent before two Galleys, which were Convoys to a Fleet of Fly-boats, and finding those Souldiers they imagin'd Mer­chants, strove to tack about, but the River being nar­row, [Page 219] and they coming before the Wind, could not do it, before we first came up with 'em; being in a little time come to Grapling, the Arms and River were Dy'd in Blood. Diogo Soarez with fifty Souldiers Boarded the Admiral Galley,Diogo Soarez takes the Admi­ral. and found in the Moors such reso­lute resistance, as all Dy'd, not one yielded, the rest fought with as brave resolution. The Victory was known by the Vessels, not by the Prisoners, it seem'd by so honourable obstinacy that none would out-live his freedome; the Enemies resistance was the proof of our mens Courage, who fought not only with men Valiant, but Desperate.

28. The King of Viantana, The Em­b [...]ssage of the Confe­derates. and most of the Confe­derates had in the mean time receiv'd so good satis­faction from the King of Patane, as a Peace was ty'd with stronger Knots, and knowing out Fleet was gone to Sea, by that, concluding the Fortress was left without sufficient Garrison, they design'd to try if that occasion would make their way to free Malaca of so troublesome a Neighbour, and made Bold by their hating us, and Cowardly by their fear, they design'd in the semblance of Peace, to disguise a Warr; they sent an experienc't Commander to Simaon de Mello, to Condole with him for the King of Achem's destroying our Fleet, and advise him, that on the joy of the Victory he was joyning more force to come upon the Fortress; that he having so few Defendants, Courage must necessarily yield to mul­titudes, since numbers and opportunities give Victories; that as Friends to the State, they desir'd leave to Land at that Port, and with their Lives redeem the Fortress from so inevitable Ruine, that the World might see they were better Friends in exigencies, then prosperity; besides so Cautelous a message, the Envoy had instru­ctions to observe what Souldiers were in the Fortress, and find out by the Governours countenance what Courage or Fear he betray'd at the news of the loss of his Fleet; the Heart being a more faithfull interpreter of the affections, then the Tongue.

[Page 220] 29. Simaon de Mello perceiving the offer Treachery, and the Messenger a Spy,The Go­vernour of M [...]laca's answer. resolv'd to beat 'em at their own Weapon, making use of Stratagem against Stra­tagem; He gave 'em thanks for their offer of so sea­sonable succours, and in return of so great friendship, Challeng'd from 'em the usual gifts for good news, for just then he had receiv'd fresh advice of the Victory his Fleet had obtain'd against the King of Achem; and that he had in the Fortress Men and Ammunition to spare, for their service against their Enemies; that the King of Achem went flying out of that Port; that in the persute the Portuguese had some difficulty, none in the Victory. These words were Credited by the security of the deli­very, and the Moor being Dismist, Credulous and Dis­contented at the Governours resolution, and the Victory of the Fleet, reported to those who sent him, that the Governour either understood the design, or was above the apprehension.

30. Simaon de Mello as things stood was not a little Disquieted,News wan [...]s from the Fleet. for the stay of the Fleet made the News possible, and accus'd himself for being rash and inconsi­derate, to engage the strength of that place against an Enemy, whose Peace brought us no profit, or Ruine glory; for having overcome him, when we were Inferi­our in force, 'twould be but a small proof of our Valour to worst him when equal; thus discourst the Gover­nour, as if without a fault there could be no miscarriage; there were gone on the Fleet the Inhabitants of Malaca, whose Wives, and Children, with untimely tears be­wail'd the Victory,The peo­ple com­plain. they knew not of; complaining of the Governour, who with other mens Lives acquir'd glory; when an honourable Peace was more suitable to the States exigencies, then an unprofitable Victory; the popular Tumult had grown to Libertinism, if Fran­ciscus Xaverius (whom India then honour'd as a Peni­tent, the World now reverenceth as a Saint) had not B [...]idled the people,Franciscus Xaverius quells 'em. by Preaching to them patience in adversity, not only as a Virtue, but Remedy, cautiously, [Page 221] but compassionately encouraging 'em, with the hopes of better News, which then look't more like a Friends com­forting, then a Prophets prognosticks; when, on the day of the Fight, as he was Preaching the ways of Life in the presence of a great Multitude, he was suddainly rap't into a profound Extasis, as taking in the Heavenly se­crets in a soft silence, till waking from the Mysterious intermission of his senses, His pleasant Voice burst forth,Fore-tells the Victory, in Commanding us prostrate before the Altars, to give thanks to the Author of Victories, for at that time had God with our Arms destroy'd the Enemies Fleet; the people out of reverence to the Divine inter­preters fore-sight, with gratefull and pious tears prais'd God in his Saint, from the extreams of grief beginning a more secure content. That very Evening as he was in a Chappel instructing the people,and the manner of it. he so particularly related the passages of the Battail, as if acquainted with the success from the Author of the Victory; we be­lieve the glorious Saint was the Intercessour, and Oracle of this happiness, whose presaging Soul had by diverse other Divine revelations a fore-sight into hidden se­crets. Malaca afterward enjoy'd an hono [...]rable Peace, secur'd by the Victory we have related; but the Go­vernour in Goa with his Arms reaking in the Blood of one Battail, was summon'd to an other.

31. Martim Affonso de Sousa, (as we have said be­fore) left things, betwixt Hidalcaon and the State, dispos'd for an open Enmity, in which Dom Iohn de Ca­stro could not refuse satisfaction without a Warr, or give it, with his reputation. Upon the Moors retiring, the Territories of Bardez and Salsete were under our Obe­dience, and the fruits of Husbandry grew under the protection of our Arms. Hidalcaon seeing the Land before his face,Hidalcaon's perplexity. and that likewise the Injury was conti­nued in a Retention, by him counted unjust, did every day by Arms mind us of his Title; alarm'd also by Meale's being in Goa, (a Poyson which seis'd on the heart of the Kingdome) and considering his stoll'n, and sud­dain [Page 222] Inroads, more provok't then weakned the State, and that by keeping from us Provisions, he impoverish't his Subjects, and inrich't his Neighbours, from whose Ports we were furnish't; He consulted how to set upon us in open Warr, in which he would venture his King­dome and Person, leaving the fortune of a Battail to decide the justice of his or our Arms; and being grown Rich by Peace and Tyranny, the expence of that Warr he was to make at his own Doors,He sends Forces on the main Land. was easie. He imme­diately sent eight thousand Souldiers to get possession of the Land in dispute, whilst more Forces were raising to maintain what they recovered.

32. The Governour on the first advice of the In­road sent Dom Diogo de Almeyda Freire with nine hun­dred Portuguese, some paid Canarins and a Troop of Horse, to go meet the Enemy, staying himself in Pan­gim, to come with the rest of the Forces to his Relief, if Hidalcaon came in Person, a report cast out by the Moors, which they would have perswaded us, or were perswaded of themselves; Dom Diogo de Almeyda de­parted with those men,Dom Diog [...] de Almeyd goes out to him. and made a Halt at the Fortress of Rachol, before which he had some light Scarmishes with the Enemy, who would not engage, or accept the Battail we offer'd, knowing perhaps we could not endure a long Warr for want of Provisions, and incon­venience of the ground, which was Marish and out into Rivulets, where we could not Lodge dry, or make use of our Cavallry in all places of the Campannia, in some for the wet which hindered our passage, in others for the unevenness; which were disadvantages more easily Conquer'd by the Moors, who being Natives of the place better knew the passes, and from their Birth were us'd to the difficulty of treading the Boggs with nimble­ness and agility, besides being of the Country were more plentifully provided. Dom Diogo seeing at last, 'twas at the Enemies choice to Fight or Retire,The Go­vernour or­ders him to retire, and that he wanted Provisions, advis'd the Governour, who sent him Orders to retire with his men into the For­tress [Page 223] of Rachol, whilst what was to be done was re­solv'd.

33. The Governour return'd from Pangim to Goa, where he put to Council the State of things,and debaits the Warr in Council. and his desires of quelling Hidalcaon with a sharper Warr to avoid the troublesomeness of so repeated Inroads, so to have his hands at Liberty to attend other business, which he could not do, leaving so importune a Neigh­bour arm'd, and unpunish't; yet all were of opinion to diferr the Warr till a fitter opportunity, which would be the next Summer, when our men might Encamp on dry ground, and with more force, Recruited with the Souldiers from the Kingdome, expected by the next Ships; the design of Action not being haste, but Vi­ctory.

34. The Governour though warlick,'Tis de­ferr'd till an other time. and impatient, subjected his will to his understanding, expecting a time to call Hidalcaon to a more severe account for his insul­ting; which being agreed on, he ordered Dom Diogo de Almeyda Freire to retire with his men, leaving a suffi­cient Garrison in the Fortress of Rachol, so to bridle the courses of the Enemy. The Governour indefatigable in the exercise of Arms, being without a real Wa [...]r past his time with the Representation of one. He every day went in the Field,He exer­ciseth Warr in Peace. where he commanded the Soul­diers to throw the Barr, fence, form Squadrons, encou­raging some with Rewards, others with Praise, increa­sing those Virtues by emulation and exercise; making a quiet and politick Government; a School of Arms, these were the Dances and Comedies, where the peo­ple Recreated themselves with usefull and warlick pass­time; the frequency of these preludes so well Disci­plining the Souldiers, as no occasion of a real Warr, no Accident,He coun­tenanceth the Souldi­ers. or Alarm found 'em wanting. Passing once through the Street call'd our Lady of Light, he saw in a poor House quantity of Arms in a Press kept so clean and bright, that their Lustre and Order in which they were dispos'd so much pleas'd him, as stopping his Horse, [Page 224] he ask't who Liv'd there; the Master himself hapned to answer him, who was Francisco Goncalvez, a Souldier of Fortune. The Governour, after commending his curiosity, and well employing his time, commanded thirty Pardaos to be given him to cleanse his Arms, though in his Government there was but little time for Arms to gather Rust.

35. 'Twas now August, and the Governour, as fore­seeing future exigencies,Receives advice from Dio. lost no time in providing and fitting the Fleet, when Francisco de Moraes Commander of a Vessel arriv'd at the Barr of Goa, with Letters from Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, advising him, that the Sultan of Cambaya had joyn'd all the forces of his Kingdomes, and gave it out he intended to lay a second Siege before the Fortress, that 'twas necessary this Summer to show him our Arms, that being employ'd to secure things at home, he might forbear his disturbance abroad, chiefly, if our Fleets took from him, the liberty of Sailing, and advantage of Commerce, he would be brought to see, that his Peace with the State, was that on which depen­ded his prosperity.

36. The Governour assembled the Magistracy of the City,He commu­nicates it to the Senate, and desires [...]heir help. to whom he communicated Dom Iohn Mascaren­has's Letter, desiring their help to quell, or reduce this Enemy; though this contribution came immediately on the former Loan, yet was the Governours propo­sition so well taken by them all, as they offered him Lives and Estates,They offer him their Estates, as if the States service had been the Breeding, and Inheritance of their Children, India had not so happy a time in the other Governments. Dom Iohn de Castro desir'd of them ten thousand Pardaos, which the people readily furnish't; and some rich Citi­zens Wives,and the Wo­men their Jewels. sent him a considerable quantity of Jewels, with a Letter full of honourable Complaints, for his not accepting and spending them, when first offer'd; the Ladies of Chaul also, though second in example, shew'd themselves more splendid in their Offer; yet the Governour, sparing in the use and expence of so Loyal [Page 225] presents, return'd them, with a gratefull acceptance, paying them for so Liberal and Opportune a Service in the honours conferr'd on their Husbands and Children; He advis'd the Inhabitants of Bacaim and Chaul of the Commander of Dio's intimation,He adviseth Chaul and Bacaim. of the charges of the Fleet, and his necessity of their Assistance, who so wil­lingly comply'd with the King's occasions, as if they took new occasions of danger and expence, in payment of former Services.

37. As the Governour was busie in [...]itting and pro­viding the Fleet, he receiv'd News that two Ships from the Kingdome who had Out-sail'd their Conserve were come to an Anchor at the Barr of Goa. That year there came from the Kingdome six Ships,Ships arrive from the Kingdome. without any to command the Squadron; the Commanders of those which arriv'd were Balthasar Lobo de Sousa, and Fran­cisco de Gouvea, of the four which were missing, Dom Francisco de Lima in the Saint Philip, who came with a Commission to be Admiral of Goa, Francisco da Cunha in the Zambuco, these two departed late in the Year, and arriv'd at the Barr the three and twentieth of Sep­tember. The Commander of the other Ship call'd the Burgalese was Bernando Nazer, who Wintred in Sacotora, and came to Goa the latter end of May. The other was Commanded by Dom Pedro da Sylva da Gama Son to the Lord Admiral, design'd for Malaca, and by the un­skilfulness of the Pilot lost amongst A [...]goxa Islands; yet the men scap't, who got to Mocambique, and thence Ship't on several Vessels came to India. These Ships brought the Governour orders to enlarge the Fortress at Mocambique, The orders they brought. upon the News of theRumes, are Natives of that part about Con­stantinople call'd Ro­mania, (which the Turks now call Rumeli) from the priviledge granted by Pope Sylvester to Constantine the Great, upon his removing the seat of the Empire; to call Constantinople, Rome. Rumes coming thither, and 'twas necessary to secure the Inhabitants, and Port (which was the chief Scale of our Ships) taking from the Enemy the possibility of hindering our Trade with Sofala, and Cuama.

[Page 226] 38. The Governour had three thousand Portuguese Souldiers, and some Auxiliaries of Naires from Cochim, the greatest Army he ever had in India, and considering Hidalcaon Warr re­solv'd against Hidalcaon. (taking his opportunity when no Body was left in Goa able to resist him) might in his absence molest the State, He resolv'd to find him out in the In­land, and force him to Fight; having for so necessary a Warr, his time and strength Limited; He acquainted the Magistrates of the City, and Heads of the Militia, with this resolution, who all agreed in the seasonable­ness of the occasion. The Governour more then ordi­narily quick in Execution, having his men ready, divided the Souldiers (as the manner of India is) into five Squadrons,The order of his men. commanded by his Son Dom Alvaro, Dom Bernardo, and Dom Antonio de Noronha, (Sons to the Vice-King Dom Garcia de Noronha) Manoel de Sousa de Sepulveda, and Vasco da Cunha. Dom Diogo de Almeyda Freire went also with two hundred Horse, and the Inha­bitants of Goa, to whom joyn'd themselves the Bores of the Country, in all one thousand five hundred. Fran­cisco de Mello with three hundred Portuguese, and some foot of the Natives, was Commander of the Fortress of Rachol, to whom the Governour sent word to come and joyn him at Margaon.

39. At this time came Embassadours to Goa from the King of Canara, Embassa­dours from Canara come to the Go­vernour. desiring a League with the State, to assist him in disturbing his Borderer Hidalcaon. This Kingdome, is for the greatness of Empire, the most fa­mous of the East; for the story of its beginning, the most fall'n, telling a thousand Apocryphal traditions, which flattery makes use of to adore the Prince. The Governour gave Audience to the Embassadours,He hears, and dis­pa [...]cheth the Embassa­dours. with Ceremonies suitable to the King's ambition, and the States grandeur; and immediately concluded a Friend­ship on conditions honourable for both Crowns. Hi­dalcaon understanding the Governours resolution,Hidalcaon retires his men. re­tir'd his In-land Garrisons, as if avoiding the blow of the first invasion, endeavouring to weary out the State [Page 227] with a suddain and incursive Warr, to them easie, to us intolerable.

40. The Governour had intelligence the Moors were got together at Ponda, protected there by the Artillery of their Fortress; some of the Commanders were not for the Governours following the Enemy who fled, this opinion was Countenanc't by the most experienc't Souldiery; but Dom Iohn de Castro, unwilling to put on his Arms in vain,The Go­vernour fol­lows them. Commanded the marching on, s [...]ing he would at his own Home chastise Hidalcaon; this resolution was agreeable to the Souldiers who be­liev'd, that in the Fortune of the General was much of the Victory. The Camp that day march't two Leagues, and was in the Evening in sight of the Enemy; who with a Body of two thousand men, had made an halt on the other side of a River to hinder their passage.

41. Dom Alvaro de Castro who Commanded the Van­guard leap't into the River,Dom Al­varo Fights in the Van­guard. at the same time Wading and Fighting; the Enemy charg'd them with their Musquets, and Kill'd some of his men, yet without hindering, or retarding the rest who went forward; most of the Commanders in diverse places past the Ri­ver, and gotten over found Dom Alvaro engag'd with the Moors, The Moors fly. who already were so prest as to give ground; for not intending to Fight in the open Field, we having Conquer'd the River, they gave over opposing us, reti­ring in good order to their Fortress of Ponda. The Go­vernour commands his men to follow. The Governour commanded his men to follow 'em, which they did that day over Crows-feet, which Wounded many; when come to Ponda, they saw all Hidalcaon's Officers drawn up in a posture, to give or accept Bat­tail. The Governour keeping the same pace of his March, commanded his men to fall on; the Moors seem'd in their resolution to distinguish the person of Dom Iohn de Castro, and as if yielding to the report of his Name quitted the Field, where only his respect got the Victory.They retire to the Mountain. The Enemy retir'd to the Mountain, where the difficulty of the way kept off the persute. Dom [Page 228] Alvaro went into the Fortress, which he found for­saken; many mov'd for the sleighting it, but the Go­vernour voting more Haughtily, ordered that Refuge should be left for the poor Fugitives. 'Twas done in scorn, yet look't like compassion.

42. The Land was once more under our obedience, without a firm Peace, or continued Warr. Hidalcaan was strong enough to hinder us of the Crop, but not enjoy it; and now fought more for his Reputation then the advantage of the Campagnia. He returns to Goa. The Governour return'd to Goa, where the Fleet was ready to go North­ward, having no other place to rest in but the Sea, or Field; and the season calling on Board, and success satisfying the Souldiery, neither proclamation or dili­gence was necessary for their Embarking.

43. The Governour put to Sea with one hundred and threescore Vessels, Goes a­gain to Dio. Commanded by Dom Alvaro de Castro, Dom Roque Tello, Dom Pedro da Sylva da Gama, Dom Iohn de Abranchez, Dom Iorge of 'Eca, Dom Ber­nardo da Sylva, Vasco da Cunha, Francisco de Lima, Fran­cisco da Sylva de Menezes, Dom Iorge de Menezes Baroche, Manoel de Sousa de Sepulveda, Cide de Sousa, Duarte Pereira, Diogo de Soufa, Garcia Rodriguez de Ta­vora, Dom Iohn de Attayde, Dom Iohn Lobo, Gaspar de Miranda, Dom Bras de Almeyda, Iorge da Sylva, Dom Pedro de Almeyda, Pedro de Attayde Inferno, Antonio Moniz Barretto, Cosme Eanes Secretary, Melchior Correa, Sebastion Lopez Lobatto, Antonio de Sa, Alvaro Serraon, Dom An­tonio de Noronha, Diogo Alvarez Tellez, Antonio Hen­riquez, Aleixo de Abreu, Antonio Diaz, Balthasar Diaz, Balthasar Lopez da Costa, Damiaon de Sausa, Manoel de Sa, Fernaon de Lima, Alonso de Bonifacio, Antonio Rebello, Antonio Rodriguez Pereira, Melchior Cardoso, Cosme Fer­nandez, Nuno Fernandez, Francisco Marquez, D [...]arte Diaz, Diogo Goncalvez, Francisco Alvarez, Francisco Varella, Luis de Almeyda, Francisco de Britto, Goncalo Gomez, Gregorio de Vasconcellos, Gomez Vidal Captain of the Governours Life-guard, Antonio Pessoa Purveyor [Page 229] of the Navies Provision, Goncalo Falcaon, Goncalo de Valladarez, Galaor de Barros, Gaspar Pirez, Iohn Fer­nandez de Vasconcellos, Fernand' Alvarez, Iohn Soarez, Ignacio Coutinho, Ioaon Cardoso, Ioaon Nunez Homem, Ioaon Lopez, Lopo de Faria, Manoel Pinto, Lopo Soarez, Manoel Pinheiro, Lopo Fernandez, Manoel Affonso, Marcos Fernandez, Nuno Goncalvez de Leaon, Pero de Caceres, Pero de Moura, Ruy Pirez, Pero Affonso, Pero Preto, Luis Lobatto, Simaon de Areda, Francisco de Cunha, Simaon Bernardez, Thome Branco chief Pilot of the Coast, Coge Percoli Interpreter; the Ships also which came from Cochim, were Commanded by our men; there were in this Conserve some Ships of particulars, who out of kindness to the Governour freely serv'd the State.

