The Rise of the WARS between Suethland and Poland.

THE Crown of Poland (as also that of Sueth­land, untill of latter Ages) hath ever been and still is Elective; and albeit not neer so ancient as the other (in the Title of a King [...] yet at present, not of conside­ration inferiour to most in Christendom; the same being the only Bulwark in those parts against the incroaching power of the insulting Turk, and his Blood-hound the numerous over­running Tartar.

Unto the time of Boleslaus (sur-named) Chrobrus, that Coun­try was governed somtimes by Dukes, otherwhiles by Palatines: But Otho the Third, the Germane Emperour (who in the year 997. first instituted the Colledge of Electors for the choice of future Successors to the Imperiall Crown) after an expedi­tion by him made into Italy, undertaking a Journey into Poland to visite the Tomb of S. Adelbert, and being there Magnifi­cently received and entertained by the said Boleslaus, in requi­tall therof, and to tye him in the more strickt Bonds of Amity Poland erected into a Kingdom, An. 1000. towards himself and the Roman Empire: Of Duke, stiled and Crowned him King of Poland, about the year of Grace 1000. [Page 2] After whom the said Title continued by the space of 82. years, unto the time of Ʋladislaus the first, who abandoned the same, using only that of Prince, or Duke; in which frame the Go­vernment remained for the term of 213. years, at the end Setled elective, An. 1295. wherof, Lescus Niger deceasing (and the State, distracted into divers Factions, being for some time without a Prince) the su­pream Rule was at last electively setled upon Primislaus (sur­nam'd) Posthumus, who resumed the Title of King. An. 1295.

That Royall Title hath been (ever since) retained by his Successors, yet not fully established untill the Raign of Casi­mir the second, stiled the Great, after whose death his Ne­phew Lewis, King of Hungaria (son to Charles King therof, by Elizabeth, Sister of the said Casimir) succeeding electively to the Regall Chair of Poland, deceased without Heirs Males, and Mary eldest Daughter of the said Lewis, being chosen Queen of Hungaria; Heduigis the younger was elected to the Crown of Poland, and married unto Jagello, great Duke of Lithuania, who Commencement of the Jagello­nian Race in Poland. in contemplation of the said Match and the Crown of Poland, wherunto he was therby advanced, became a Christian in the year 138 [...]. by the name of Ʋladislaus the fifth, and wrought so with his Subjects the Lithuanians, as that they also embraced the Christian Profession; and likewise united his said Dutchy of Lithuania, with Samogitia, and that part of Roxo [...]ania which was under his obedience, unto the Crown of Poland for ever. To which three conditions he was obliged by the Articles of his Marriage.

The first was forth with, the second soon after effected, al­beit not without reluctancy, as may be conceived, where a Lithuania Christianized. People is rooted and therby become obstinate in Idolatrie.

The third point, the Union, was yet more hard to compasse and took more time of deliberation, neither was it fully ac­complished untill of latter years. For the Princes of the Race of Jagello (who after him succeeded to the Crown of Poland) being unwilling to deprive their Posterity of their Heredita­ry Estates, and to submit the same to the election of the Polan­ders, least being pre-termitted therin, they might remain de­prived of their ancient Patrimonicall Rights and Dignities, deferred the fulfilling therof from one time to another, allead­ging that the States and people of Lithuania would not consent therto, as apprehending future prejudice by that Conjun­ction.

But at last, seeing that of the one side their Princes Males be­gan to fail (as they did in the time of Sigismundus Augustus) and on the other part apprehending the power of the Russians, and the renewing of former pretensions; the Lithuanians con­descended to the Union, in the Raign of the said Sigismundus, Incorporated by union into Po­land. who procured that the Lithuanian Bishops, the Palatines and [Page 3] a certain number of Castellans should have Session and Vote in the Parliaments of Poland at the election of their Kins, and all other Priviledges which the Native Polonians have, wherby the Rights of the Lithuanian Princes to their Patrimoniall Estates might seem secured.

It may be generally observed that in those Elective King­doms, In Kingdoms e­lective, regard usually had to the next in line. regard is had to the next in right line, unless known to be unfit and unworthy of so great a Power, as is apparent in Hungaria, Bohemia, and Suethland (before the same became He­reditary) in Denmark also, and in Russia most usually, and at present is and hath been practised in Germany since the time of Charles the fifth.

By virtue of this regard to the Progeny of well deserving Princes, the Jagellonian Posterity hath continued successively elected to the Crown of Poland, ever since his death, about 137. years, under the Raign of six Kings; Viz. Ʋladislans the sixth, his Son; Casimir Son to the said Ʋladislans, John Albert Succession of the Jagellonian Race in Po­land. second Son of Casimir, (the elder being pre-termitted by rea­son of his embracing the Crowns of Hungaria and Bohemia) Alexander the third Brother, and these two dying without Is­sue, Sigismund fourth Son of the said Casimir succeeded, and to him, his Son Sigismundus (the second sur-named) Augustus the last Prince of the Issue Male of Jagello, who deceased about the year 1573.

After him was chosen Henry of Valois Duke of Anjow, second Son to Henry the second King of France: The only meer stran­ger to the blood in all the Catalogue of the Polish Kings, who secretly deserting that Crown and Kingdom (upon notice of the death of his Brother Charles the nineth) conveyed him­self privily into France, where An. 1574. he succeeded by the name of Henry de Valois, his Raign in Poland not during one whole year.

Sigismundus Augustus had left (albeit no Sons to whom that Crown might accrue) two Sisters, of whom Anne the elder was wedded to Stephen Bathor Prince of Transilvania, an une­quall Match, her years (much exceeding his) considered. He was therupon chosen King of Poland, An. 1579. having been al­so recommended to that Crown by Amurath the third, then Emperor of Turkie, which administred occasion to the proud Sultan of boasting that he had given the Polanders a King.

During the Raign of Sigismund Augustus, John Duke of Fin­land, Alliance (the Iniation of con­junction) be­tween Poland and Sueth­land. brother to Erick King of Suethland had been sent into Po­land to treat a Marriage between his Brother and Catherine the second Sister of the said Sigismund; but upon his Brother E­ricks mean and unworthy matching with another, himself es­poused that Princess in the year 1562. by means wherof Sigis­mundus (their first-born) being descended from the Jagello­nian [Page 4] Regall Race was (upon the death of Stephen) preferred before all the other Candidates (as the Duke of Parma, the Arch-Duke Ernest of Austria, the Wayvode of Transilvania, and his Kinsman the Cardinall Bathory) to the Scepter of Poland, and was there Crowned during the life of his Father John, who (ha­ving seised his Brother King Erick, whom he kept in Prison untill his death) then raigned in Suethland, as will appear more particularly, when the Suethish Princes of the Gustavian Race shall be deduced, which now follows in order to the matter in hand.

Suethland according to Bureus (a Native there) is a most Suethland an ancient King­dom. ancient Kingdom, the people wherof issue from that Scandia, or Scandinavia, comprehending the two Northern Countries of Suethen and Norway: Ancient Writers have called the same the Shop of Nations, and some have tearmed it the Magazine or Storehouse of People, for from thence flowed not only those Warlike Suevians, Normans, Vandalls, but likewise the Terrors and Tamers of the World, the Stock or Race of the (home-bred Goths and Suethes, the) Visi-gothes, or Westro-gothes, and Ostro-gothes, who having penetrated into sundry Realms, and wearied out not a few of the Europaean Kingdoms with often renewed Wars, seated themselves at last in Spain, where they continue (even hitherto) their Empire.

Gothland (if I may use the words of Johannes Magnus) sea­ted between the Suethes and Danes, too mighty and scarce ever well agreeing Nations, fearing least if the same were infested by both, it should be constrained to an unequall defence, did enter into a perpetuall conjunction of Amity and Society with the Suethes, either in regard of their Potency, or the conformity between them of dispositions and manner of living. Thus far he.

Jornandes (according to Bureus) writeth, that Rudolphus King of Scandia leaving his owne Kingdome, went into Italy to visite Theodoricke a King of the Gothes there, & was (as saith the said Bureus) the 85. King of the Suethes. It is likewise apparent (say their Authors) that the Gothes were in Graecia and Thracia be­fore the time of Alexander the Great, whom he pronounced were a people to be shunned. They were also (before the birth of Christ) a terrour to the Romans, by means of whom they dared not to extend their bounds beyond the Danubius. And even the Romans themselves, not concealing the Military vertue of others, that they might extoll their owne, have re­corded to posterity how the Visi-gothes and Ostro-gothes had like a deluge overflowed other Nations, under their severall Prin­ces, the Theodorick's, Attalarick's, Totila's, Tesa's, Radagir's, Ala­rick's, Attulph's, Sigerick's, Villia's, Roderick's, and other like cog­nominations.

[Page 5] The same Author saith further, that from the time of the first introduction of Monarchie amongst the Suethes, both the Nations, viz. they and the Gothes were subject (mostly) to one and the same Prince, and became as one and the same people; and howbeit that sometimes (through emulation) they might have distinct Princes, yet those breaches were seldome long lasting, but they re-peiced and renewed their former concord, with mutuall force opposing each others enemies: Neither may it seem unworthy of recordation that the Gothes, who were so famous amongst all Nations for warlike fortitude, as (in a manner) they became formidable to most in Europe, did never­thelesse so farre submit unto the Suethes remaining in their Native soil, that (as the most ancient Laws of the Westro-gothes affirme) the power of electing or rejecting a King for both those peoples remained unto those of Suethland.

Alphonsus Carthaginensis doth also assert the same; saying, al­beit the Gothes did many times divert to other parts & people, their Rulers who had the government of the whole Nation remained in Scythia; now what that Scythia is, Rodoricus Sancius doth explain; saying, that Isidorus & other writers agree, con­cerning the originall of the Gothes, that they are of the Island of Scandia, to wit, Scythia Septentrionalis. And A. Kranizius, treating of Suethen, in his first Book and first Chapter, comprehends the summe of those things which were performed by the Gothes, after the time of Alexander the Great, in these words: The renowne of the Gothes in remote Military expeditions was great, and famed with most losty Titles, for that in contesta­tion with the Romans (then most Masters of the knowne world) somtimes repressed they rested quiet; but other whiles, they afflicted the Romans with greater blowes, and not sel­dom retired on equall terms: And at last, treading the Roman Empire under foot, they overspread Italy, and having sackt Rome, kept there their Kingdome many yeeres: They infested Gaule; layed the foundations of their Monarchie in Spaine, and have from thence derived a Stock of most noble Families of Princes. So farr he.

Wolfgangus Lazius relates, that out of those Septentrionall Islands many and great Bands went frequently toward their people, the Visi-gothes who had planted themselves in France, and the Ostrogothes seated in Illyrico and Italy; yea, that before the distruction of Troy, sundry of the Gothes being as then in Thracia, severall Colonies removed toward them; Nor were those expeditions undertaken constrainedly; but they, allured with the successe of their Compatriots in forraigne parts, and w^th the fame of their exploits, did emulously flock unto them; which being observed by the then Kings of Suethes and Gothes, Lawes (for preventing the utter desertion of the Originall ter­ritory) [Page 6] were there enacted, that no persons abandoning their native soile should retaine any inheritance therein; and that (in regard of the uncertainty of the death abroad of such as so removed, and for avoiding the intricacy of contention be­tween their nearest of bloud) he, who so departed, should be reputed as dead from that very hower, and his nearest kins­man possessed of the inheritance: And therfore it seemes not consentaneous to reason that the Originall Seats should be subject to the extraneous Gothes, for if the Kings of that people who warred abroad, had retained a power over them that re­mained in the Ancient and Paternall Soil; they would not, probably, have permitted that they who marched under their Standarts, and with them underwent the dangers and uncer­tainties of forraign Warfare, should have been dispossessed of Suethland an­ciently elective. their Inheritance at home.

But leaving these things, it is evident from their Authors, that the Suethes have anciently been an elective Kingdom, and free to choose either a Native or Stranger to possess the Regal Chair; with this Obligation enjoyned, that the King (who ere he were) should defend the Multitude committed unto him from injury and violence, and should endeavour the en­forcement and observation of their Laws, ancient Customs, rightfull Constitutions and Priviledges, according to the re­ceived custom in all well regulated Nations: Notwithstanding which freedom of Election, they alwaies made choice of the Son to succeed the Father, where they found the Rayes of Vertue corresponding to the Royall Dignity, as being con­formable to the Laws of Suethen, and the continued Annals of that Regions History.

The truth hereof may appear by the Royall Progeny of Ericus Sanctus, whose Son Canutus obtained the Regall Wreath; of King Suercherus also, to whom his Sons Charles and John succeeded; after them Ericus Balbus, the Nephew of Ericus Sanctus, by election ascended the Royall Chair, next whom Valdemarus Nephew to Ericke (last named) by his Sister and Birgerus that Illustrious Prince of the Ostro-gothes, obtained the Scepter, which was afterwards swayed by his Brother Magnus (sur-named) Ladulas: Birgerus the Son of Magnus was next elected; and he (ejected for Cruelty and Fratricide) was succeeded by Magnus Erickson (his Nephew) surnamed Smeek. Vertue and be­roick Actions to be preferred to a Crown before all other preten­sions.

The Suethes, as themselves assert, have alwaies esteemed that (beyond the Proximity of blood, pretence of hereditary right, or utilitie of friendship) Vertue only and Heroick A­ctions were worthy of a Crown. This freedom of Sufferages or Votes in the election of their Kings, flourished amongst them many Ages, even untill latter times, wherin they (not moved with the wind of Levity (to use their own words) [Page 7] but induced by the strickt Law of necessity, having first at Strengnesia upon the sixth of June, 1523. proclaimed, and after­wards at Ʋpsall, on the eighth day of January, 1528. Crowned Gustavus Ericke Son (sprung from Illustrious Ancestors, and Suethland of elective rendred hereditary. worthy of the Regall Charge, as having freed them from the Tyranny of Christierne the second, King of Denmark) did at Orobrogia, the fourth of January, 1540. by an Act of hereditary Union of their whole Senatoriall Colledge, with a numerous Circle of the Equestriall Order, assume his Heirs Males (from the first to the last) into a right of Succession: which Act was by the universall States of Suethland, assembled in Parliament, confirmed and established at Arosia, the 13. of January, 1544.

Thus of Elective, the Crown of Suethland became hereditary: Neither did their Rulers therby obtrude ought of new (or never before practised) upon that Nation, but followed the stepts and examples of their Ancestors: For about 200: years before, the whole Orders of that State, had bound and obliged themselves (almost in the same manner) to the forenamed Magnus Smeeke, and to his Sons Ericus and Haquinus, under such limitations and conditions as are contained in the here­dirary Union made at Varburg in Holand, An. 1343: wherunto the Curious are referred.

Yet for the better comprehending of what hath been said, Succession of Suethish Kings from the time of Magnus 4. surnamed Smeeke. we will deduce the Succession of their Kings from the said Magnus (the fourth sur-named) Smeeke; who having (in his own time) conferred Norway upon his second Son Haqui­nus, was, after the death of Ericke his eldest, to whom he had designed the Crown of Suethen, ejected by the practises of his Nephew Albert, Duke of Meckleburg.

But by the fore-named Bureus, this Magnus is taxed of con­tempt of things sacred, of libidenous lust, and inhumane cru­elty, deserving the name of a Spoyler of the Publike: And that he, not brooking the co-partnership of his Sons, which he had seemed to desire, had caused to attempt the murther of his Son Ericke, who, the Traytor being suppressed before he could perpretrate the Fact, was soon after poysoned by his Mother Blanca (or Blanche) a French-woman: Magnus being not long after taken in Battell by his second Son Haquin King of Norway, yet soon freed, fled into Denmark: He intercepted the Dutchess of Holstein his Sons betroathed, and obtruded upon him Margaret of Denmark, & whilst he prepared greater Forces, he thundred out Proscriptions against the Suethish Nobility.

Albert Duke of M [...]ckleburg, Son of Euphemia, Sister of the said Albert of Meckleburg: Magnus, was by the proscribed Peers (in prejudice of Haquin King of Norway) elected to the Crown of Suethland, in the year 1363. but being afterwards vanquished, An. 1387. by Margaret Queen of Denmark and Norway; the Widow of Haquin fore-named, after seven years detention (desirous to regain his [Page 8] liberty) to her he resigned the Kingdome.

Margaret Queen of Denmark, Suethland, and Norway (by Margaret of Denmark and Norway, Queen also of Suethen. some stiled the Semiramis of Germany) having united the three Kindoms under her Soveraignty, caused an Act of State to be passed in Calmar, for a perpetuation of the said Union to her Successors, the Laws & Privliedges of each Kingdom reserved entire: She is by the Suethes taxed of extream covetousness and of breach of promise; hated of them, she departed into Denmark, having by threats and terrours obtained the King­dom for her Nephew Ericke, a youth of fourteen years of age: It was she, who being admonished not to commit the Forts of the Kingdom unto Strangers, contrary to her agreement; replyed, Keep you those Our Covenants the best you can, We will take care for the securing of the Castles.

She (being dead) was succeeded by Ericke Duke of Pome­rania, E [...]icke of Po­merania. in the year 1411. by vertue of the said Union, and of his Adoption by the fore-named Margaret, being the Son of her Sister Ingelburgis: He Raigned over the three Kingdoms, but was expelled from them all by a strong faction, as some say; Others (as the fore-named Suethish Author) that enleavened by his Aunt, he was a Violater of promises, an Extirpator of the Nobility by extraneous Wars and unseasonable tempestu­ous Navigations, a Spoyler at home: He had for Antagonist, Engitbert a Prince, elected out of the Nobility of the Dalicartes, and he being bereaved of life by Danish treachery, Carolus Canutus was appointed Governor of the Kingdom. He fled into Denmark and (there also hated) attempting a return into Suethen, seised on Gothland, from thence infesting the Aquilonian Navigators with Piracies: At last besieged by Carolus Canutus, and distrusting the Danes, he retired to his ancient Inheritance and rest when he had Raigned from his Coronation fourteen years, this hapned, An. 1433.

Christopher Count Palatine, and Duke of Bavaria in title only, Son of another Lady Margaret, Sister of Ericke forenamed, pro­moted Christopher Count Pala­tine. by the endeavours of the Danes, and their exceeding commendation, was (not without much reluctancy) consen­ted unto by the Suethes, in the year 1442. His laudable begin­nings, by dessention and mutuall supplantings, changing to worse; he prepared by craft to have surprised Lubecke, but in vain, for suffering Shipwrack on the Suethish shoar, he was necessitated to quit the design of attempting upon the Vanda­lian Cities: His libidinous desires were by divine Justice pu­nished with Famine and a Plague through the Kingdom, him­self having lost by Sea the treasure he exported from Suethen, deceased in Denmark without Issue, An. 1448.

Carolus Canutus, the Governor forenamed, after a vacancy Carolus Ca­nutus. of some years (albeit not of the chiefest of the Nobility) [Page 9] was by the great Ones, who disdained an extraneous Yoak, Crowned King, An. 1458. He subdued the Norwegians, and sorely vexed the Danes then waging War: The people, mo­ved by the insolency of his Commanders (the Arch-bishop of Ʋbsall sounding the All-arme) make insurrection, and whilest Charls retired to Dantzig to crave aid of the Polish King, they call in and Crown Christierne of Denmark. In the mean time Catillus (Nephew to the Arch-bishop) Prelate of Lin­copia, turning Souldier, gathers Forces from severall parts of the Countrey, and expels all that favoured Christierne: and having defeated himself in a memorable Battell given upon the Ice, he recalled Charles out of Prussia, who recovered the favour of the people, and placed over them more mild Gover­nors; and finally, full of Honour both for his Vertues and his Raign, deceased An. 1470.

After Charls, some place the fore-mentioned Christierne, called in by a Faction of the Suethes, but soon again ejected, and the Kingdom governed for a time by Marshals: yet he, by promi­ses drew the Norwegians to his subjection. After him, his Son John King of Denmark and Norway, in An. 1458. was received (say they) by the Suethes, whom the Russians then overpow­red; but their turn served, they forthwith expelled him, returning to their former Government by Marshals. And lastly (they name) Christierne the second, the Son of John. But Johannes Magnus, omitting the three last named (whom he esteems but as Usurpers or Kings of a factious Party) ac­counts of none but of the three following, who ruled under the notion of Princes only.

Steno Sture, Sisters Son to the forenamed Charles, having to­tally Suethland go­verned by Steno Sture. routed Christierne the first, who had brought a Navy and an Army to the Gate of Stockholme, compelled him to desist from attempting upon Suethen all his time. He likewise re­pressed his Son John, who had entred the Kingdom, and was Crowned by faction, at such a time when as Suethland was in­fested by the Russians, and that Emulation had sprung up be­tween Steno and Suanto. Afterwards conducting the Queen of Denmark (whom he had taken) into Smaland, to her Hus­band King John, at a Feast, he contracted sickness, wherof he died in the year 1503. and of his Government the thirtieth: A man of most eminent Vertues, yet (by this) the more eminent, in that he refused the Diadem when offered unto him.