44. The Governour with all the Fleet came to an Anchor at Bacaim, Arrives at Bacaim. whence he sent some Spies to Cam­baya, to observe the Enemies force and design, whose strength was in all those Ports talk't of with fear and amasement, and the Guzarats out of pride, or credu­lity, gave it out, the Sultan might at that time bring the State under his Lash; here the Governour had intelligence, that Caracem, Son-in-law to Coge-Sofar, on presumption of the Neighbourhood of the Army, was with a small Garrison in the Fortress of Surat; Dom Iohn de Castro desiring to set on some of those places which took shelter under the Enemy, sent his Son Dom Alvaro with sixty Sail, to go up the River of Surat, Sends Dom Alvaro to Surat. and to employ some Person of trust to observe the state of the Fortress, or get intelligence with what Provisions or Garrison Caracem was there, and if he thought he could by Scaling take the Fortress, imme­diately to give an assault, for by the print of his foot­steps he would come to his Relief.

45. Dom Alvaro arriv'd with his Fleet at the first Road lying in the mouth of the River,Dom Al­varo sends Dom Iorge before, and presently sent off Dom Iorge de Menezes Baroche with six Fly-boats to survey the Fortress. Dom Iorge went up the River, Rowing softly, till coming in sight of the Fortress they [Page 230] Shot at him; those in the Boats, either out of fear, or caution, immediately went about, though Dom Iorge hal'd 'em to stay. Here was the greatest danger where none was apprehended; for from a Colony of the Abessines, which lies upon the River, came repeated Shot, which Dom Iorge observing went on Shore, and entring the Village, gain'd the Guns of the Redouts with so great courage and presence of mind, as to carry 'em on Board, maugre the resistance of those who came to the rescue; this security heightned the opinion of our strength, the Enemy perhaps measuring our force by our daring.

46. Dom Alvaro having sent Dom Iorge before with the Fly-boats,and two other Cap­tains. sent after him two more, Commanded by Francisco da Sylva de Menezes, and Iohn Fernandez de Vasconcellos, who desiring some intelligence from the Shore, came to Anchor at a Road a little short of the Colony of the Abessines; whence they sent off some Mariners to water, who getting on Shore walk't about a Canon-shot. Caracem, at the report of the Guns, (which as we now said were Shot from the Abessines Colony) sent five hundred Turks to their Relief, who found the Posts lost, and the Guns on Board, and Marching on were discovered by the Mariners who were getting water, and gave the Alarm to Francisco da Sylva that the Enemy appear'd, Francisco da Sylva, seconded by Iohn Fernandez de Vasconcellos, went to their Relief, and forming a close Body, invested the Turks, and Routed 'em, some remaining Dead on the place by the Shot of our Musquetteers. Dom Iorge in his return,Their success. seeing the Boats at an Anchor, and our men Fighting on shore, turn'd his Ships head to the Land, and came seasonably to charge the Enemy, who retir'd flying, leaving some of their Companions dead on the place. This Victory cost us one Souldier.

47. Our men got on Board,They re­turn to Dom Alvaro. and in Company of Dom Iorge went toward the Fleet, who reporting his success and observations to Dom Alvaro, 'twas thought by the [Page 231] Officers, the atchievement was not seasonable, the Fleet being discovered, and the Coast alarm'd; only Dom Iorge obstinately insisted, that they ought to fall upon the Fortress, his height of mind being the best argument; but the contrary opinion was so strongly urg'd, that the most happy success could not have been faultless.

48. While Dom Alvaro was in the River of Surat, What the Governour did at Ba­caim. the Governour at Bacaim dispatch't diverse affairs, and being Facetious as well as Valiant, gave out He was going to surprise the Sultan in Amadabat, where in sight of the Turks who guarded him he would roast him Alive, and this report being, by so great Victories,History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 5. Cap. 7. credited, 'twas current amongst these timerous and credulous Moors. The Governour to advance their fear or his own gallantry, bespoke some great Spits, as one who in the interval of more weighty business delighted in Witty diversion. The Souldiers of those times us'd to wear at their Girdles little bright Axes, which serv'd to cut the Rigging and Tackling of their Prizes, as also to break open Chests and Bundels, this was the true use, the first a pretence. The Governour not liking Arms design'd for so mean service, and seeing by chance Fausto Serraon de Calvos a spruce Souldier, pass by with an Ax, told him, that only a Sword became men of honour; Sir, answer'd the Souldier, without this Ax your honours Spits will be of little use, because we shall not be able to Roast the King of Cambaya whole.

49. The Governour went to joyn his Son at the Barr of Surat, He goes to joyn his Son. where he had intelligence the Fortress was Reliev'd; from thence with all his Fleet together he went to Baroche, from that Port dispatch't Francisco de Sequeins (Commander of the Naires of Cochim) to sound the River, and see what was to be done, inform­ing himself by his sight of the conditions of the For­tress. This Captain went up the River till he came in sight of the Sultan's Army, which or'e-spread a very large Plain; the report was, he had brought into the [Page 232] Field two hundred thousand Souldiers; the truth is, the multitudes were so great as to cover that and the adjacent Campagnia. He reported what he had seen to the Governour, who heightned to see himself so fear'd, would for the credit of his own Fame face the Enemy; He gave orders for the weighing of the Fleet, and Sail'd up, till he cast Anchor in sight of an Army whose numbers drunk up Rivers; and going on Shore, laid out his ground and presented Battail to the Sultan. So stout an Action, as amongst the most memorable of the World ought not to be the second. The Sultan, neither accepted or deny'd Fighting, but expected to be fall'n on as well as found out; he saw the Governour, but would not see his Sword. Dom Iohn de Castro, hunting after new glory in extraordinary Actions, assem­bled the Officers and Gentlemen of name, to whom he spoke to this purpose.

50. ‘We have before us the greatest King of Asia, Makes a Speech to his men. and greatest Army, Fortune is seeking out occasions to make us glorious, that after this Victory, we may lay up our Arms in the obedience of the East. I allow the great inequality betwixt the Armies, but we count not our Troops by number, but gallantry. Those are the same we so lately beat at Dio, we need not give 'em new Wounds, only make the Incision greater of those which are yet open; their numbers heighten their fear, seeing all ways of saving them­selves Obstructed: if but yesterday when they held us Besieg'd they left us the Field, how will they stand in our way when Victorious? They who have lost their own honour, are but ill maintainers of their Kings; our strength is greater then the Enemies, on our side fight Fame and Victory; I believe there's none here, who would part with his share of this days glory.’

51. The Gentlemen and Souldiers disswaded the Governour from so hazardous an attempt,The Gen­tlemens and Officers answer. for in so dis­proportionable Forces the very Victory was blame-worthy; [Page 233] that great men trusted more to Reason then Fortune; that he should look to his preservation ha­ving an over-plus of Fame; that 'twas enough to have Landed, and on his own ground bid the Sultan Battail. The Governour suffered himself to be overcome by those Reasons, more apprehending the fault, then dan­ger. Dom Iorge desir'd five hundred Musquetteers with them to Skirmish with the Enemy; but as they had put by Dom Iohn de Castro's full Blow for the Battail, he seem'd unwilling to give the Sultan so sleight a Wound; He staid three hours in the Field without the Enemies moving,He stays three hours in the Field, and goes on Board. then re-imbark't his Souldiers, so unscar'd and full of security as if in one of the States Ports; the most glorious Action we ever perform'd without Blood.

52. The Governour from Baroche crost over to Dio, The hurt he doth. and sent some Ships into the Bay of Cambaya to destroy those places on the Coast our Sword had pardoned; these spoil'd the Gardens, and Groves of Plam-trees Planted for the Inhabitants maintenance and recre­ation; burnt store of Ships, pull'd down Stately build­ings, whose destruction and memory is yet preserv'd in their waste Ruins.

53. The Governour recovered Dio, Arrives at Dio. where the Com­mander in chief came to receive him at the Sea-side, and the Natives of the Island made Holy-day, as proud to be under the subjection of so Valiant an Enemy. Dom Iohn Mascarenhas put him in mind of the leave he had obtain'd to go for the Kingdome,Dom Iohn Mascarenhas resigns the Government of the place. which the Go­vernour was unwilling to grant, nor could deny; some Gentlemen had refus'd the Government of the place, fearing, as appear'd, not to have the same opportunities as their Predecessours. Lewis Falcaon, who came from being Governour in Ormus, came then into Port, be­fore him had come to the Governour some complaints of his Carriage, tolerable, because not discrediting the Courage and Justice of his Government. The Gover­nour in private acquainted him with the accusations [Page 234] laid to his charge by his Enemies, which as a Friend he was willing to forget, could not as a Magistrate; that he might by new Services silence all former miscarriages, remaining in that Fortress, which had so on it the Eyes of his Majesty and the whole World. Lewis Falcaon accepted it,The Go­vernour gives it to Lewis Falcaon. thanking the Governour for so honourable Correction, offering besides to spend in the place what he had got in Ormus, or possest in the Kingdome. Dom Iohn de Castro, with signal favours, commended, and provok't this Gallantry.

54. Upon concluding the business of Dio, the Go­vernour set Sail directly for Bacaim, Sets Sail, the mischie [...] he doth. going in sight of the Coast of Por, and Mangalor, where he Burnt the Cities of Pate, and Patane; the Inhabitants to avoid the Lash, sav'd their Lives and part of their Estates in the Moun­tain, wanting Courage or Conduct to defend them­selves or Dye in their Houses; one hundred and four­score Vessels which lay in several Ports were Burnt by his Order, the poor owners with unprofitable tears looking on. The crys and groans were heard at a distance, and despis'd by Anger, and Victory. The Go­vernour gave order,His com­passion. to spare some Old men, and Chil­dren, who could not save themselves; Compassion, importune to the Souldiery, pleasing to Huma [...]ity; the Booty was given up to the Fire, the Prize not being so notable, as the desolation; many other places on that Coast, of no name, were Destroy'd; this Siege of Dio being more famous for Vengeance then Victory.

55. The Governour went from hence to Bacaim, He goes to Bacaim, resolving to spend the rest of that Summer in the Warr of Cambaya; thence he sent some Spies to observe the March of the Enemy, who inform'd him, that in the Court at Amadebat there was not a Family without tears; and that the Sultan by a severe Decree had for­bid the mentioning the Siege and Battail of Dio, as if Laws could command grief and memory. The Gover­nour heard by the same Envoys,is sensible of the not ta­king Surat, that the Fortresses of Surat, and Baroche, were quitted at the sight of Dom [Page 235] Alvaro's Fleet, and that he might by Scale have taken them, had he not been hindered by the disswasions of his Officers; which Dom Iohn de Castro took so to heart, as if 'twere necessary to divine opportunities, and his temper burst forth into words, which accus'd the Commanders of the Fleet of neglect and remisness.

56. The Governour employ'd the short Leisure he had at Bacaim in writing for the Kingdome,puts the King in mind of those who had serv'd him. making so honourable mention to the King of those who had serv'd him, as amongst so many eminent Virtues, this zeal, or gratitude seem'd to be singular, and the Soul­diers thereby improv'd in Courage, having security that their General would not be wanting in his Zeal or Re­wards.

57. Hidalcaon considering that the States strength was,Hidalcaon renews the Warr. though Triumphant, broken with so many Vi­ctories, came in again to get possession of the In-land with an Army of twenty thousand Foot, under the Command of Casa Batecaon, a stout Turk born in Dal­matia, experienc't in the Languages, and Discipline of Europe; He without any opposition subjected the Country, forcing some few of our Souldiers to retreat to the Fortress of Rachol, who advis'd Goa of the strength of the Enemy.

58. Upon this advice, Dom Diogo de Almeyda, by Counsel of the Bishop,The Com­mander at Goa desires to go against him. (then Governour) and of some Gentlemen and Souldiers, resolv'd to dislodge the Moors with the standing Militia, before they Encamp't them­selves, and increasing in strength and boldness fac't the Walls of Goa, the Metr [...]politan City. The men who were to go with him being appointed and ready to March, the Magistracy and Government of this City came expostulating and protesting against their going; that the Head of the State was not to be ventured on so disproportionable Forces;The City hinders him. that the Governour was at Bacaim with a Fleet full of Victorious Souldiers, able to chastise the Enemy, against whom he would bring, as a second Army, his Fame and Fortune.

[Page 236] 59. The dispute continued so hot betwixt the Soul­diers and Citizens, as to come near Sedition,Adviseth the Governour. and Mu­tiny, these standing for the preservation of the City, the other on the reputation of our Armies; the diffe­rence was at last decided and compos'd, that the Go­vernour being so near, should be acquainted with the business, who understanding the Civil Government in­termedled in ordering the Warr, chid sharply their animosity, allow'd and confirm'd Diogo de Almeyda's resolution of finding out the Enemy, sending him orders to stay with his men at Pangim, where he would in few days joyn him.

60. Dom Iohn de Castro had scarce laid down his Pen,He imme­diately goes on Board. with which he writ for the Kingdome, when he again took in hand his Sword; the same day he receiv'd the advice, he commanded a great Gun to be Shot off to warn the Fleet to be in readiness to weigh, and the next, set Sail with the whole. Armado, and Coasting went in sight of the City Dabul, Goes in sight of Da­bul. famous for the marks our Arms had before left there, and now the chief Scale of Hidalcaon's Ports; at a distance were seen a great many Gardens, Orchards, and proud Buildings, which shew'd the Luxury and Grandeur of the Inhabitants; the City contains about four thousand Families, hath two Forts, and some Redouts which defend the en­trance into the Harbour, and though the Action re­quir'd much Deliberation, the Governour resolv'd on the undertaking.

61. The Fleet that Evening went Coasting in sight of the City, observing its Anchorage and Defence; the next Morning by break of day the Governour com­manded his Son Dom Alvaro with two thousand men to go into Boats and get on Shore,Dom Al­varo gets on Shore. he being one of the first, who amongst many repeated Shot got footing; here was the Enemies resistance in hindering, or retar­ding our passage; the Battail was for some time with­out inclining, the place and cause heightning their Bra­very in Fighting; the Crys of Women and Children [Page 237] in their Ears, made them receive Wounds without pain or fear; the Dead who fell were not an example for their Fear but Vengeance. The Blood ran down on both sides, and the resoluteness of both parties made the success Contingent, when the Governour with the rest of his men came in,The Go­vernour fol­lows him, and takes the City. and charg'd the Enemy so home, as he began to abate in his Defence; they were by degrees giving ground, till by a declar'd flying they left us the Victory. The Governour mingled with the Moors entred the City, where many Dy'd in sight of their Wives they could neither forsake nor defend. The slaughter was succeeded by Covetousness, the Booty was not inferiour to the Victory; the Vessels of the Fleet could scarce take in the pillage. The City in a few hours was Consum'd by a Lamentable fire, its deplorable Ruins once more preserving the memory of this and a former Destruction. We lost in this Action five Souldiers, the Enemy two hundred, the number of the Wounded was greater.

62. The Governour leaving the City in Flames re­imbark'd, and steer'd for Agacaim, Arrives at Agacaim. where he expected Dom Diogo de Almeyda with one hundred and fifty Horse, and the standing Militia, and with store of Barks to pass the men; the Governour staid here one day, to inform himself of the Enemies force, and design, and on the next (the Apostle Saint Thomas's Eve) resolv'd to fall on the Moors, and in the Battail invoke the name of the Saint, not to deprive him of the honour of the Protection of India, purchas'd by his Preaching, and shedding his Blood on the Cross of his Martyrdome.

63. The Enemy was quartered at a Town call'd Morgaon, not farr from Agacaim; He falls on the Enemy. the Governour having notice of it, form'd his men into two Battallions, he gave the first to his Son Dom Alvaro de Castro, the Com­panion of his Victories, with him were the Naires of Cochim, and Citizens of Goa; the second (which he kept for himself) was made up of all the Gentlemen and Souldiers of the Fleet, who in their Wings had the [Page 238] City-horse, in this order did he March, sending some Horse before to discover the Camp.

64. The Moors were spread without Order or Dis­cipline, as men who neither fear'd nor expected an Enemy; some of their Souldiers, who went up and down the Camp, spy'd our Colours, and by their sight, or intelligence,They fly. knowing the Governour look't out for 'em, went in a fright to advise Cala Batecaon, aggrava­ting our strength, which their fear, and the distance made greater. The Turk alarm'd at the approach of so Victorious Arms, was not Master of more considera­tion, then by his Flight to be an example to his men; they left in their quarters, Tents, Provision, and Bag­gage, and what meat was for Supper, then almost ready; for the difficulty of our March a most necessary and pleasant Booty. The Governour by this Flight began to be in possession of the Land and Victory.

65. The Moors went over a deep River, only to be past by some Loggs of Wood laid across instead of a Bridge, which the Enemy to hinder our persute cut in pieces, yet in so much haste, as the Earth which fell down, left open a passage, not without difficulty, though without danger.Dom Al­varo, follows 'em. Dom Alvaro in this place set upon passing the River, beginning to wade by few at a time, as the straightness of the ground permitted.

66. The Enemy was not so out of himself as to lose the occasion of Fighting on so eminent advantages; He turn'd with his men to the River,They turn. shewing us that so cautious fear was Stratagem. The Moors charg'd our men as they were passing, and so were timorous, few, and disordered; The Governour, with his Voice, com­mand, and presence, encourag'd them to go over, but fear o'recame their Obedience; the first turn'd back, not without loss of Blood, and with worse marks then their Wounds. At this time the Governour's impatience attempted the River in different places. Dom Diogo de Almeyda waded it with a Troop of Horse, finding where he went better Foording, and Fortune, for he [Page 239] fell in with the Moors General who was on Horse-back, ordering and encouraging his men, whom he set upon with great Bravery; The Turk with the shock fell to the ground, but rising again without loss of his judg­ment laid hold on his Semitar, and went after Dom Diogo, who though he lost not his Saddle, was for a while with the force of the Blow dis-inabled, but coming again to himself the second time charg'd the Turk, Dom Diogo kills the General. and (though two Souldiers endeavoured to rescue him) left him with many Wounds measuring the ground.

67. The other Commanders, though with difficulty, crost the River, put upon't by the Governours example, whom they saw engag'd with the Enemy, and was more envy'd then obey'd by his own Souldiers, who scattered and disordered, some cautious, others heady cast them­selves into the River; but when all his men were over, he so Vigorously charg'd the Enemy, as not able to en­dure the shock of the Battail he gave ground.The Go­vernour Fights, The Governour, sparing no accident favourable to his For­tune, so prest the Moors, grown fearfull and out of order, as in a little time to Rivet the Victory.got the Victory. Few of ours Dy'd, the Wounded were more; the Slaughter was great amongst the Moors, and greater in the Chase then Fight, for our men making no Prisoners, did with the same stroke take off those who resisted or yielded. Dom Alvaro de Castro by Commanding, and Fighting, never more appear'd the Son of such a Father, then in this Action; The other Gentlemen and Cavalliers so equally behav'd themselves in their Courage, as not one deserv'd to be nam'd second.On Saint Thomas's day, and by his media­tion. By the calling on Saint Thomas, and on his Day, was this Battail won, who gave the Eastern Catholicks an eminent proof of his Patro­nage. This so memorable Defeat is yet, so many years afterwards, sung by the young Ladies of Goa, who in the easiness of unforc't Verses, have invented Praise without artifice or flattery.

68. The Governour disbanded his men, and went to [Page 240] rest himself at Pangim, excusing keeping Christmas at Goa, in a just contempt of Palmes, and martial Tri­umpes, since his Name was now in the Vogue of the World above all other applause;He dispatch­eth Ships for the King­dome. here he dispatch't the Ships of Burden which were to go for the King­dome, on which went Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, a Man more constant in the difficulties of Asia, then in the adversities of his Native Country;Dom Iohn Mascaren­has's praises. he was receiv'd by the King and Nobility, with extraordinary honours, yet were not his Rewards answerable to his Services; He was of the Council of State to the King Dom Seba­stion, afterwards one of the Governours of the King­dome. He Marry'd Dona Elena Daughter to Dom Iohn de Castellbranco, by whom he left a most Renown'd and Loyal Posterity.

69. Dom Iohn de Castro thought not Hidalcaon yet sufficiently Curb'd by our Arms,The Go­vernour car­ries on the Warr. and resolv'd with a sharper Warr to bring him under; He secur'd with a strong Garrison the Territories of Salsete, leaving there Dom Diogo de Almeyda with six score Horse, and one thousand Foot of the place, and ordered some Ships to lye in the Rivers of Rachol, to defend the Neighbouring Villages, the Labourers having quitted the grounds, seeing their Dominion, by the fickleness of Warr, ca­sual and uncertain. The Governour also understanding how easie it was to pull down a declining Kingdome,What hurt he doth. carry'd on the Warr against Hidalcaon, desiring the States Rivals might take warning by his Punishment; He embark't those Souldiers he had always in readi­ness, by being their Companion in dangers, and Father in difficulties, and setting Sail, went along all Hidal­caon's Coast, which he so impartially Destroy'd, as not to leave one place to comfort an others miseries, none was freed by their resistance, some by their distance.