Suanto Prince of the Ostro-gothes, a Counsellour of the King­dom, Suanto. was constituted Prince or Governor of Suethland: He confederating with the Lubeckers, waged War with Christierne the second, the Son of John, who seemed to be now desired by many, against whom whilst he made greater preparations, he [Page 10] departed this life, An. 1512. and of his rule the eight. A man endowed with most choice Vertues, liberall and free from praevious severity.

Steno Sture the younger, the Son of Suanto, prudently eva­ded Steno Sture the younger. the Traps and Snares of Christierne the second, by sending Gaddus Bishop of Lincopia and Gustavus Erickson to the Parly desired by the Dane: But whilst he valiantly opposed Christierne who had invaded Suethen with a new Army, he was, in a most violent conflict, slain with a great shot, and the Suethes being Slain in battell. (by his fall) discomfited, Christierne was received by the No­bles of the Danish Faction, and Crowned, and on his very Coronation day and Feast, beheaded the chief of the Nobility, whom he conceived to be averse unto him; for which outra­geous cruelty he was expelled the Kingdom the first month of his Raign, being in the year 1520.

But let it not seem tedious that here be inserted what that excellent Historiographer Thuanus hath written more fully concerning these three forementioned Danish Kings, Christierne the first, John his Son, Christierne the second, the Son of John, who had each (by faction or otherwise) been Crowned over Suethland.

Christierne the first (the Stock of the ancient Regall Race Christierne first Earl of Oldenburg, made King of Denmark, af­ter of Suethen. of Denmark being extinct, was (from the Earldom of Oldenburg) advanced to the Scepter of Denmark, by the Suffrages of that Kingdoms Senators; but chiefly by the recommendation of his Uncle Adolphus, Duke of Holstein: Sedition arising in Sueth­land, and Carolus Canutus their King being forced to withdraw himself, Christierne was called in (by the faction of John Bene­dict Arch-bishop of Ʋbsall) and constituted King, from thence came the Danish pretensions to the Crown of Suethland. John (his Father being dead) held the Kingdom of Denmark thirty and two years; and he also (Steno the elder, who had succee­ded John King of Denmark and Suethen, dri­ven out by Su­anto. his Uncle Canutus, being rejected) was by the tumultuous Gothes elected King, but soon after driven out, and being in many Battels defeated by Suanto, who through the favour of Heningius Gaddus, the stout Lincopian Prelate, was substituted to Steno, he betook himself into Denmark.

Suanto dying in the City of Arosia, a Prince of so eminent Vertues as not to be equalised by many: his Son Steno Sture the younger, after many contentions (as being opposed by Ericus Trollus of the Danish faction) was by the Senators of the Kingdom (the fresh memory of his Fathers merits prevailing) ordained King. Two years after the death of Suanto, Chri­stierne the second, succeeding his Father John in Denmark, resolved to pursue by Armes the revenge of those great defeats his Father had sustained, and the pretensions of right to the Crown of Suethland, which he derived by succession from his Father and Grand-father.

[Page 11] Steno, being (as he thought) confirmed in the Kingdom, be­came corrupted by the counsel of flatterers, doing many things amiss, and the minds of the Peers being alienated from him, he lost liewise the love of many of the people: The Dane ob­serving this, and conceiving it to be very advantageous to his pretences, raiseth a great Army, and therwith begirt Stocholme the Regall City; yet upon the approach of Steno he raised the Siege: But when, by reason of contrary winds, he could not in three moneths time transport his Forces back, being oppressed with extream want of all things; from Steno, who endeavou­red to merit and obtain his friendship, he received supply and permission to retire securely with his Army into Denmark.

This exceeding humanity the Dane recompenced four years after, with as great (and detestable) ingratitude and trea­chery: For pretending to a Parly with Steno, when but little wanted that he (unwarily) had adventured his person into his Enemies Ship, he (finding himself frustrate of that hope) carried away Gaddus and Gustavus Erickson (sent by Steno to treat with him) Prisoners into Denmark, contrary to his faith given.

Christierne having thus exhibited a notable testimony of a Treachery of Christierne 2: of Denmark. violated faith, gave in the year following, no less demonstra­tion of cruelty and treachery at once; for falling upon Westro-gothia with a much greater Army then before, a Battell was fought upon the congealed Balticke, wherin Steno wounded in the thigh with a great shot forthwith died: And the Generall being slain, the numerous Army of the Suethes was immediatly routed. Christierne thus victorious, was received by the No­bles of his Faction, and dignified at Stocholme with the Regall Crowned King of Suethland. Diadem, and on his Coronation day (fearing least in his absence the Children of Steno might be again restored to the Kingdom by the Princes of the adverse party) the City Gates being shut, he caused the chief of all the Orders whom he had invi­ted His inhumans cruelty. to the Feast (to the number of ninety four persons) to be beheaded (the people gazing and trembling) and comman­ded the dead Carkasses to be left (for the more horrour) three daies before the Court gate: Even the body of Steno, not long before committed to the Earth, was by order of this new Tyrant again digged up, and with the rest consumed by fire. Last, the Widows and Children of the Murthered were berea­ved of their Goods.

This done, he departed from Stocholme when he had exerci­sed various cruelties upon many: The Suethes upon the rumor of this Fact, gathering in Armes to the number of 30000. he, Andexpulsion. through Woods and unwonted Pathes conveyed himself a­way, yet more by night then day Marches, and hardly at last returned into Denmark, where cruelty by so many slaughters, [Page 12] being changed into his nature, when he could not abstain from satiating his Salvage thirst with the blood of his own; he was Warred upon by his Uncle Fredericke Duke of Holstein, and those of Lubecke: And his conscience being terrified, he with his Children and his Wife, the Emperours Sister, fled into Zea­land, the third year after the Stockholmian butchery, which was An. 1523. Thus far out of Thuanus.

Gustavus Erickson of Illustrious extraction, escaping out of Gustavus E­rickson crown­ed in Sueth­land, An. 1528 the hands of the Dane, did under pretence of soliciting the Af­fairs of Steno's Widow, marry with the Daughter of Steno, and by favour of the Princes, assisted also by those of Lubecke, attained the Vacant Royalty; but the more easily in having through many personall hazards (as is by the Suethes acknow­ledged) vindicating his bleeding Country from the forenamed unparallel'd Tyrant, and was not only (as hath been said) proclaimed at Strengnesia in the year 1523. and Crowned at Ubsall, An. 1528. but had the Crown also entailed upon his Hereditary uni­on, with mo­tives therto. lawfull Male Issue at Orobrogia, in the year 1540. which Act of the Senatoriall Colledge, and the Equestriall Order was con­firmed at Arosia, in January 1544. by the whole States of Suethen assembled in Parliament.

Other Motives there were inducing them therunto (decla­red by themselves) as the future avoiding of those cruell dissentions and contests with the Senatoriall Colledge, had many times fallen into about the Election of this or that man; of a Native or Stranger, as affection or interest suggested, and power was prevalent, to the unutterable prejudice of the Common-weal, by intestine Seditions, Sanguinolent effusi­ons, and multitudes of other mischiefs tending to the ruine of the Nation, but more particularly since the time of Magnus Smeeke, in whom sailed the Progeny of the ancient Suethish Kings, as may be (by what hath been already said) ob­served.

Further reasons (given by themselves) for their so grati­fying this deserving Prince, were his freeing that Kingdom from the horrible darkness of Romish Superstition, and being the first who (to use their own expression) sent down from Heaven, brought them into the light of the divine Word: Neither was he less careful of the Kingdoms Laws & Statutes, and of introducing the best waies of Policy; yea, that night and day he studied the good and Emolument of his Subjects by animadvertancies into, and contrivances for their Tillage, Structures, and other Rurall advantages, from which they de­rived plenty of profits, and do therfore record his Providence and Paternall care, with extraordinary testimonies of praise and thankfulness. Nor do they acknowledge him to have been less industrious (howbeit to his own excessive toil) in [Page 13] searching out the Metall Mines, wherwith Suethen abounds, or of inventing means for the more easie gaining of them, as arti­ficiall Fabricks, poised Engines of immence weight, usefull Aquaducts, and other beneficiall Mountaneous Works: As al­so in erecting (throughout all Suethland) of Work-houses, or houses of Correction, for vagrant and idle people: Neither did his care extend only to things present, and which might occur during his own time, but even to those that might befall his dear Country, when his Princely Spirit should have for­saken its earthly Mansion.

To which end, that he might timely obviate all disturban­ces in the Kingdom, but especially to decline the Seeds of contention from his Children; He framed a laudable and most Christian Will and Testament, which he imposed strickly as a rule, not only to his Posterity, but even to all the Orders and His Will and Testament. States of the Kingdom; The bounds wherof they were not any way to exceed: The scope of the said latter Will, was, that his Children and the whole States of Suethland should pre­serve, worship, and zealously maintain, the honour and service of God and his most holy word, even to their utmost, in that manner in which himself by Divine assistance had setled the same, without mixture of humane traditions; and this they were to observe as they hoped for Heaven, or desired to avoid the loss of eternall blessedness: He admonished his Children to continue in mutuall fraternall affection, and each to rest contented with his condition: As also faithfully, diligently, and by all waies and means, to procure the Weal of the King­dom and people, to study and embrace Peace and Concord, to avoid and (like Poyson) detest the Pest of Suspition, with those other mischiefs (dissentions, tumults) which like a Tor­rent flow from that Fountain.

Last, he exhorted his Sons, that neither by themselves nor any other, they should procure or permit the limits of the Kingdom (which had been bounded with much blood of their Ancestors) to be in the least sort diminished, but rather to enlarge, and with all their industry, power and might continu­ally de [...]end the same; With such zeal of affection towards the good of his Country, was this most excellent Prince transpor­ted: And therfore (say the Suethes) they could not but ac­count them for bruits, and unworthy to be numbred amongst the Sons of men, whom such Ardour of Royall Benevolence, did not enflame to some gratefull compensation towards so true a Father of his Country and his Posterity.

For the reasons before alledged, the States of Suethland, to the end, so large and various benefits might remain in perpe­tuall memory: and in some measure to testifie their thankful­ness for the same, did in their forementioned solemn Assembly [Page 14] at Arosia, unanimously ordain and decree, that so soon as this Incomparable Gustavus should be translated from this Vale of misery to the Mansions of Eternity, his eldest Son should sway the Scepter, and after him his first-born, and so, that Designment of the Succession. whole Line successively: And that, if it should so happen that the eldest Son should depart this life without heirs Males, then the second Son of this great and good Gustavus should as­cend the Royall Chair, wherin also his lawfull Male Issue was to succeed so long as any of them should survive: but the Male Posterity of the second likewise failing, the third, and (in the like case) the fourth of the Gustavian Virill Race were in the same manner to inherit, according to the Prescript tenour of that Act, wherunto the curious are referred.

There have been the more particularities used in setting down the last Will and Testament of this deserving Prince, because we are now entring, as it were, upon the Threshold of those differences that for so many years caused a vast expence of blood, and Inundations of other Miseries between the two flourishing Kingdoms of Suethen and Poland, and the rather, because (as the Suethes affirm) the breach of most, if not of all the heads of this Testament, gave begining to those diffe­rences by causing the expulsion of his Grand child, Sigismun­dus (King of Poland, with his whole Posterity for ever) from the Crown of Suethland, which also gave birth to the promi­sed Treaty of Pacification.

This Royall Gustavus Erickson (of whom it may be said, His Wives and Issue. that to his Subjects he was like a second Titus, the delight of man-kind) after thirty eight years of a most laudable Raign, changed the same for one more glorious, upon the third of the Calends of October, 1560. By Catharine, Daughter of Magnus Duke of Saxony, he had Ericke who succeeded him in the King­dom. His next Consort was Margaret the Daughter of Ericke Abraham of Loholme Knight, Governour of the Westro-gothes, who brought unto him John Duke of Finland (afterwards King of Suethland) Katherine, whom he married to Echardus Earl of Frizeland; Cecilia, who espoused Christopher Marquess of Baden, Magnus, Duke of the Ostro-gothes; Steno, who died a Child, Anna, wedded to George Joannes, Count Palatine of Rhyne, and Duke of Bavaria; Charles who forthwith deceased, Sophia married to Magnus Duke of Saxony, Elizabeth Wife unto Christopher Duke of Meckleburg, and Charles Duke of Suderman­nia, Nericia & Wermelandia; his last Wife was Catharina daugh­ter to Gustavus Olaus of Torpa, Gouernour of Westro-gothia, by whom he had no Issue.

Ericke his eldest succeeded and was Crowned, An. 1561. He Ericke his el­dest succeeds. for somtime waged strong War with the Danes and Lubeckers, and not only incurred the hatred of his Neighbours, but pro­voked [Page 15] also the dislike of his own Subjects. He married so meanly (say the Suethes) as was not only to the dishonour of his Crown and Race, but likewise to the contempt of his Nobility, whose extirpation he endeavoured, and the perpe­tration of that horrible Tyranny at Ʋbsall, by the wicked counsell of others, and his own naturally malicious dispo­sition.

John, Duke of Finland, to whom the waies of Ericke were little pleasing, having (as hath been said) married the Prin­cess Catherina, younger Sister to Sigismundus. Augustus King of Poland, and was therby allied unto the Jagellonian Family, (whose merits towards that Crown have been already men­tioned) had lent unto his Polonian Brother the sum of an hun­dred thousand Rix-dollars, for which he received (in pledge) certain Forts and Governments in Leifland, and so returned to Revalia in Finland, where he was by his Brother King Ericke, (who out of a suspitious nature made a sinister construction of Duke Johns actions, as intended for a Confederacy with the Polander and the Dane against him) oppressed with cruell War, and himself with his Wife and Family taken at Abo, a Town in Finland, and brought to Stocholme, where he was publikely accused, many of his Familiars executed; four whole years Taken and im­prisoned by his brother. he was under restraint, but afterwards set at liberty, and the year ensuing (the chance of War being turned) he seised up­on his Brother Ericke, whom he kept incarcerated untill his death. This hapned in the year 1568.

Duke John having thus disthroned his elder Brother, was John Duke of Finland, King of Suethland. with great applause, and the unanimous consent of the Peers, and all the Orders of Suethland, declared King, and Crowned An. 1569. He likewise waged War with the Dane, but with the Muscovite both cruell and long. Toward the end of his Sigismund his eldest elected King of Po­land, & crown­ed there 1588. Raign, his Son Sigismundus descended by his Mother (as hath been shewed) from the Jagellonian Race, was elected King of Poland, and there Crowned, An. 1588. Not long after, viz. An. 1590. The former Orobrogian and Arosian constitutions for he­reditary Union were renewed in favour of Sigismundus and his lawfull Heirs Males, and they failing in the like to his Bro­ther Prince John, which also failing, Charles Duke of Suderman­nia, Nenicia, and Wermelandia, was, with his Male Posterity to succeed.

At this Convention there passed also an absolute exheredi­tation King Erickes Posterity expel­led by Parlia­ment. of the Children of the late King Ericke, and all his Poste­rity, for the reasons before expressed.

John followed the same Profession (in point of Religion) as did Gustavus his Father, which was that of the Evangelicall or Augustane Confession: And albeit his Son Sigismundus (instructed by his Mother) had secretly embraced that of [Page 16] Rome, yet did not the Father decline from the Augustane, but constituted his Brother Duke Charles (who was strongly Lu­theran) as a pledge to the people, that therin no innovation should be made, having by Testament appointed him for Go­vernour over them, untill the return of Sigismundus from Po­land.

King John, as he observed his Fathers Testament in matter of Religion, so he was no less sollicitous, that the Sueth [...]sh Do­minion should receive no diminution by his Sons accession to the Polish Crown; and to that end he strickly enjoyned Earl Brake and Ericus Sparre, whom (at the instance of the Polanders) he had sent as Ambassadours to treat and conclude about his Sons Inauguration to that Kingdom, not to consent to ought that might tend to the prejudice or impairing of Suethland, as by their instructions dated at Vastena the fourth of May, 1587. may appear, wherunto the Curious are referred.

This Prince having Raigned three and twenty years, or therabouts, changed his mortall life in November, or December, An. 1592. His memory is celebrated by the Suethes, for many benefits conferred upon their Nobility and the people in ge­nerall, and for freeing them from the rigid and cruell govern­ment of his Brother Ericke, with the tyranny which other per­sons (under him) did exercise over them; for which in the fore-cited convention (at Stocholme) 1590 they not only con­firmed Hereditary uni­on renewed. the former hereditary Unions, in favour of his and the forementioned Princes, Heirs Males (as hath been shewed) but further also enacted that if the Nobler Gender of the Roy­all and Ducall Line should totally fail, the eldest of the un­married Females of the same should succeed unto the Crown, Assumption of Females, Male Issue failing. each in order according to their birth: And that they would not inforce or obtrude upon them any Husband against their own will and consent; nor admit of their alliance with any People, Kingdom, or State that were at enmity with or sought the prejudice of the Suethish Nation, but rather endeavour to match them with some One (who should be acceptable) of the Princely Families of Germany, descended from the Illustri­ous Gustavian Race, unlesse the same were prohibited by proximity of blood: And that they would provide the other Regall and Ducall Daughters of Dowries corresponding to their Dignity: Conditionally that they also should not con­tract Matrimony either with Forraigner or Native, except by the approbation and consent of the States of Suethland.

His first Wife (as already said) was Katherine, second Daughter to Sigismund the first, and Sister to Sigismund the se­cond, His Wives and Issue. Kings of Poland, whom he married, An. 1562. and had by her Sigismund (the third of that name King of Poland and) King of Suethen, also one Daughter the Princess Anna.

[Page 17] In second Bed, he wedded Gunila, the Daughter of John Axell Bielke of Heresetter Knight, Governour of the Ostro-gothes, in the year 1585. who brought unto him John, hereditary Prince of the Kingdom, and (afterwards) Duke of Ostrogothia, who in the year 1612. took to Wife the Illustrious Mary, daughter to the forenamed Duke of Sundermannia, &c. but then King of Sueth and, by the name of Charles the ninth.

Thus far hath been for the deduction of the Polish Kings from Boleslaus Chrobrus the first, but more particularly from (Jagello, or) Ʋladislaus the fifth of that name, King of Poland; as also of the Suethish Princes from Magnus Smeeke, but chiefly from Gustavus Erickson, the Liberator of his Country from extrane­ous bondage, and the Founder of his Family. & likewise of the alliance therof with Poland, with the conjunction of both those Crowns in the person of the last named Sigismundus, elected in Poland, hereditary of Suethen, Crowned in both, which was promised at the beginning of this Narrative. The disjunction and dessensions ensuing therupon between these two Crowns, follow next in order to be handled.

It will not (nevertheless) be unnecessary (for the better Former grudges between Sueth­land and Po­land. understanding of all the differences between those two Potent Nations) to insert that, before their latter discords, about the expulsion of Sigismundus and his Heirs from the Crown of Suethland, severall grudges and jars had been on foot concern­ing certain parts of Leifland; The Polanders and Suethes having (both) incroached theron, whilest the same was under the Russian, each catching at what lay most commodious for them, and not seldom reaving from one another: Albeit the Polish Authors assert that Joannes Basilides the great Duke (or rather Tyrant) of Russia, wherunto all Leifland formerly belonged, was forced to quit the same wholly to Stephen King of Poland, in the year 1588. wherby he became deprived of the best and richest Country of his Empire (by reason of the Commerce that Province hath in the Balthicke Sea) in which was num­bred thirty four Castles. Notwithstanding which, the Suethes seised on Tolezeburg, Ʋdsenburg, Bercholm, As and Est, which they gained from the Russian, and from the Polander, Revell, and Badis in the Province of Haria, Vitenstein also, the chief Fort in the Dutchy of Gervanlandia, with the Towns and Palaces of sundry of the Nobility of that Dukedom: To the Dutchy of Esthonia the Kings of Suethen (to this day) intitle themselves. The Polish Forces had in like manner wrested from the Sueths Karxhaus, Helmeth, Rugen, and Parnaw, a fair and well fortified Castle and Town joying to the Sea, all of the Province of Estho­nia aforesaid. In the Bishoprick of Habsell, the Suethes had got­ten both City and Castle being the Episcopall Seat: Lode a strong Castle, and Lehall both City and Castle were possest by [Page 18] their Forces, besides sundry other important places; All which premised, we proceed.

It hath been already said, that King John of Suethen had by his instructions enjoyned his fore-named Ambassadors, that no Alienation of ought belonging to the Suethish Crown, should be accorded in contemplation of his Sons assumption to that of Poland, but rather to break off the Treaty: Notwithstanding Ambassadors stretching their Instructions. which charge the said Ambassadors did act and conclude sun­dry things contrary therunto; for (say the Suethes) in the third Article sworn unto and signed by both parties, at the great Parliament, in or neer Warsaw, An. 1587. it is expresly provided, that the King Elect should be bound to incorporate that part of Livonia or Leifland, which the King of Suethland then possessed, unto Poland or Lithuania: And the then Queen Dowager of Poland (Aunt unto the said elected King) was to secure the same by Caution out of her own peculiar Goods, as well in the Kingdom of Naples and the Dutchy of Baresano, Duoano and Foggiano, as out of her Dowry, and any other goods and Possessions, movable or immovable, within or with­out the Kingdom of Poland.