70. There was another Dabul call'd the upper,He destroys upper Dabul. two Leagues from the Shore, which by its strength and di­stance, was the Rich depository of a great many Estates; but the protection of the In-land was not sufficient to [Page 241] exempt it from the Fortune of the rest, for the Gover­vernour march't to it, giving the first danger of the Van-guard to his Son Dom Alvaro, (these were the favours of that Father, and those times) who coming to the place, found the Moors had secur'd their Persons and Estates in the Mountain, nothing being left to re­commend the Victory; what was, serv'd only for De­struction, for the Buildings which could be no Booty pay'd fort by their Ruine. The Mosques and Temples were thrown to the ground, and the Idols broke and prostrate, our Anger not differencing stone from stone, and the Moors and Pagans bewail'd with the same tears their Gods and own miseries; The fury of our Arms went to the Desolating the Campagnia, and the Campagnia. destroying the Flocks, and Groves of Palmes, that the Warr might be attended by Famine, a Sword not to be scap't by Flight or Resistance. All was in fine so wasted, as the diffe­rence between the Villages, and Campagnia, was not by the sight, but memory.

71. The Governour retreated to Bacaim, Goes to Bacaim. whence he design'd his Arms for the Warr of Cambaya, setting forth some Vessels to Endammage all that Coast, and make Prize of the Meca Fleet, which came to an Anchor in the Ports of that Bay;Spoils Cambaya. this was happily perform'd by Dom Antonio de Noronha, and Dom Iorge Baroche, who by their Prizes, and Victories, rais'd the States strength, and reputation; our Arms in Dom Iohn de Castro's time being so fear'd or respected, that most of the Princes of Asia, Borderers, and Remote, became (to defend, or secure their Kingdoms with the protection of our For­ces) by voluntary Obedience the States Tributaries; of this truth the Kings of Campar, and Caxem were no sleight Arguments.

72. Our Chronicles (and Forein with greater amasement) relate that famous Seige of Dio, held out by Antonio da Sylveira, by whom the Turks Arms in India receiv'd the first, or greatest Baffle;A Character of Rax Soli­mon. Their Gene­ral in this expedition was Rax Solimon, who, after the [Page 242] loss of a great part of his Armado in the Siege,See Iohn de Barro's History of India, Dec. 5. Lib. 4. for fear of our Ships at Anchor in the Port, retir'd Flying, and left on Shore his Baggage and Wounded; and seeing he could not atchieve what he promis'd his Master, (whose Pride, and Imperiousness us'd not to receive satisfaction for miscarriages, or misfortunes) ventured, rather then his Head,His coming to Adem. his Loyalty; He went into the Port of Adem under Colour of Friendship, where the King sent to Visit him, with Regallios and Refreshments from Shore, but was cautious and vigilant to preserve the City, for the Bashaw's Force and Loyalty was suspitious. The Turk, who saw his Treason fear'd or discovered, design'd to surprise the City by Scaling, but was afraid of the Fortress of the place, and Courage of the Arabians, and on that, had Recourse to an other Stratagem, more base, and more secure, which was to excuse himself to the King for not coming into the City, in fear to lose the favourable Wind; that he desir'd to see him on Board, for he was to communicate to him some business from the Grand Signior to the great advantage of his Kingdome. The poor King, facil, or credulous in the good of his State, went immediately to meet the Ba­shaw at Sea, secure in an innocent Conscience; but the Tyrant forgetting Faith, and Humanity, made him with Scoffs and Derision, (a cruel delight in so foul a Treason) be Beheaded in the Galley.Beheads the King. 'Twas easie for the Bashaw upon the Death of the King to seise on the City, frighted and confus'd at the violent Murder of their Prince; and because the Turkish Neighbourhood cost the State blood, and trouble, we will in brief give you this relation of the place.

73. It is situate on the Coast of Arabia the happy,The situation of Adam. in twelve degrees, and fifteen minutes of Northern Lati­tude, protected by a little Mountain, which with some Castles defends the entrance of the Harbour; it lies in the mouth of the Straight, the Port bold, capable to Anchor Ships of any burden, though expos'd to Wester­ly winds, which are the Monsones in Summer. Art and [Page 243] Nature have made it Tenable by Land, securing it from the ambition of the Neighbour Princes and the incur­sions of the Mountainous Arabs, who molest the Coun­try with troublesome Inroads; there is in the Port a little Island, tolerably Fortify'd, call'd by the Natives Cira, before it is an other safe Harbour, sheltered from many Winds, where the Mecca Fleet use to come to an Anchor. There are no Rivers or Fountains to water the ground, it doth not sometimes Rain for two or three years, whether it be the nature of the Clime, or some hidden Judgment, so as they fetch their water at a distance with Caravans of Camels. The chief Com­modity of the place is Rubarb, but that which brings in most profit is the Anchorage of Ships which pass the Straight. The Nation is Warlick and Cruel, goes willingly to the Warr, though more for Plunder, then Victory.

74. The Bashaw having seis'd on the City,Soliman seiseth it. and see­ing himself, though an Intruder, obey'd, began with diverse Oppressions to break the people, unarming 'em, that their fear, and subjection might make them more easily Govern'd; he Cut off, and Confiscated with­out any reason those who were Eminent, their Lives being a fault, their Estates a crime; the poor Peoples suffering was more their Virtue, then Cure, for the Tyrant was irritated at the so servile patience of the innocent. Marzaon succeeded him in the Government of the City, as also in his Tyranny, being so Cruel as quite to wear out the patience of the miserable Inha­bitants, who resolv'd rather to endure him as an Enemy, then Governour;The Inha­bitants offer it to the King of Campar. They found out ways to offer their City and Obedience to the King of Campar, saying, they would with any Relief fall upon the Turks, grown careless, in a peacefull and almost hereditary Dominion, much more in their Contempt of those men, who (as they thought) had lost all memory of their Liberty, and Injuries.

75. The Neighbouring King, with words full of [Page 244] Compassion and Gratitude accepted the offer,The King [...] it, and what he doth. whether out of ambition, or humanity; He selected out of his Army, a thousand Souldiers well-deserving of so honou­rable an Action, and would himself be their Compa­nion, and Commander; they began to March in the silence of the Night, and being come to the City, the Couspiritors possest 'em of a Gate, at which they en­tred, makiug themselves with a weak resistance Masters of the Castle. Marzaon with five hundred Turks For­tisy'd himself in the Palace, more certain of the Dan­ger, then the Cause, and Authors; The first light disco­covered the King,History o [...] India. Dec. 6. Lib. 6. Cap. 1. Commanding his men, who presently dispatch't a Trumpeter to Marzaon, to tell him, he had antient pretensions on that City, and now the Election of the Inhabitants, who under the Oppression of the Bashaw's intrusion, were so ty'd up in their Voice and Liberty, as not to pronounce the name of their natural Prince; that he came to their help as Sufferers, but much more, as his own Subjects; that if he would leave the City, he would use him as a Friend; permitting him to carry away his Arms and Baggage, if not, Justice and Victory should give him a double Title to his own Subjects.

76. The Turk finding out the conspiracy of the Arabs, What the Turks do. and wanting Strength and Provisions for his Defence, obey'd necessity, and March't out with Co­lours flying and Drums beating, to possess himself of a Castle eight Leagues off, designing from thence with Relief from Bacora to reduce the City to its former slavery; He began to fall upon the Caravans of Adem, which furnish't the City, which receiving water, and provisions from the Mountain, was in a few days brought to great Streights; for if any Provisions came in, they were few, dear, and stollen. The deplorable people with tears in their Eyes weigh'd in the same Scale Fa­mine, and Tyranny, evils which only afford a miserable Choise.They [...] Recruited. The Tyrant recruited his party with continual supplies, which the King could not with equal Force [Page 245] oppose, and discoursing with the Magistrates on the ways of saving the City, they put him in mind of the Fame of our Victories against the Turks, and our Fide­lity in protecting our Confederates.The Inha­bitants send [...]o Ormus. They resolv'd to dispatch a small Bark to the Governour of Ormus, who was then Dom Manoel de Lima, offering him a Fortress, and the Revenues of the Custom-house, withall letting us understand the danger the State would be in, if the Turk got footing in the City.

77. 'Twas reported Marzaon in a short time expect­ed considerable Relief from Balsora, and if forborn till his Recruits arriv'd, would by open force fall upon the City; on which the King of Campar shewing him­self a Souldier, in his Discourse and Courage, unwilling that Stock should take faster Root, resolv'd with three thousand Choise men to Besiege the Fortress, which with greater Resolution then Fortune he engag'd in, being Kill'd in the first assault. The Arabs seis'd with fear at the Death of their King, left the Siege to Bury the Body, though upon that oecasion, Revenge had been more opportune then Piety.

78. The Vessel which went for Ormus at the en­trance of Cape Rosalgate met with Dom Payo de No­ronha, The Mes­senger meets with Payo de Noronha. who with twelve small Galleys guarded that Straight, and understanding the Arabs pretensions, thought that Relief worthy some great Commander, and writ to the Governour of Ormus, that if he de­sign'd not that honour for himself, not to refuse it him; Dom Manoel sent him two Ships more, and some select Souldiery, with them to go and secure the City whilst he was making greater Levies, and after an honourable reception, Counsel'd the King of Campar's Embassadour to ask a Fleet of the Governour of India, who was one would not deny protection to the States friends, espe­cially against the Turks whose Warr was look't upon as the Inheritance of our Arms.

79. Dom Payo arriv'd at Adem, Dom Payo arrives at Adem. where he was receiv'd with what affection and greatness they could shew to [Page 246] their own Prince, and the City delivered him, as Defender and Governour; They planted our Colours, for which all vow'd solemnly to Dye, letting themselves Blood in their Breasts, Barbarous, but Loyal demonstrations and ceremonies, protesting they would hold out the City as a Member of the State, to which they were by obe­dience Vassals; by affection, Children; but Dom Payo so carry'd himself, [...] himself [...]. as to forfeit the reputation of our Arms in the East; in favour to so great a Family we will omit the particulars of the Story, though by an other Pen written with more Liberty in ordinary History.

80. The Citizens of Adem though ill protected by Dom Payo, The Inha­bitants send to Goa. lost not their devotion to the State, holding out the City with only the name of Portugal in their mouths; and either not having or not desiring other protection, resolv'd to send one of the Blood-Royal to the Governour, to advise him of their condition, on whose extremities he might raise a new Name, by not sleighting the glory of helping the afflicted; that the Prince of Adem would receive Laws and his Crown from the State, to whom he would turn Feudatary, with a gratefull, and honourable Tribute.

81. Dom Iohn de Castro was over-joy'd to hear, the report of his Name and Victories,The Gover­nour rejoy­ceth. reach't the Ears of Princes so remote, heightning not only their Reverence but Subjection; the message gave extraordinary con­tent to Goa, seeing their Governours fortune bring the State the felicity of the first discovery of India, since where other Arms were scarce heard of, his were O­bey'd.

82. The Governour gave the expedition to his Son Dom Alvaro, Sends his Son. who had so well deserv'd in all he under­took, as it look't not like the election of a Father, but of a publick Minister; diverse old Cavalliers desir'd to accompany him, whom the Governour by a modest decree took off, commanding their stay in Goa, because he should want 'em for more important business, yet such was their eagerness on the expedition, as they look't [Page 247] on the decree as a common grievance; the fault of those times seem'd to be the ambition of dangers; the Governour satisfy'd 'em, and was content to see such Emulation begot under his Discipline.With what Fleet. He presently gave order for the Equipping and Victualling thirty Galleys, and made Commanders of 'em, Dom Antonio de Noronha, Son of the Vice-King Dom Garcia, Antonio Moniz Barretto, who went Governour of the Fortress to be made in Adem, Do [...] Pedro d' Eca, Dom Fernando Coutinho, Pero de Attayde Inferno, Dom Ioan de Attayde, Alvaro Paez de Sottomajor, Fernaon Perez de Andrade, Pero Lopez de Sousa, Ruy Diaz Pereira, Pero Botelho Porca Brother to Diogo Botelho, one of the Infante Dom Lewis's Family, Alvaro Serraon, Luis Homem, Melchior Botelho Over-seer of the Revenue, Gomez da Sylva, An­tonio da Veiga, Luis Alvarez de Sousa, Ioaon Rodriguez Correa, Diogo Correa, who came with the Embassadour of Adem, Diogo Banho, Pero Preto, Alvaro da Gama, and others.

83. But few days before the Fleet weigh'd,An other Embassage from Caxem. came to Goa an Embassadour from the King of Caxem, from whom his Neighbours the Fartaques had usurp't a con­siderable part of his Kingdome; He reigning on the Southern Shore of Arabia, and knowing Adem was to be reliev'd by our Armado, concluding that with the same Fleet we might restore him, writ to the Governour, that the Restitution of Caxem would not be less Lau­dable in the World then the defence of Adem; Repre­sented what secure entertainment our Fleet had found in his Ports, reckon'd up those which at several times had Anchor'd there, on which he was suspitious to the Turk, offer'd also besides his Loyalty a reasonable Tribute. The Governour, considering that by those succours our Arms came into repute,The Gove [...] ­nour's an­swer. and got friends to the State, ordered the same Fleet should counte­nance Caxem; the atchieving both the one and other design being but the same Voyage and expence; and because the Siege of Adem stood in need of speedy [Page 248] supplies, the Governour fore-seeing the main Body of the Fleet would arrive too late, and so frustrate the aim and design, sent away Dom Iohn de Attayde with four Vessels to make his way into Adem, and hold out the Siege till Dom Alvaro's arrival. Dom Iohn de At­tayde set Sail, the fresh North-west Winds endammag'd one of the Ships, which arriv'd shattered, the rest per­su'd their Voyage.

84. The Besiegers and Besieg'd in the mean time fought resolutely in Adem, [...]. drawing Blood on both sides; The weight of the Warr light upon some Portuguese of Dom Payo's Fleet, who shew'd from a mean Origine glorious Courage, so engag'd in the resistance, as if they had defended their own Country, not a strangers Do­minion; these suffis'd to retard for many days the Turks Victory, and being Souldiers of Fortune, our Chronicles in ungratefull silence obscure their Names, as if Virtue of necessity were to have noble Progenitors, and these were for their own Actions less honourable then others for other men's; I believe the great Ones have with in­juring Nature set up new Laws, not making only Estates but Deserts hereditary.

85. Things in Adem being (as we have said) in that Contingency, [...]. there appear'd a Fleet of Turks of nine Galleys Royal, and some small Vessels, which fac't the City, and coming to Anchor out of the Bay, got to Shore, where they Pitch't their Tents and Fortify'd their Encamping, advising the Bashaw to joyn 'em with his Army. The Arabs on sight of so great numbers come against 'em, came remissly to the Defence, some Pusillanimous, others out of Heart, thought the Cou­rage and Strength of the Enemy insuperable, and at private meetings blam'd the King's am [...]ition of dila­ting his Crown with the Blood of his innocent Subjects, not content with the fortune of his Predecessours; but the Portuguese amongst 'em, observing the brightest Fame work't out of difficulties, forc't on the Arabs, convincing the Resistance to be necessary and possible, [Page 249] offering themselves afresh to be the voluntary Compa­nions of their Fortune; enough to put new Courage in 'em, upon which they vow'd to Dye in their defence, not so much out of Obligation as Example.

86. The Turks Besieg'd the City,Lay Siege. by raising two Batteries with pieces on 'em of an extravagant bigness, two amongst the rest (by them call'd Quartaos) car­ry'd a Bullet of four Palmes circumference, which made more Ruins, then Breaches in the Walls, and from the danger taught the Besieged discipline; who made their Retrenchments and Traverses within, by which they entertain'd, and blunted their assaults, and made the Turk's Victory doubtfull,Dom Payo calls off our men. and costly. But Dom Payo de Noronha (carry'd away by some resolute fatality) depriv'd the Arabs of the Victory, ours of the Ho­nour, sending private Orders to all the Portuguese to come and joyn him, thus forsaking the defence of a Prince, a Friend, and Feudatory, not complying with the obligation of either his Birth o [...] Office. Most of the Portuguese obey'd, only Manoel Pereira, and Fran­cisco Vieira, two Souldiers of Fortune, said, the City was the Kings of Portugal, and they would lose their Lives in the defence; it appears, the Warrs of those times seem'd to require first Courage, then Discipline; these two held out the City till the last day, and gain'd more repute in its Ruins then the Turks in their Vi­ctory.

87. As soon as the Arabs understood the Portuguese were Retreated,What the Arabs do. (all hopes of Defence being despe­rate) they began to parly; but the Prince comman­ded 'em to give over Treating, saying he had rather be beaten out, then give up the City; that the Turks should not without some stains of their Blood, win those Colours of the Kings of Portugal. Loyalty which deserv'd better Assistance from our Arms. The Enemy, knowing the Division and Coolness of the Inhabitants, continued his Assaults, which brought on again the Speech of a Surrender, which the Prince always broke [Page 250] off, constant to himself, and the State; but danger, famine, and despair, prevail'd with some of the Inha­bitants to give up a secret Gate to the Enemy, at which he entred the City. The Prince fighting with Royal, but Unfortunate courage, disengag'd with his Life, the Loyalty he had promis'd to the State; Manoel Pereira, and Francisco Vieira, sav'd a young Prince whom they carry'd to Campar, comforting the Subjects with that tender branch of its prostrate Trunk.

88. Dom Iohn de Attayde, Dom Iohn de Attayde's success. (whom we left with three Ships at Sea) continued on his Voyage, and having fa­vourable Winds, in few days saw the Coast of Arabia; He stood for the City Adem, and Rowing into the Har­bour, got amongst the Galleys which were there at Anchor, but the Easterly winds yet reigning, got out to Sea again. The Turks on the sight of our Ships imme­diately weigh'd, and by the advantage of their Oars gave us so hot a Chase, that the two Ships commanded by Gomez da Sylva, and Antonio da Veiga, were almost under the Prow of their Galleys, and seeing it impossi­ble to fly, much more to resist, ran their Vessels on the Shore which was near them, and by that means scap't with their Lives. Dom Iohn de Attayde who was in the best Ship, bore up what he could against the Wind; seeing himself often lost, till by the Night coming on he stood for Abexim, under which Shore he carin'd his Ship in the Island of Mete, which lies o're against the Cities of Barbara, and Zeila; those who sav'd them­selves by Land got to the protection of the King of Campar, where they found Manoel Pereira, and Francisco Vieira, who acquainted them with the success we have now related; they were entertain'd and provided of all things with plenty and affection.

89. Dom Alvaro de Castro seeting Sail with the whole Fleet, and going before the Easterly winds,Dom Al­varo's Voy­age. made a short Voyage, and got so farr as to recover the Islands of Canecanim where he met with Dom Iohn de Attayde of whom he knew the loss of Adem, and how the Turks [Page 251] chas'd him, from whose Galleys he had by the favour of the Night freed himself. Dom Alvaro with the Gentlemen and Souldiers of the Fleet, betray'd a just resentment at the News, valuing less the loss of that State, then the foil of our Arms, because both amongst Natives and Strangers the sinking in opinion is always Eternis'd. The King of Campar's Embassadour, and Brother-in-law, who was in our Fleet, becomingly re­sented the Deaths of his Brother-in-law, and Nephew, yet was not a little comforted with the knowledge they were not in Arrerages to Honour or Loyalty, and on those considerations shew'd as strong a mind, as if he had been to calm an others sorrow. Dom Alvaro con­sulted with the Officers of the Fleet what was to be done,He calls a Council, and what he re­solves. and all were of opinion, since the relief of Adem had been ineffectual, to divert their Arms in favour of the King of Caxem, (as the Fleet had instructions) on whom the Bordering Fartaques had surpris'd the For­tress of Xael, which commanded a Haven, the principal Scale of those few that petty King had; a design more advantagious then difficult.

90. Dom Alvaro commanded to Steer to Xael, Goes to Xael. and coming to Anchor in sight of the Castle, the Fartaques, out of either fear or friendship receiv'd peaceably our Armado; The Fort was Built of Turfs, with four so little Works, as five and thirty Souldiers, who were there in Garrison, were enough to Man it; These men on sight of our Fleet, sent out a Woman (who under­stood and spoke Portuguese) to ask for the Commander in chief and tell him, the Fartaques were friends to the State, that if we came to demand that Fortress, they would immediately quit it; many concluded the pro­position acceptable, for of so few Enemies and without Name we could not expect Glory, or Booty; most Voted, that for the Authority of our Arms we should summon 'em to Surrender on discretion. The woman well understanding this resolution, and ill satisfy'd with our answer, reply'd, that the Fartaques knew how to [Page 252] defend both their Lives and the Castle. The Moors upon that took down the white Flagg, and planted an other Red one, Ours immediately discharg'd some Canon-shot, but so at Rovers as to do no Dammage; Dom Alvaro, with all his men surrounded the Fortress, which he commanded should be Scal'd in diverse places, securing those who went on with his Musquets from below; and the charge being uninterrupted the Moors durst not appear.Resolve [...] to Scale it. Fernaon Perez was the first, who be­gan with a Ladder to clime, carrying with him his Co­lours which he planted and maintain'd on the Wall; almost at the same instant got up Pero Botelho, with the same hazard and fortune as the former, these clear'd the Scaling for the rest.