This Concession, which (accordingto the Stipulation of The first com­plaint of the Suethes. the Ambassadors) Sigismund the King Elect, was to sign at his entry into that Kingdom; the States of Suethen object, as the first breach of the Auitall Gustavian Testament, and that these Transactions were unknown, and contrary to his Fathers mind and will, may appear by a Schedule to his Uncle Duke Charles in his Letter from Calnear, the second of December, 1587: wherin he expresseth to this effect.

Dated as abovesaid.

And in his first Letter to his Father, after his reception of that Crown, dated at Cracovia the first of May, 1588. he insi­nuated the same thing, and that he had been urged to declare himself in the matter of Leifland; but that he by the advice of the Suethes (then attending him) had answered in these words: That this matter should be wholly deferred, therby to oblige the Polanders to forbear the importunity he might otherwise have [Page 19] received therupon; promising withall (to his said Father) never to grant them any further hopes therof, or to do ought therin contrary to his Majesties mind: And that he had already told them, he would rather renounce the Kingdom by them tendred unto him, then alienate ought of the bounds of his most dear Country, purchased with the blood of so many gallant men of the Suethish Nation.

His Father King John deceasing (as hath been said) An. Death of King John. 1592. Charles (his Uncle) Duke of Sudermannia, &c. before named, took upon him the Government (as next of blood) during the absence of his Nephew. His first Act was to call to Stocholme, and reconcile to himself, sundry Counsellours of the Kingdom, with others of the Senatoriall Order, who had been long in the late Kings displeasure, and who had likewise provoked himself: To them (passing by former Injuries) he granted Letters of security, An. 1592. and both from the one and other received Letters Obligatoricall, dated January 1593. to joyne unanimously in Counsell and endeavours for the pub­like good, and to be in all things assisting and subservient to him the said Duke, reserving their fidelity and obedience to their lawfull hereditary King.

Duke Charles had advertised his Nephew King Sigismundus King Sigis­mund adverti­sed therof by Duke Charles. of his Fathers decease, by Letters from Stocholme, of the twenty fifth of November, 1592. and desired his acceleration withall due conveniency, to receive the Crown of his Native Kingdom: The like he did from Ʋbsall, by Olaus Suerkerus, the seventh of March following; to him he gave instructions to assure his Majesty, that he would contain the Kingdom in peace and tranquility, and so resign the same into his Majesties hands: That he hoped likewise and expected, that his Majesty would maintain his Subjects (of what condition soever) in the true Religion and Divine Worship, as also preserve inviolably the Laws of Suethland, with all the Priviledges granted by his Predecessors in each, and all the points and Articles of every of them, with severall other circumstances contained in those Instructions, the whole in thirteen Heads or Sections.

Not long after, King Sigismundus so desiring, Turo Bielke of Nynes was by Duke Charles, sent Ambassador into Poland, with Letters and Instructions, dated the 26th of May, 1593. impor­ting as before, preservation of Religion, as established in the latter times of Gustavus Erickson, and the first of King John, and as the same had been lately approved and confirmed at a gene­rally Synod held at Ʋbsall, the maintenance of Laws and Liber­ties to great and small, poor and rich were likewise inserted, and security therof (with other points touched in the said In­structions) to be by the Ambassador humbly desired under the Royall Signature.

The twenty seventh of July following, Ericus Sparre, and [Page 20] Claudius Bierke, were sent to Dantzig with other Letters, and a Fleet to receive and attend his Majesty honourably into Sue­then.

Sigismundus returned answer by Turo Bielke, referring the Peace to ensue with the Russian (which had likewise been touched upon in the fore-cited Instructions) and the security desired by the Prince and Counsellours of State, in the name of all the Orders of Suethen, untill his arrivall and Coronation there, at which time he would confirm to every one freedom of his Religion, observation of the Suethish Laws, retention of ancient Priviledges and Liberties, not prejudiciall to the Re­gall and Ducal Succession, with all other things convenient to be secured unto them, under his hand and Seal, and that the same might be then done much better and more commodious­ly then at such a distance. These were dated at Dantzig the eighteenth of August, 1592:

But the Suethes complain in that he gave not present assecu­ration Second com­plaint of the Suethes. in the point of Religion, and those other things desired in the Ambassadoriall Instructions, but that (over-passing them) he proceeded on his Voyage; wherby (say they) he not obscurely discovered, that either he would not give, or not observe (when given) any such security, especially touch­ing Religion. It was likewise observed, that the Duke meet­ing King Sigismundus and his Queen, upon their landing at the Bridge of Stocholme, after congratulation of their safe arrivall, with a long Oration, did admonish him so to receive and go­vern his Hereditary Kingdom, as he might with a good con­science answer before God and the World, and particularly those of the Suethish Nation: Wherunto the King gave but small regard, and made but a short reply.

The Coronation time approaching, and the chief of all the Orders repairing to Stocholme to attend the King to Ʋbsall, where that Solemnity is usually performed: They besought him to confirm their Liberties and Priviledges: Which he, whilest there remaining, delayed with uncertain hopes; wher­with the whole Politicall and Ecclesiasticall Orders being mo­ved, did by Letters and Emissaries Solicite the Duke to medi­ate with his Majesty not to procrastinate longer, but to dis­patch those and other Emergent Affairs, lest longer delaies might beget some stop to the Regall Ceremony; and some of the said severall Orders were in the name of the rest, deputed unto his Highness (then at Gripshold Castle) to request his repair to the Solemnity, and his Intervention with the King for their satisfaction: Wherupon the Duke by Letters of the nineteenth of January, 1594. did in most faithfull and friendly manner advise his Majesty, to take the desires of the States in­to his serious consideration.

[Page 21] King Sigismundus, nevertheless still delayed, untill almost the Coronations Eve, from whence they gathered that he had no propension to their desires, especially in the matter of Re­ligion, seeing that, notwithstanding all instances used both by the Duke and Senators, seven weeks were wasted before ought could be effected, or the Coronation celebrated: Which con­sumption of time was chiefly imputed to the obstinacy of Francisco de Malaspina the Pontificiall Legate, who by injun­ction from the Romish Prelate, severely prohibited his assent, but was at last constrained to advise and perswade the King to grant (unto the States of Suethland) the Assecuration desired, which he was the rather induced unto, as having (on his Holi­ness behalf) one starting hole remaining; to wit, That Faith was not to be kept towards Hereticks: which (say they) was af­terwards verified; and that King Sigismundus observed no Covenant contained in his Coronation Oath, or in his Letters of Assecuration.

It is (by them, and not without detestation) likewise af­firmed, Criminations by the Suethes a­gainst King Si­gismund. that Sigismundus intending mischief to the Duke his Uncle, appointed some Ensigns of Heyduckes to lye in wait to murther him; which had been effected, but that a certain per­son (Hieronimo Strozzi) discovered the design, and that this not succeeding, a second plot was hatched to have been perpe­trated by Italians in disguise, by means of a Comedy to have been by them acted (with naked Swords, a thing unusuall) amongst whom was Salvator Fabriz, Authour of, an Actor in that Scene which should have ushered in the fatall Tragedy; and that this cursed Plot is testified and confirmed by James Tipotius a great Sectator of the Romish Religion, and not igno­rant of the designs of the Jesuites and Polanders, himself being then at Ʋbsall. But the Duke by his absence from those sights (contrary to expectation) prevented the intended butchery.

Neither (say they) were those Trayterous Counsellours, And some Sena­tors. who afterwards induced King Sigismundus to infest his Native Soil with armed Bands, unwitting of these treacherous devices: But that it was they who did first blow the coals of this per­nicious discord, albeit they kept close somtime; that so, if the Tragedy had taken the wished effect, they might have seemed innocent, and with Pilate have justified themselves; but that God of his goodness by withholding the Event did frustrate their Machination.

They likewise assert (for clearing the Duke from suspi­tion of ambitious affectation of the Crown) that even at Ʋb­sall before the Coronation, his Highness was, by many of the States, not once, but often urged and invited to take the Dia­dem; and this ingemination frequently used Your Highness is the Crown of Suethland tendred to Duke Charles. only remaining Son of King Gustavus; and as your Predecessor (of [Page 22] happy memory) appeared a Father and Defender of his Country, so We doubt not, but that your Highness will advance the Common-Weal of Suethen: but from this King Sigismundus We cannot hope for ought of good. Which desire of theirs, Duke Charles not only rejected, but like wise frustrated the purpose of certain of the severall Orders, who would have committed the Raynes of the Soveraign Rule unto Duke John (as then of tender years) who should have been Crowned at the age wherin he might have Legally secured the Liberties of the Suethish Nation. Whence (say they) all people of what Condition soever, may easily collect from what Root these Seeds of discord first sprung: but let us now (with them) turn our Pen and Sic­kle to the remainder of these growing Weeds:

They alledge also, that it was apparent wherat Sigismundus Further Crimi­nations. aimed in bringing such a troop of Popish Priests into the King­dom, the chief of whom was the before-named Malespina, who in the Metropolitan Arch-Episcopall Seat of the Suethes, Gothes, and Vandals, did dare to attempt the Crowning of their King, wherin he was withstood by all the Orders of the Kingdom, but mainly by Adamus Adracanus Arch-bishop Elect of Ʋbsall, who stoutly shewed that it was contrary to their Statutes, and the Laws of Suethland, that any but the Ʋbsalian Prelate should perform that Office, and that before the consummation therof, it behoved the King to bind himself by Oath to observe those things, which (in the Augustane Confession were exhibited to the Emperor Charles the fifth, above sixty four years then past, and likewise) had been decreed by Gustavus and King John his Grand-father and Father, as also ordered by a late Synod at Ʋbsall to be observed in Suethland, where into no Church other then of that Profession was to be admitted: But that the King (whilest there) might have a private Chappell in his Palace; Wherupon the Legate interceded that (at least) with the E­vangelicall Religion, the Romish erroneous and idolatrous Su­perstition might be tollerated; In prejudice of the Gustavian admonition and testament, which was not granted.

At last, King Sigismundus (having attempted all means that Sigismund crowned King of Suethland. might compass his ends, and they failing) received the Regal Ensigns at Ʋbsall, in the year 1594. the fore-named Andraca­nus Officiating, and Ericus Sparre Chancellor of the Kingdom, solemnly reciting the form of the Coronation Covenant, wher­by he promised to maintain all persons high and low, Clergy Obligatory Ar­ticles. and Laiety, in the liberty of the received Religion, to main­tain Justice and Truth, and to suppress Injustice and Falshood; to pronounce equitable Judgment, and not to prejudice any in Life, Body, or Goods, unless convicted by the Laws of Suethen; to govern the same by the advice and counsell of Duke Charles, and of the Native (not extraneous) Senators: [Page]

[Page] [Page 23] Into which number, as also into the command of any Castles, Provinces, or Patrimony, no stranger to be admitted; to raise no new Taxes or Impositions within the Kingdom, except ne­cessity compelled: therby also confirming to the Peers, Cler­gy, and Inhabitans of Suethen, all former Priviledges, Liberties, and Immunities, and by all means to procure the publike tranquility and peace. The Clause ensuing being added for conclusion: This Oath I Religiously promise and Vow to keep to all His Oatk. my Subjects, young, and old, born, and to be born, beloved, or not be­loved, present, or absent, no way infringing, but rather consummating the same with all Regall affection; So God be propitious unto my Soul and body.

He gave likewise Letters Assecutoriall to the like effect, to Letters of secu­rity. all the States, under his hand and Seal, at Ʋbsall the ninteenth of February, 1594. wherinto the Curious may make inspection. It being intended here to mention only the heads of things most necessary to be inserted, in reference to the ends before proposed.

Contrary to this Oath, King Sigismundus is (by them) Contrary actings charged to have erected a Popish Church in the Regall City, to which end, he purchased a Stately Structure of Stone from a stranger there inhabiting: He is likewise taxed for placing Count Ericke of Visingsborg (a most zealous Adherer to the Romish Sect) Governour of Stocholme Castle, in which the Re­gall Ornaments, with the Records of their Cancellariae, are usu­ally deposited; as also the Armes, Ammunition, and the great Ordinance of the Kingdom: And in the Port wherof the main body of their Navy was reserved, contrary to his fore-menti­oned Letters of Assecuration.

To a certain Jesuite, Adam Steinhall by name, he committed the Arcensian Temple, placing also his Romish Priests in the Queens Island, and in the Vastenan Monastery, contrary to what he had given under his hand and Seal, to this effect: That neither in the Ecclesiasticall or Politicall Affairs of that King­dom, he would use the help of any person who did not profess the Re­ligion then generally received in Suethen.

They further argue, that he no sooner returned from his Further Obje­ctions. Coronation to Stocholme, but that he gave the Raynes unto his Polish and other Romish affected followers, to enter their Churches, and disturb their Service and Devotions, by tumul­tuous perambulations in all parts of their Temples, with loud voices and scandalous Gestures (during their Sermons and other Religious Exercises) to the great oppression and scan­dall of minds; yea, to the hazard of mens lives, branding and reviling them with the name of Hereticks, and other infamous and scurrilous Appellations, insomuch as they were constrain­ed to set Guards about their Ministers ascending their Pulpits; [Page 24] and complaint being made unto the King of these abuses, the Plaintiffs were dismist with reproaches and contumelious words, no redress at all afforded.

It is moreover objected, that besides extraneous Forces in­troduced Continued. at his Arrival, he ordered others to be brought from Dantzig by Ernest Wejerus, and other Commanders, furnished as to a declared War; wherby Flouds of blood might have over-flowed, if by other weighty Affairs he had not been re­called and induced to return into Poland: but what he could not then (say they) effect, he afterwards endeavoured at the Papall Legatorian instance, when with a numerous Army he re­entred Suethen in the year 1598.

In this manner do they charge King Sigismundus, that he no Hit second de­parture from Suethland. way observed his Regall Oath and Assecuration in point of Religion: after which he departed the Kingdom (as at first he had done) without the consent and approbation of the States therof; leaving behind a Romish affected Governour in his chief Fort and City, besides severall Churches with the Va­stenan Monestary filled with Jesuites and others of that Erro­neous Sect, wherby much dissention a rose within the Land soon after his departure.

Hereupon certain Senators of the Kingdom thought it expe­dient to write unto the Duke, signifying the Kings departure, and that they had endeavoured to their utmost, that the weighty Affairs of the Realm might have been settled before his Exit, severall wherof remained yet unperfected: That Duke Charles sought unto by seme Senators. therfore they besought his Highness to afford a helping hand with his wonted Patriotall affection, for the dispatch of things as necessity required. That touching the form of Government, which his Highness had (by Copy communica­ted unto them, to be) desired of his Majesty, no proceed had been made, as he might happily have understood by Ericke Gustavus one of their number: That the Regall Ensigns were deposited in the Stocholmian Castle, wherof Count Ericke was appointed Governour, against whom they had protested in his own presence, and had entreated his Majesty to ponder the same more maturely: Other things also were in the said Let­ter contained, as their most earnest desire for his Highness speedy repair to Stocholme: These were dated the fifteenth of July 1594. and their requests reiterated by a second invitation of the twentieth ejusdem.

The Duke returned answer to their first the eighteenth of the same, therin expressing, that albeit most willing (as by duty obliged) to procure his dear Countries good, yet the same seemed a work of no small difficulty, the King having prescribed no direct form of Government, especially in those disturbed times, wherin the publike Treasure was much ex­hausted [Page 25] the Kingdom obvious to the inconveniencies of a Rus­sian War, and uncertain of obtaining a wished Peace; the Crown Revenues so diminished (during his Majesties being there) as they appeared not a little deficient: That neverthe­less he would not be wanting to afford his utmost of counsell and assistance for the redress of things amiss, wherunto his Propinquity of blood and maturity of years invited him; conditionally, that they would joyn with him for the Weal of his Majesty and the Kingdom, wherof he desired their speedy resolution and compliance to those things that for the said ends should be decreed; and that they would not separate untill conclusions were taken concerning the frame of future Government, to which effect he would (upon their intima­tion) speedily repair to Stocholme. These were dated from Nicopia.

In pursuance hereof they again instance unto him, that his Again desired to assume the Government. presence was both their hope and expectation, renewing their requests that he would assume the Government. Promising that they would not be wanting to their power in Counsell, Assistance, security, and Obedience for the good of the King­dom, the glory of God, and the Emolument of the Natives. This was dated the ninth of August, 1594. and signed by Ni­colaus Gyldenstierne, Gustavus Baner, Turo Bielke, Hogenschildus Bi­elke, Claudins Bielke, and Gustavus Gabrielis.

Duke Charles thus invited, repaired to Stocholme, where, no The Duke comes to Stocholme. sooner arrived, but he cleared the Arconsian Temple, the City, and the Queens Island, of the Romish Priests, and likewise de­prived their great Patron, Count Ericke, of his Command of the Regall Castle; for he being a strong Promover of the Papall Creed, was formidable to those of the contrary Profes­sion, by reason of his power and great Alliances within the Kingdom; His Sister being Wife to Ericke Sparre the Chancel­lour: his Aunt married to Claudtus Flemingius Governour of Finland, and his Uncles, Ericke Gustavus, Aruidus Gustavus, and Carolus Gustavus, were Rulers and Governours of the Westro-gothes, the Ostro-gothes, and Smaland, with others of no mean power.

To the former Criminations against their King, they add, Further crimi­nations against Sigismundus. that contrary to his Regall Oath, and promise under his hand and Seal, to protect from injury the Poor, as well as the Rich, he permitted (without punishment or inquisition made) the Nightly Watches to be abused and beaten: The Polanders (of his Train) to be day and night in Armes; by whom (with others of the Natives who delighted in such mischiefs) sundry of the said Night-watches being frequently murthered, were so found lying in the Streets, others miserably wounded; yea, even their houses were unsecure from violence: and notwith­standing [Page 26] complaints were many times preferred, yet no redress was granted, nor Justice executed upon the Murtherers.

Sundry other things to the same purpose, they repeat; as the Concession (formerly mentioned) of Leisland to the Crown of Poland; as also, the diminishing of the Navy and Or­denance, to the great damage of the Common-wealth: And that, unwitting to the Duke or States of the Kingdom; in pre­judice also of the Gustavian Testament, and the Constitutions of Calmar, An. 1587. he had transacted with the Neighbour Princes, touching certain most weighty Affairs of Suethland; the peculiar Badge or Cognisance wherof he had alienated, re­quiring by Ericke Sparre, his Ambassadour, a dilation or prolon­ging of the compromissoriall transaction about the said Badge; viz. The three Crowns, which in the year 1591. at the Treaty with the Dane by the River Flakesiobecke, had been at their earnest and most instant request suspended untill An. 1597: And that Sigismundus (by that Embassie sought to attain by en­treaty from the Dane that which he had formerly (not with­out much difficulty and suit) obtained from the States of Sueth­land, therby alienating the right of the Suethes to those three Crowns, the proper and peculiar Badge, and one of the chief Regalities of the Kingdom, which he ought not to have done.

And this he did (say they) by the perswasions of his said Counsellour Ericke Sparre, the better to compass his hostile in­tensions towards his Uncle the Duke, to the notorious breach of the foresaid Testament; the express words wherof are, viz.

Our dear Sons, not only he, who with his posterity shall succeed us in the Regall Chair, but the rest likewise of our dear Sons, shall neither by themselves apart, or with their familiar Counsellours, Servants, or Subjects, attempt, treat, or decide any Affairs wherin the welfare and honour of the Kingdom are concerned; by concluding of War, Peace, Leagues, or other Concernments of the Common-wealth, of weight and moment, except by the counsell and consent of them all, with approba­tion of the Prime, States of the Kingdom joyntly.

They further objurgate his causing of Arrest to be made at Lubecke (and other Maratine Cities) of their Ships and Goods, and spoyling them of their said Goods and Merchandizes: And that, some years past (Suethland being afflicted with a great dearth of Corn, wherby many thousands perished, and the residue much exhausted, in their Substance) he, by the counsell of Steno Baner, Olaus Suercherus and Lindormias Bond, severely prohibited those of Dantzig and other Sea Ports of the Polish Dominion, from administring relief to those of Sue­then; and at the same time enjoyed those of Rivell (albeit in­corporated into Swethland) not to furnish them with any provision, and sollicited the like with other Marine Places be­longing to the Romish Empire.

[Page 27] By all these things, they shew, that his second departure produced no better fruite then his first (both being without the privity of the States) and that, as his first discession, to receive an Extraneous Crowne, accasioned a conceding of Leifeland to the Polander; So, his second left them in a con­fusednesse, without any prefect forme of Government, con­trary to his promise; which Comedie (say they) was com­menced by those Counsellours who were unwilling to be lon­ger ruled by the Gustavian Line, but that themselves might pre­vent each other in the domination of the parts, whereby would have ensued the ruine of the whole.

King Sigismundus (say they) precipitating his departure, Plenipotentia­ry sent unto D. Charles. had sent to his Uncle, then at Nycopia, by Ericke Gustavus and Claudius Slatte, a certain Plenipotentiarie, importing that, indu­ced by his urgent Affairs and by his promise, he now inten­ded to repair into Poland; and that, to the end his Native Country might not be destitute of good Government and Ad­ministration of Justice, untill God should grant him a return, he committed the same unto him his said Uncle, as being a Prince Hereditary, and chief among the other Orders of the Kingdom, together with others the faithfull Senators therof, to whom with him this Plenipotentiary was joyntly given, to be governed and administred accordingly; Provided, that in the first and chief place, he and they should honour and ac­knowledge him and his Heirs Males (if any should be) for lawful Heirs and Kings of Suethland: and next to them his Bro­ther John Prince of Finland, that they should endeavour and by all means procure his and the Kingdoms good, preventing all prejudice and loss by Mature Counsell, and Administer the other affairs of the Kingdom with the joynt Senatorial consent and concordall unanimity conform to the Laws of Suethland, that no damage or detriment might thence redound. But that, they should not celebrate or call any publike Assembly, Prohibition di­stastfull. or Parliament, nor upon any occasion make or enact Laws without his speciall and express consent, as being agreeable to and demonstrative from the Reversoriall Letters given unto him by the Duke and Senators: In order wherunto he com­manded all and every the Subjects of Suethland and inhabitants therof, of what eminency, degree, or condition soever, to ren­der and perform to his said dear Uncle (as to the chief in Go­vernment) and to the Senators, according to the state and dignity of each, all due obedience, honour, and assistance in all things which they should enjoyn for the good and emolument of the King and Kingdom, given in the Port of Elsnaben the eighteenth of July, 1594.

But this Plenipotentiary was by Duke Charles rejected as im­perfect, Rejected as im­persect. and a draught more ample (by Letters from Nycopia [Page 28] of the twenty third ejusdem) sent to the King for the Regall Assent and Signature, with a Schedule annexed, wherin his Majesty was desired (in case that Peace intended with the Russian should not take effect) to consider of some way wher­by the Nerves of War might be supplied; Provisions made of Victuall, Ammunition, and other Necessaries equally incident, which with other particulars mentioned in either, are referred to inspection into the Originall by such as are curious.

But the King was gone, before this answer could be tendred unto him, leaving Suethland in much disorder: which the Duke considering, and that only a lame form of power and go­vernment was left, and that others were ordained with equal, yea, greater power both in Suethland and Finland (albeit the same appeared not untill his Exit;) So as almost in every Pro­vince some or other did rise up, boasting himself Governour in the Royal absence, from which Fountain many misfortunes, mischiefs, and miseries might have flowed: Tumults and dis­sentions would have sprung up on each side, to the ruine of the publike Weal, unless timely obviated: for the better effecting wherof, the Duke by the Senatoriall Consent, indicted a Parliament at Sudercopia against the moneth of October, 1595. To which generall Convention, the whole Senate and Orders Parliament at Sudercopia. of the Kingdoms, Counts, Barons, Bishops, Knights, Gentry, Clergy, Commanders of Forts and Forces, Burgesses, and com­mon people, did emulously flock to consult upon the Urgen­cies of the Kingdom, wherin (they assert) many things were treated and transacted tending greatly to the good of King Si­gismundus and the whole Nation, if due execution had not been obstructed.

In these Parliamentary constitutions, after thanks rendred to the Divine goodness, for having (by tollerable conditions) freed them from apprehension of a long and bloody Russian War, so as being then in Concord with all their Neighbours, they might more freely endeavour a setling of the like at home which was their aime in that assembly; they unanimously by virtue of their respective Provinciall Plenipotentiary, and each for himself particularly, did bind themselves to observe their Oath and promise made to King Sigismundus, in the points of Fidelity, and obedience, to him and his Heirs: And that wheras his Majesty at his Coronation, had promised the entire liberty of their Religion, with exclusion of all other, which was not yet effected, and that certain of the Romanists had al­ready begun to use threatnings, in confidence of their encrease: They therfore enacted and concluded, that all Conventions publike or private, used by the Papalists or any other Sects, by what notion soever frequented, should be taken away; their Priests and Preachers banished, and to depart the King­dom [Page 29] within six weeks after the rising of that present Parlia­ment.

That none of the Commonalty of that, or any other Sect, seperate from the Profession there generally received, should be admitted to any Office within the Kingdom, but all Pensi­ons toward such to be revoked: yet that they, living peace­ably, might still remain and enjoy the Laws, Liberties, and Priviledges of Suethen; but if doing otherwise, either in pub­like or private, to be punished and exiled as the others were.

That, in reference to the Vastenan Monastery, wheras the Regall Assecuration did bear that no Scholastick Exercise or Function Ecclesiasticall, contrary to the Augustane Confession, and the Ʋbsalian Synod, celebrated An. 1593. should be obtru­ded upon the Kingdom, or be suffered to impede the received Religion, but that therin the proceedings should be accord­ing to the last year of King Gustavus (fore-mentioned and the first of King John: Therfore all abuses in the foresaid Mona­stery, and the present Incumbents were to be thence excluded.

That (furthermore) wheras the most Illustrious Duke Charles had then, before all the Orders of the Kingdom, signi­fied that by reason of several notable defects, represented som­times Orally, and also in the written Paper then exhibited unto them, he desired to be freed from the Government, un­less those were removed. They therfore in regard his High­ness was a Prince hereditary of the Kingdom, whom it meerly concerned, that the Affairs therof should be rightly and or­derly administred, humbly desired that his Highness would The Duke desired to embrace the Govern­ment. embrace the same for the good and emolument of the King and his Successors, as also of the younger Brethren, and in a word, of the whole Regall and Ducall Heirs, according to the Acts of hereditary Succession; wherby the Subjects and Inhabitants of the Kingdom might (in like manner) freely enjoy the Na­tions Laws, with their legally acquired Liberties and Privi­ledges: And that wheras his Highness had consented to un­dergo the Administration of the Government, with the Sena­tors of the Kingdom joyntly; They (therfore) the respe­ctive Orders therof, Ecclesiasticall and Politicall, Nobility, and Commonalty, high, and low, did promise, that to their utmost they would acknowledge and observe his Highness as their Prince and Governour in his Majesties absence, and un­till his return into the Kingdom; and accordingly render unto his Highness all lawfull obedience, fidelity, and duty, saluting and intitling him the Governour of the Kingdom: yet no way to any prejudice of the Regall Jurisdiction or Dignity, con­form to the litterary transaction, approved of between his Highness and the Kingdoms Senators: Wherfore, that what Affairs soever of weight and moment, relating to that King­dom, [Page 30] his Majesty should desire to be there expediated; were first, and before all others to be signified unto his Highness and the Senatoriall Colledge: But if otherwise, and whosoever he were who should obtain any Commission, he should have no power of appointing or acting ought in reference therunto, before his Highness and the whole Senatoriall Order were consulted therin, who undoubtedly would therupon conclude and ordain, so as might be most conducing to the honour and advantage of his Majesty and the Kingdom, according to the Oathes and Assecurations alternatively given:

It was concluded also, that no trouble or molestation should accrue to the King, by seeking or desiring any determination or resolution in Poland concerning the Affairs of Suethland, in regard his Majesty had not (there) those persons neer him, to whom he might commit the expediting of the Suethish Affairs; for which cause (they concluded that) all Juridicall Process, Grievances, and Controversies, should be examined & defined within the Kingdom, conform to the Laws of Suethland and the Decree relating therunto, published at Ʋbsall, An. 1593. which the King himself had confirmed: And that they should not be transmitted into Poland, nor that any sentence or reso­lution (touching them) should be expected thence, but that if any one thought himself injured therby, he might appeal unto the Kings return, whether that any Regall Sentence given without the Kingdom should obtain execution within the same; Otherwise no man to be prohibited to repair or seek unto the King about his private Affairs, or other things lawfull and rationall, not tending to the prejudice of any, es­pecially of those who sate at the Helme: Provided, that (as aforesaid) the Kings Mandates and Writs should be first dire­cted and addressed unto his Highness and the Senatoriall Or­der, the execution of them not to be immediatly committed unto any other.

Concerning the Offices of the Kingdom, it was decreed that his Highness and the Senatoriall Colledge, with the counsell and consent of the chief other Orders (whom the matter might concern) should as occasion required, in his Majesties absence, consider of meet persons, so that such men and Ser­vants might be preferred to Offices and Charges in the King­dom respectively, as did rightly belong and were tied by Oath to the King and to the Common-wealth, and that spe­ciall and serious regard were had to ancient and well deser­ving persons: As also that none of the Prime Offices of the Nation should be entirely committed to any one, before the Provinciall Inhabitants where such an Officer was requisite, and any others therin concerned, might have free Sufferages or Votes, by whom three Candidati or persons elective were [Page 31] to be named, as the Laws of Suethland (to the observation wherof his Majesty had sworn) concerning the chief Offices, do in some sort mention, which three persons elected, were to be signified unto his Majesty, out of which number he might appoint one whom he best approved of; and if it should so happen, that the King had no rationally lawfull ob­jections against them, and did nevertheless defer the approba­tion of some one of them, perhaps not without detriment to the Kingdom and the Government therof, his Highness had power to place one of the three (so elected) in the said Of­fice; yet that no Officials formerly perferred by his Majesty, should be dismissed, unless lawfull causes were found; wher­by upon due inspection and examination, they might appear worthy of deprivation, neither that any one should be advan­ced to a greater Plurality of Offices then he could commodi­ously, and with utility to the Kingdom undergo.

These things being by them enacted, the Duke on the other Duke Charles excepts therof. part, did stipulate in these words.

We Charles by the Grace of God, hereditary Prince and Gover­nour of the Kingdom of Suethland, Duke of Sudermannia, Neri­cia, and Wermelandia; do promise that we will diligently (assist­ed by the Senatoriall Order, as well of Spirituall as Secular Persons) endeavour to the utmost of our abilities so to manage the Kingdoms Affairs, as we shall know or conceive to be most advantageous to his Majesty, commodious to this our most dear Countrey, beneficiall to the Orders and faithfull Subjects therof, and Emolumentall to all persons: wherby every one may be maintained and protected in the pure Evan­gelical Religion, according to the Augustane Confession, and the Pro­fession of faith instituted at Ubsall, and agreeable to the Laws of Suethen, and those Priviledges and Prerogatives which each man, conform to his condition, enjoyeth, and hath obtained from precedent Kings and Governours: As also that we will govern the Kingdom of Suethen and the Affairs therof, wholly according to the Oath which his Majesty at his Coronation at Ubsall, did swear to his Subjects, and did secure unto them by writing; and as We with Our best and cleer­est judgment shall find or can imagine may be profitable to his Maje­sty and Emolumentary to the Orders and Subjects of the Kingdom, as well of the Clergy as the Laiety, even as we desire, God assisting, to answer for the same before God, his Majesty, and the (respective) Orders of the Kingdom.

Whatsoever likewise shall by Ʋs, with the free advice of the Sena­tors, which without any prejudice they may safely communicate, be approved and concluded (as We will not decree ought in weighty Af­fairs relating to the Kingdom, without the Senatoriall Sufferage) We will unanimously maintain and defend, that the same may be preser­ved firm and irrevocable, to the present and future times: And that We will accordingly, All as One, and One as All, profess and protect the [Page 32] same, if in process of time it shall be needfull and requisite.

Lastly, in testimony that We do willingly constitute and approve of this Transaction, in manner as aforesaid, for the good of his Majesty our most gratious King; the prosperity of the Kingdom and the Inha­bitants therof, and do ordain the same to be unviolably observed word for word, according to the cleer literall sense therof, without prejudice or violation to the Regall Eminency, and Jurisdiction, and our Oath, as the Laws of Suethen require: We Charles by the grace of God He­reditary Prince, and Governour of the Kingdom of Suethland, Duke Mutuall agree­ment. of Sudermannia, Nericia, and Wermelandia: And We the Orders of the said Kingdom fore-mentioned, have hereunto affixed our Seals, and subscribed the same with our hands. And if We, or others pre­sent, or absent, who have not assisted at this Convention (which We are not willing to impute, as proceeding from pertinaciousness or dis­obedience) shall refuse to approve with Ʋs, of what before recited, concluded for the Common good of his Majesty and our Countrey, (wherof the Parliament being ended, intimation shal be given to all the Provinces) and that by previous information and admonition, they shall not offer or produce any lawfull reasons in contradiction hereun­to, which they have free liberty to do; We, certainly will send Messen­gers unto them, and will hold them for non-conforming and distur­bing Ministers of the Kingdom; and whosoever shall not adjoyn themselves hereto, if constituted in any of the Eminent Offices of the Kingdom, We will endeavour to diminish their publike Authority and Power, as We shall judge consentaneous to equity and reason; least the Kingdom of Suethland, should from thence receive detriment and seeds of dissention. In like manner they who shall detract or aposta­tize from this our generall, free, and unanimous Transaction; Whe­ther for favour of great Ones, peculiar profit, or other causes, under what notion soever comprehended, or shall refuse to contribute their endeavours hereunto, whereby force, secretly, or openly may be obtru­ded by any whosoever, in prejudice of what his Majesty hath given assecuration to the Kingdom, and wherupon this our Transaction is founded; We shall account them as persons treacherous to the King, and seditious to the Kingdom, perfidious men, and to their Countrey Traytors, and that we will mutually assist each other to their prosecution and extermination. Enacted at Sudercopia the twenty second of October, 1595:

More particularity hath been used in reciting (albeit brief­ly) the heads of this Parliamentary Act and its conclusions, then is intended with others the like; this being that which King Sigismundus (afterwards) so much endeavoured the disannulling of, and which the Suethes do so much instance and justifie themselves upon.

In this manner was Duke Charles designed Governour of the Kingdom, which was no way pleasing to King Sigismundus; King Sigis­mund, displea­sed. [Page 33] (suspecting the like) had severely forbidden all men the re­pair to that Convention, and afterwards endeavoured the frustration therof, by discouraging and diverting the obser­vances requisite, and partly by Letters Patents, partly by threatnings, by promises and rewards, he drew sundry to his party.

But the States of the Kingdom, fore-seeing (as they affirm) great disturbances to arise, which were of necessity to be crusht, assembled in full body; valuing more the generall good then the Regall Injunctions in prejudice therof: Albeit severall (and of the Finlanders not a few) did decline their appearance: Nor did the King by his Letters only endeavour (say they) the annihilation of this Convention, but likewise stirred up most grievous tumults and dissentions in Finland, where, by the Tyranny of the Governour there, so cruell Wars were raised as sundry thousands of innocent Rusticks, Tenants (or Tributaries) of the Crown, were miserably slain for opposing themselves to unheard of Exactions and Military (Stations, or) Quarterings; great numbers of Souldiers be­ing there kept on foot along time, whom the King by the trea­cherous insinuations of the Claudius Flemingius, Aruidus, Ericke, and Axell Kurike allured to his side, arming and incensing them to the ruine of his Country: And when the Country's grievances were dilated unto him, they were (say they) slighted, and no redress obtained, by means wherof the Soul­diers and Subjects exasperated against each other, did rush to­gether with mutuall Wounds and Slaughterings: Many of the fore-mentioned Crown Tenants (or Tributaries) losing not only their Goods but their lives: For the Lawless Soul­dier first spoyling the Inhabitants of their Possessions, the poor people were provoked to resist force with force; wherby the Militarians finding themselves frustrate of gorging their licen­tious desires, did with armed Bands assault the unarmed Rural Menie, whom they miserably slaughtered, and (a sad sight to see) extended on Wheels.

These things (say they) thus perpetrated: King Sigis­mundus Sent his Am­bassadors into Suethen. soon after the Sudercopian Parliament, sent as his Am­bassadors into Suethland, Count Ericke of Visingsburg with his Uncle Aruidus Gustavus, and from the Crown of Poland were emitted Stanislaus Dzialinskie and Nicolaus Sapieha, who vehe­mently accused Duke Charles, and those States of the King­dom that had assisted at the fore-cited Convention, or assented to the conclusions therof: But because the accusatory Ora­tion of the Polanders (albeit most elegantly delivered) with the Criminatory Articles of Count Ericke, and Aruidus Gusta­vus, as also the reply to either, and the refutation of the seve­rall particulars in each contained (as well by Duke Charles [Page 34] apart, as by him and the Senators joyntly) are over-long to be here (Verbatim) inserted, I shall refer the more diligently Curious to the Acts themselves long since published, and only deliver the heads of either with as much brevity as the cir­cumstance will permit.

THe Oration did begin with the comparison of a Kingdom The O [...]ation. under one Prince, to the body of man united in its Mem­bers by such a strickt conjunction, voluntary consent, mutual co-intelligence, and admirable sympathy under the govern­ment of the head; that any of them being ill affected, the rest moved with the danger, do with all diligence endeavour its remove; but that they all are joyntly carried on with far more earnestness to preserve the head safe & unhurt, as know­ing that upon its welfare, dignity, and authority, the wel-be­ing of the whole body depended, and that the same being for­saken by the Members, a totall decay, disturbance of their Or­der, with the dissolution of the whole, speedily insues.

That the same harmony ought to be between the Subjects of one and the same Prince, and that instructed by the same admirable Office of Nature, they should be lincked with bonds of love, and nourish mutuall Peace and Concord, and not of­fer, but divert and resist any prejudice that might accrue to either; but chiefly to provide that the Dignity, Authority, and Preheminency of their Prince and Soveraign, as head and Director of the whole body of the Common-wealth should not suffer the least diminution or derogation: And that exhi­bition of due honour, fidelity, and obedience, should not be wanting in all Services that were to be rendred, especially from the Subjects, in regard that by violation of the Rights of Majesty, or their Usurpation, the Harmony Politick was disturbed, and the Kingdoms ruine must consequently follow, even as the hand or foot indulging themselves, and refusing their service to the head, the same would soon langish, and the whole therwith perish.

He next commemorated severall former Leagues and Alli­ances between Poland, with its dependencies, and Suethland, but mainly (as neerest related) that by the present Sigismun­dus the third, King of both the Realmes; but Suethlands Nurs­ling and the true Progeny of the ancient Suethish Kings, begot­ten upon a Jagellonian Polish Infanta, and adorned with all Princely gifts, Sanctimony, Piety, Justice, Prudence, Forti­tude, Wisdom, and Magnanimity: the patern of all Vertues, mercifull to his Subjects, devout, meek, gratious; To his Friends most friendly, but to his Foes a terrour and destru­ction.

That to this Sigis. the third, Heir, Inaugurated and Crown­ed [Page 35] King of Suethland, Elected also and Crowned King of Poland, and of the great Dukedom of Lithuania, the said Nations and People did owe obedience, and did acknowledge honour and reverence as the sole Ruler and Moderator of both the King­doms, whose Raign they wished might exceed Nestors years: And that the Orders of both the Kingdoms, ought to take equall care, that as their mutuall peace and tranquility was (under God) from him to be derived, so the Dignity, Maje­sty, Regall Rights, and Prerogatives of thier mutuall Prince should be preserved unviolated, with his Majesties particular Rights, Dignity, and Praeeminency in all things, saving to each Kingdom their own, for otherwise any one might easily judge that neither of the Kingdoms could remain safe and in­tire.

That the late Parliament at Warsaw in Poland, understand­ing what things (there purposely published) had been ena­cted at the Sadercopian Parliament in Suethland: the Senators of Poland, with the Lithuanian Orders, had appointed this Em­bassie principally for the neerer conjoyning of those Potent Kingdoms in peace and unity, and as therunto conducing to enquire into the whole matter, as not being of particular concernment to Suethland only, but had like reference to the (not to be violated) Regall Dignity of his Majesty, who was of both those Realms the sole Lord and King, from whom they had obtained permission to treat with his Highness and the Senators of Suethen, in a way of Brotherly Charity and A­mity, which is not wont to act rashly.

That the Senators and Orders, of Poland and Lithuania doubted not but that the Orders of Suethen would continue faithfull toward their King, to whom they were astricted by Nature, by Oath, and hereditary Right, even as they had professed in that Sudercopian Enaction: but that notwithstan­ding they could not but apprehend the intervention of sun­dry things at that Parliament, which (unless corrected by Mature Counsell) might breed disturbance in the Kingdom; such Initiations usually springing up, when slighting the Law­full Lord, publike Counsels were convened by another Call, Laws were enacted, the form of Government changed, Mini­sters placed by the King, removed from their Charge, things peculiar to the Royall Majesty, transferred upon others: All which may easily appear to be full of, and obnoxious to many dangers.

That the Polonian and Lithuania Orders did conceive the Suethes could not be ignorant of his Majesties affections to­wards his Paternall Realm, or that he desired to have a re­gardfull eye unto the good of his Subjects, nor would have refused, but rather granted them a Parliament (if he had seen [Page 36] it necessarily requisite) that Method and Order consentane­ous to the Lawes of the Kingdome might have been obser­ved: It being undeniable that a Convention in a Kingdome cannot be rightly called without the consent, authority, and presence of the King, but that as then no such thing had ap­peared wanting either in reference to the Kingdome, or its an­cient accustomed Lawes and Constitutions, his Majesty ha­ving concluded a peace between them and the Russian, and so disposed of all things within the Kingdome, as that no detri­ment or disturbance could rationally be feared.

That the said Convention was not only made without publike necessity impelling, contrary to his Majesties and the Pedish Senatoriall expectations, and wanted the consent and authority of their lawfull Crowned King, but even contrary to his Edicts prohibiting the same: yea, that many things had been therein enacted diametrically opposite to the Regall Rights and Superiority. As the Call it self in manner as afore­said: The remove of persons intrusted by the King with Forts, and these committed to others; Exauthorization of the Royall Mandates, coyning of money in other (then the Regall) name: Appeals to his Majesty, and therein the Re­gall Dignity it self many waies circumscribed.