91 Antonio Moniz Barretto, Dom Antonio de Noronha, Dom Iohn de Attayde, and others, went to a Gate of the Fortress, which was stop [...]t up with Bushes, and found it impossible to enter, till our men went on the inside and dis-ingag'd it; the Fartaques retir'd to two Works, whence with desperate Courage they defended them­selves, refusing their Lives offer'd 'em by Dom Alvaro, which they seem'd willing to lose out of revenge,The Arabs [...] till th [...]y all Dye. or to credit that force they could not resist; stoutness being even amongst these Infidels the most Cardinal virtue. The Moors in fine fought till they all fell, such Barba­rous obstinacy not deserving the name of Courage, where there was no hope of Victory or Revenge; of our men five Dy'd, the Wounded were above forty.

92. When the Fortress was gain'd,The place is g [...]in'd. (an action more considerable to the Prince, then famous for us) Dom Alvaro delivered it to the King of Caxem's Embassa­dour, who shew'd then his gratitude for so signal a fa­vour, in Victualling the Fleet, afterwards, in holding faithfull correspondence with the State; and the Season of the year being almost spent, Dom Alvaro went to Winter at Goa, where he was receiv'd with applause above the Victory, a Ceremony, the Governour indulg'd as a Father, and Dom Alvaro pris'd as a Souldier.

[Page 253] 93. Lourenco Pirez de Tavora came with five Ships in Company to the Barr of Lisbone, Lourenco Pirez arrive [...] at Lis [...]one. having had not only a short, but happy and prosperous Voyage; we told of Dom Iohn Mascarenhas's coming on them, full of fame and deserts; the news of Dio being immediately spread amongst the People, every one, according to his capa­city judged of the patience of the Siege, and resolution of the Battail.History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 6. Cap. 7. The common people were endless in the praises of Dom Iohn de Castro, as men without envy for persons, or fortunes, above 'em; the Gentlemen, and great Ones, abetted or consented to the universal Ac­clamations; an unusual virtue, to be able to endure the fame of Peers; and there was not one so ambitious, who coveted for himself a greater Name, or more illu­strious Atchievements.

94. The King and Court put on their Robes,Rejoycing fo [...] the news of Dio. and appointed a day to give God thanks in the Chapel with Pious and Royal offerings; there was a Learn'd Sermon, in which were set forth the Praises and Virtues of the Governour. The King acquainted the Pope, and the greatest Princes of Europe with the Victory, who all gave him joy as for the most famous Action of the East; Dom Iohn de Castro in his Letter to the King desir'd leave to return to the Kingdome, shewing how little Sollicitous he was of Dignities,What the Governour asks for the good News. who left the greatest, and that a total neglect might not be branded as a new ambition, begg'd of the King two Acres of ground which joyn to his Country-house at Sintra, and end in a little Hill, which to this day is call'dThe Mountain of good News. Monte das Alvicaras. The King in the honours conferr'd on him, seem'd to consider his Services, and in his Reward respected his Fortune, all which is seen by his Letter, of which we here give you a Copy.

The King Dom John the Third's Letter.

95. ‘VIce-King and Friend, I the King heartily salute you.The King' [...] thanks to him. The Victory God gave you against the Officers of the King of Cambaya, was of as eminent satisfaction to us, as 'tis fit we should have for such, and so great a Conquest, and for so great mercies and favours,History o [...] India, Dec 6. Lib. 6. Cap. 8. as you in it receiv'd from our Lord, for which he is to be ever prais'd; there is also much due to the Prudence, and great Courage you shew'd in that day, as to what you did in the great and speedy Relief you sent to the Fortress of Dio, exposing in so extravagant a Season your Sons to Sea, by which is seen how much more predominant our Service is with you, then the natural affection of a Father, which we value, as 'tis reason we should, see­ing, you not only Routed so great Forces of the Ene­mies, but secur'd all India, [...]y the great apprehensions our Enemies have of so signal a Victory; which ser­vice, there is as much reason we should Rank as it de­serves, as we should have for it the requisite satis­faction; we had no little discontent for the Death of your Son Dom Fernando, both as he was your Son, and as he gave proofs in that Age, what he would have been in all his Life after; and since he Dy'd so ho­nourably, and in so eminent service for God, and us, you ought less to resent his loss, and give God thanks he was pleas'd he should so Dye, as we know you did, shewing, by your forgetting the Death of your Son, your remembring what was suitable for our Service, of which things we shall always be so mindfull, as not only to impute 'em to you by our great satisfaction for 'em, but by our special grace, which is now to have a beginning in the rewards we conferr on you and your Son Dom Alvaro, reserving the compleating [Page 255] of 'em for the end of your Service, which we are confident, and take for granted, will be such, as that hath been you have already rendered us, and in the confidence and experience we have of it, though very much desiring at present to comply with you in all things, yet considering how much it is for our Service, (and seeing by your Actions how much more you prise that, then all other business of your own) we have thought good not to give you leave to return as you desir'd of us; and for that purpose recommend to, and command you, to receive it well, and that you will serve us in that Charge other three years, at the end of which we will in God's name send you leave to return, and we hope he will inable you so to do; yet though it be so much for the advantage of our Service, that you should continue serving us for that time in those parts, if you think your return necessary, we should be glad of your writing to us, and expecting our answer.’

The King.

I believe the Queen Dona Katherine's Letter, re­quires our no less attention, where the Subscription is not only Royal but also the Discourse, giving judgment on the Actions of the Victory, with the Prudence of a Man, and Gallantry of a Souldier.

The Queen Dona Katherine's Letter.

96. ‘VIce-King, I the Queen heartily salute you. I have read your Letter in which you give us a particular account of what you have done, and ordered in all those things you thought to be for the service of our Lord the King, and for the defence and [Page 256] security of those Parts, and that all was so confor­mable to what you are, and to the opinion his Majesty hath of you, we have as much satisfaction, as 'tis reasonable; both to see his Majesty is so well serv'd by you, and for the signal honour you have purchas'd. As to the great care and diligence, you upon your Arrival employ'd in the repairing, and providing the Fleet, 'twas a great beginning, and of absolute ne­cessity for the remedying so weighty affairs as after­wards presented; and we are assur'd how great soever the pains you took in it were, your content of having been so well employ'd, will be greater; you aim'd right in the Warr you made upon Hidalcaon, because by that was clearly seen the contrary to what you say, is there the receiv'd opinion; that he could receive no harm by a Warr with the Portuguese, (which must be the reason he so often begun it) nor have any benefit by Peace with 'em, which made him not care to break it; and if he knew who you were, and how much more prevalent honour then profit is with you, he would not have made you the offer he did about Meale, but the little impression it had on you, and your evident undeceiving him, will make him know it. As to the business of the Siege, and Warr of the Fortress of Dio, the mercy of our Lord God was eminent in the Victory he there gave you against so great Force, and numbers, of the Enemies of his holy Catholick faith, as were there from so remote Parts met together, and 'tis an evident sign of his own Arms upholding the State in those Countries; and for all, we give him the praises, as are reasonable, and we ac­knowledge to be due; and it much adds to the great satisfaction, our Lord the King, and We have for so great a Victory, to see with what prudence, and con­duct you provided all things necessary for the obtain­ing it; how stoutly you behav'd your self in the day of Battail, and with what diligence you reliev'd that Fortress, exposing for it your Sons in so Stormy wea­ther; [Page 257] the Notion his Majesty and we have of all these Actions, and of the great benefit which is the consequence of 'em, is very proportionable to their quality and greatness; and we hope his Majesty will shew it so, in the honour and thanks he intends to re­turn you, because all is your due; and he gave no small sign of it, by his pleasure and satisfaction immedi­ately to begin it, as you will see by his Letters to you and your Son Dom Alvaro. We were not a little dis­contented at the Death of your Son Dom Fernando, as well for our knowledge how you must take it, as for the loss of his Person, which (as he shew'd in that Action) was eminently great; but we so well know you, and your great Prudence and Virtue, as to be certain, that at whatsoever time our Lord God should take him to himself, you would conform to his Will, and accept it at his Hand; especially it being then, when for the defence of his Faith, and in so signal Service for his Majesty, he Dy'd so honourably, and was not wanting to the Obligation of being what he was, which are very convincing reasons that you ought so to take it, and very much less resent his Death. As for what you sollicit us in, about your return, in which your Wife Dona Leonor (whom we were very joyfull to see, for the deserts of her Person and Virtues, and out of the great affection we have for her) hath spoke to us in your behalf, as in a bu­siness she so much desires, we should be very glad if we could in that gratifie your self and her with the good liking and satisfaction of our Lord the King; but for the good Service you have done his Majesty, and the great miss might be there of your Person in such a time, he hath thought good to make use of you there for three years longer, as you will see by his Letter; and we assure our selves, that for those con­siderations you will take it well, and we very much desire you it may be so, and hope in our Lord he will give you health and vigour to perform it, and will [Page 258] assist and strengthen you in all your difficulties, be­cause the result of 'em is so much for his Service, and he knows the main design his Majesty hath in desiring it should be so, is because of his knowledge that his Service will by you there be unfeignedly promov'd; and by your remembring, amongst so many troubles and so important businesses, those things of Ours, you took into your care, it is evident, how great a desire you have in that, and all other things to serve us, which we so look upon as is reason; for what concerns Diogo Voz we have in an other Letter writ to you, what we desire should be done. We were very much pleas'd with that perfume of Benjoim de Boninas, and with all the other things you sent us by Lourenco Pirez de Tavora, all being so good, as they seem to be sent with that good Will which we esteem the most, and take all very well of you; and about those Servants of Ours, and Persons, who, (as you write us) have serv'd well there, and about those things, you think it necessary to provide, we will mind our Lord the King, as you desire, it should be done. That which his Majesty hath to look too, in the Rewards he ought to bestow on all those who have there ferv'd him, is to take notice of what you have writ to him, and of what you desire, as 'tis reason he should; we take very well of you, the good Character you give his Majesty of those our Servants, who were present at the Action of Dio, and also the many Favours, and great Civilities, we know for our sake you shew'd them.’

The Queen.

The Letter the Infante Dom Lewis writ him, is not less considerable, as being from a Prince who knew how to make so profound an estimate of Deserts and Vir­tues.

The Infante Dom Lewis's Letter.

97. ‘HOnourable Vice-King. I receiv'd your Letter which came in Lourenco Pirez de Tavora's Fleet, in which you tell me you receiv'd mine I sent by Lewis Fiqueira, and I take very well of you, your telling me, the advice I gave you seem'd good to you, and the more, your putting it in practice, and, though I had not known you, I had sufficient cause to believe it was so, by hearing what you do there, and seeing you write so plainly your difficulties, Poverty, and Abstinence, weapons by which are o're­come the World, the Flesh, and the Devil, who reign so absolutely in those parts of India, a Victory, grea­ter then that of the King of Cambaya, or of all the Force of the Turk; for which as long as you Live you ought to fear nothing, but be confident in our Lord God, that he will assist you, as he hath lately done in the Defence and Battail of Dio, for which Victory you have great cause to praise him, who hath made you an Instrument of so much Service to him­self, and to my Lord the King, of so much honour to your Self, and to all the Portuguese, to the absent, as to those who were present. And certain it is, that in that expedition, from the first day you had the News of the Siege of Dio, till that of yours and our Victory, (according to my reach) you have done what could be done, by a Stout, and Prudent Com­mander, as well in your speedy Succours, as in expo­sing your Sons as the marks of Fortune, to the dan­gers of the Winter and Seas of India, that others might less apprehend 'em, by which is clearly evinc't, how much a greater share the Service of my Lord the King, and the Obligation of your charge, have in you, then the natural affections of a Father, which are those most Tyrannically over-rule our Nature. And by the patience you shew'd in the Death of your [Page 260] Son Dom Fernando de Castro, you have eminently clear'd this opinion. It's certain I resented it for my self and you, and by the certain signs I saw in him of an extraordinary Courage took it for a very great loss; and believe God design'd in that to recompence him, by taking him out of this so troublesome Life by so honourable means, and so much for his glory, which ought to be no little part of your Consolation. Your Son Dom Alvaro de Castro employ'd not his time ill when through so many difficulties, and dangers he reliev'd the Fortress of Dio, at that time, when its only remedy was his Arrival, and, for his Behaviour there, his falling on the Enemies Posts, and all the rest of his Carriage, I do for my self, and you, give him many blessings. And to return to your resolution of venturing your Person, and the State of India, for the relief of Dio, 'twas well taken, for had you not done it, there had been the same hazard; and your arrival at Dio, your ordering your Fleet, your commanding the Landing of your men when the Battail was to be given, and your way of Fighting, all this seems to me to deserve that we now and ever give praises to our Lord God, and that his Majesty should conferr on you many honours, which he hath already begun as you'l see concerning your Self and Son; He also ought and will do the same to those Cavalliers, and Gentlemen, who serv'd under you in that expedition, especially to Dom Iohn Mascarenhas, who behav'd himself in the weight of that Siege like an honou­rable Commander, and brave Cavallier. I was very glad to see your manner of writing to his Majesty, about the Service the Gentlemen, and Cavalliers who went thither, did in the business of Dio, by which it appears, you even scores with their deservings. Al­ways do so for my sake, and be glad to praise Persons; for it being certain, there will not want those men who will speak ill of them, (which you ought to punish where you find it) it is but reason the good [Page 261] should extoll them, that those you cannot there Reward, his Majesty may by your information do it. I spoke (as you writ to me) about your return, which his Majesty granted me not, and gave me for it two Reasons, and in my opinion, though you have many to countenance your desire of returning, his Majesty hath many more to desire your Service for three years longer in that Government, which you ought to be glad to do, to serve God, for the great mercy he shew'd you, and his Majesty for his confi­dence in you, and satisfaction in your Service; Rely on God for his giving you strength to grapple with the great difficulties and disorders of India, and I trust in him, that after such a performance you'l re­turn to fill these tops of the Rocks of Sintra with Chapels, and Trophies of your Victories, and that you'l visit and enjoy 'em in a profound repose. I speak not to you about particular businesses, because my Lord the King hath writ to you in what con­cerns his Service in answer to the general Letter you writ him, which came in a very good style, and well digested.’

The Infante Dom Lewis.

98. 'Tis apparent by these Letters how well the Royal Family took the Services of Dom Iohn de Castro, the King deny'd Dom Iohn the leave he ask't to come and rest himself in the Kingdome for the good of his Country and the East, he added to his Government three years more, with the Title of Vice-Roy. He Liv'd not to enjoy, though deserve, this addition of honour; He had given him ten thousand Crusades, as a Gratuity towards the Defraying charges, and Letters Patents for his Son Dom Alvaro to be Admiral of the Seas of India, an employment he Computed by fewer Years then Victories.

[Page 262] 99. The King Dom Iohn by the advices of the Vice-Roy, understood, that the security of India requir'd always Forces ready, for all occurrences of the State, and that the defeat of Cambaya, (whose Ruine was an example for the rest) had created hatred as well as reverence in the Neighbouring Princes; on these and other considerations he sent this year for India six Ships,The King sends six Ships for India. which parted in different Seasons. Martim Correa da Sylva, who brought a Commission for the Fortress of Dio, was Commander in chief of the first three which parted in November, the other Commanders were An­tonio Pereira, and Christovaon de Sa; The Admiral Ship, having on the Coast of India adverse Winds fell off from her course, and not able to reach Goa, recovered Ange­diva, whence she sent to the Vice-Roy to provide her with necessaries, being forc't to Winter in that Port. Christovaon de Sa's Pilot knew better to shape his course, for as soon as he made the Coast of India, he bore up to get the Wind of Goa, and saw Land about Carapa­taon, whence he came directly for the Barr.

100. As soon as the Vice-Roy knew there was a Ship come in from the Kingdome,One come [...] to Goa. he gave orders for Landing the Sick, and went in Person to visit and pro­vide for 'em. And certain it is, that amongst all the Excellencies of this extraordinary Vice-Roy, we may Rank his Charity in the Front, it not being a Custo­mary virtue in a Souldier, much less in a publick Mini­ster; He receiv'd his Letters, in which he found those honours and gratuities we have related, these he look't upon as payment, those as a recompence, for which the Gentlemen gave to each other the joy, as satisfy'd the Vice-Roy should continue his Government three years longer, in whom they knew the State would have a Man, the Soldiery a Father.

101. Dom Iohn de Castro found himself less spent by his Years then the Difficulties of so long a Warr,The Vice-King falls Sick. which made him succumb under the pressure of so perplex't a Solicitude; He fell Desperately ill, and his Sickness in [Page 263] few days betray'd mortal Symptoms, which he, by the Vexatiousness of repeated accidents perceiving, un­burdened himself of the weight of the Government: He call'd for the Bishop Dom Iohn de Albuquerque, Dom Diogo de Almeyda Freire, Quits the Govern­ment. the Doctor Francisco Toscano, Chief Chancellour of the State, Sebastiaon Lopez Lo­batto his Auditor General, and Rodrigo Goncalvez Ca­minha, Overseer of the Revenue, to whom he delivered up the State, in Peace with the Neighbouring Princes, secur'd by so many Victories. He sent for the Magi­stracy of the City, the Vicar General of India, the Guardian of Saint Francis, Frier Antonio do Casal, Saint Francisco Xaverius, and the Officers of the King's Re­venne, before whom he made this Speech.

102. ‘I am not asham'd Gentlemen to tell you,He speaks to the Coun­cil. that the Vice-Roy of India wants in this Sickness those conveniencies the meanest Souldier finds in the Hos­pitals; I came to Serve not to Traffick in the East, I would to your selves have pawn'd the Bones of my Son, and did pawn the hairs of my Beard, to assure you I had no other Plate, or Hangings. There was not this day Money enough in the House to Buy me a Hen; for in the Fleets I set forth, the Souldiers fed upon the Governours Salary, before the King's pay, and 'tis no wonder for the Father of so many Children to be poor. I request of you, during the time of this Sickness, to order me out of the King's Revenue a proportionable maintenance, and to appoint a Person of your own who may provide me a moderate allow­ance.’ And asking presently for a Missal, he took his Oath on the Gospel,The Oath he takes. he was not then Debitor one Crusade to the King's Revenue, or had receiv'd any thing from Christian, Iew, Moor, or Pagan, or for the carrying out the Authority of his Place, or Person, had any other Houshold-stuff then what he brought from Portugal, and that he had here spent the Money he had got in the Kingdome; that he had not where withall to Buy an other Quilt, then that they saw on his Bed; that he had [Page 264] only made a Sword for his Son Dom Alvaro to return into the Kingdome, and set the Hilt with some Jewels of small value. That he desir'd they would enter a Protest of this, that if at any time the King found it otherwise, he might punish him for perjury. This Speech was writ in the City-Books, which, they who succeeded might read for their Instruction, with whom I believe the Memory is more pregnant then the Ex­ample.

103. As soon as the Vice-Roy perceiv'd himself sum­mon'd to a sharper Conflict, avoiding the importune diversion of Human cares,He re [...]res with the Father Xa­verius. he secluded himself with the Father Saint Francisco Xaverius, providing for so doubt­full a Voyage so secure a Pilot, who all the time of his Sickness, was his Nurse, Reconciler, and Governour; As he had got no Riches to make a new Disposal of, he made no other Will then that he left (at his coming to Govern India) in the Kingdome, in the hands of Dom Rodrigo Pinheiro Bishop of Angra, to whom he had Communicated it; and receiving the Sacraments of the Church,His Death. he gave up his Soul to God the sixth of Iune one thousand five hundred forty eight, in the eight and fortieth Year of his Age, and almost three of his Go­vernment of that State. The Riches he gain'd in Asia were his Heroick actions, which Posterity will read in this Book with a tender Memory. In his Study were found three pieces of small Money, and a Discipline which seem'd to have been often us'd, and the Locks of his Beard he had pawn'd; He ordered his Body should be Deposited in Saint Francis Church in Goa, thence to be Translated to his Chapel at Sintra; They imme­diately consulted on his Funeral,His B [...]ri [...]l, and the grief at it. which was to be not less Compassionate then Solemn, deserving the Illu­strious, and common Tears of the whole State.

104. After some years his Bones came to the King­dome,His Bones come to the Kingdome. where they were receiv'd with reverent and pious applause, as being the last benefit his Country receiv'd with his Ashes, and on the Shoulders of four of his [Page 265] Grand-children carry'd to Saint Dominicks Convent in Lisbone, Are Depo­sited in Saint Dominicks in Lisbone. where for many days were made costly Exe­quies; thence they were the second time Translated to Saint Dominicks Convent at Bemfica, where (though in an others Chapel)Translated to Bemfica. they remain'd some years in a decent Depository, till his Grand-child Francisco de Castro, Bishop, and Inquisitor General, made for them a Chapel, and place of Burial; for Design, Matter, and Adornment, but to the King's Monuments, not second to any; the relation of it will not perhaps seem tedious, out of respect to the Memory of the Grand-father, and Piety of the Grand-child.