That these things having been weighed in an equall Bal­lance, the Senators and Princes of Poland and Lithuania, with the respective Orders of the depending Provinces, Duke­domes, and Cities, did by them their Ambassadors earnestly desire his Highness to preserve entire his Majesties Rights and Dignity, wherein the Kingdomes welfare was involved, as their propinquity of blood required; and did also in Bro­therly manner admonish and entreat the Senators of Suethland, as such to whose vigilancy, prudency, and Fidelity, that King­domes care was by him committed and intrusted, to return a diligent demonstration of their duty and fidelity toward their hereditary and crowned King; and by a vigorous resistance of any who affecting Innovations (as in large Empires many times happens) would for private disturb the publike Inte­rest, manifest to the world how freely they had implyed the Talent intrusted unto them from Heaven and his Majesty.

That all Innovations in Kingdoms were perilous and per­nicious, but especially such as tended to violate the Rights of a lawfull, hereditary crowned King, as might be evidenced by France, which by a thirty six, and the Opulent Belgian Provinces by a twenty seven years Warr were almost re­duced to an utter extermination: And that those Rights neither could nor ought to be impaired, but by that Majesty by whom Kings Raigne and Princes decree Justice. That wicked men did never proceed at first to open height of evil, [Page 37] but by peicemeals plucked up the Fences, untill that from faithfull Subjects they had wrested the Power; whereby (having overturned the Kingdome) to augment their owne Wealth and Greatnesse, Which evills it beseemed his High­nesse and their Lordships to obviate timely, and to abolish any Laws, Constitutions: or Confederations, contrary to his Crowne, his Dignity, and Regall Rights, and by their pru­dence and authority, to divert the course of ill undertaken Councells, least the head thereby weakned, the Kingdomes body might faint and fall into decadence.

That the Duke and Senators of Suethland might assure themselves, that his Majesty (albeit at present detained by greater cares for Christendomes universall good) would ne­ver intermit his due regard of his native Countrey, no more then suffer the Rights of Royalty to be disjoynted: But that whatsoever faithfull Subjects should crave in a just and order­ly way, (his Dignity preserved) hee would undoubtedly grant. That therefore his Highness and their Lordships ought to prosecute his Majesty with due returne of Love, observan­cy, obedience, and faithfull endeavours: The rather, for that his Majesty did no way oppress or burthen them, but like to an indulgent Father, with a minde truely Royall, more prone to mercy then to cruelty, was willing to passe by offences, the more grievous because proceeding from his owne, by whom he ought not to have been injured: Notwithstanding which, he Promised no lesse for the future, then that amidst the Community of Christendomes concernments, whereof Suethland did partake, he would endeavour their good; and as a returne of his Highnesse and their Lordships constant and faithfull affections towards his Majesty, was no way doubted of by the respective Orders of Poland and Lithuania, so the continuance therein was their earnest desire.

That the Polanders, as they had abundantly testified by a voluntary conferring their Crowne upon his Majesty, and ac­cording to their Nations custome, had vowed unto him their Fortunes, Liberties, life it selfe, so they were now ready to bestow all those, and what else could be dearer unto them, for the vindication of his Regall Rights and Dignity, and would to that end unanimously joyne with his Highness, their Lord­ships, and that Kingdomes Orders, and did promise (as the present Oration might testifie) that they would never be wanting to endeavour the repair of the least injury done to his Majesty, or Kingly name, wherunto they expected and did promise to themselves a mutuall, assured, and an untergi­versing concurrence from his Highness & the Orders of Sueth­land; from whom, for conclusion, they earnestly desired they might receive an authentique written answer to the severall [Page 38] heads of their Embassie, wherby their diligence and faithfull delivery of what they had in charge, might be approved to their principles.

In like manner Count Ericke and Aruidus Gustavus (fore-named) did present certain Articles Criminatoriall against Duke Charles, the substance wherof followeth.

THat the chief points of the Ambassadoriall instructions, were to rememorate, how frequently his Majesty after Criminations a­gain [...]t Duke [...] by the A [...]rs. his Coronation, had by Messengers and Letters, dealt with his Highness, concerning a form for governing his hereditary Kingdom during his absence, and that the same had been much and long time disputed between his Majesty and the Senate of Suethland, which was at last concluded to be signed and sealed by his Majesty, and had been afterwards sent to his Highness and the Senators.

That albeit his Majesty did then conceive that Ordina­tion to be such, as nothing he could confer (his Prerogative Salved) conducing to the Kingdomes well-being, was therein wanting, he had nevertheless understood partly by Ambassa­dours, partly by Letters, that his Highness did not lacquiesce therin, but desired a more ample Plenipotentiary; which as he could not grant, without detriment to the Regall Title, so he had gravely admonished him to forbear such molestatious requests, and to rest therwith satisfied, in regard it was not for perpetuity, but in vigour only untill his Majesties return into Suethland, which he intended speedily, for disposing, ordering, and reforming things needfull: But that his Highness impa­tient of deferring the matter so long, had incited the King­domes Orders to celebrate the Sudercopian Parliament, to gaine by their Sufferages a larger Power: That his Majesty was much displeased that his Subjects (bound to him by Oath of Fidelity) should have appeared contrary to his Edict; or have made conclusions contradictory to his in­tentions.

Yet that his Highnesse might see how constantly his Ma­jesty desired the Religious observation of that fraternall mu­tuall respect, which their proximity of bloud imposed; and that the Orders of the Kingdome might perceive his Majesties willingness to a wholesome and timely preventing of all con­fusions, tending to the disturbance of the Kingdome, he had been pleased to send (besides his Royall Exhortatoriall Let­ters) Ambassadors fully instructed to interpose and provide for the removing of all brands of dissention, and that the forme of Government his Majesty left at his departure, might be submitted unto, and repugnancies therefrom abstained; especially for that many particulars were inserted in the [Page 39] Printed Sudercopian Decrees, which seemed to trench upon Treason, by a violation of such things as by the Swethish laws did rightly belong to the King: All which, his Majesty did challenge to himselfe and his Posterity, and would so leave unto the Kings his Successors, as from his Progenitors hee had received them; unto the maintenance whereof the Sub­jects of Swethen were bound by the Laws and by Oath.

That the Ambassadors were also to endeavour from his Highness an Antiquation of the Sudercopian Decrees that con­tradicted the fore-specified Ordination, and that he would acquiesce in the Kings former grants and Statutes, and that the Orders and Offices appointed might remaine in full Vi­gour.

That the Kingdomes Rents might be collected by those thereunto ordained, and to be issued by them, according to his Majesties Orders or Letters granted to any thereupon.

That Officers might be continued in their respective Charge, and that such as have been removed be re-inte­grated.

That the Crown Forts, Garrisons, Provinces, Cities, Governments, and all other things formerly committed to his Majesties sworne Servants be restored unto them; and that his Highness Servants be removed from them, and re­ceive no stipend from the Crown.

That all regall Protections be had in due regard, and that no person having such, be exposed to Prison or other punish­ment, untill their cause be heard and legally tried.

That all justly acquired Priviledges have their due respect and vigour, and that the contraries thereunto be expunged and made void.

That unwonted Burthens, Exactions, Structures, and Hospitable Expences, be not imposed upon the Subject, with­out the Regall command or permission.

That fit Salery be duely paid to the ancient Court-ser­vants, and that such as by Age are not longer serviceable, have necessary maintenance allowed them.

That whereas the Hereditary Title of his Highness is more magnificent and honourable (as well towards Strangers as Natives) then that of Governour of Suethland, lately given by the Sudercopian Decree; and for that the same is ambigious, and not understood by all alike, and doth neither increase nor impaire the Dukes Power and authority. The Ambassadors are to endeavour his renouncing the same, as not being for­merly used in the times of Legitimate Kings, and that he rest satisfied with his accustomed Title, as being of sufficient Dignity and estimation amongst all men.

That his Majesty will not, that the broyles raised against [Page 40] Flemingius proceed any further, but requireth that all things committed may be cleared or corrected by the Law of the Land.

That in regard of the great scarcity of Graine, causing dearth, his Highnesse would not permit any transportation thereof abroad, for prevention of Famine, poverty, and ca­lamity to the Subject, whereof his Majestie is very solici­tous.

Last, That the Accounts of the Kingdomes Revenues, which his Highnesse hath had for some years in his hands, might be forthwith stated and cleared, that so his Majesty at his returne into the Countrey, may know what debts of the Kingdome have been satisfied, and what otherwise.

To the fore-specified Oration, whereby his Highnesse, the Senators, and whole Orders of Suethland, did hold themselves aspersed and reproached, as also to those criminations by Count Ericke and Arnidus Gustavus, the Duke with the Sena­tors returned Answer, as hereafter is shewed: But to the Kings particular Objections against the Duke, the ensuing [...] [...]kes an­ [...] the cri­ [...]. reasons were by his Highnesse exhibited for their refuta­tion.

Upon receipt hereof, Duke Charles, without delay, return­ed these Propositions of Peace.

1. THat his Majesty would repaire to Stocholme Propositions made by Duke Chalres. without stronger Guards then the King his Father had used, in progressing through the King­dome.

2. That the Forraigne Forces should speedily depart the Land.

3. That the Counsellors of the Kingdome should repaire and quietly remaine at home untill the Parlia­ment, and then appear in Judgement.

4. That the Parliament be called and kept within six moneths.

5. That Ambassadours of Germane Electors and Princes should be invited by Letters against the time, to examine the dissention, and that each side should name those whom they intended to choose: In the interim, nothing to be done secretly or openly with­in or without the Kingdome to the prejudice of each o­ther, but all persons to enjoy their Mansions peaceably untill the time of Legall decision.

6. That each one retaine what he is at present possest of, untill the time of the Comitiall Assembly.

7. That nothing of the Kingdomes affaires be deci­ded or treated of unwitting to his Highnesse.

8. That the Finlandian Souldiers should be prohi­bited from entring the bounds of Suethland, but con­taine themselves quietly within the Province, and ther­in stand to tryall: That in the mean time there be a ces­sation of all pernicious Plots, and that Law and Justice be there administred to all persons.

[Page 96] 9. That no distribution of Lands be made untill the Parliament.

10. That forraign Souldiers be removed out of the Castles and Forts, and that they be committed to the faithfull Guard of the Suethes.

11. That the forraign Ships which had brought Alien Forces into the Kingdome might remaine under Ar­rest.

Upon these Articles the Duke desired security from his Ma­jesty, with addition of the clause, that if any of the said Arti­cles were infringed, the States of Suethland should freely ad­here to his Highnesse, whereupon he offered to disband his Forces, to retire and remaine quietly in his Dukedome.

But King Sigismundus slighting (say they) these conditions, King Sigis­mund retires to Lincopia. retired in a calme and still night toward Lincopia, leaving with the Commander of Stegeburg certaine instructions, dated the twentieth of September, 1598. Importing,

1. THat they should continue faithfull to his Ma­jesty in each respect, procuring his good, ac­cording to their duty and Oath.

2. That if Duke Charles should enquire the reason of his Majesties sudden remove, they should answer, that perceiving the sparks of this dissention could not be extinguished by equall conditions, but that lesse tol­lerable were daily obtruded, he had withdrawne to a­void the effusion of blood, and to see whether his Highnesse would take better counsell, and cease those courses that tended to the Countries ruine.

3. That if the Duke should forceably assault the Ca­stle, they should oppose him to their utmost power, and resist force with force.

KIng Sigismundus (as hath been said) being gone to Lincopia, Duke Charles by letter of the 22 Sept. expostulated, that Letter of Duke Charles. instead of Answer to his former, his Majesty was departed from Stegeburg, and might be induced by those evil Counsel­lours, authors of the present dissension, to abandon the King­dome, or repair where a larger field for tumult might be of­fered: That he admonished and besought him (by the passi­on [Page 97] of Christ) not to be seduced by them to a further remove, untill he had concluded the whole matter to the good of the Countrey, protesting, on the salvation of his soul, before God and the world, his innocency and averseness to any preju­dice might thereby arise: And desired his Majesty to believe that all things belonging to the Castle or Shipping, which af­ter his Majesties departure had been rendred unto him, should be faithfully preserved for his Majesty.

HEreunto King Sigismundus returned Answer the day fol­lowing, Answer. that he had received his M [...]tory Letters touching assecuration: That he wondred why his Dilection would so long time varnish over his unjust cause before the promiscuous ignorant multitude, seeing he could not prove, but that fit assecuration had been offered, but not accepted, and that whilest one demand was granted, others were made far different, as the last Articles might testifie: That he follow­ed him with a strong Army, having seised the Castle of Stege­burg, his Ships and severall other things, which notwithstan­ding his promised preservation of them, would have been more safe in his own custody: That in Answer to his Let­ter, he desired that his Dilection would rest satisfied with that assecuration, which (as consentaneous to reason and his dignity) he had already offered: But if not, that he might proceed to do what it seemed he would not leave undone; yet with what fame, he left to the Judgement of all honest and unbyassed minds: That himself committed the decision of the whole matter to the Justice of God. Lincopia 23. September 1598.

DUke Charles replyed, That there being no remedy, but that Reply. all Admonitions proved vain through the prevalency of perverse and wicked Counsellours, he also committed the matter to God, before whom he protested, that he was not the cause of these troubles, nor of the effusion of blood like to ensue; wherefore he desired to know whether his Majesty would absolve him of his Oath of fidelity; which done, he would endevour to repell unjustice and violence by fit wayes and means: But that if possible, he besought his Majesty by the love of God, to weigh the matter more seriously, and not permit this mischief to spread further, to his own and the Kingdomes prejudice, and that nothing might be by him be o­mitted, he had sent a draught of the assecuration desired by him and his followers, wherein he hoped, nothing unjust would be found, Campe 24. September, 1598.

TWo dayes after, Duke Charles writes againe to the Another Letter from the Duke. King, that seeing the conditions tendred were not ad­mitted [Page 98] and that he could not conveniently propound any o­ther, as also that he hoped his Majesty would so resolve, as might be honourable for both sides: He therfore desired that his Ma­jesty would transmit a draught of the assecurations he would give and receive, whereupon he would so declare himself, as might be satisfactory to his Majesty; these were dated the 26. of the said Moneth.

THe day following, King Sigismundus sent Letters of safe Safe conduct interchangable granted. Conduct for such of the Nobility with their Servants, as the Duke sh [...]ld send to treat with him, importing Secu­rity in coming, [...]elivering what they had in Commission, and sa [...]e return: Duke Charles also did the like for his Nephew Prince Edward Marquesse of Baden with other Lords to be sent to him from the King.

BY all that hath been said, it may be easily discerned (say Assertions of the Suethes. the Suethes) whether Duke Charles received from King Si­gismundus answers condigne to his Letters, wherein he desired nothing but the good of the King and Kingdome, and that if he would have listned to the Dukes faithfull advice and counsel, he needed not to have fled when none pursued: Or that if he had loved Justice he might judicially have pre­vented those evils by a decision by equall Arbitrators, before whom the Duke and Orders of Suethland were willing to an­swer to whatsoever could rightly be objected against them: They say further, that they had oftentimes just occasion given them of renouncing all fidelity and obedience towards him, in regard he came not unto them as a good and peaceable King, but as an Enemy and Persecuter, offering violence and injustice to those that would not submit to his wicked inten­tions, nor admit of his perverse Religion: and that he had absolved them from their Oath of fidelity, in the former Let­ters, whereby they had just cause to have tried the utmost, which yet they did not; his Highnesse and they having desi­red that twelve of the Nobility of each side, men qualified, prudent, judicious, and lovers of peace, should meet, examine, and decide the whole controversie, and restore and settle peace, concord, and brotherly love; whereunto King Sigis­mundus did likewise consent, but that the same was by him observed as other things had formerly been, and according to the ancient manner of keeping faith in promises by Jesuites and Romish Priests: For the night following the Royall Ar­my conducted by Wejerus made an on-set upon the Ducall Camp, dispersed the night guards, killing some and seising o­thers Prisoners, as was done not onely at Lincopia but at Stege­burg also, but seeing their attempt prove unsuccesfull, both [Page 99] Polanders and Suethes who fought under the Kings Ensignes, be­gan to cry and ingeminate Peace, Peace; which the King (say they) with his followers might have enjoyed if the Officers thereof had been timely embraced, but that it was then over­late to treat when many thousands of men lay slaine on both sides, each intending on his Enemy the revenge of his fellow Souldier.

Duke Charles and the Suethes (as themselves assert) had Further asserti­ons. then both cause and advantage sufficient to have utterly ruined their Advarsaries, yet they suffered themselves to be entreated, to shew more mercy and mildnesse then they had deserved, by abstaining from that revenge was then in their power to have taken, upon King Sigismundus with his whole Vide Exegis Historiaca Sue­ciae, page 233, 234. Army, to the great detriment and misfortune (I use their owne words) of themselves and the Kingdome of Suethland, as hoping for better things in the future from King Sigismun­dus, from whom they found worse by an ensuing cruell War with the Polanders and Lithuanians, touching a finall end, wher­of no certaine conjecture could be made: But that, if they had (as then they affirme they might) destroyed him and his Forces, those tumults had happily sooner ceased, and many gallant men, who afterwards perished in those Wars, had survi­ved: Nor had his Highnesse and themselves been defamed by so many unjust aspersory Libells as were spread in all parts, which neverthelesse they hoped to confute: All which things hap­ned by suffering King Sigismundus then (say they) to escape, to the further prosecution of his Country, contrary to the practise of all Magnanimous Potentates, who expose their lives to defend theirs from Spoile and Rapine.

The cruell fight being over, King Sigismundus entred into a­greement with the Duke for the restoring and confirming of mutuall friendship, brotherly confidence, with administration of right and justice between his Majesty and his Highnesse, whereof I give here the heads onely, referring (as in all Nara­tions of Acts) the more curious to the Instrument it self, da­ted at Lincopia the twenty eighth of September, 1598. And first,

THat whereas the Duke his most deare Uncle, and all Treaty of Pa­cification at Lincopia be­tween the King and Duke those of his party had religiously promised unto him and his Heires, due obedience, fidelity, and brotherly affection, ac­cording to their respective Oaths and the obligations of blood, proximity, and their tyes of duty and subjection: He likewise did by his Kingly faith and dignity, Sanctimoniously promise and ensure, that neither in the present or future time, he would require or take revenue of ought done or hapned during the late dissention, nor prosecute his Highnesse or his followers [Page 100] with hatred or inclemency, nor any of the Ducall Ministers for obeying his Commands; nor that he would animadvert into the Anthors of what had past, or punish any person for the same, but would beare and extend unto the Duke and those aforesaid, all Royall benignity and favour, and would nei­ther by force or fraud, by himselfe or others, openly or secret­ly, within or without the Kingdome, act, move, or give way to any deceitfull practises which might procure hurt or da­mage, either in bodies or Estates unto the said Prince, his Wife, Children, Ministers, Subjects, or pertakers, nor to any of the Regall Subjects who had sided with his Highnesse, of whatso­ever dignity, degree, or condition they were.

He likewise professed and promised to governe (the King­dome) according to the Lawes of Suethland; his Regall Oath, and Manuall security given at his Inauguration, and to remit the deciding and composing of all differences untill the ensuing Parliament, the same to be celebrated within foure moneths, before neutrall Arbitrators, such as Imperiall, Regall, Electo­rall, and Ducall Ambassadors, who were to be invited by Let­ters: Those differences especially to be then determined, as could not otherwise be wel ended between the Native Suethes: But that no decision Legall or other should be instituted, nor was needfull, between himselfe and the Duke, all controver­sies between them being buried by a perpetuall Amnestia. That whatsoever had been generally concluded, transacted, and agreed upon, should not be separately answered for by a­ny particular person, but the generality be admitted to ren­der a reason thereof. That whatsoever in future Parliaments should be established, was to be allowed and accepted of, and each one permitted to use and enjoy the same without preju­dice or molestation.

That all Prisoners and others of either party, should be ob­liged to appeare and answer in Parliament when called there­unto: Forraigne Forces whether in Feild or Fort, should be forth with dismissed, the Regall Court and personall Guard excepted, which should not exceed the number formerly u­sed in the Kingdome: All the Natives, Horse and Foot, wa­ged by the King, should be paid and disbanded, each to return home; the Duke to do the like to those of his side. He also promised and consented, that all Castles or other places com­mitted by his said Uncle unto any one in his absence, should so remain untill the said Parliament: As also that those five Se­natoriall persons demanded by his Uncle should remaine in his power untill the decision of the whole Affaire; yet so, as to enjoy all necessary provisions, without hurt offered to their bodies or Estates.