105. Saint Dominicks Convent of Bemfica is two Miles from Lisbone, Where they now are. nam'd so, from a Neighbouring Village. 'Twas always in the possession of the Kings of Portugal, where for the freshness of the Air, they had a Country-house, which they went to for Diversion of business, or the exercise of Hunting. King Iohn the First, finding himself indebted to God for so many Vi­ctories, amongst other Acts of Thanksgiving, gave this Palace to the order of Saint Dominick, with the Adjacent grounds, Gardens and Orchards, the twenty second of May, one thousand three hundred ninety and nine, for the Founding a Convent, which was not only Founded but Augmented by our Kings. The Founder oblig'd himself, by his Letters Patents (preserv'd in the Archives of the Convent) to protect, and defend the cause, the persons, and goods of the Religious, Sollicitous in God's cause, Couragious in his own. King Iohn the Second endow'd it with a great Revenue, which the House now enjoys under the Name of the Fifth of the Islands, without imposing any new Obligation, which might render the Alms less Liberal, or Acceptable; the King Dom Emanuel, though Distracted with greater Cares and Buildings, left in the Sacrifices of this Temple, a Religious memory, ordering that twice in a Week should be Sung two Masses to the Angels, in the behalf of those who were at Sea; this was in that Age the Astrolabe [Page 266] of his Discoveries, and the Abetter of the Victories in the East. The Queen Dona Katherina, look't upon this House as her private Chapel, offering here from her own Oratory, Reliques of Veneration, and Value, amongst others, in a great Silver Cross a piece of the holy Cross, which offering from Royal hands doth assure the Cer­tainty of so inestimable a present; Our Princes confer­ring on this House temporal and spiritual benefits. King Philip the Second, augmented with an honou­rable Alms, those it before enjoy'd. This Convent hath always been for the strictest observers of the Religion, who under the name of Recolets allow no Swerving or Indulgence from the first institution; hither as to a School of Virtues, use to retire the most eminent of the Order, some to avoid, others to be at rest after their Prelacies, in a holy leisure to be untaken up but by God, and to reform their Affections.

106. In this Convent, Illustrious for its Foundation, and Discipline, rest the Victorious Ashes of Dom Iohn de Castro, in a Chapel, and Monument of a Religious greatness. The Chapel is Consecrated by the name of Corpus Christi, hath the great Door into the Cloister of the Convent, and over that in a Scutcheon of Re­lieve the Arms of the Founder; the wideness of the Door takes in forty Palmes, the height above seventy, a proportion the Architects name Dupla, and the work is Dorick. 'Tis only of one Isle of polish't Marble, the Pavement also is of diverse Colour'd and Polish't stones; there goes about it within, a well-orderded, and propor­tionable Pedestal, which sustains the Decency of an uniform Building; it contains six Arches (with Pilastres between) upon their Bases, and with their Capitals; there goes also a Cornish round about, it hath six Win­dows, proportionable to the rest of the Architecture. On the high Altar is a Tabernacle, (in which is al­ways kept the blessed Sacrament, lighted by two silver Lamps) behind it an Altar-piece, both of Carv'd work, with great Flowers all Gilded, and on the top, a [Page 267] Picture of our Saviour's last Supper; behind the high Altar, and Altar-piece is the Quire for the Novices, for whose better Breeding, and Service of God, is made a House with twenty Cells, and diverse Offices which form the Body of a distinct Convent. The Roof of the Chapel above the Finishment of the Cornish is also of Stone, divided into Compartments with rich Mould­ings. Of the six Arches which make the whole, the two first are on the plain of the Altar; on the Gospel-side is a Door goes up to the top of the Building, and the Founder's Lodgings; on the side of the Epistle, is an other goes into the Sachristy. The other four are taken up with four costly Monuments, with Urns of Burnish't stones which rest on the Backs of Elephants of black Marble.

107. In the first Arch which joyns to the plain of the Altar, on the Gospel-side is the Monument of Dom Iohn de Castro, in which before 'twas clos'd were laid his Bones with the following Epitaph.


[Page 268] Under the Arch adjoyning to this, rest the Bones of his Wife Dona Leonor Coutinho.

108. On the Epistle-side of the Altar, under an Arch over against that where is Dom Iohn de Castro's Mo­nument, rests his Son Dom Alvaro, where his Bones were put in the same manner, on him is writ this follow­ing Epitaph.


In the next Arch to this lies his Wife Dona Anna de Attayde, under the Body of the Chapel is made a Vault, with six stone Arches, in one of which is an Altar to celebrate Mass, the rest have Repartments for the Bones, and Bodies of the Dead.

109. The Bishop, Inquisitor General, Founder of this Chapel, gave (for the maintenance of those Reli­gious who are to perform the Duties of it) to the Convent of Bemfica two hundred and forty thousand The Portuguese keep their accounts in the least Money they have, which are Reis, whereof 400. made a Crusade, which is worth 3 s. 6 d. Reis yearly, to be paid out of the Chamber of this City of Lisbone, which are thus distributed. One hun­dred [Page 269] and twenty thousand Reis for three Masses to be daily Celebrated; fifty (though given before) for the Anniversaries he shall appoint in his Will; forty; for the Fabrick and providing the Chapel; thirty, for supplying the necessities of those Religious men who reside in the Novic [...]ate for the looking to, and clean­ing the Chapel; which besides this, he Adorn'd with many rich and devout Pieces, and gave to the Sachristy all things necessary for Divine Worship, as well Orna­ments for Holy-days as Work-days, Linning, Candle­sticks of all sizes, Lamps, and other such like necessaries, all in aboundance and perfection.

110. Dom Iohn de Castro, Dom Iohn de Castro' [...] Family. as Illustrious for his Family, as Virtues, was Born in Lisbone the 27th. of February of the year one thousand five hundred; He was second Son to Dom Alvaro de Castro, Governour of the House of Civil, and to Dona Leonor de Noronha, the Daughter of Dom Iohn de Almeyda second Earl of Abrantes; Grand-child to Dom Garcia de Castro, who was Brother to Dom Alvaro de Castro, the first Earl of Monsanto, these two were Sons to Dom Fernando de Castro, Grand-children to Dom Pedro de Castro, and great Grand-children to Dom Al­varo Pirez de Castro, Earl of Arrayolos; and first Con­stable of Portugal, Brother to the Queen Dona Inez de Castro, Wife to King Dom Pedro the Cruel. This Con­stable, was Son to Dom Pedro Fernandez de Castro, call'd (in Castile) the Man of Warr, who coming into this Kingdome, begun here the Illustrious house of the Castros, which hath preserv'd it self in so much great­ness; Dom Pedro by the Male line descended from the Infante Dom Fernando, Son to King Dom Garcia of Navarre, who Married Dona Maria Alvarez de Castro, the only Daughter of the Earl Alvaro Fanhez Minaya, the fifth Grand-child in descent from Lain Calvo, from whom this Family derives its beginning. Dom Iohn de Castro when very young Marry'd Dona Leonor Coutinho his Cousin-German once remov'd, greater for her Quality, then Portion, with whom retiring to the Town [Page 270] of Almada, he by an Antidated old Age avoided the ambition of the Court; He went to serve at Tangiers, where he gave the first, but extraordinary proofs of his Courage, though of his Actions there, we have more from his Fame then our Knowledge. He return'd to Court, re-call'd by the King Dom Iohn the third, and the Kingdome being too narrow for his Gallantry went to India with Dom Garcia de Noronha; He accompany'd Dom Estevaon de Gama in his expedition to the Mouth of the Red-Sea, and made a Journal of his Voyage, a usefull and acceptable work to Sea-men. On his return to Portugal he retir'd to his Country-house at Sintra, recreating himself by Reading, in his Solitudes, and employments always Exemplary; He put on his Sword again to follow the Eagles of Charls the Emperour in the Battail of Tunez, where he rais'd his name with new Glory; when this design was over, hiding himself from his own Fame, he again retir'd to Sintra, knowing how to avoid, not keep himself from employments. The King Dom Iohn made him Admiral of the Navy of the Coast, a Service where his Courage was answered by Success; He went last of all to Govern India, where, by the Victories we have related, he secur'd, and brought into reputation the State. When the designs of Warr spar'd him, he in a large Card describ'd all the Coast betwixt Goa, and Dio, marking the Flats, and Shelves, the height of the Pole in which the Cities lye; the depth of Water, Anchoring, and Creeks which form the Havens; the Trade-winds, and Nature of those Seas; the force of the Currents, the swiftness of Ri­vers, disposing the Lines in different Tables, all, with so minute and exact Geography, as only this Work might serve to make him Famous, if he were not so eminently, for his great Fortitude. He look't the same in his streights at Home, and prosperity in the East, ap­pearing always the same Man in diverse Fortunes; his Ambition was to deserve all things, and ask nothing; He equally did reason and justice to all men, unbyast in [Page 271] his Punishments, but so Justifiable, that the Com­plaints were more against the Law then Minister. He was free to the Souldiers, sparing to his Children, shew­ing more civility in his Office, then Nature; He us'd with a great deal of Ceremony the Actions of his Pre­decessours, honouring even those he put not in practice; without prostituting his Civility, he preserv'd his Re­spect. He appear'd above the Great ones, and Father of the Meanest; such was his Life, as by that, more then by Punishments, he reform'd extravagancies; his first Zeal was always in God's cause, then in the States; he past no Virtue without Reward, some Vices without Punishment; amending not a few, some by Favours, others by Clemency.Iohn de Barro's Hist. of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 1. Pag. 4. The presents he receiv'd from the Prince of Asia, he put to the King's Revenue, a Virtue all prais'd, few imitated; the maimed Souldiers found him Sollicitous in their Cure, and Compassionate of their Condition; He oblig'd every one, yet seem'd ob­noxious to all; He kept the Souldiers (as what would prove the Ruine of the State) from Merchandizing; He set upon no Action, which he did not atchieve, being ready in Execution, mature in Counsel: amidst the employments of a Souldier, he preserv'd the virtues of a Religious man, was frequent in visiting Temples, a great honourer of Church-men, mercifull and liberal to the Poor; had great Devotion to the Cross of Christ, which he Reverenc'd in its Figure, by a low inclination without any difference of time or place; and so Religiously was he fir'd with the Worship of this most holy Representative, as he rather chose to Build a Temple to its Memory, then raise a House to his Poste­rity, leaving it on his Fatherly blessing to his Son Dom Alvaro, that if he found in the favour, or justice of the King, any recompence for his Services, he should with that Build a Convent for the Franciscan Recollets in the Mountain of Sintra, and name the House The invo­cation of the Holy Cross. Dom Alvaro de Castro, Heir apparent to the virtues of so pious a Father, gave order [Page 272] for Building the Convent, not so great for the Majesty of the Pile, as for the Sanctity of the Penitents who In­habit there. Being the first time sent from King Dom Sebastian Embassadour to Pope Pius the Fourth, he obtain'd of him to priviledge the Altar of the Convent for all Masses, and on the day of the Invention of the Cross, Plenary indulgence to all those who pray'd for the pressing necessities of the Church, and designedly for the Soul of Dom Iohn de Castro; so singular and un­usual a grace as we have not known granted to Sove­raign Princes. It is apparent, the Fame of his Victories was as loud in Italy, as that of his Virtues, attested by so Illustrious a testimony from the Vicar of Christ; for these and other Virtues we believe he now enjoys in Heaven nobler Palmes in a more eminent Triumph. He had three Sons,His Chil­dren. who all expos'd themselves to the dan­gers of Warr, as their Fathers blessing; Dom Miguel the Youngest, who in the Reign of King Dom Sebastian went to the Indies, and Dy'd in the Government of Malaca; Dom Fernando burnt in the Mine at Dio; Dom Alvaro, The praise of Dom Al­varo de Ca­stro. with whom he seem [...]d to share his Palmes and Victories, the Son and Companion of his Fame, who returning to the Kingdome without any other Riches then the Wounds he receiv'd in the Warr, Married Dona Anna de Attayde, Daughter to Dom Lewis de Castro Lord of the House of Monsanto; He was a particular Favourite to King Dom Sebastian, entrusted by him in the greatest Affairs and places of the Kingdome, went on diverse Embassies to Castile, France, Rome, and Savoy: Was of the Council of State, and sole Superinten­dent of the Exchequer, and in the midst of so eminent Offices, Died Poor, though he Deceast a Favourite.

The END.

An Index of the Most Observable things in this History.