He further gratiously promised, that publication of this a­greement, [Page 101] and declarations for the clearing of his Uncle from all Crimes whereof he had been aspersed, with serious Injun­ctions for all men to lay downe their Armes and to embrace Peace and Concord, should be made in all Provinces and parts of the Kingdome: It was also granted that the Dukes Mini­sters and Subjects might securely passe and repasse through all the parts thereof, about their Masters or their owne lawfull Affaires, they behaving themselves peaceably, not raising se­dition; the like liberty and security was to be enjoyed by the Regall Subjects and Ministers within the Ducall Territories. That all things pre-mentioned being thus effected, his Uncle did in like manner confirme to restore unto him, upon his re­paire to Stocholme (whither he speedily intended) and to re­mit into his possession his Forts, Navy, Ordinance, with all o­ther things belonging unto him and the Crowne of Suethland, which had been committed unto his Dilection, and were until then in his possession, the same to be no way abused to the ru­ine of his Dilection or the Country. All which the Premisses he confirmed under his hand and Seal, concluding that, if ought contrary thereunto should be acted, or any recesse therefrom made, either by himselfe or his Uncle, the Orders of the King­dome had thereby power and right to oppose and resist the party violating. Given as aforesaid at Lincopia the eigh­teenth of September, 1598.

These Covenants thus ratified, Duke Charles gave order to Shipping resto­red. the Admirall and Commanders of the Fleet, to deliver up the Ships and Ordinance to the King (no man doubting of the un­violable observation of this Treaty) that so he might be trans­ported from Stegeburg, according to the Regall Honour and Dignity. But, what (say they) hapned? When the Orders The King steers to Calmar in stead of Stoc­holme. of Suethland expected that the King had been upon his course towards Stocholme, to administer Justice to every one, in con­formity to this Lincopian Transaction, and there to summon the Parliament; they understood that he had steered first to­wards Calmar, and thence into Poland with the Ships and Guns, and contrary to his Oath had furnished Calmar with a Garri­son of Aliens: this being his third dicession from the King­dome.

King Sigismundus (say they) having thus transgressed a­gainst the Lincopian Treaty, as he had also broken all his former Oathes and promises, the Orders of Suethland did thereby con­ceive themselves to be absolved from their Oath of Fidelity, as being bound by the said Treaty to prosecute the Violater of that agreement; and the rather because the Strangers gar­risoned in Calmar demeaned themselves in hostile manner: as also for that King Sigismundus designed those Ships and Ordi­nance upon a Naval expedition from Dantzig toward Elsenburg, [Page 102] for the subduction of that place from the Crowne of Suethland, and the more commodious annoyance thereof from thence with cruell War (if his intention had succeeded) thereby to obtrude his perverse Religion upon them, and to remit that Fort into the hands of strangers, as he had done by Calmar; and that the Finlanders then quiet, were againe by him stirred up, so as the Suethes were necessitated to resume their Armes, whereby floods of blood ensued, in which many of the Na­tives perished: And albeit King Sigismundus had many times promised those Finlanders, aide from Poland, yet he onely decei­ved and brought them to ruine: But ere we proceed, let us returne to see what entercourses did passe between King Sigis­mundus and Duke Charles after the fore-specified Lincopian Treaty.

KIng Sigismundus by a most friendly Letter of the thirtieth Friendly Letter from King Si­gismundus to Duke Charles. of September, made request unto Duke Charles in behalf of the Captive Counsellors, that their condition might be ren­dred more tollerable, and that neither themselves nor their Ladies might be subject to scornes or reproaches, the rather because some of those Ladies were neer in blood both to him­selfe and the Duke, putting the Duke in minde of his pro­mise to that effect at their discourse together; and desired that (those Senators giving security for their appearance) their owne houses might be their Prison, or at least that they might remaine together, not separated nor hurryed from one place to another: In a Schedue annexed, he prayed the Duke to hasten the provisions promised, for the more speedy transporting of his Extraneous Forces: These as aforesayd, were the thirtieth of September, 1598.

DUke Charles returned answer the same day, That as to The Dukes an­swer. those of the Senatoriall Order whom he had under de­tention, they should be maintained according to their respe­ctive dignities, but to live at their peculiar Houses could not he granted; the Army and Commonalty having Petitioned against it, and that the same would not onely displease the Orders of the Kingdome, but be likewise unsafe for those Senators, their Wives and Children: And that, unlesse he had lately (since they came into his power) severely prohi­bited the same, they had perished by the Popular fury: Wherefore he desired to be excused in that point, and entrea­ted that his Majesty would not in the future dignifie them with the undeserved Title of his Counsellours and of honest Men, in regard they had been the causers of a vast expence to his Majesty by that forraine Army, and the Authors of cru­ell effusion of blood, as of other evill to his Hereditary King­dome: [Page 103] And that they had expressed, but the day before, that if they had served him as faithfully as they had done his Maje­sty, they should have been better rewarded. That he had ordered the Provisions demanded, to be conveyed to Stegeburg, and to be delivered to his Majesty upon payment.

KIng Sigismundus, by Letter of the first of October follow­ing, Second Letter. desired restitution of the Assecutoriall obligation of the States of Poland granted to himselfe, with severall other things which had fallen into the hands of the Duke or his Ser­vants. These were from his Court at Lincopia.

DUKE Charles replyed the fourth of the sayd moneth, Ducall reply. therein desiring that Claudius Bielke might be dismissed from being Castellan of Stocholme, as being equally guilty (with those in detention) of the Kingdomes miseries; and that Samuel Laskie might like wise be removed from his Rule there; as also John Bilefeild, with certaine of the City Con­suls who had reviled him: That he would not (in like man­ner) lend an eare to Seducers, who might suggest ought in pre­judice of the fidelity he had protested to his Majesty and his Heirs, which he would unviolably preserve, to the honour, good liking, and advantage of his Majesty.

He further desired his Majesty to name those Caesarian, Ele­ctorall, and Ducall Ministers, whom he intended to invite on his part as Umpires for the deciding of all differences at the ensuing Parliament, himself offering to do the like: He like­wise deprecated the dismission of the Aliens, if not already done, and complained of the Countreys sufferings by this Military tumult, especially in Ostrogothia and Ʋplandia: And earnestly requested the liberty of certaine Persons detained by the King, to whom in his Majesties name and absence he had committed the keeping of certaine places: He promised re­stitution of the Polish assecutoriall Instrument desired, so soon as he should come to Stocholme: And lastly, entreated that his Majesty would publish the Declarations promised for his vin­dication from former undeserved aspersions.

KIng Sigismundus, by Letters of the same date sent by Nico­laus King Sigis­mundus re­quires more Ships for the transporting of his Army and sundry things to be restored. Rask, required more Shipping, for the more conve­nient and speedy transporting of his Army, and that the Duke would afford a friendly audience and answer to those things the sayd Rask (his Secretary) should deliver; as also to cause a restitution to be made of some things belonging to the Vice-Chancellor of Poland: And in a memoriall of instructi­ons given to the sayd Nicolas Rask, commanded him to insist upon the particulars inserted in the fore-specified Letters, as [Page 104] also upon the restauration of certaine Musick bookes and o­thers, with certaine Kitchin Furniture, and a restitution of such things as had been by severall Commanders taken out of his owne Ship the White-Eagle, as also on the re-delivery of such things belonging to his Sister the Princesse Anna, as had been taken out of the Closet where the Prince Edvardus Fortu­natus lodged: He gave also expresse Injunctions to his said Se­cretary, The Prince was born in Eng­land, An. 1565 whose Mother the Lady Ceci­ly, Daughter to King Gustavus Erickson, and Sister to Erick, Iohn, and Charles, all Kings of Suethland, Wife to Christ. Marquesse of Baden, came then into Eng­land to visite Queen Eliza­beth, and by the Queen his God-mother named Edvar­dus Fortuna­tus. to be instant with the Duke for ceasing of Depredati­ons which were still practised contrary to the agreement late­ly made, and to insist upon the enlargement of the Captived Counsellours and others (not convicted of notorious Crimes) upon bond or other security, as being consentaneous to the Lawes of Suethland; the rather in tender consideration of their Ladies, of whom some were pregnant, others valetudi­nary: That thereby his Highnesse would much oblige him, and that he would upon all occasions be ready to make com­pensation of like Friendly Offices. Dated as aforesaid.

To these particulars the Duke returned a satisfactory an­swer; That touching the Senators (under custody) onely ex­cepted, concerning whom he desired his Majesty not to insist any further, they having been the cause of all the troubles, and had conspired the ruine and destruction of the Regall Family, not for one yeare or two, but during the whole course of their lives, and that the Imperiall, Regall, Electorall, and Ducall Ambassadors might be speedily invited and intreated to exa­mine and decide the cause. Withall, to the said Nicolaus Rask he delivered a Memoriall consisting of certaine heads, to this effect.

1. THat the Finlanders and Ʋplandian Horse should be ordered by his Majesty to returne to their homes, and nor raise any more Tumults.

2. That his Majesty, conforme to his promise, would publish his Letters declaratory for clearing the Duke from former aspersions: Next that Letters might be issued for the Parliaments Indiction and Celebration within foure months, according to the promise at Lincopia, and that the forraigne Ambassadors might speedily be invited into Suethland.

3. That his Majesty (in regard of the Season) would be pleased to repaire to Stocholme by land, offering to meet and attend him with all love and respect, and to contribute what was in his power for the accommoda­tion [Page 105] of himselfe and his Traine, and gave a List of the Gistes or most commodious nightly Stations.

Last, That all Farmes, Offices of Territoriall Judi­catories, with their Profits might be suspended untill the Parliament, wherein each one to render account of his Stewardship. These were dated at Orobrogia the eighth of October, 1598.

The twenty fourth of that month the Duke (by Letter) The Duke com­plains of the Kings going to Calmar. complained of the Kings steering his course to Calmar in stead of repairing to Stocholme according to his promise, and of the rumour of his departing the Kingdome: Signifying also that he hoped the miseries thereof, which were not unknown to his Majesty, might have found some redresse, if his presence had been for some time enjoyed; but that the same in this sudden discession could not be hoped for, all things being thereby left in an unsettled condition. That as he was igno­rant what had moved his Majesty thereunto; so it had been necessary that himselfe and the Senators of Suethland, should have been informed of the cause, and that directions had been given how all Affaires should be ordered in his Majesties ab­sence, desiring an answer by the bearer what might be expe­cted from his Majesty by himselfe and the Orders of the King­dome. Dated at Nycopia as before expressed.

DUke Charles, about two daies after received a Letter from King Sigism. excuseth his go­ing to Calmar. King Sigismundus, dated from Calmar the seventeenth of the said month, intimating that by a violent Storme he had been put from his course intended for Stocholme, and driven to that Port after two nights of tempestuous tossing on the Sea: That the Ship which transported his Sister the Princesse Anna, with sundry other Vessels were missing; That neverthelesse Promiseth a re­pair to Stoc­holme. he intended to repaire to Stocholme by land with the first op­portunity: That to his Dilections demands concerning the nomination of Princes whose intervention by their Ambassa­dors he did purpose to entreat against the ensuing Parliament, they were the Emperour; the Kings of Denmark and Scotland, the Dukes of Brandenburg and Mecklenburg, with the Marquesse of Ansbach; and desired to be in like manner informed of the names of those Princes whom his Dilection had concluded to invite against the said time: He likewise renewed his requests in behalfe of the fore-specified imprisoned Counsellours that they might remaine safely under the Royall Protection untill they should appeare in judgment and triall:

But (say the Suether) King Sigismundus observed these pro­mises [Page 106] no otherwise then those formerly by him given, for in­stead Promise not kept, the King returned to Dantzig. of repairing to Stocholme from Calmar, whither (as pre­tended) he had been driven by tempest; after he had garrison­ed the said Castle with strangers, he turned his Prow directly toward Dantzig: So as no remedy being left but the celebra­tion of a Parliament in place convenient, therein to consult of the urgent Affaires and Necessities of the Kingdome: the Parliament at Ienecopis. same was by his Highnesse, with approbation of the Orders of the Kingdome, convened at Jenecopia in February, 1599. where­in was treated of the concernments of the Nation; The par­ticulars lesse necessary to be here inserted, I shall omit and only touch some heads more pertinent to the present matter, refer­ring the further curious to the Act it selfe.

They therein declare that they will supplicate the King by Letters to commiserate and administer help to the Kingdomes afflicted condition, and that he suffer not the same to fall to utter ruine: That they hope his Majesty will make a favou­rable construction of this their counsell, and so resolve as the necessity of the cause requires: That if contrary to expecta­tion, their admonition shall take no effect, whether by Sugge­stions of those of the Romish Creed, or Apostates of their owne, they professe their innocency before God and all Christian Potentates, and that they are constrained to renounce the o­bedience they had untill then borne toward his Majesty, &c. This is in the fourth Section or Pause of that Act:

In the seventh, they expresse, that whereas in the late Linco­pian Treaty it was promised that Imperiall, Regall, Electo­rall, and Ducall Ambassadors should be of both sides invited, to examine and decide all differences, which was not yet done; that therefore, unlesse his Majesty should make good his pro­mise within foure moneths, they did consent and conclude to meete at Stocholme, the 24th of May ensuing, in full Parliament, and conforme to the Gustauian Testament, and the written Lawes of Suethland, the other Orders of the Kingdome being thither called and appearing, would examine the whole mat­ter in reference to those perverse & turbulent persons who had been Authors of the Nations troubles, whereby the guilty might receive condign punishment, &c. These things with protestations of fidelity to his Highnesse as their governour, and the resisting and diverting (with their lives and fortunes) all prejudice that might be intended against his person, his Consort and Children, were concluded at Jenecopia as afore­said.

DUke Charles having received two letters from the King of The Dukes Let­ter and Objecti­ons to King Si­gismund. one and the same date from Warsonia, after a prolix repe­tition of the heads of each, he answered the severall objections [Page 107] they contained, and retorted back with a recapitulation of things past, taxing likewise his departure, which, he affirmed, his Majesty had not been forced unto by tempest, as had been pretended; And that, in the Port of Baresund, Order was given to all those that attended his Majesty to steere toward Calmar and not to Stocholme: He desired to be certified (the time prefixed at Lincopia for the celebrating of the promised Parliament being almost elapsed) whether his Majesty were still of the same mind, and that a certain time and place might be appointed: He taxed the King of stirring up tumults in Finland; Of protesting by his Ministers in Denmark and else­where, that he was not obliged to stand to the agreement made between them; Of designes against himselfe and the King­dome of Suethland, as was evident by the Letters of Sparre, and Bechus sent to his Majesty, but intercepted and brought to him; And by the secret Plottings of the Princesse Anna with Count Axell, by her Servant Ericke George, shewing that his Majesty no way intended that these unfaithfull Counsellours should be brought to tryall, but to procure their safety some other way: That in the meane time those Counsellours, with others of their faction, should be kept in convenient custody, but that if his Majesty did use further protraction he should be compelled to proceed against them according to the Lawes of Suethland. These were dated from Jenecopia the first of February: 1599.

THis letter was accompanied by one of the same date Letter to King Sigismundus from the Par­liament of Suethland. from the Orders of the Kingdome of Suethland, wherein, after a rememoration of all things that had past since the Coro­nation, they desired his Majesty to suppresse his tumults sprung up in Finland and Leifland; to commit the Offices of the Kingdome to Natives not to Strangers; to bring the Authors of those troubles to punishment; To governe the Kingdome according to his Regall Oath, the Lawes of Sueth­land, the Sudercopian decrees, and other laudable transactions, and that (in all cases) the written Lawes might be observed; To secure them that neither for the present nor the future he would attempt any Mutation of Religion, as had been for­merly done contrary to their opinion of his Majesty: That he would returne to them as beseemed a meeke and gratious Prince, not attended by forraigne Forces: That his aboad amongst them would be an assured argument of his yeelding to these their just requests; And that the speedy effecting thereof was their most earnest desire: But that, if his Majest­ies condition were such as he could not be resident with them, and that frequent returnes into the Kingdome would be more troublesome then the State thereof could beare, they humbly [Page 108] besought him that in regard his most deare Son was (accor­ding The Prince his Son invited to be there educa­ted, and to re­ceive the Crown. to the hereditary union, from which they were resolved not to vary) the next Heire to the Crown, he would be pleased to send the said Prince his Son to receive his Edu­cation within that Kingdome, in the true Christian Religion and other Princely vertues, under the tuition of his neerest of bloud, and other faithfull persons, whereby he might in time become capable of the government and so manage the same as might tend chiefly to the honour of God and the good and welfare of their most deare Countrey: Promising that if he would so do they would continue, even to the death, his Majesties most faithfull and obedient Subjects; And (as their dutie did in like manner oblige) to the young Prince, as to their hereditary King: And that as they hoped his Majesty would grant this their just and sincere Petition, so they with equall humility and observancie entreated that his Majesty would release and send back certain innocent persons, viz. George Claudius, Olaus Hard, Andreas Sweno and others, who, contrary to his Regall Oath, right, and Justice, had been im­prisoned and conveighed out of the Countrey. But that, if his Majesty (contrary to their expectation) should refuse to grant these desires, which contained nothing but what was consenta­neous to Christianity; to the Lawes, to Concord and the Re­gal Oath, they, w^th all the Orders of the Kingdom, would then protest before God & claer their innocency towards all Chri­stian Monarchs and the whole world, that they were compelled to renounce their former obedience to his Majesty, as seeing evidently that their longer continuance under his Soveraign­ty tended to the rejecting of the Divine word; To the perse­cution of Subjects, the abolition of legally acquired privi­ledges and prerogatives, and the bringing of them under the yoake and Servitude of strange Lords. Thus farr (omitting the Criminations at the beginning) out of the letter it selfe.

Hereunto King Sigismundus returned no answer, but more No answer re­turned. then ever (say they) by open force and secret practices stir­red up discord and dissention within the Kingdome; For Parliament at Stocholme. w^ch cause, with unanimous consent, a Parliament was appoin­ted to be held at Stocholme the moneth of July next following, to consult upon these and other important affaires of State.

In that assembly, the Senators and Orders of the Kingdome of Suethland, the Earles, Barons, Bishops, Gentrie, Clergie, Burgesses, and Corporations there convened, declared that forasmuch as their Ancestors the Orders of Suethland had at Arosia An. 1544. Framed certain constitutions for that Common Weales future government, which were after­wards confirmed by each particular condition of the inhabi­tants, (importing) that whereas in former times many dis­cords, mischeifes and inconveniences had sprung up in the [Page 109] Land, partly because stranger Princes had been preferred to the Crowne of Suethland, who exercised much violence and tyranny toward the Suethes; partly also because concord could seldome flourish among the Kingdomes native Colonies, whilst the choice and election of Kings rested in the Swethish Patriall Families, according to the customary Lawes of the Kingdom, and that the Royall Diadem did not discend to any certaine race; wherefore it had been thought necessary to pitch upon the linage of some certaine Family, whereon the Regall Dig­nity might be setled for ever, so long as it should please God that any one of the Male issue thereof should remaine, where­by the entrance into such dissensions (in Suethland) might be for ever closed; and that they had not found any more worthy of that Regall eminency, nor who had better deser­ved the Diadem, both for himself and his Successors, then their then present King Gustavus (Erikson) as who through Divine assistance, had with exceeding diligence, toyle, and care, and many hazards of his Person, freed their Countrey from the servitude, it groaned under, of forraine Kings, and had re­stored all the Orders of the Kingdome, from the highest to the lowest, to their ancient condition and liberty; and not that alone, but had likewise delivered the same from the un­supportable yoak of Romish Superstition, and in stead of that false worship, had restored the true Evangelicall Doctrine, conforme to the Divine Word, whereunto he had also com­manded his Successors to adhere, as they would avoyd the e­ternall losse of their Soules: The present Parliament did con­fesse themselves obliged to observe the same, as they had hi­therto done by the Crowning of Ericke his eldest Son after his decease, and he, for most cruell tyranny and unworthy Go­vernment, being with his Successors worthily deprived of the Scepter, the same had been conferred upon Duke John the second Son of King Gustavus with his Male issue, and he deceasing, upon the present King Sigismundus, notwithstan­ding the just objections they had for his imbracing the Romish Superstition (contrary to the Godly admonitions left by his Grand-father) as also for his accepting a forraine Crowne without the knowledge and consent of the Orders of Sueth­land, with conditions so prejudicall to his native Conntrey as the same would never have admitted, and his departure ther­from without their privity.

But not to insist here upon all their criminations, consisting Rejection of King Sigism. mostly of things formerly mentioned, that Parliament fur­ther declared that, for the sayd reasons, and for that King Si­gismundus had not daigned to returne any answer to their de­sires signified unto him from Jenecopia the preceding Winter, they had unanimously and with one consent concluded not to [Page 110] acknowledge him any longer for their King, or to be thence­forward obedient or subject to his government, but renoun­ced him, and resumed and dissolved their Oath of fidelity and obedience wherein they had been hitherto bound by Law and the Acts of Hereditary union. That albeit they had just cause to remove in like manner his Heirs Males from the Crown, yet would not they impute the faults of the Father to the Son, but had and did thereby decree to accept and receive Prince Ʋladislaus (his Majesties Son for their Lord and King, conditionally that within the space of one half year his Majesty His Son Ula­dislaus accep­ted of conditi­onally. would declare whether or not he would send his said Son into the Kingdome, and commit him to the tutory of Duke Charles, as his nearest in blood, with other honest faithfull Men; to the end he might be educated in the true Evangelicall Pro­fession, whereunto they, in that Kingdome, had bound them­selves, as also in the language and custome of the Countrey, and would accordingly transmit him thither within six months next ensuing the half year fore-specified: That this being thus done, they would admit of and receive the said Prince, before all others, for their lawfull Lord and King, when he should have attained those years wherein, according to Law, the ancient Jurisdiction and laudable custome of the Kingdome, he might secure and govern them and it; and that in the mean time they would acknowledge Duke Charles for their Hereditary Governour untill the Prince should attain to lawfull age.