  • Adem.
    • A City of Arabia, the Situation, lib. 4. num. 73. pag. 242.
    • Rax Soliman seiseth on it by Treachery, lib. 4. num. 74. pag. 243.
    • Is succeeded by Marzaon ibid.
    • The Inhabitants offer it to the King of Cam­par ibid.
    • He desires aide, and offers a Fortress there to Dom Manoel de Lima, lib. 4. num. 76. pag. 245.
    • The Inhabitants receive Dom Payo de No­ronha, who comes to relieve them, lib. 4. num. 79. pag. 245.
    • Being forsaken by him, they give notice of it to the Governour, lib. 4. num. 80. pag. 246.
    • The Gallantry of some Portuguese in this Warr, lib. 4. num. 84. pag. 248.
    • The Turks besiege the City, lib. 4. num. 86. pag. 249.
    • They enter by Treachery, lib. 4. num. 87. pag. 250.
    • How the Arabbs forsaken by us, behave them­selves, lib. 4. num. 87. pag. 249.
    Dom Affonso de Noronha.
    • Governour of Ceita, lib. 1. num. 25. pag. 13. He receives Dom John de Castro with great ceremony, lib. 1. num. 30. pag. 17.
  • Agacaim.
    • The Governour Dom John de Castro arrives at the City, lib. 4. num. 62. pag. 237.
    • Falls upon the Inhabitants, lib. 4. num. 63. pag. 238.
    • They fly, lib. 4. num. 64. pag. 238.
    • Dom Alvaro de Castro persues them, lib. 4. num. 65. pag. 238.
    • They face about, lib. 4. num. 66. ibid.
    • Their General falls, lib. 4. num. 66. pag. 239.
  • Dom Alvaro Bacaon.
    • Admiral of the Emperours Navy, lib. 1. num. 25. pag. 13.
    • Visits Dom John de Castro on Board, lib. 1. num. 28. pag. 15.
    • They discouse about the Fight ibid.
    • Resolve to engage ibid.
    • Dom Alvaro changeth his Opinion, lib. 1. num. 28. pag. 16.
  • Dom Alvaro de Castro.
    • Goes to the Indies with his Father, lib. 1. num. 17. pag. 8.
    • Is Knighted by Dom Estevaon da Gama, lib. 1. num. 20. pag. 10.
    • Returns with his Father to the Kingdome, lib. 1. num. 21. pag. 10.
    • Goes to relieve Alcacer Ceguer, lib. 1. num. 30. pag. 17.
    • Goes again to India with his Father, lib. 1. num. 37. pag. 20.
    • Goes against Hidalcaon, lib. 1. num. 59. pag. 38.
    • Sets Sail with six Ships, lib. 1. num. 60. pag. 38.
    • The prize he takes ibid.
    • After destroying the City of Cambre, returns for Goa, lib. 1. num. 65. pag. 42.
    • Goes with relief to Dio, lib. 2. num. 88. pag. 108.
    • The Commanders who go with him ibid.
    • The difficulties of the Voyage, lib. 2. num. 122. pag. 127.
    • Is forc't back to Bacaim ibid.
    • Sets forth from thence for Dio, lib. 2. num. 125. pag. 130.
    • Is forc't back again, lib. 2. num. 156. p. 148.
    • [Page] Sets Sail again, and puts in at Agacaim, lib. 2. num. 158. pag. 14 [...].
    • Takes a Ship belonging to Cambaya ibid.
    • Arrives at Dio with forty Ships ibid.
    • His reception by the Commander ibid.
    • Takes his Post on the Work, where his Brother Dom Fernando was Kill'd, pag. 150.
    • Adviseth his Father of the state of the For­tress, lib. 2. num. 159. pag. 150.
    • Is against the Souldiers Sallying forth on the Enemy, lib. 2. num. 162. pag. 152.
    • But seeing their resolution bears them com­pany, lib. 2. num. 163. pag. 152.
    • His Courage and Discipline, lib. 2. num. 166. pag. 153.
    • He gets upon the Wall, and being hurt with a stone falls down as Dead, pag. 154.
    • Refuseth a great Ransome offered him by Ru­mecaon for a Janizary Captain, lib. 2. num. 179. pag. 161.
    • The Governour, being arriv'd at Dio, gives him 800 Portuguese for the Fight, lib. 3. num. 14. pag. 178.
    • His Courage in the Action, lib. 3. num. 17. pag. 183.
    • The danger he is in, lib. 3. num. 22. pag. 185.
    • He enters the City, pag. 186.
    • The Governour his Father makes him a Com­mander against Hidalcaon, lib. 4. num. 38. pag. 226.
    • He fights in the Van-guard with extraordinary Courage, lib. 4. num. 41. pag. 227.
    • Makes the Enemy fly ibid.
    • Goes to Dio with his Father the Governour, lib. 4. num. 43. pag. 228.
    • Goes to Surat, lib. 4. num. 44. pag. 229.
    • Sends Dom Iorge de Menezes to get Intelli­gence, lib. 4. num. 45. ibid.
    • And after him other Commanders, lib. 4. num. 46. pag. 230.
    • He enters Dabul, and takes the City, lib. 4. num. 61. pag. 236.
    • He sets upon the Enemy in Morgaon, lib. 4. num. 63. pag. 237.
    • They fly, and he persueth, lib. 4. num. 67. pag. 239.
    • He destroys an other City call'd Dabul, lib. 4. num. 70. pag. 240.
    • Goes with relief to Adem, lib. 4. num. 82. pag. 240.
    • The Fleet he carries, 247.
    • The success of the Voyage, lib. 4. num. 89. pag. 250.
    • Calls a Council, and what is resolv'd, pag. 251.
    • Falls upon Xael, lib. 4. num. 90. ibid.
    • Gets the Fortress, and return to Goa, lib. 4. num. 92. pag. 252.
    • The praise of Dom Alvaro de Castro, lib. 4. num. 110. pag. 272.
  • Dom Antonio de Attayde.
    • Goes from Bacaim, lib. 3. num. 139. pag. 138.
    • Arrives at Goa, lib. 2. num. 143. pag. 141.
  • Antonio do Casal.
    • In the Battail of Dio encourageth the Souldiers by holding up a Crucifix, lib. 3. num. 22. pag. 185.
  • Antonio Correa.
    • Sallies out of the Fortress of Dio, to take some of the Enemies, lib. 2. num. 150. pag. 145.
    • Sets upon 12. Moors, who take him Prisoner ibid.
    • Is carried before Rumecaon, lib. 2. num. 151. pag. 146.
    • Who perswades him to change his Religion ibid.
    • The affronts they put upon him, lib. 2. num. 152. pag. 146.
    • He is beheaded for his Religion, ib. p. 147.
    • The Moors in scorn and derision shew our men his Head ibid.
    • Our Souldiers set up the Head of a Moor to confront Antonio Correa's, lib. 2. num. 153. pag. 147.
  • Antonio Moniz Barretto.
    • Is content to go with a Carvel of Provisions to Dio, lib. 2. num. 92. pag. 110.
    • Arrives at Bacaim, lib. 2. num. 123. pag. 127.
    • His Courage in saving the Carvel, pag. 128.
    • Goes for Dio ibid.
    • The difficulties of the Voyage, lib. 2. num. 124. pag. 129.
    • Arrives at the Fortress ibid.
    • The brave Iealousie betwixt him and Garcia Rodriguez de Tavora ibid.
    • His Valour on several occasions, lib. 2. n. 130. 134. 167. 169. p. 133. 135. 155. 158.
    • Is incited by a Souldier, whom he got releas'd from the Service, and brought with him for Portugall, lib. 2. num. 148. pag. 144.
    • [Page] Goes to look out for the Ships of Cambaya, and takes some of them, lib. 3. num. 35. pag. 197.
    • Goes to Candea to further the Conversion of that King, lib. 4. num. 4. pag. 205.
    • His Voyage, lib. 4. num. 10. pag. 209.
    • Arrives at Candea, and finds things chang'd ibid.
    • Endeavours to return, lib. 4. num. 17. pag. 210.
    • Is fall'n upon by the Enemies, lib. 4. num. 13. ibid.
    • The difficulties of his March, lib. 4. num. 13. pag. 211.
    • His prudence in moderating the Souldiers, lib. 4. num. 14. ibid.
    • His bravery in Fighting, lib. 4. num. 15. pag. 212.
    • He retreats ibid.
    • Upon a Letter from the King of Candea would return, lib. 4. num. 17. pag. 213.
    • The Souldiers are against it ibid.
    • He gets to his Fleet ibid.
    • Returns to Dio with the Governour, lib. 4. num. 43. pag. 228.
    • Goes to Adem with Dom Alvaro, to be Com­mander of the Fortress to be Built there, lib. 4. num. 82. pag. 247.
    • His Courage at Xael, lib. 4. num. 91. pag. 252.
  • Dom Antonio de Noronha.
    • Son to the Vice-Roy Dom Garcia, Ships him­self for Dio, with 60. Souldiers at his own charge, lib. 3. num. 4. pag. 169.
    • Takes some of the Mecca Fleet, lib. 4. num. 71. pag. 241.
    • Goes to Adem with Dom Alvaro, lib. 4. num. 82. pag. 247.
    • His Valour at Xael, lib. 4. num. 91. pag. 252.
  • Antonio Pecanha.
    • Commander of Saint Georges work in Dio, lib. 2. num. 32. pag. 78.
    • His Courage in Fighting, lib. 2. num. 73. pag. 100.
    • Is one of the five Souldiers who stoutly resist the Enemy, lib. 2. num. 119. pag. 124.
  • Antote.
    • A City destroy'd by Dom Manoel de Lima, lib. 3. num. 7. pag. 174.
  • Athanasio Freire.
    • Going for Dio run on Shore hard by Surat, and was carried before Sultan Mahamud, lib. 2. num. 156. pag. 148.
  • Azedecaon.
    • One of Hidalcaon's Commanders, lib. 1. num. 53. pag. 32.
    • Routed by the Governour Dom John de Castro, lib. 1. num. 55. pag. 33.
  • Balsora.
    • IN Arabia the Happy, its description, lib. 3. num. 36. pag. 197.
    • The Turks fortifie themselves in it, pag. 198.
  • Barba-Rosla.
    • A famous Pirat, lib. 1. num. 9. pag. 3.
    • Perswades the Turk to make Warr upon Christ­endome, lib. 1. num. 23. pag. 11.
    • Comes with a Fleet towards the Streights, lib. 1. num. 28. pag. 15.
    • Seeing Dom John de Castro's resolution alters his course, lib. 1. num. 29. pag. 16.
  • Baroche.
    • Its situation and strength, lib. 4. num. 5. pag. 206.
    • The Trade of the Inhabitants ibid.
    • Madre Maluco Lord of it ibid.
    • Dom Iorge de Menezes enters it, and sets it on fire, lib. 4. num. 6. ibid.
    • Madre Maluco comes too late to its help, lib. 4. num. 7. pag. 207.
    • Dom Alvaro coming in sight of it, the Fortress is quitted, lib. 4. num. 55. pag. 234.
  • Bastion.
    • The great Ruins of Saint James's Bastion, lib. 2. num. 54. pag. 89.
    • Coge-Sofar raiseth a great Work before Saint Thomas's, which doth much Dammage it, lib. 2. num. 56. pag. 90.
    • Juzarcaon falls upon Saint Johns, lib. 2. num. 67. pag. 90.
    • And Rumecaon upon Saint Thomas's, lib. 2. num. 68. pag. 96.
    • [Page] The Turks enter the Work, lib. 2. num. 75. pag. 101.
    • 'Tis reported to be taken, lib. 2. num. 76. pag. 101.
    • The Enemy makes a Bastion over against Saint James's, lib. 2. num. 93. pag. 111.
    • Our men throw it down, lib. 2. num. 94. pag. 111.
    • The Turks get upon Saint Thomas's, lib. 2. num. 102. pag. 116.
    • The Enemy falls upon Saint James's, lib. 2. num. 128. pag. 132.
    • And upon Saint John's, and retires, lib. 2. num. 135. pag. 136.
    • The Enemy plants three Colours on St. James's, lib. 2. num. 137. pag. 137.
    • Here they fought Couragiously, lib. 2. num. 141. pag. 140.
    • Saint Thomas's work fallen upon, lib. 2. num. 147. pag. 143.
    • The success in Saint James's, lib. 2. num. 138. pag. 138.
  • Beard.
    • The Governour pawns some hairs of his Beard to the City of Goa, for the Building up again the Fortress of Dio, lib. 3. num. 29. pag. 189.
    • The Citizens of Goa return them, lib. 3. num. 30. pag. 192.
    • Where, and how they are preserv'd to this day ibid.
  • Bento Barbosa.
    • One of the five Souldiers who stoutly resisted the Enemies in Dio, lib. 2. num. 119. pag. 124.
  • Bernardim de Sousa.
    • Commander of the Molucos, lib. 2. num. 28. pag. 215.
    • He carries with him Cachil Aeyro ibid. They arrive at Ternate, lib. 4. num. 12. ibid.
  • Bertholomew Correa.
    • One of the five Souldiers who Couragiously kept off the Enemy in Dio, lib. 2 num. 119. pag.. 124.
  • Cachil Aeyro.
    • THe Governour invests him in the Crown of Maluco, lib. 2. num. 12. pag. 65.
    • Goes a Prisoner to Goa, by order from Jordaon de Freitas. lib. 4. num. 20. pag. 215.
    • The Governour absolves him ibid.
    • Returns to Ternate with Bernardim de Sousa, lib. 4. num. 21. ibid.
    • Is restor'd ibid.
  • Calabatecaon.
    • A stout Turk of Dalmatia, lib. 4. num. 57. pag. 235.
    • One of Hidalcaon's Commanders ibid.
    • Retires from Agacaim, where the Governour enters, lib. 4. num. 64. pag. 238.
    • Returns to put his men in order, lib. 4. num. 66. ibid.
    • Is kill'd by Diogo de Almeyda, pag. 239.
  • Cambre.
    • Dom Alvaro resolves to enter Cambre, lib. 1. num. 61. pag. 39.
    • Resolves to invest it ibid.
    • Goes on Shore, pag. 40.
    • The greatness and strength of the place, lib. 1. num. 62. pag. 40.
    • Resistance of the Enemy, lib. 1. num. 63. pag. 41.
    • The City is at last wonn, lib. 1. num. 64. ibid.
    • Its destruction, and pillage, pag. 42.
  • Campar.
    • The King of Campar accepts the Subjection, offered him by the Inhabitants of Adem, lib. 4. num. 75. pag. 244.
    • Sends men against the Tyrant Marzaon ibid.
    • Enters the City by agreement, lib. 4. num. 76. ibid.
    • Goes out afterwards against the Tyrant, and Dyes in the Battail, lib. 4. n. 77. p. 245.
  • Candea.
    • A Kingdome in the Island of a Zeilan, lib. 4. num. 2. pag. 205.
    • The King receives the Preaching of the Gos­pel ibid.
    • [Page] Is inconstant, but the Friars encourage him, lib. 4. num. 3. ibid.
    • The King of Cotta disswades him from chang­ing his Religion, lib. 4. n. 8. p. 208.
    • The King of Candea consents, lib. 4. num. 9. pag. 209.
    • Afterwards repents of what he hath done, lib. 4. num. 16. pag. 212.
  • Charls the fifth, Emperour.
    • Resolves to find out Barba-Rossa, lib. 1. num. 9. pag. 4.
    • A pass of Civility betwixt him and the In­fante Dom Lewis, lib. 1. n. 12. p. 6.
    • Would have Knighted Dom John de Castro, but he excus'd it, lib. 1. num. 13. pag. 7.
    • His reward to the Commanders of the Fleet, which Dom John refuseth, lib. 1. ibid.
    • Adviseth the King Dom John of the designs of the Turk, lib. 1. n. 24. p. 13.
    • Asketh supplies of him to resist him, lib. 1. num. 25. pag. 13.
  • Catherina de Sousa.
    • Writes to the Governour, and offers him her Iewels for the carrying on the Warr, lib. 2. num. 91. pag. 109.
  • Caxem.
    • The King of Caxem sends for help to the Go­vernour, lib. 4. num. 83. pag. 247.
    • The Governour sends Dom John de Attayde with four Ships. ibid.
  • Cealaon.
    • The King Dom John the third sends some Franciscan Friers to preach the Gospel in Zeilan, lib. 4. num. 1. pag. 204.
  • Coge-Sofar.
    • Perswades Mahomet King of Cambaya to take Dio from the Portuguese, lib. 2. num. 3. pag. 54.
    • Who this Moor was, lib. 2. n. 4. ibid.
    • How he came to Cambaya, lib. 2. num. 6. pag. 56.
    • His arguments for the design of Dio, lib. 2. num. 7. pag. 57.
    • His proposition to the Commander of the For­tress, lib. 2. num. 21. pag. 70.
    • He strives to gain it by treachery, lib. 2. num. 24.
    • He comes to Dio with an Army, lib. 2. num. 25. pag. 73.
    • His Ammunition and Provision, lib. 2. num. 27. pag. 74.
    • His Speech to his men, lib. 2. n. 28. ibid.
    • He makes propositions again to the Commander of the Fortress, lib. 2. num. 29. pag. 75.
    • Recruits come to him, lib. 2. n. 34. p. 79.
    • He begins to Batter the Fortress, lib. 2. num. 35. pag. 80.
    • The stratagem he laid in a Ship, lib. 2. num. 36. ibid.
    • Which the Portuguese defeat, lib. 2. num. 37. pag. 81.
    • He continues his Battery, lib. 2. num. 38, 39. 48. 51. pag. 82. 86. 88.
    • He makes an Oath to take Dio, or perish in the design, lib. 2. num. 53. pag. 89.
    • He Dies with a Musket shot, lib. 2. num. 60. pag. 92.
  • Compassion.
    • The Compassion of the Governour Dom John de Castro, lib. 1. num. 37. pag. 20. num. 38. pag. 21. lib. 4. num. 54. pag. 234. num. 100. pag. 262.
  • Cotta.
    • A Kingdome in the Island of Zeilan, lib. 4. num. 1. pag. 204.
    • The King receives the Franciscans ibid.
    • It disswaded from changing his Religion, lib. 4. num. 8. pag. 208.
  • Cross.
    • The Governour Dom John de Castro's Vene­ration to the Holy Cross, lib. 1. num. 56. pag. 33.
    • The finding the Cross of St. Thomas, lib. 1. num. 57. pag. 34.
    • The miracle of that Cross ibid.
    • How the Governour was affected at the News, lib. 1. num. 58. pag. 37.
  • Dabul.
    • A City of Hidalcaon's, lib. 4. num. 60. pag. 236.
    • Enter'd and Destroy'd by the Governour and [Page] his Son Dom Alvaro, lib. 4. num. 61. pag. 236.
  • Dabul the upper.
    • Another City of the same name Destroyed by the Governour and his Son, lib. 4. num. 70. pag. 240.
  • Dio.
    • The description of the Island, lib. 2. num. 26. pag. 73.
    • Coge-Sofar begins to Batter the Fortress, lib. 2. num. 35. pag. 80.
    • The Enemies command the Ditch, lib. 2. num. 48. pag. 86.
    • A postern found in the Fortress, by which the Commander repairs some Breaches, lib. 2. num. 59. p. 92.
    • After that he Shuts it up, lib. 2. num. 61. pag. 93.
    • The scarcity in the Fortress, lib. 2. num. 62. ibid.
    • The courage and resistance of the Portuguese, lib. 2. num. 69. pag. 97.
    • Another Assault, lib. 2. n. 73. p. 100.
    • The Turks get upon the Church, where Dom John Mascarenhas goes to help, lib. 2. num. 81. pag. 104.
    • They fight there with great Courage ibid.
    • The Enemies retire, lib. 2. n. 82. p. 104.
    • Many of them Dye, lib. 2. n. 84. p. 106.
    • The Valour of fourteen Portuguese Souldiers, lib. 2. num. 95. pag. 112.
    • A general Assault, lib. 2. n. 96. p. 113.
    • How the Portuguese prevent the fire, lib. 2. num. 97. ibid.
    • The Enemy retires, lib. 2. n. 99. p. 114.
    • With what loss ibid.
    • Another assault, lib. 2. n. 102. p. 116.
    • The Portuguese's resistance, lib. 2. num. 103. ibid.
    • The great loss of the Enemies, lib. 2. num. 105. pag. 117.
    • The wants of the Fortress, lib. 2. num. 106. pag. 148.
    • What provision they make in the want of Pots of Powder, lib. 2. num. 108. ibid.
    • The Enemy makes as if he would give another Assault, lib. 2. num. 114. pag. 121.
    • Notable courage of five Souldiers, lib. 2. num. 116. pag. 123.
    • Their names, lib. 2. num. 119. pag. 124.
    • The Portuguese repair the Mines, lib. 2. num. 126. pag. 130.
    • The Enemy gives another Assault, lib. 2. num. 134. pag. 135.
    • The Portuguese's stout resistance, ibid.
    • The danger in which they are, lib. 2. n. 137. p. 137. n. 142. p. 141.
    • The defend the Breachers of the Mine, lib. 2. num. 145. pag. 142.
    • The extremity the Fortress is in, lib. 2. num. 155. pag. 148.
    • The resolution of the Portuguese to Sally out and find the Enemy, lib. 2. num. 161. pag. 151.
    • They go on in their Resolution against the opi­nion of the Commanders, lib. 2. num. 163. pag. 152.
    • Their last Sally, and their Order, lib. 2. num. 164. pag. 153.
    • The Enemies resistance, lib. 2. num. 165. ibid.
    • The Portuguese's loss in this Disorder, lib. 2. num. 170. pag. 155.
    • After this the Portuguese take fourteen Vessels carrying Provisions to the Enemy, lib. 2. num. 179. pag. 167.
    • The unfortunate Gallantry of three Portuguese Souldiers, lib. 3. num. 15. pag. 181.
    • The Victory, lib. 3. num. 25. pag. 187.
    • The number of the Enemies loss, lib. 3. num. 27. pag. 188.
    • The Booty and Plunder of the Castle, lib. 3. num. 28. ibid.
    • A Canon brought from Dio and put into Saint Gilians ibid.
    • The number of the De [...]d, pag. 189.
    • The Governour re-builds the Fortress, lib. 3. n. 29. ibid. n. 31. p. 194.
    • Dom John Mascarenhas leaves the place, and the Governour entrusts it with Lewis Fal­caon, lib. 4. num. 53. pag. 233.
  • Don Diogo de Almeyda Freire.
    • Commander in Chief in Goa, lib. 2. num. 180. pag. 162.
    • Is against the Governours resolution of going to Dio, ibid.
    • He remains in the Government in his absence, lib. 3. num. 1. pag. 167.
    • Visits him at Sea when he returns, lib. 3. num. 39. pag. 199.
    • Is sent by the Governour against [...] lib. 4. n. 19. p. 214. n. 32. p. 222.
    • Comes to the Fortress [...]f Rachal ibid.
    • Where he retires his men ibid.
    • Goes out against Hidalcaon, lib. 4.
    • num. 38. pag. 226.
    • [Page] Destres to do so upon an other occasion, lib. 4. num. 58. pag. 235.
    • The City hinders him, ibid.
    • He adviseth the Governour, lib. 4. num. 59. pag. 236.
    • Who stays for him at Agacaim, lib. 4. num. 62. pag. 237.
    • He kills the Enemies General, lib. 4. num. 36. pag. 239.
    • He continueth in the Country Salsete with some Horse, lib. 4. num. 69. pag. 240.
    • The Vice-Roy resigns the Government of the State to him and the Bishop, lib. 4. num. 101. pag. 263.
  • Diogo de Anaya.
    • A famous Action of his, in getting intelligence from the Enemy, lib. 2. n. 52. p. 81.
  • Diogo de Reynoso.
    • The Governour recommends his Son Dom Fernando to him, lib. 2. num. 30. pag. 77.