But that if his Majesty should not do what before expressed within the prefixed times, they would then also reject him, so as neither he nor his Heirs should ever be admitted to sway the Scepter of Suethland, but as the Father, so the Son to be forever deprived thereof, themselves being the causers of their prescription from the Royall Throne, and their own dispoy­lers of all Authority and Dignity in Suethland, wherof the said Orders were innocent before God and the World, as not ha­ving administred the least occasion therunto. That thereaf­ter they would choose such a King and Lord, as should, main­tain and govern them according to the pure word of God and the Suethish Lawes.

Thus much out of the Act it selfe concluded the twenty fourth of July, 1599. whereunto the further curious are refer­red. I shall onely adding as a preparatory to the next ensu­ing Parliament, that in this it was degreed that when his Highnesse the Duke should return from Finland, whether the troubles there did call him, they would again convene in place convenient for the triall of those Counsellours and o­thers then Prisoners, and on the guilty inflict deserved pu­nishment, and that the Duke and they had resolved (for the [Page 111] cleering of themselves before all Christian Monarchs and the whole World, that they proceeded not otherwise in that Affaire then right and justice required) to entreat certain Ele­ctors and Princes of Germany to send some men of probity and integrity into Suethland, not as Judges of controversies but as Auditors onely: But if those Ambassadors did defer their coming that themselves would then proceed.

This Parliament ended, they (without delay) by Letters Parliamentary Letters to King Sigismundus not answered. of the thirtieth of the said month advertised King Sigismundus of what had been therein concluded, and humbly desired his Majesty to declare himselfe within the time limited: But to these Letters (say they) he returned no answer; Whereupon Parliament at Lincopia. another Parliament was indicted at Lincopia against the month of March in the yeare, 1600.

In this Convention the whole Orders of Suethland (as in the former they had done) did expresly and absolutely renounce King Sigismundus and his Government, as also his Son for him­selfe and Posterity in case of his not being sent into Suethland, within the time specified in the former; They thereupon do likewise cleer his Highnesse from affecting the Soveraignty or its Title, notwithstanding the tender thereof unto him, and confirmed him for their Governour during the absence, as also the minority of the Prince, if he should come within the time, five months whereof were yet unexpired: And albeit (as they in the nineth Section or Pause of that Act, do acknowledge) Duke John the Brother of King Sigismundus was the next in Dnke John de­clined. right unto the Crowne according to the severall (times fore-mentioned) hereditary Unions yet did they decline him, fea­ring least when he had attained the Regall Chaire, he might, moved thereunto by naturall affection to his Brother or his Heirs enter into such Covenants and make such transactions, as might be destructive to themselves and to the Country, by joyning with them to revenge, upon Duke Charles or his Suc­cessors, those things which in those turbulent times had been acted in reference to King Sigismundus and his Family, and so the latter evill might be worse then the former: And there­fore Dukedome of Ostrogothes conferred on Duke John. they unanimously decreed that the said Prince John should have the Dukedome of Ostrogothia (formerly designed for his Uncle Duke Magnus) conferred upon him with certain reser­vations, and equall compensations for the same, therein expres­sed: The said Prince to rest therewith contented, without pretending to any other part in the Kingdome, Hereditary Goods expected, which by paternall or maternall Inheritance might be devolved unto him, yet with certaine restrictions therein contained.

And as in the eight Section or Pause of the said Act they re­peat the Motives of their defection from King Sigismundus, as [Page 112] his deserting the Evangelicall and embracing the Papall erro­neous Profession: his endeavouring to obtrude the same upon that Kingdome, his departure from thence severall times without their privity, after he had brought a numerous for­raign Army into the bowells of the Country, against all right, naturall affection, and the Lawes of that Nation, and had by severall other waies acted contrary to his Oath and assecutori­all Letters, as also had not daigned to answer one sylable to their humble desires and assurance of committing the Sove­raign rule of Suethland, unto his Son if transmitted for due Edu­cation within the prefixed time: For which causes they like­wise renounced his Son and all other his Heires and Successors, depriving them of all Jurisdiction, otherwise (by the Here­ditary King Sigism. with his Heirs rejected. Union) rightly belonging unto them (so as neither his Majesty nor any of his Progeny should thereafter obtaine any right unto the Suethish Diadem) withdrawing themselves from all Obligations wherein they were tyed to his Majesty and his Heires, as also renouncing all fidelity, security, and assistance formerly exhibited to his Majesty. So in the twelfth Pause or Section of the same, they approve of and confirme Duke Charles for their future King, promising unto him ther­by, Duke Charles designed King of Suethland. unanimously and with one assent, obedience, fidelity, secu­rity, and their utmost assistance, as to their naturall and belo­ved Lord and King: yea, that albeit he should refuse to ac­cept the Crown, and whether the Coronation Ceremonies should be performed or not, they would neverthelesse ac­knowledge and observe him as their lawfull Lord and King.

They likewise bound themselves (in that Act) that after Gustavus A­dolphus to suc­ceed. the death of Duke Charles they would render and perform the like obedience unto his Son the Prince Gustavus Adolphus, and to his Heirs Males so long as any of them should survive: But they sailing, the Royall Scepter to come to Duke John afore-named; Provided that he and his Successors were obliged After him Duke Iohn condition­ally not to enter into any Union or confederacy with King Sigis­mundus or his Heirs, especially relating to any share or govern­ment in that Kingdome, and that he nor they should in no sort adhere unto the Romish erroneous Doctrine.

Concerning their establishment of Church-service, as also their Treaties to be had with the Russian and those of Lubecke, the curious are referred to the Act, wherein also provision was made for dispatch of Juridicall Suites: Scrutenies into the publike Revenues of the Crown: Setling of certain numbers of Horse and Foot in each Province to be ready upon emer­gent occasions, their constant Salaries and Sustentation, whilest remaining at home, to be out of the Crown Revenues onely; but when the whole Forces of each Province or any part ther­of, should move in Military expedition against the Kingdomes [Page 113] Enemies, each Province to furnish their proper Souldiers with Provision or Maintenance during the expedition, that so each might be assessed for their own Militia, and not burthened with that of any other: And that forasmuch as each Pro­vince had not equall number of Souldiers, no more then e­quall frequency of subsidiary Inhabitants; it was ordained that the Assesments for the maintenance of the Army should be equall in each Province, wherby the Inhabitant of one Province might not be liable to a larger Military contribution then one of another Province, and if the Military number in one Province were greater then its proper contribution could maintain during the expedition, the defect was to be supplied out of the Crown Revenues of that Province, wherby the Souldier might out of the same Province be provided of ne­cessaries during the expedition: This Decree to be perpetu­ally observed, whether the Military bands should remain at home, or march (under the Ensignes) against the Ene­my.

Care was likewise taken for the regulating of Decimations or Tithes in field provisions, whereof the Minister was to have a third for his peculiar use, and the residue to be carried into the Granary of the Church; the Minister to make Oath of what by him received, and upon prevarication found, ei­ther by the Minister, or by the Husbendman to the Minister, or to the Granary of the Church, the party offending to be cited into Judgment and fined. During this Session, the Triall of Capti­vated Senators: Captivated Senators, and such as upon their account had been sent for from Finland, were brought to tryal, concern­ing whom it was concluded, that forasmuch as those Coun­sellors, who in this present Parliament had appeared in Judg­ment, and were by Duke Charles personally, in presence of the Lords Clement Gadderdorf, and Gerhard Stedding, Ambassadors from the Prince John Adolph Duke of Holstein, accused and con­victed that they were not only the first who causelesly deser­ted the Acts enacted and decreed by themselves as well as o­thers, at Sudercopia and elsewhere, and like Malefactors fled out of the Kingdome, therby deserving the punishment which the said Acts and other laudable transactions of the Kingdome enjoyned to perjured persons, and violaters (such as these were) of their own Snbscriptions, but also derogating from their Oath and all naturall (Patriall) affection, had perswa­ded King Sigismundus, themselves accompanying him, to bring an Alien Army to devast and destroy his Native Soile, and not as became a gratious King, to visite and defend his Subjects according to equity and the Lawes: Of all which Crimes they were convicted by their own Letters, besides many other wicked conspiracies by them formerly and of late [Page 114] malignantly practised against his Highnesse and their Coun­try, for which they had been, by most equall Judges condem­ned in losse of life and Goods, as by the Sentence it self, the te­nour wherof followeth, doth appear in these words.

BY the particular Letters and Writings of these Trayterous and unfaithfull men, Gustavus Baner, Ericke Sparre, Steno Sentence of ex­ecution. Baner, and Thuro Bielke of the Senatoriall Order, it is manifest that they have not adhered to their written Obligatory En­gagements sent at severall times to his Highnesse, but have shamefully digressed from their own Acts under their hands and Seales, and from the laudable Decree ratified by them at Sudercopia. We therfore who by the universall Orders of the Kingdome are deputed for the pronouncing of this Sentence, cannot acquit nor free them from that punishment wherunto persons perjured, and transgressors of their own Acts, are subject according to the Lawes, in regard the Sentence follow­ing, inserted by themselves in the Sudercopian Decree, doth condemn them in these words.

All persons who shall swarve from this our Ʋniversall Ʋnion, for fa­vour of great Ones, peculiar profit, or other causes, under what name or notion soever, or shall lend assistance, that violence be used by any person openly or privately, against this Decree, or those things whereof his Majesty hath secured the Kingdome of Suethland, whereupon this our Constitution is founded; We shall repute those men for such as are unfaithfull to his Majesty, to the Kingdome turbulent, treacherous persons, and to the Country Traytors, whom We will endeavour by all meanes to suppresse.

Moreover they have most wickedly slandered his Highnesse unto his Majesty, wherby many Calumnies have been divul­ged in Print and otherwise; themselves having in their Let­ters spread very many things, much tending to blemish the Honour, good Name, and Princely repute of his Highnesse, which neither themselves nor any other can prove. Wher­fore in as much as by their Writings they have so ignomini­ously depraved his Highnesse, the Uncle to the King, and He­reditary Prince and Governour of the Kingdome, to which Dignity he was by themselves elected, they are to undergo the punishment assigned them by the Lawes of Suethen in the ninth Chapter of the Title De Regallibus, which is, Whosoever shall speak ought derogatory to the honour and fame of the Royall Ma­jesty, or of one or more of his Counsellours, and cannot rationally and legally prove the same, let him lose his head.

Furthermore, forasmuch as they have sowed hatred and discord between King Sigismundus and his Highnesse, instiga­ting his Majesty to wage War against his Highnesse, contrary to the Lawes of the Land, and all regard of naturall affection, [Page 115] therby bringing desolation and devastation to the Country: Therfore we cannot judge otherwise but that they are ob­noxious to the punishment, which the eighth Chapter in the Title of the most high Capitall Crimes, according to the Laws of Suethen, ordains to be inflicted on them in this form of words. Whosoever shall raise an Army against the King or the Go­vernour of the Kingdome, to surprize them at unawares, or to slay them, or shall attempt any violence or unjustice by Letters, Writings, Counsell, Endeavours, or Assistance, if taken in the Fact, shall under­go the losse of life and goods: Wherunto is added in the same place, a Chapter of the Tenor ensuing. If any one shall bring a forraigne Army into his Native Soile, and wage unlawfull War against his lawfull Lord, by devasting the Country, unlesse in company of him who is legally promoted to the Government of the Kingdome, he with all his partakers are to be deprived of life, and their Estates to be for ever consiscated. But wheras they and others of the same fa­ction will happily imagine that the said recited Chapter of the Suethish Law, may be a help and excuse unto them, because it saith, unless they shall accompany the King lawfully ad­vanced to the Throne of the Kingdom: It is therfore to be con­sidered on the otherside, that themselves were the causers of all the troubles and effusions of blood, (which to our grief) hath for some time overflowed the Country, & it is to be feared that the same wound of dissention may again fester, unless by the divine goodness it be in mercy salved. For in the first place, if his Majesty would attempt ought against his Oath, his Co­venants, and the Lawes, they were not bound to adhere unto him in that point, as the fifth Chapter in the Title De Regalibus, concerning the duty of Senators doth express in these words. We shall yeild unto the King lawfull obedience, and shall performe his commands in all things which he shall enjoyn us rationally and legally, and so as We may before God and man justly maintain and answer for, as well our obedience, as the things which he commands: Ther­fore according to their Oath of Office they were bound to per­swade the King to such things as they knew to be advantage­ous to his Majesty and the Natives, and ought to have exhor­ted him to preserve, not violate the Regall Rule, that so he might not have transgressed the Oath made to the universall orders of the Kingdom: and should have put in execution the things which they had promised to the King and Kingdom: but they have gone not only clearly directly Contrary therunto, and to the Sudercopian Decree in like manner, but have also induced his Majesty to the breach of his Oath (as they had broken theirs) and to oppresse his Country by cruel War con­trary to Law and Justice, wherby they have caused many thousands of men to lose their lives; procured much hurt and detriment to the country, depriving the King of his Kingdom, [Page 116] and people, and by their plots precipitated themselves into the present misfortune.

It is hereby manifest that the pre-alledged Chapter of the Lawes of Suethen, doth no way cover or defend their Crime; but that we by vigour of the same text have legally pronoun­ced them to be deprived of their lives, their lands, their goods, and good names.

And we accordingly profess, that we all, jointly and several­ly, willingly and legally, by vertue of those obligatorial letters which the most illustrious Duke Charles and we have given to each other interchangably, without hatred, envy, feare, or respect of any person, nor offering further then deserved violence, have pronounced this Judgement and capitall Sen­tence, and that we will constantly adhere thereunto both for the present and the future, and will acknowledge and maintaine the same before God and the Christian World. For the more assurance hereof we have ratified and confirmed this present Judgement with our hands and Seales. At Lin­copia, Others pardon­ed. the sevententh of March. 1600:

In this manner was the Sentence pronounced on those a­forenamed; but as for Claudius Bielke, Christierne the Son of Clau­dius, Ericke the Son of Abraham, & George Posse the Son of Knute, they having publikely acknowledged their offences, his High­nesse at the request of the Forrain Ambassadors and the Or­ders of the Kingdome had pardoned them, upon their hum­ble suit for remission of the facts whereby they had offended, partly against those Orders, partly against the Countrey: yet so as to remaine prisoners untill his Highnesse had taken fur­ther Some but re­preived. deliberation, and the bettering of their condition to be at his Highnesse pleasure. Hogenscheild Bielke affirming hee could rationally refute the imputation of his siding with the other unfaithfull Counsellors by assistance and advice in per­swading King Sigismundus to bring a forrain Army into his na­tive Soyle, he was to clear himselfe at the next insuing Par­liament, or otherwise to be lyable to the crime objected. Concerning Carolus Gustavus and the Homicide charged upon him, but no absolute conclusion made of the time, he was ordered to acquit himselfe thereof in the next Parliament, in which also the particulars his Highnesse had against the Sentence in Finland a­gainst Arvidus Gustavus and Axell Kurck confirmed by Parliament. foresayd Persons were to be examined.

In reference to Finland, the Parliament decreed that Arvi­dus Gustavus and Axelius Kurck, who for effusion of blood and other abominable and wicked actions, in that Province, per­petrated by them, had been there legally sentenced, which was here confirmed, should undergo the deserved punishment: That others of the Nobility and of the Military Order, not equally guilty, as having been seduced by those trayterous [Page 117] Counsellours, their Leaders, should have their lives spared; Other offendors for smaller Offences gradu­ally punished by losse of goods or Fine. but that a third of their Immovables, whether by Inheritance or Donation from Kings of Suethland; should accrue unto the Crown for ever, with all their Fee-Farmes, whether for term of life or years. It was further decreed, that the Clergy, and all others in that Province, who by their Sons, their Kindred, or others of the Military Bands, had contributed or maintain­ed Horses, or that had by Letters and Plots endeavoured a­gainst his Highnesse and the Kingdome in generall; but chei­fly for deserting the Sudercopian Constitutions they had for­merly approved of, and opposing themselves to their lauda­ble transactions, should be punished; the Clergy to be for e­ver deprived of their Parishes and Ministeriall dignities: O­thers who had furnished Horses or assistance to the Enemies, were to be fined in a third part of their Goods; and such as were any way accountable to be called to a strict account; the residue of the Clergy who had onely dissented, by not assist­ing the Orders and the Kingdome, in prosecution of the Re­gall Oath and Assecuration, with other most ancient jurisdi­ctions, should be fined in five Dollars for every ten Boores (or Ploughmen) within their Parishes, and so to retain their functions and livings so long as they should behave them­selves as became faithfull Subjects. These are partly the heads of the Parliamentary transactions at Lincopia, the ninteenth of March. 1600. For more full satisfaction reference is had to the Acts.

The same things were confirmed in the Comitiall Conven­tion Second Parlia­ment at Stoc­holme. at Stocholme An. 1602 with sundry others enacted more relating to that countrey in particular then to the matter we have in hand, and therefore here omitted: Therein the Duke was again desired to accept of the Crowne, which he never­thelesse refused untill he had once more, by letters, sounded the mind of his Nephew King of Sigismundus, whether he would yet send his Son, upon the conditions before expressed, to receive his education in Suethen, and the Crowne thereof when he should attaine unto full yeares. In this Parliament also the succession was confirmed (Duke Charles deceasing) upon his Son Gustavus Adolphus and his heires males; and those not surviving, upon his second Son the Prince Carolus Phi­lippus and his Male Issue, which likewise failing, the forenam­ed Prince John with his posterity masculine should succeed; and did associate each with other for the opposing of any, whether Native or stranger, who should contradict these Sta­tutes by endeavouring to obtrude any other upon the Re­gall Throne. This Parliamentary Act consisting of eighteen heads sealed with their respective hands, and Seales, was con­cluded at Stocholme the seventeenth of July, 1602.

[Page 118] DUKE Charles upon the twentieth of the said Month sent Duke Charles again solicites King Sigism, to send his Son in­to Suethen. letters to King Sigismundus commemorating those, severall times formerly sent, as well by the Orders of the Kingdome of Suethland as himselfe, for the transmission of his Son to be educated in the Evangelicall Christian profession and the customes there used, and so to be received and ad­mitted for their Liege Lord and King, when he should attain to yeares fit to manage the affaires of Suethen, and to grant them due assecuration: Withall taxing him that hitherto he had not only not answered but slighted and contemned their faithfull admonition, but had calumniated him, and was in­tentive toward his ruine and that of the Kingdomes respective Orders, as appeared by his Majesties Letters divulged in Sueth­land, partly before, partly after the late cruell War, and par­ticularly in those by him sent to Revell from Vilna of the six­teenth of May, stuft with contumelies unnaturall, as being published against an Uncle, who had alwayes studyed his Ma­jesties and his Fathers good, and had endeavoured to place the Crowne upon the head of his sayd Father by the depriva­tion of Ericke who ruled amisse, as also safe-guarded his Ma­jesty then an Infant, in requitall whereof he was now by him aspersed with infamous titles; and further shewed that Co­pies of certaine Letters were dilated unto him, written by his Majesty to the King of Denmark from Vilna the five and twentieth of February; wherein he had endeavoured to spot his honour. and had unadvisedly given away the right which the Crowne of Suethland doth justly vindicate as the peculiar badge thereof, Viz. The three Crownes, for which a long and cruell War had been waged with the Danes, wherein many brave Men had perished; and whereas the Danes formerly had earnestly entreated from the Suethes, a protraction (as to them) for composing the difference, his Majesty contrari­ly had now desired the like from the Danes, conceding need­lesly the right of the Suethes to the adverse party, contrary to his Oath and promise, which his Majesty and his unfaith­full Counsellours ought not to have done: That nevertheless he regarded not those exorbitancies, neither was willing to recompence evill with evill, but would attribute those ex­cesses to his Majesties weaknesse, and the perversnesse of that Religion wherein he had been educated, and would returne good even to his Enemies, if his Majesty and his partakers would accept of his brotherly affection: That therefore, albeit the Orders of Suethland, in the last Stocholmian Parlia­ment (as they had often before done) had now againe hum­bly desired him to assume the Soveraigne Government, and had wholly renounced his Majesty, as he well knew, he had [Page 119] not hitherto directly condescended unto them: But that his Majesty and all the World might know, he sought not his Majesties or his Successors prejudice, but should gladly see his Majesties Posterity perpetually sitting at the Helme of that Kingdome; He again earnestly and faithfully desired his Ma­jesty to assent to his request, and send his Son speedily into Suethland; that otherwise, and unlesse that before the ensuing month of August expired, he received a satisfactory answer, his Majesty would not impute it to him for a Crime, that he had at length accepted of the tender which by the whole Or­ders of the Kingdome had been so frequently made unto him. Dated as aforesaid from Stocholme; neither do we find any future entercourse by Letters between King Sigismundus and his Uncle Duke Charles.