    • He helps in Saint Thomas's work, lib. 2. num. 100. pag. 119.
    • His too great Courage is the occasion of the loss of a great many men in the Ruine, lib. 2. num. 115. pag. 122.
  • Diogo Soarez de Mello.
    • Being in Patane, is sent for by Simaon de Mello to come to Melaca, lib. 4. n. 43. p. 216.
    • Whether he goes, lib. 4. num. 24. pag. 351.
    • He goes out with Don Francisco d' Eca against the King of Achem, lib. 4. num. 25. pag. 217.
    • He pacifi [...]th the mutiny of the Souldiers, lib. 4. num. 26. pag. 218.
    • He makes the Enemies Admiral Galley yield, lib. 4. num. 27. pag. 219.
  • St. Dominicks de Bemfica.
    • A [...] near Lisbone, lib. 4. num. 105. pag. 265.
    • The Bishop [...] General Builds a rich Chapel there, lib. 4. num. 106. pag. 266.
    • [...]
    • And Dom Alvaro de Castro's lib. 4. num. 108. pag. 268.
  • Dom Duarte de Menezes.
    • Governour of Tangier, lib. 1. n. 3. p. 2.
    • Knights Dom John de Castro, lib. 1. num. 5. ibid.
    • Informs the King of his deserts, ibid.
    • Goes from Bacaim, lib. 2. n. 139. p. 138.
    • Arrives at Dio. lib. 2. n. 140. p. 139.
    • His Valour in the Fight, lib. 2. num. 169. pag. 155.
    • A Duel between Dom John Manoel, and John Falcaon, and how stoutly they behaved themselves against the Enemy, lib. 3. num. 16. pag. 182.
  • Dom Estavaon da Gama.
    • Succeeds Dom Garcia de Noronha in the Go­ment of India, lib. 1. num. 18. pag. 8.
    • Goes to the Red-Sea, lib. 1. n. 19. p. 9.
    • Knights Dom Alvaro de Castro, lib. 1. num. 20. pag. 10.
  • Fausto Serraon de Calvos.
    • THe witty answer he gives to the Gover­nour, lib. 4. num. 48. pag. 231.
  • Fernaon Carvallo.
    • Sends to get Intelligence by order from the Commander of Dio, lib. 2. n. 50. p. 87.
    • Adviseth the Governour what he saw amongst the Enemies, lib. 2. num. 7. pag. 99.
  • Dom Fernando de Castro.
    • Goes to India with the Governour his Father, lib. 1. num. 35. pag. 19.
    • Goes with Relief to Dio, lib. 2. num. 30. pag. 76.
    • Arrives at the Fortress, lib. [...]. num. 40. pag. 83.
    • His Reception by the Commander, lib. 2. num. 41. ibid.
    • He askes him leave to Sally out against the [...] Enemy, which he denies him, lib. 2. num. 46. pag. 86.
    • His C [...]age, lib. 2. num. 98. pag. 1 [...]4.
    • [...] sick he goes to help in Saint Thomas's work, lib. 2. num. 11 [...]. pag. 1 [...].
    • He dies in the Blowing up of a mine with other Gentlemen, lib. 2. n. 125. p. 122.
    • [Page] Where his Body is laid, lib. 2. num. 120. pag. 125.
    • The Governour commands his Bones to be taken up, to pawn them to the City of Goa, but in vain, lib. 3. num. 29. pag. 189.
  • Fernaon Perez.
    • Is the first who scales Xael against the Far­taques, lib. 4. num. 90. pag. 252.
  • Fernaon de Sousa.
    • Is sent by the Governour to Maluco, lib. 2. num. 14. pag. 66.
    • Answers the Letters of de Ruy Lopez de Vil­lalobos Commander of the Castillians, lib. 2. n. 15. p. 67. n. 17. p. 68,
    • Goes in Person to parley with him, lib. 2. ib.
    • Their agreement. ibid.
    • His behaviour, upon the Castillian's breaking his word, lib. 2. num. 20. pag. 69.
  • Dom Francisdo d' Eca.
    • Goes from Malaca against the King of Achem. Commanded by Simaon de Mello, lib. 4. num. 25. pag. 217.
    • Hears where he is, and hath a mind to follow him, lib. 4. num. 26. pag. 218.
    • The Souldiers mutiny ibid.
    • He comes in sight of the Enemy, lib. 4. num. 27. pag. 218.
  • Francisco Guilherme.
    • Goes from Bacaim, lib. 2. n. 139. p. 138.
    • Arrives at Dio, lib. 2. n. 143. p. 141.
  • Francisco de Mello.
    • Governour of the Fortress of Rachol, lib. 4. num. 38. pag. 226.
    • He sends to the Governour to joyn with him a­gainst Hidalcaon ibid.
  • Dom Francisco de Menezes.
    • Goes with Relief to Dio, lib. 2. num. 87. pag. 108.
    • Arrives at Bacaim, lib. 2. n. 122. p. 127.
    • Afterwards at Agacaim, lib. 2. num. 158. pag. 149.
    • His Courage in Dio, lib. 2. n. 160. p. 151.
    • He is against the Portuguese resolution of Sallying, lib. 2. num. 162. pag. 152.
    • Goes along with them in the Sally, lib. 2. num. 164. pag. 153.
    • He Died by a Bullet, lib. 2. n. 168. p. 154.
  • Francisco Vieira.
    • And Manoel Pereira another Souldier of fortune stay in Adem, upon the departure of Dom Payo, and Fight stoutly, lib. 4. n. 86. p. 249.
    • They save a Prince in the Defeat, whom they carried to Campar, lib. 4. n. 87. p. 250.
  • Saint Francisco Xavier.
    • A faithfull Labourer in the Vineyard of our Saviour, lib. 1. num. 71. pag. 50.
    • He quiets the people of Malaca, lib. 4. num. 30. pag. 220.
    • He fore-tells the Victory, and the manner of it, pag. 229.
    • He is Assistant to the Vice-Roy Dom John in his Sickness, and till his Death, lib. 4. num. 103. pag. 264.
  • Gandar.
    • A City on the Coast of Cambaya, destroy'd by Manoel de Lima, lib. 3. num. 33. pag. 318.
  • Dom Garcia de Norunha.
    • Going to govern India carries with him Dom John de Castro, lib. 1. n. 16. p. 8.
    • He Dies in a little time, and is succeeded by Dom Estavaon da Gama, lib 1. ibid.
  • Garcia Rodriguez de Tavora.
    • Goes to Dio with Antonio Moniz Barretto, lib. 2. num. 123. pag. 128.
    • The brave Iealousie betwixt them, lib. 2. num. 124. pag. 210.
    • His Courage in the Fight, lib. 2. num. 130. pag. 133.
  • Guil. Goutinho.
    • Commander of Saint Johns work, lib. 2. num. 32. pag. 78.
    • The care and courage of his Fighting, lib. 2. num. 53. pag. 89.
    • He is blown up in a Mine, lib. 2. num. 115. pag. 122.
  • [Page]
    • A City on the Coast of Cambaya, whither Dom Manoel da Lima goes, lib. 3. n. 32. p. 195. Plunder'd and Burnt ibid.
  • Hidaldaon.
    • HIs first Embassy to the Governour Dom John, lib. 1. num. 43. pag. 24.
    • Who this Moor was ibid.
    • How he seiseth on the Crown, lib. 1. num. 46. pag. 26.
    • His trouble upon Meale's coming to Goa, lib. 1. num. 48. pag. 28.
    • Offers great Conditions to the Governour Mar­tim Alfonso de Sousa for the Person of Meale, lib. 1. num. 49. pag. 29.
    • His first coming against the State of India, lib. 1. num. 53. pag. 31.
    • He treats upon a Peace, seeing the fortune of the Portuguese arms, lib. 1. n. 66. p. 43.
    • The Governour accepts it, lib. 1. num. 67. ibid.
    • He sends Souldiers upon the main Land, lib. 4. num. 18. pag. 214. n. 31. p. 222.
    • His perplexity ibid.
    • He retires to Ponda, lib. 4. n. 39. p. 226.
    • The Governour follows him, lib. 4. num. 40. pag. 217.
    • Makes him retire to the Mountain ibid.
    • He renews the Warr, lib. 4. n. 57. p. 235.
    • His losses, lib. 4. num. 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, & 70.
  • Jacome Leite.
    • DEfeats a Stratagem of Coge-Sofars, lib. 2. num. 37. pag. 81.
    • Takes store of Provision from the Enemy, with the Slaughter of many of his men, lib. 2. num. 45. pag. 81.
  • The King Dom John.
    • Sends for Dom John de Castro from Tangie; and Rewards him, lib. 1. num. 6. pag. 3.
    • What he gives him at his first going to India, lib. 1. num. 16. pag. 8.
    • Makes him Admiral of the Navy of the Coast, lib. 1. num. 21. pag. 10.
    • Afterwards of the Fleet against the Turk, lib. 1. num. 26. pag. 14.
    • His confidence in him, lib. 1. num. 27. pag. 14.
    • He elects him for Governour of India, lib. 1. num. 33. pag. 18.
    • The Letter he writes him, lib. 1. num. 69. pag. 44.
    • His rejoycing for the news of the Victory of Dio, lib. 4. num. 94. pag. 253.
    • Another Letter he writes him, and the Re­wards bestowed upon him, lib. 4. num. 95. pag. 254.
    • He prolongs his Government three years more, with the [...]itle of Vice-Roy, lib. 4. num. 98. pag. 261.
    • He sends six Ships to India, lib. 4. num. 99. pag. 262.
  • Dom John de Albequerque Bishop.
    • He remains in the Government with Dom Diogo de Almeyda, in the absence of the Governour, lib. 3. num. 1. pag. 167.
    • At his return visits him on the Sea, lib. 3. num. 39. pag. 199.
    • Receives him in the See with a Te Deum Laudamus, lib. 3. num. 41. pag. 203.
    • The Vice-Roy at his Death resigns the Govern­ment to him, and Dom Diogo d' Almeyda, lib. 4. num. 101. pag. 263.
  • Dom John d' Almeyda.
    • And his Brother Dom Pedro intrusted with Saint James's work at Dio, lib. 2. num. 32. pag. 78.
    • They Sally out against the Enemy, and their Execution, lib. 2. num. 94. pag. 111.
    • His Courage in the Fight, lib. 2. num. 53. 68. 75.
  • Dom John d' Attayde.
    • Goes to Adem with Dom Alvaro de Castro, lib. 4. num. 82. pag. 247.
    • The Governour sends him to Caxem, lib. 4. num. 8. pag. 248.
    • The success of his Voyage, lib. 4. num. 88. pag. 250.
    • He is met with by Dom Alvaro, lib. 4. num. 89. ibid.
    • His Courage at Xael, lib. 4. num. 91. pag. 252.
  • Dom John de Castro.
    • [Page]His first Studies, lib. 1. num. 1. pag. 1.
    • Applies himself to the Mathematicks, lib. 1. num. 2. pag. 1.
    • He goes to Tangiers, lib. 1. num. 4. pag. 2.
    • His behaviour at Court, lib. 1. num. 7. pag. 3.
    • He Marries Dona Leonor Coutinho, lib. 1. num. 8. ibid.
    • He goes to Tunis, lib. 1. num. 9. ibid.
    • Returned from that Expedition, he retires to Sintra, lib. 1. num. 14. pag. 7.
    • His first Voyage to the Indies, lib. 1. num. 15. pag. 7.
    • In the company of Dom Garcia de Noronha, lib. 1. num. 16. pag. 8.
    • He goes with Relief to Dio, lib. 1. num. 17. pag. 8.
    • He goes to the Red-Sea with Dom Estevaon da Gama, lib. 1. num. 19. pag. 9.
    • He makes a Iournal of the Voyage ibid.
    • He returns to Portugall, and the King makes him Admiral of the Navy of the Coast, lib. 1. num. 21. pag. 10.
    • He defeats seven Ships of the Pirats ibid.
    • Brings in the Fleet from India. ibid.
    • The King makes him Admiral of the Navy against the Turk, lib. 1. num. 26. pag. 14.
    • He discourseth with Dom Alvaro Bacaon, the Emperours Admiral, about the Action, lib. 1. num. 28. pag. 15.
    • They resolve to Fight ibid.
    • He continues in that opinion against the Spanish General ibid.
    • Expects the Enemy three days in the Streights mouth, lib. 1. num. 29. pag. 16.
    • Goes to Ceita, lib. 1. num. 3. pag. 16.
    • Returns to Lisbone, and retires to Sintra, ibid.
    • The King makes him Governour of India, lib. 1. num. 33. pag. 18.
    • He takes care for providing the Fleet, lib. 1. num. 34. pag. 19.
    • He reproves the fine Cloaths of his Son, lib. 1. num. 35. ibid.
    • He departs for India, lib. 1. num. 37. pag. 20.
    • He arrives at Mozambick, lib. 1. num. 38. pag. 21.
    • He departs thence for Goa, lib. 1. num. 39. pag. 22.
    • His reception there, lib. 1. num. 40. ibid.
    • The condition he finds India in, lib. 1. num. 41. pag. 23.
    • His answer to Hidalcaon about the business of Meale, lib. 1. num. 51. pag. 30.
    • His preparaetions for the Warr, lib. 1. num. 52. pag. 31.
    • He goes against Azedecaon one of Hidalcaon's Commanders, lib. 1. num. 55. pag. 33.
    • He fights him, and routs him ibid.
    • He takes care about the affairs of the State, lib. 1. num. 68. pag. 44.
    • And about matters of Religion ibid.
    • He sends men to Dio, lib. 2. num. 10. pag. 64.
    • He writes to Sultan Mahomet concerning that Fortress ibid.
    • He sends Recruits to Dio, lib. 2. num. 23. pag. 72.
    • Afterwards his Son Dom Ferdinando with fresh Recruits, lib. 2. num. 30. pag. 76.
    • Writes a civil Letter to Dom John Masca­renhas, lib. 2. num. 31. pag. 72.
    • Proclaims Warr against Cambaya, lib. 2. num. 43. pag. 84.
    • Writes to all the places, and borrows Money to relieve Dio, lib. 2. num. 44. pag. 85.
    • Makes publick Prayers ibid.
    • His sollicitousness about the R [...]cruits, lib. 2. num. 86. pag. 107.
    • He sends his Son Dom Alvaro, lib. 3. num. 87. ibid.
    • And Dom Francisco de Menezes, lib. 2. ibid.
    • The preparation he makes, lib. 2. num. 89. pag. 108. num. 92. pag. 110.
    • Hears news from Dio, lib. 2. num. 175. pag. 158.
    • The piety and chearfulness with which he re­ceives it ibid.
    • His constancy on the news of the Death of his Son Dom Ferdinando ibid.
    • He makes a Procession for Thanksgiving, lib. 2. num. 176. pag. 159.
    • He declares in Council his resolution to go to Dio, lib. 2. num. 180. pag. 162.
    • Which is spoke against, lib. 2. num. 181. pag. 162.
    • Yet he resolves to go, lib. 2. num. 182. pag. 165.
    • He departs from Goa to relieve Dio, lib. 3. num. 1. pag. 167.
    • His Fleet, and the Commanders, lib. 3. num. 2. pag. 168.
    • He arrives at Bacaim, and makes Warr upon Cambaya, lib. 3. num. 3. pag. 168.
    • He goes into Dio, lib. 3. n. 9. p. 175.
    • He holds a Council at Sea, lib. 3. num. 10. ibid.
    • [Page] Puts his men into Dio ibid.
    • Resolves to Fight, lib. 3. n. 12. p. 177.
    • The orders he gives to the Fleet ibid.
    • He speaks to the Souldiers, lib. 3. num. 13. pag. 178.
    • The order he puts them in, lib. 3. num. 14. ibid.
    • He Sallies out of the Fortress, lib. 3. num. 15. pag. 181.
    • The danger he is in, and how he frees himself, lib. 3. num. 18. pag. 183.
    • He cries out Victory, and persues it ibid.
    • He fights in Person, lib. 3. n. 19. p. 184.
    • He falls upon Rumecaon, lib. 3. num. 21. pag. 185.
    • Gets the Victory, lib. 3. num. 25. pag. 187.
    • Is congratulated for the Victory, lib. 3. num. 29. pag. 188.
    • He re-builds the Fortress, lib. 3. num. 29. pag. 189.
    • He pawns the hairs of his Beard ibid.
    • The Citizens of Goa return them with the Money he ask't, lib. 3. n. 30. p. 191.
    • He goes on with the work at the Fortress, lib. 3. num, 31. pag. 194.
    • He sends Dom Manoel de Lima to make Warr on the Coast of Cambaya, lib. 3. num. 32. ibid.
    • After him Antonio Moniz to look for the Ships of Cambaya, lib. 3. num. 35. pag. 197.
    • Hath news from Ormus about Commotions there, lib. 3. num. 36. ibid.
    • He sends Dom Manoel da Lima thither, lib. 3. num. 37. pag. 198.
    • He writes to the King Dom John about the deserts of the Souldiers, ibid. pag. 199.
    • Imbarks for Goa, lib. 3. num. 39. ibid.
    • Arrives there, and is Visited at Sea, the Tri­umphorder'd him, and the Description of it, lib. 3. n. 39. p. 199. n. 40. p. 220.
    • His entrance into the City, lib. 3. num. 41. pag. 201.
    • One of the Magistrates makes him a Speech ibid.
    • He goes to the Bishops See, and acknowledgeth God to be the Author of Victories, lib. 3. pag. 203.
    • He endeavours the Conversion of the King of Candea, and sends Antonio Moniz Barretto thither, lib. 4. num. 4. pag. 205.
    • He sends Dom Diogo de Almeyda against Hidalcaon, lib. 4. num. 19. pag. 214.
    • And after him other Forces, lib. 4. ibid.
    • Consults about the Warr against Hidalcaon, lib. 4. num. 33. pag. 223.
    • Which is deferr'd till another time ibid.
    • He exerciseth his Souldiers, lib. 4. num. 34. pag. 223.
    • And encourageth them ibid.
    • Receives advice from Dio, lib. 4. num. 35. pag. 224.
    • Which he communicates to the Council, and de­sires their help. num. 36. ibid.
    • Adviseth Chaul and Bacaim, lib. 4 num. 36. pag. 225.
    • Resolves upon a Warr against Hidalcaon, lib. 4. num. 38. pag. 226.
    • The order of his men ibid.
    • Embassadors come to him from Canara, lib. 4 num. 39. pag. 226.
    • He gives them Audience, and dispatcheth them ibid.
    • He persues Hidalcaon, lib. 4. num. 40. pag. 227.
    • He goes to Goa, lib. 4. num. 42. pag. 228.
    • He returns to Dio and his Fleet, num. 43. ibid.
    • He arrives at Barcaim, lib. 4. num. 44. pag. 229.
    • He sends his Son Dom Alvaro to Surat ibid.
    • His gallantry to fright the Moors, lib. 4. num. 48. pag. 231.
    • He joyns with Dom Alvaro at the Barr of Sutat, lib. 4. num. 49. ibid.
    • He goes in sight of the Sultan, and presents him Battail ibid.
    • His Speech to the Souldiers, lib. 4. num. 50. pag. 232.
    • The answer of the Gentlemen and Officers, num. 51. ibid.
    • He stays three hours in the Field, and returns on Board, lib. 4. num. 51. pag. 233.
    • What mischief he does the Enemy, num. 52. ibid.
    • He arrives at Dio, lib. 3. n. 53. p. 233.
    • Upon Dom John Mascarenhas's resigning the place, he delivers it to Lewis Falcaon ib.
    • He imbarks for Bacaim, lib. 4. num. 54. pag. 234.
    • Whence he writes to the King, putting him in mind of those who had serv'd him, lib. 4. num. 56. pag. 235.
    • The reward he beggs of him, lib. 4. num. 94. pag. 253.
    • Takes Shipping for Goa, and goes in sight of Dabul, lib. 4. num. 60. pag. 236.
    • Takes the City, lib. 4. num. 61. pag. 237.
    • Arrives at Agacaim, num. 62. ibid.
    • Falls upon the Enemies, num. 63. ibid.
    • Fights in Person, lib. 4. num. 67. pag. 239.
    • Gets the Victory ibid.
    • [Page] Dispatcheth the Ships for the Kingdome, lib. 4. num. 68. pag. 240.
    • Continueth the Warr against Hidalcaon, num. 69. ibid.
    • He Destroys the upper Dabul, num. 70. ibid.
    • Goes to Bacaim and spoils Cambaya, lib. 4. num. 71. pag. 241.
    • The Inhabitants of Adem send to him for Re­lief against the Tyrant, lib. 4. num. 80. pag. 246.
    • The Governour sends his Son Dom Alvaro to them, lib. 4. num. 82. pag. 246.
    • Embassadours from the King of Caxem come to him, lib. 4. num. 83. pag. 247.
    • The Governours answer, and the Relief he sends them ibid.
    • He receives Letters from the King Dom John, from the Queen Dona Catherina, and from the Infante Dom Lewis, lib. 4. num. 95, 96, 97. pag. 254.
    • The King prolongs his Government by the Title of Vice-Roy, lib. 4. num. 98. pag. 261.
    • There arrives a Ship at Goa from Portugall, lib. 4. num. 100.
    • He receives Letters, and finds there his Ho­nours and Reward ibid.
    • He falls Sick, and resigns the Government, lib. 4. num. 101.
    • He sends for the Governours, and speaks to them, lib. 4. num. 102.
    • The Oath he takes before them ibid.
    • Knowing the danger of his Sickness, retires himself with Saint Francisco Xaverius, lib. 4. num. 103.
    • His Death, Burial, and the general grief, ibid.
    • His Bones come to Portugall, and are Depo­sited at Saint Dominicks in Lisbone, and from thence are carried to Bemfica, lib. 4. num. 104. pag. 265.
    • The Family of the Vice-Roy Dom John de Castro, lib. 4. num. 110. pag. 269.
    • His Children, lib. 4. pag. 272.
  • John Coelho.
    • Chaplain in the Fortress of Dio, offers him­self to go to the Governour, lib. 2. num. 63. pag. 94.
    • His news comes to him, lib. 3. num. 87. pag. 107.
    • He returns to Dio, lib. 2. n. 101. p. 115.
    • He encourageth the Souldiers in the Fight, lib. 2. num. 118. pag. 114.
  • John Falcaon.
    • The challenge between him and Dom John Manoel, lib. 3. num. 16. pag. 181.
    • How 'tis made up ibid.
    • Upon the Wall he is cut to pieces ibid.
  • Don John Manoel.
    • His challenge with John Falcaon, and how 'tis composed ibid.
    • Upon the Wall he hath his hands and head cut off ibid.
  • Dom John Mascarenhas.
    • Commander of Dio, lib. 2. n. 9. p. 64.
    • Adviseth the Governour Dom John de Castro of the designs of Coge-Sofar ibid.
    • The proposition the Moor makes him, lib. 2. num. 21. pag. 70.
    • His answer, and second advice to the Gover­nour, lib. 2. num. 22. pag. 71.
    • The provisions he makes against the Warr, lib. 2. num. 25. pag. 72.
    • His answer to another proposition of Coge-Sofars, lib. 2. num. 29. pag. 76.
    • He disposeth the Posts of the Fortress, lib. 2. num. 32. pag. 78.
    • Speaks to the Souldiers, lib. 2. num. 33. ibid.
    • How he receiv'd Don Ferdinand de Castro who came with Relief, lib. 2. num. 41. pag. 83.
    • Sends news over-Land to the King Dom John, lib. 2. num. 47. pag. 86.
    • His care and vigilancy, lib. 2. num. 58. pag. 138. 154.
    • His design to defeat an other of the Enemy, lib. 2. num. 65. pag. 94.
    • He repairs the Breaches of the Fortress, lib. 2. num. 71. pag. 98.
    • He helps to beat the Turks out, lib. 2. num. 79. pag. 103.
    • Does it with great Courage, lib. 2. num. 80. ibid.
    • His brave Resolution, lib. 2. num. 121. pag. 126.
    • He adviseth Dom Alvaro de Castro of the Streights of the Fortress, lib. 2. num. 125. pag. 130.
    • How he receives him at his Arrival, lib. 2. num. 158. pag. 149.
    • He adviseth the Governour of the success of the Fortress, lib. 2. num. 159. pag. 150.
    • [Page] He disswades the Portuguese, who desire to Sally out upon the Enemy, lib. 2. num. 162. pag. 151.
    • But seeing their Resolution, goes along with them, lib. 2. num. 163. pag. 152.
    • The prudence of his Carriage, lib. 2. num. 169. pag. 154.
    • He puts his Souldiers in order, lib. 2. num. 170. pag. 155.
    • How he receives the Governour, lib. 3. num. 9. pag. 175.
    • What men the Governour assigns him for the Fight, lib. 3. num. 14. pag. 178.
    • His behaviour in it, lib. 3. num. 17. pag. 182. n. 24. p. 186.
    • Enters the City, lib. 3. num. 23. ibid.
    • Resolves to leave his Government before his time be expired, lib. 3. num. 34. pag. 196.
    • He accepts of it again, and remains there, lib. 3. num. 37. pag. 198.
    • Adviseth the Governour of the Resolutions of the King of Cambaya, lib. 4. num. 35. pag. 224.
    • He resigns the place, lib. 4. num. 53. pag. 233.
    • He takes Shipping for Portugall, lib. 4. num. 68. pag. 240.
    • His praises ibid.
  • Mr. John the Chirurgion.
    • One of the five Souldiers who stoutly resist [...] the Enemy at Dio, lib. 2. num. 199. pag. 125.
  • Dom Jeronimo de Menezes.
    • Commander in chief of Bacaim, lib. 2. num. 178. pag. 160.
    • He assigns fifteen Ships to Vasco de Cunha to carry them to Dio ibid.
  • Jordaon de Freitas.
    • Commander of the Malucos, lib. 4. num. 20. pag. 215.
    • He takes the King Aeyro, and sends him to the Governour ibid.
    • He resigns the Government of the Malucoes to Bernardim de Sousa, lib. 4. n. 21. ibid.
  • Dom George de Menezes.
    • Goes out of Bacaim, lib. 2. n. 139. p. 138.
    • Arrives at Dio, lib. 2. num. 140. pag. 139.
    • The valour of his Fighting, lib. 2. num. 169. pag. 154.
    • By the command of the Governour he stays in the Bay of Cambay [...], lib. 3. num. 38. pag. 199.
    • He takes from the Enemy some Barques of Provisions, lib. 4. num. 5. pag. 206.
    • Fat [...]s upon the City Baro [...]he, lib. 4. ibid.
    • Which he Destroys and Fires, lib. 4. num. 6. pag. 207.
    • He takes the Sirname of Baroche ibid.
    • Goes for Dio with the Governour, lib. 4. num. 43. pag. 228.
    • By order from Dom Alvaro he goes to Surat, lib. 4. num. 45. pag. 229.
    • He goes on Shore, and with great Valour enters, a [...]illage, pag. 230.
    • He comes to the Souldiers help whilst they are Fighting, lib. 4. ibid.
    • He desires five hundred Musquetteers of the Governour to face the Sultan, lib. 4. num. 51. pag. 233.
    • He takes some of the Mecca Fleet, lib. 4. num. 71. pag. 241.
  • Isabell Fernandez.
    • A stout Matron, commonly call'd the old Wo­man of Dio, lib. 2. num. 51. pag. 90.
    • Her courage upon divers occasions, lib. 2. num. 117. pag. 123. num. 130. pag. 133.
  • Isabell Madeira.
    • Her particular Courage in the Warr of Dio, lib. 2. num. 119. pag. 124.
  • Juzarcaon.
    • A stout Abissine, whom Sultan Mahomet leaves in his place at the Siege of Dio, lib. 2. num. 51. pag. 88.
    • He vows to win the Fortress, or perish in the design, lib. 2. num. 53. pag. 89.
    • He falls upon Saint John's Bastion, lib. 2. num. 67. pag. 96.
    • He invests the Fause-bray, lib. 2. num. 77. pag. 102.
    • He is kill'd with a Bullet, lib. 2. num. 84. pag. 105.
  • Another Juzarcaon.
    • He goes to continue the Siege of Dio, lib. 2. num. 93. pag. 111.
    • [Page] Falls upon Saint John's work, lib. 2. num. 104. pag. 117.
    • Comes out of his Quarters to Fight with the Portuguese, lib. 2. num. 165. pag. 153.
  • Letters.
    • The King Dom John's to the Governour Dom John de Castro, lib. 1. num. 69. pag. 44.
    • Catherine de Sousa's to the Governour, lib. 2. num. 91. pag. 109.
    • The Infante Dom Lewis's, lib. 3. n. 5. p. 170.
    • The Governour's to the Citizens of Goa, in which he askes 20000. Pardaos upon the hairs of his Beard, lib. 3. num. 29. pag. 190.
    • The answer, lib. 3. num. 30. pag. 192.
    • The Governour's to his Son Dom Alvaro, a­bout Dom John Mascarenhas, lib. 3. num. 37. pag. 199.
    • Another of the King's to the Governour, lib. 4. num. 95. pag. 254.
    • The Queen Dona Catherine's to him, lib. 4. num. 96. pag. 255.
    • The Infante Dom Lewis's to him, lib. 4. num. 97. pag. 259.
  • Infante Dom Lewis.
    • LEarns the Mathematicks, lib. 1. num. 2. pag. 1.
    • Goes to Tunis with the Emperour his Brother-in-law, lib. 1. num. 10. pag. 5.
    • The Civility that pass'd between him and the Emperour, lib. 1. num. 12. pag. 6.
    • He propounds Dom John de Castro for Gover­nour of India, lib. 1. num. 32. pag. 18.
  • Lewis de Almeyda.
    • Is sent by the Governour with six Carvills to relieve Dio, lib. 2. num. 177. pag. 159.
    • He arrives at the Fortress, lib. 2. num. 178. pag. 160.
    • He is commanded by Dom Alvaro de Castro, to look for the Mecca Fleet, lib. 2. num. 179. pag. 161.
    • He takes two of them, and goes with them to Dio, ibid.
  • Lewis Falcaon.
    • Comes from his Goverment of Ormus to Dio, lib. 4. num. 53. pag. 233.
    • Dom John Mascarenhas leaving the place, the Governour gives it him ibid.
  • Lewis de Mello de Mendoca.
    • Goes from Bacaim to Dio, lib. 2. num. 139. pag. 138.
    • The dangers of his Voyage ibid.
    • He resists those who would go back, lib. 2. num. 140. pag. 139.
    • He arrives at Dio, and tells news of Dom Alvaro ibid.
    • Is Lodg'd on Saint James's work, pag. 140.
    • Dyes by a Bullet, lib. 2. n. 167. p. 154.
  • Lewis de Sousa.
    • Commander of St. Thomas's work, lib. 2. num. 32. pag. 78.
    • His care and Valour in Fighting, lib. 2. num. 53. pag. 67. 74. 98. 102. 134. 170.
  • Lopa de Sousa.
    • Fights stoutly at Dio, and is Kill'd by a Dart, lib. 2. num. 169. pag. 155.
  • Laurenzo Pirez de Tavora [...]
    • Commander of the Fleet which came from Portugall, lib. 2. num. 174. pag. 157.
    • Comes to Cochim, and goes to Dio, lib. 3. num. 4. pag. 169.
    • Is the first gets upon the Wall, lib. 3. num. 18. pag. 183.
    • He returns for Lisbone, lib. 4. num. 93. pag. 253.
  • Malaca.
    • THe conspiracy of diverse Kings against it, lib. 4. num. 22. pag. 216.
    • The King of Achem comes thither, and im­mediately retires, lib. 4. n. 24. p. 217.
    • Against whom Simon de Mello is sent forth by the Governour, lib. 4. n. 25. ibid.
    • The Embassage from the Confederates, lib. 4. num. 28. pag. 219.
    • Simon de Mello's answer, lib. 4. num. 29. pag. 220.
  • [Page]
    • The wonderfull accident hapned in them, lib. 1. num. 71. pag. 51.
    • The King of Portuguese's right to them, lib. 2. num. 11. pag. 65.
    • The Governour gives them to Cachil Aeyro, lib. 2. num. 12. pag. 65.
    • The Castillians go thither, [...] 2. num. 13. pag. 66.
    • Their behaviour with the Portuguese, lib 2. num. 19. pag. 68.
  • Dom Manoel de Lima.
    • He arrives at Goa from Portugall, lib. 2. num. 174. pag. 157.
    • Desires to go presently for Dio, and is disswa­ded by the Governour, pag. 158.
    • With whom he goes, lib. 3. n. 2. p. 168
    • Is sent by the Governour with six Ships into the Bay of Cambaya, where he takes several Prizes, lib. 3. num. 3. pag. 169.
    • Does a great deal of mischief about Surat, lib. 3. num. 6. pag. 173.
    • Destroys the City of Anto [...]e, lib 3. num. 7. pag. 174.
    • And other places on the Coast, lib. 3. num. 8. pag. 175.
    • He arrives at Dio, and the Governour assigns him five hundred Portuguese for the Fight, lib. 3. num. 14. pag 178.
    • His Courage in the Fight, lib. 3. num. 17. pag. 20. [...]4
    • He enters the City with Dom Alvaro, lib. 3. num. 23. pag. 186.
    • He makes Warr on the places of the Coast, lib. 3. num. 32. pag. 194.
    • Goes to the City of Coga, which he Sacks and Burns, pag. 195.
    • D [...]stroys Gandar, lib. 3. num. 33. pag. 196.
    • Returns to Dio, lib. 3. num. 34. ibid.
    • Offers to stay on the place, on the Refignment of Dom John Mascarenhas ibid.
    • Goes for Ormus, lib. 3. n. 37. p. 198.
    • The King of Campar askes Relief of him, and offer's a Fortress in Adem, lib. 4. num. 76. pag. 245.
  • Manoel Pereira, see Francisco Vierra. Martim Alphonso de Sousa.
    • Governour of India, lib. 1. n. 31. p. 17.
    • Changeth the Bazarucos, lib. 4. num. 42. pag. 23.
    • Sends for Meale to Go, lib. 1. num. 47. pag. 27.
    • Resolves to deliver him up to Hidalcaon upon their agreement, lib. 1. num. 50. pag. 30.
  • Martim Botelho.
    • With ten Companions goes to get Intelligence amongst the Enemy, lib. 2. num. 109. pag. 119.
    • The news he brings, lib. 2. num. 110. ibid.
  • Marzaon.
    • Succeeds Rax Soliman in the Segniory of Adem, lib. 4. num. 74. pag. 243.
    • Fortifies himself in the Palace against the King of Campar, lib. 4. num. 75. pag. 244.
    • Delivering up upon Conditions, goes out of the City, lib. 4. num. 76. ibid.
    • The hurt he does ibid.
  • Meale.
    • Disquiets Hidalcaon, lib. 1. num. 44. pag. 25.
    • Goes to Cambaya, num. 45. ibid.
    • Martim Alphonso de Sousa being the Gover­nour sends for him to Goa, lib. 1. num. 47. pag. 27.
    • His Reception by the Governour ibid.
    • Who afterwards by agreement, intended to deli­ver him up to Hidalcaon, lib. 1. num. 50. pag. 30.
    • The Governour Dom John de Castro defends him, lib. 1. num. 51. ibid.
    • Is the cause of Warr with Hidalcaon, lib. 4. num. 18. pag. 213.
  • Miguel de Arnede.
    • A Gigantique Souldier who goes to Dio, lib. 2. num. 123. pag. 128.
    • The manner of his Embarking ibid.
    • His courage and strength in the Fight, lib. 2. num. 132. pag. 134.
  • Mines.
    • Saint Thomas's work is undermined, lib. 2. num. 110. pag. 119.
    • The Mine is sprung, lib. 2. num. 115. pag. 122.
    • The persons that perish in it. ibid.
    • [Page] Rumecaon makes others, lib. 2. num. 126. pag. 130.
    • The Portuguese endeavour to prevent them, pag. 131.
    • The Enemies fire them to their loss, lib. 2. num. 137. pag. 137.
    • They open other, which the Portuguese prevent, lib. 2. num. 171. pag. 156.
    • Afterwards fire another without any loss to the Portuguese, lib. 2. num. 183. pag. 166.
  • Mozambique.
    • The Governour Dom John de Castro arrives there, lib. 1. num. 38. pag. 21.
    • He changeth the Situation of the Fortress ibid.
    • He receives Orders to enlarge it, lib. 4. num. 37. pag. 225.
  • Money.
    • The complaints of the people upon the altera­tion, lib. 1. num. 42. pag. 23.
    • The Governour hears the City and People con­cerning it, ibid.
    • His Resolution about it, pag. 24.
  • Mojatecaon.
    • Praiseth the Valour of the Portuguese, lib. 2. num. 132. pag. 134.
    • Goes out against the Portuguese, lib. 2. num. 165. pag. 153.
    • Invests the Fortress, and retires, lib. 2. num. 170. pag. 155.
  • Nuno Pereira.
    • HIs Courage and Fighting at Dio, lib. 2. num. 170. pag. 155.
    • Goes to Goa, and in his Voyage dyes of his Wounds, lib. 2. num. 175. pag. 159.
  • Dom Payo de Noronha.
    • GOes with twelve Ships to the Streight of Rosalgate [...], lib. 4. num. 78. pag. 245.
    • Offers to go to Adem to help the King of Campar ibid.
    • Arrives at the City, num. 79. ibid.
    • Calls off the Souldiers, lib. 4. num. 86. pag. 249.
    • Was not obey'd by Manoel Pereira, and Fran­cisco Viera, two Souldiers of fortune, who Fight stoutly ibid.
  • Pate and Patane.
    • Cities upon the Coast of Cambaya, burnt by the Governour, lib. 4. num. 54. pag. 234.
  • Dom Pedro de Almeyda.
    • With his Brother Dom John de Almeyda Sallies out upon the Enemy in Dio, and the hurt he does, lib. 2. num. 94. pag. 111.
    • His Courage in Fighting, lib. 2. num. 75. pag. 101. n. 134. p. 135.
  • Pedro Nunez.
    • A great Mathematician, and Master to Dom John de Castro, lib. 1. num. 2. pag. 1.
  • Rax Soliman.
    • ADdmiral of the design, at the first Siege of Dio, lib. 4. num. 72. pag. 241.
    • Goes as a Friend into the Haven of Adem ibid.
    • Beheads the King ibid.
    • Makes himself Master of the City, lib. 4. num. 74. pag. 243.
  • Ruy Freire.
    • Arrives at Dio, lib. 2. num. 157. pag. 148.
  • Ruy Lopez de Villa Lobos.
    • Commander of the Castillians, who went to the Molucos, lib. 2. num. 13. pag. 66.
    • Endeavours to delay Fernaon de Sousa, lib. 2. num. 14. 16. pag. 67.
    • Parlies with him, lib. 2. num. 18. pag. 68.
    • Their agreement ibid.
    • Breaks his promise, and Fernaon de Sousa's Behaviour upon it, lib. 2. num. 20. pag. 69.
  • [Page]
    • Succeeds his Father Coge-Sofar in the Warr, lib. 2. num. 61. pag. 93.
    • Goes on with a Machine his Father had begun, ibid.
    • Offers the Portuguese conditions, lib. 2. num. 66. pag. 95.
    • Falls upon Saint Thomas's work, lib. 2. num. 68. pag. 96.
    • Commands the several Nations to Fight by themselves, lib. 2. num. 69. pag. 98.
    • Retires with loss, num. 70. ibid.
    • Falls to Superstitious praiers, lib. 2. num. 72. pag. 99.
    • He resents the Death of Juzarcaon, lib. 2. num. 84. pag. 105.
    • His answer to another Juzarcaon, whom the Sultan sent to continue the Siege, lib. 2. num. 93. pag. 111.
    • Goes about filling up the Ditch, lib. 2. num. 110. pag. 115.
    • His stratagem to divert the Portuguese, lib. 2. num. 111. pag. 120.
    • Retires with loss, lib. 2. num. 119. pag. 124.
    • Goes on with the Mines, lib. 2. num. 126. pag. 130.
    • Incourageth his Souldiers for another assault, lib. 2. num. 127. pag. 131.
    • Commands them to batter the Church, lib. 2. num. 131. pag. 134.
    • Retires again with loss, lib. 2. num. 132. ibid.
    • Hath advice by three Slaves which ran away from the Portuguese, lib. 2. num. 133. ibid.
    • Gives another assault, lib. 2. num. 134. pag. 135.
    • Endeavours to beat down the Cistern, lib. 2. num. 136. pag. 136.
    • He comes off from another assault with loss, lib. 2. num. 142. pag. 141.
    • Despairs of the design, lib. 2. num. 144. pag. 142.
    • Opens another Mine, which is prevented, ibid.
    • Retires again, lib. 2. num. 146. pag. 143. num. 149. pag. 144.
    • He falls on another time, and retires, lib. 2. num. 160. pag. 151.
    • He is encouraged by his good success against the Portuguese, lib. 2. num. 171. pag. 156.
    • Continues Mining, ibid.
    • Builds a new City, num. 172. ibid.
    • Offers a great Ransome to Dom Alvaro for a Janizary Commander, lib. 2. num. 179. pag. 161
    • He makes another Mine, which Fir'd without any loss to the Portuguese, lib. 2. num. 183. pag. 166.
    • His discourse about the Governours coming, lib. 3. num. 11. pag. 176.
    • What Army he hath, and how he orders them, ibid.
    • He resists the Portuguese at their Landing, lib. 3. num. 15. pag. 181.
    • He orders his men in the Field, lib. 3. num. 20. pag. 184.
    • Dom Alvaro routs him, and he Rallies, lib. 3. num. 21. pag. 185.
    • He retires, lib. 3. num. 22. ibid.
    • Offers a new Battail, lib. 3. num. 24. pag. 186.
    • Dyes, lib. 3. num. 25. pag. 187.
  • Sebastian de Sa.
    • GOes to Dio with Dom Fernando, lib. 2. num. 30. pag. 76.
    • Is wounded by a poysoned Arrow, lib. 2. num. 69. pag. 97.
    • He carries advice from the Commander in chief to the Governour, lib. 2. num. 85. pag. 106.
    • Is one of the five Souldiers who stoutly resists the Enemy in Dio, lib. 2. num. 119. pag. 124.
  • Ships.
    • Their number, and their Commanders which went along with the Governour Dom John de Castro, lib. 1. num. 36. pag. 20.
    • The time of their departure, num. 37. ibid.
    • [Page] The danger the Governours Ship was in, ibid.
    • The Ship Holy Ghost, commanded by Diogo de Bello, arrives at Goa, lib. 2. num. 87. pag. 107.
    • A Ship of Cambaya, taken by Dom Alvaro de Castro, lib. 2. num. 158. pag. 149.
    • Ships arrive at Goa from Portugall, lib. 4. num. 37. pag. 225.
    • The order they brought, ibid.
  • Simaon Feo.
    • Comes with a message from Rumecaon to the Commander of Dio, lib. 2. num. 66. pag. 95.
    • The answers he gives him, ibid.
  • Simaon de Mello.
    • Commander of Malaca, lib. 4. num. 23. pag. 216.
    • Sends out Dom Francisco d' Eca against the King of Achem, lib. 4. num. 25. pag. 217.
    • The Embassage to him from the Confederates, lib. 4. num. 28. pag. 219.
    • His answer, lib. 4. num. 29. pag. 220.
    • His trouble for want of News from the Fleet, lib. 4. num. 30. ibid.
    • The people complain, and are quell'd by Saint Francisco Xaverius, by his fore-telling the Victory, ibid.
  • Sultan Mahomud.
    • King of Cambaya, consults how he may take Dio, lib. 2. num. 2. pag. 53.
    • He approves [...]oge-Sofar's reason for the de­sign, lib. 2. num. 8. pag. 63.
    • [...]omes to Dio with a great Army, lib. 2. num. 49. pag. 87.
    • Retires upon a Moors being Kill'd, whilst he was talking with him, lib. 2. num. 51. pag. 88.
    • Sends another Juzarcaon to continue the Siege, lib. 2. num. 93. pag. 111.
    • Rejoyces for the good success of Rumecaon, lib. 2. num. 171. pag. 156.
    • His barbarous Revenge, lib. 3. num. 35. pag. 197.
    • He raises a new Army for another Siege. lib. 4. num. 35. pag. 242.
    • The Governour Dom John de Castro faceth him, and presents him Battail, lib. 4. num. 49. pag. 232.
    • Which the Sultan refuseth, lib. 4. num. 51. pag. 233.
    • He severely commands silence about the Siege and Battail of Dio, lib. 4. num. 55. pag. 234.
  • Surat.
    • Its Territory entered, and destroy'd by Dom Manoel de Lima, lib. 3. num. 6. pag. 173.
    • The quitting of the Fortress, upon the sight of Dom Alvaro's Fleet, lib. 4. num. 55. pag. 234.
    • The Governour resents the not taking Surat, ibid.
  • Tunez.
    • DOm John de Castro's expedition thi­ther, lib. 1. num. 9. pag. 3.
    • The occasion of it, ibid.
    • The Gentlemen who were in the Fight, lib. 1. num. 11. pag. 5.
  • Vasco de Cunha.
    • IS sent by the Governour with Relief to Dio, lib. 2. num. 177. pag. 159.
    • Arrives at Bacaim, lib. 2. num. 178. pag. 160.
    • Arrives at Dio, ibid.
  • Women.
    • THe Courage of the Women in Dio, lib. 2. num. 55. pag. 68. 79. 117. 130.
    • [Page] The particular Courage of one Portuguese Woman, lib. 2. num. 78. pag. 102.
    • The women of Chaul offer their Iewells for the carrying on the Warr, lib. 2. num. 90. pag. 109.
    • Those of Goa offer their Children and Estates for the Relief of Dio, lib. 2. num. 177. pag. 160.
    • And for the Re-building of the Fortress, lib. 3. num. 31. pag. 194.
    • And upon other occasions, lib. 4. num. 36. pag. 224.
  • Xael.
    • DOm Alvaro goes to the City, lib. 4. num. 90. pag. 251.
    • The Fartaques offer him a Fortress, ibid.
    • Dom Alvaro designs to Scale it, pag. 252.
    • Fernaon Perez is the first who Scales, ibid.
    • The Fartaques defend themselves till Death, lib. 4. num. 91. ibid.
    • The place is gained, ibid.

By the Composers not current Reading the Copy, some Faults have crept into the Impression; the mistake of one Letter in some Tenses, and the putting Or instead of Nor to answer neither happens often, but is easily Corrected, as are the mistakes in names of Persons and Places.


PReface, p. 2. l. 36. read petentem, p. 11. l. 35. read nor Tears, and so throughout the Book, p. 13. l. 4. read but in Peace, ibid, l. 7. read strove, p. 14. l. 10. read his Hight, p. 15. l. 1. read affrightning the place, p. 16. l. 36. read have own'd it, p. 33. l. 3. read ran, p. 37. l. 8. read an Altar-peice, p. 76. l. 6. read to punish, p. 102. l. 29. read Spear, p. 134. l. 36. read Sentinells, p. 160. l. 15. read Bramaluco, p. 168. l. 32. read came, p, 173. l. 25. read your Company, p. 195. l. 8. read Zamaluke.

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