But (say the Suethes) in stead of answer to those Letters, No answer re­turned, but new broiles rai­sed. new broiles were set on foot, by all the Forces could sud­denly be raised in Poland, Lithuania, and Liefland, albeit the Leiflanders did more adhere to the Suethes, as not brooking the Polish Government: Libels were dispersed into all parts a­gainst Duke Charles, and he with the Orders of Suethland were publikely proclaimed Enemies: Sundry (but unsuccesfull) attempts made upon Huitenstein and Revell, Caspar Tisenhusen that Rebell, with his Troops of Horse admitted into Viburg, by Axell Kurck appointed Camp-Master by King Sigismundus, contrary to his Oath and Obligation, which prohibited the Command of Castles unto strangers: Hereupon Duke Charles was compelled unto a new expedition into Leifland, where before he attempted ought against his Adversaries, he made sundry overtures (for a Composure) to Leo Sapia, and o­thers, to whom the King of Poland had committed the Com­mand of Leifland, but was not only delayed with various Let­ters, and deluded with vaine hopes, but his Messengers like­wise by them imprisoned contrary to the custome of Nations; so as all his endeavours for ending that cruell War proved but vaine, as appeared in the year 1602. when Axell Kurck and Hen­ricus Horne, with others, upon request made by the Polanders, were sent with certain Instructions positive, to try whether any agreement could be made: but coming to Leifland they found no man to treat withall; King Sigismundus and the Po­landers having no other intent then to continue the War, and to procure them what Enemies he could both in Denmark and Further Obje­ctions. Russia, which gave beginning to the so long continued broiles between the famous Kingdome of Suethland, that of Poland and Lithuania: Moreover the said Duke Charles, in the yeare 1608. (he being then King) sent his Ambassadors Magnus Brake Earle of Visinsborg, Nicolaus Bielke, Baron of Salstad, Peter Kenicius Bishop of Scharen, Lawrence Paulinus Bishop of Stregnen, [Page 120] Ottone Helmer de Tuna, Castellan of Aboen, and Philip Skeding, Castellan of the Narue to treat with the Polanders, but as for­merly, so then King Sigismundus refused to cease this bloody War by equall and laudable transactions.

Neither (as they alledge) is that to be slipt over in silence The same con­tinued. which Jonas Hendrickson, Meldorpius Ditmarsus writes in his Oration, intituled, The meanes and way of reducing the Septentri­onall Regions to the Romish Worship; Whose words are, that, when the Collar of the Golden Fleece was presented to King Sigismundus, at the Warsovian Parliament, by the Count of Ligny, in the name of the King of Spaine his Master; King Si­gismundus made Oath, that he would preserve sincere Friend­ship and Brother-hood with the Prince of that Order, and would propagate that Catholike Religion by endeavouring to his power the extirpation of Hereticks: What therfore might be expected by the Duke and themselves who had ab­jured the Roman Profession? Surely King Sigismundus swear­ing, at the reception of that Order, to propagate the Papall Creed, by extirpating the Hereticks, was injurious and perju­red as to his Coronation Oath taken in Suethland.

In the year 1604. Duke Charles and the Orders of Suethland Parliament at Norcopia. assembled again in Parliament at Norcopia, upon the sixth of February, wherin they ordained severall things tending to that Nations Emolument; As,

1. Concerning the revising, correcting, reprinting, repub­lishing of the Lawes and Constitutions of the Kingdome of Suehtland in all Provinces thereto belonging, those to whom the same was committed to have allowance from the Crown for their subsistence, untill it were perfected.

2. The grievances of the Subject (with their redresse) from and by Missionary and Military Quarterings.

3. The valuation of their Coine.

4. The Tolls or Customes. Heads of what therein transa­cted.

5. Against imposition of Taxes by Deputies or Officials, without the chief Superiours Command.

6. The power of Provinciall Law-makers, or of great Rulers.

7. The Measures, Weights, and Balances, measuring of Lands, lustration of Regall Goods.

8. Marriage of the Royall Progeny.

9. The placing of Crafts-men in every Territory, and Ware-houses in each City, wherinto all Cloath to be brought and viewed, before the fame were vended.

10. Against the detention of Tenths, Contributions, and emergent Exactions, by such as hold any Copyhold profits from the Crown.

11. Concerning the payment of Subsidies or customary Tributes, and by whom.

[Page 121] 12. The Provinciall Statutes of the late King Gustavus (E­rickson) to be reviewed, corrected according to the present occasions, by the Supervisors of the Lawes of Suethland, and together with them to be published and observed.

13. Against undue and fraudulent exportation of Iron; the punishment of Offenders.

14. Touching the Grants of immovable Goods unto any person, made by Kings or Princes.

15. That the Moyety of Territoriall Fines should accrue to the Provinciall Judge; the other Moyety to be reserved in the Territoriall Chamber.

Lastly, That Emergencies requiring the absence for some time of the King or Kingdomes Governour, the stay not to be beyond the day of Bartholomew-tide: For the better satisfaction in all which particulars, the curious are referred to the Acts; as also the Proceedings made in order to Hogenschield and Clau­dius Bielke, with the other Prisoners and Fugitives, their Children and Posterity. In like manner their Ordinance for the leavy and maintenance of nine thousand Foot and Horse for three yeares against the Polander, the Military Salary to be monthly paid, besides the other Souldiers to be maintain­ed by his Highnesse out of the Crown Revenues, are therein more fully to be seen; the present intention being only to mention the Parliamentary conclusious relating to the former differences, between the King his Nephew, and the King­dome.

In Order hereunto they shew that Duke Charles for sundry considerations by him alleadged, was willing to decline the Soveraign Rule, and had made unto them these two ensuing Propositions: That either they would be reconciled to King Sigismundus, or otherwise accept of his Brother Prince John for their King: Wherunto they had answered that they ut­terly rejected the first, as being willing to run any hazard rather then to return under his obedience: And as for Duke John, albeit he was neerest in blood according to the Heredi­tary Union, yet forasmuch as he was of under age, and had likewise upon the sixth of that present month, in presence of sundry of the States of the Kingdome, renounced his right therunto, resolving to adhere to the Lincopian Constitutions, Duke John re­nounceth his pretence to the Crown of Suethland. and had entreated Duke Charles to accept of the Scepter, and had likewise sealed this Norcopian Decree, religiously promi­sing never to act in prejudice therof, under the penalty of losse of his successive right unto the Crown of Suethland, as al­so of his Dukedome and those Hereditary Goods which he possessed in Suethland: In like manner, that he would never make any Transactions with King Sigismundus, his Sons or Successors, but to resist them vigorously, protecting, preser­ving, [Page 122] and defending Duke Charles, his Consort, Children, and Successors, in the Jurisdiction at that present designed unto them: And therfore for those and other lawfull causes, some of which were mentioned in the Lincopian Decrees, they could not admit of Prince John unto the Kingdomes rule: for which cause they had most humbly and earnestly reiterated their desires to his Highnesse not to reject the Soveraignty; Duke Charles contented to ac­cept of the Crown. which his Highnesse at last, moved with their assiduall and u­nanimous Suit had assented unto: And that forasmuch as in consideration of the causes fore-specified in the renunciation, and others elsewhere mentioned, the Male Line of King John was wholly deprived of the Suethish Diadem, and the same de­signed and conferred upon Duke Charles and his lawfull Heirs; they had therfore now renewed their ancient Hereditary U­nion, and had framed and fitted the same unto the condition of the time present: They further decreed, that if any person at any time therafter, should secretly or openly act contrary to the Union and constitution then made, by endeavouring to translate the Crown unto any other Family, so long as any of the Progeny of their designed King, or of Duke John should survive; or to render it (as formerly) Elective, by which State many mischiefs (as their Annals made mention) had sprung up: Or finally, excluding the Gustavian Race, should himself surprise the Regall Chaire, they would with joynt Forces endeavour that he or they should incur the punishment of Traytors to their Country, and their Goods to be confisca­ted: And if their Children were of years to be knowing and conscious of those Treasons, and did not discover them, they were to undergo like punishment: But upon discovery of their Parents Nefarious practises, they should undesputably enjoy their Parents Estate, the Parent punished as aforesaid. But if they had not attained the years of discretion, so as not to be guilty of those treacherous Devices, they should not (by their Fathers act or suffering losse of life and goods) be defa­med, yet should enjoy only the goods of their Maternall, not their Paternall Inheritance: If the Mothers were in like man­ner conscious of the Conspiracy and Treason with their Hus­bands, the Inheritance of the Wife as well as of the Husband, should be confiscated and accrue to the Crown, without any regard had to the Children. This was the substance of the Norcopian Parliament, confirmed by the hands and Seales of Prince John, Duke of Ostrogothia and Hereditary Prince of Suethland, together with the severall Orders therof respective­ly, the twenty second of March, 1604. The same likewise Co­roborated with the Seales of the Towns and Provinces, from whence any of them had been delegated:

[Page 123] The Reformed hereditary union forementioned was of the Hereditary union renewed, reformed. same date equally subscribed and Sealed by the Senators and Orders of Suethland, Earles, Barons, Prelates, Gentrie, Clergie, Commanders, Burgesses, and others, who were present at the Norcopian Convention, as well in the names of their respective Provinces as in their own; and imported that from the time of the Arosian Convention An. 1544. the Kingdome of Sueth­land, formerly Elective, had been, under Gustavus Erickson (of excellent memory) rendred hereditary to him; his heires Males and their line Masculine, so long as any one of them should survive, in consideration of the desolations, intestine Seditions, Sanguinolent profusions, multiferous destructive detriments sustained by that Kingdome, whilest Elective, without regard to a lawfull regall succession: One Person or Party preferring one Prince, the other Party another, to the Royall throne; from whence multiplicious discords and per­nicious dissensions had overflowed the inhabitants, to the al­most ruine of the whole Kingdome.

That the motives inducing thereunto had been, his vindica­ting them from the immanity of Christierne the second of Den­marke: That before his migration hence he had composed a certain last Will and Testament, for the regulating of his children toward each other and toward their Subjects; Upon which Testament the Orders of the Kingdome had grounded their hereditary union, and as a marke, had made it their aime; not obscurely insinuating that unlesse the Gustavian succession made that their rule, they could not therby pretend any advantage, nor any right unto the Crowne more then that Testament conveyed unto them: The close whereof con­tained that his Children and Successors should cherish and maintaine divine worship, and the precious word of God, without any superstition, or traditions of men, according as himselfe had endeavoured to promote and publish the same: Next, that they should embrace each other with continued mutuall affection, governing and protecting their Subjects rightly and justly, and according to their legally acquired priviledges.

That according to the hereditary Union (grounded as a­foresaid) they had crowned Ericke the Eldest of that line; But in regard his rule was not corresponding to the Paternall Testament and Laws of Suethland, they had deprived him and his heires of the Crowne of Suethland, and substituted in his Stead the late King John (of laudable memory) as the neerest in Order to that Covenant of hereditary Union: That he al­beit retarded by the impulsions of perverse persons, who suggested unto him the pernicious change of religion, which was mostly intended during his raigne, had been vigilant to­ward [Page 124] those things that were consentaneous to Christianity and right, and intended a just Government so long as his thred of life remained: To which change of Religion, as al­so sundry other things, were to be imputed to the suggestions of evill Counsellors, as the primary causers of that want of brotherly confidence, which of right ought to have been be­tween him and his Brother Duke Charles.

They also affirme, that contrary to his Fathers sayd Testa­ment, and his owne Oath for true observation thereof, Sigis­mundus his Son (afterwards King of Poland) had been by him permitted to be educated in the Pontificiall Religion, and that by the fore-specified impulsions and perswasions of per­verse Counsellours, he had sent his sayd Son out of the King­dome, to receive the Crowne of Poland; from whence, as from an overflowing stream, all those innundations of evills, which had covered their Country, proceeded.

It would be over long here to repeat, their formerly so of­ten reiterated Criminations against King Sigismundus, nor the fore-mentioned Resignation by Duke John of his Hereditary Duke Charles pronounced King, and his eldest to succed. The younger to enjoy his Fa­thers Duke­domes. right to the Kingdome: They therfore proceed to pronounce Duke Charles (by them formerly designed) for their present absolute and lawfull Soveraigne, with whom and for whose safety, they would live and dye; and that after him they would receive his eldest Son, the Prince Gustavus Adolphus for their immediate and confirmed King: Upon the younger Prince, Carolus Philippus, they thereby setled the Paternall Dukedomes of Sudermannia, Nericia, and Wermelandia, Vosbo­gia, and the Valensian Territory, with the other Jurisdictions then possessed by his Father: But that Duke John should en­joy the Dukedome formerly granted unto Duke Magnus, with other large emoluments conceded unto him by the present Parliament, as the Letters of Donation did testifie.

That if their designed King, the present Prince Gustavus A­dolphus Male issue of the eldest fail­ing the second to succeed. should leave behind him any lawfull Regall or Ducall Heirs Males, the eldest should succeed; and he deceasing son­lesse, the one after the other from Line to Line, should sway the Scepter, and so his Highnesse Sons that should be borne unto him, should be by them and their Successors designed and accepted for lawfull and Hereditary Kings of Suethland. But if the Prince Gustavus Adolphus should depart this life, not leaving any lawfull Heirs Males, the second Son Prince Caro­lus Philippus should obtaine the Crowne as their designed, ele­cted, and confirmed King of Suethland; and after him, his law­full Heirs Males, in like manner should succeed, as hath been expressed toward the Line of Prince Gustavus. That also fail­ing in him, Duke Iohn to inherite the Crowne.

Lastly, That if Prince Carolus Philippus should change this mortall State without any lawfull Male Issue to rule the rains [Page 125] of the Kingdome, the Royall dignity should then devolve un­to the illustrious Duke John, in the same manner word for word as it had been decreed and confirmed unto the forenamed Princes Gustavus Adolphus and Carolus Philippus. He also dying, his eldest lawfull Son should obtaine the Regall Wreath, and so each from Line to Line as had been designed and concluded unto the Heirs of the two Princes before named in the fore­going Articles: And that, forasmuch as Histories give ample testimony of tumults, dissentions, and multiferous detri­ments, which over-fruitfully flock into a Common-wealth, when the Line of a lawfull Family is not regarded; the King­dome and the Government thereof being in jeopardy by a perillous election of Governours, this Inhabitant voting for one (Candidate or) pretender, that man for another: And that on the other side it may be collected out of Histories, that much Concord and Tranquility hath ever flourished in a Common-wealth, when according to Divine providence, the States or Orders of a Kingdome have not swarved from the right and lawfull Line of a Regall Family. If therefore The Female Re­gall and Ducall issue adopted into the suc­cession. (which they besought God gracionsly to divert) the like in­convenient should befall the Kingdome of Suethland, that the whole Masculine Gustavian Progeny should be taken away, and none remaining of that Regall and Ducall Family but Fe­male Heirs, they did bind themselves by promise, and volun­tarily and by mature Counsell did thereby unanimously and concordially, universally and singularly, for themselves in ge­nerall and particular, and for all their Successors ingage and sweare, that they would accept that Princesse and Regall This hath refer­ence to the fore-cited Parlia­mentary conclu­sions at Stoc­holme the se­venth of March 1590. but is here imperfect in the Original, as wanting the words Eldest unmarried, as is there expressed. Daughter (if such should be living) or of the Ducall Line, for Queen of Suethland, and that they would not obtrude a­ny Husband upon her without her will and consent; and e­specially that they would not permit or procure her a Hus­band of any People enemy to the Suethish Nation, or that had any way sought after their ruine or hurt, nor yet any of a perverse Religion, or adhering to a Doctrine differing from their Christian profession. That withall, the Queen should be and thereby was prohibited from any manner of Matrimo­niall contract with any person of such a Nation or Religion, under the penalty of deprivation of Rule and Dignity; but that she should rather wed some one of the Suethish Nation whom she could affect, and who might be usefull to the King­dome, or some Prince of the Ducall Families in Germany de­scended from the illustrious Gustavian Progeny of Suethland, and of the same Religion with them, except such marriage were forbidden by propinquity of blood.

That the other Regall and Ducall Daughters of that Fami­ly then remaining should be provided of Dowries and other [Page 126] necessaries befitting their condition and dignity, according to the Gustavian Testament, and the conclusions of the pre­sent Provision for younger, Regall, and Ducall daughters con­ditionall. Parliament: Yet with these conditions and cautions, that not any of the Regal or Ducal Daughters should contract Matrimonie with any person without the free consent and approbation of the Orders of the Kingdome: But not inten­tending The daughters and sister of King Sigis­mund. rejected. hereby that the daughters of the King Sigismundus (if any were) or his Sister, should be comprehended, they being rejected from ever obtaining any jurisdiction in Sueth­land. And forasmuch as all the tumult, warr, and dissention, which of late times had molested them, had their maine Ori­ginall from the difference of religion between his Majesty of Poland and the Orders of Suethland, he having contrary to his Grand-fathers last Wil and Testament deserted their Christian profession and embraced the Papall erroneous doctrine; they No Prince of a contrary reli­gion to inherit. therefore unanimously constituted and decreed that they would never prefer any person unto the Royall Chaire who should not be of the same Religion with them: And that, if any of their Hereditary Princes should decline the pure word of God, comprehended in the Propheticall and Apostolicall Books, and depart from the Augustane Confession presented to the Emperour Charles, An. 1530. grounded upon the Word of God; as also from other former transactions and laudable Constitutions, partly framed in the time of King Gustavus, partly since, tending chiefly and above all things to the ad­vancement of Christs Church and the propagation of Religion, and to the preservation of the best policy both in Spiritualls and Temporalls; or whosoever should not do and promove Such, or A­postates to be de­prived. whatsoever he shall know may tend to the honour of God, or should not attend to those things which might concern the profit and emolument of the Countrey, he should be [...]terly deprived of that Hereditary Jurisdiction which by the Act of union was due unto him.

In like manner, under the penalty of like deprivation their Hereditary Princes were prohibited Marriage with any Wife of an erroneous Religion, contrary to that above specified, for avoyding those, dissentions might thereby grow between Hereditary Princes prohibited mar­riage with an, wife of contrary religi­gion. All seduce [...]s of Prince [...] to a contrary religi­on to be punish­ed as [...]s. the Subjects and their Lords, as had befallen with King Sigis­mundus; neither should contract Matrimony without acquain­ting and thereupon advising with the Orders of the Kingdom whether such Marriage would be commodious for themselves and the Realme. All Inhabitants therein, at present or af­ter times, who should seduce, advise, or perswade any of their Hereditary Princes to imbrace or be brought up in any false Religion, or in other then that above mentioned, should be accounted as Traytors to the Kingdome, and undergoe punishment accordingly, of what soever condition they were, high or low, Senators or others.

[Page 127] They likewise concluded and decreed that not any of their No hereditary Prince to accept of another King­dome, unlesse to live in the Pa­triall Soile. Hereditary Princes should be raised to the Royal Throne who did accept of another Kingdome; and that no Hereditary King had power to accept of any other Realms or Territories, unlesse he would constantly remaine in the native Soyle; they having by sad experience found by the transactions of former times and moderne tumults, what inconveniencies had been derived unto them by their Kings acceptance of Forraigne Crownes: That in order to what before expressed, they who were or had been present, did promise and sweare according to the tenour of this Hereditary Regall Inauguration and de­signation of the forenamed severall Princes and their respe­ctive Heirs from Line to Line, all fidelity, obedience, and assistance to their utmost power and the hazard and expence of their estates and lives, in confirmation whereof they en­gaged their Christian faith, honesty, conscience, lives, and possessions, as they desired God to be propitious unto them, and each for himselfe and his Successors after their manuall Subscription sealed the same, with their Capitall, Civicall, and Territoriall Seals; upon reciprocall engagement for their Government according to the pure Word of Cod, the Laws and justly acquired Priviledges of Suethland: Norcopia the two and twentieth of March, 1604.

By the fore-specified Parliamentary Decree and Heredita­ry Union (it may appear) they utterly renounced the Sove­raignty of King Sigismundus, who had not once only but seve­rall times first abondoned them; therby (say they) adhe­ring neverthelesse to the right Family according to the Tenor of the Lawes of Suethland, and the Acts of Hereditation, and concurring with those of Poland, who had written to their King, then absent (for whose return they had prefixed a pe­remptory day) that they could not long subsist without their King, by reason of many incident dangers not to be obviated but by the Regall presence, and that if he did not return unto them by the time prescribed, he should not think strange if they did subrogate another in his place, it being impossible for them to live without a King and head, to defend them by his Regall power and authority: Which reasons (say they) the Suethes had often suggested and tendred to King Sigismun­dus, notwithstanding that his severall returnes had not been unaccompanied with various inconveniencies apparent in the preceding discourse: That all those things being by them passed over, they had frequently written to advise and intreat him to return into his Hereditary Kingdome, it being no less incommodious for them to live without a King and certaine form of Rule, then for the Polanders; to which Letters he had not daigned any answer, and that they therfore had been de­servedly [Page 128] moved to exclaime (with those of Poland) shall Suethland be longer without a King? in no wise; A King we must have, &c.

They further affirm, that as then, Princes, meet to be pre­moted to the Regall Chair were not wanting unto them, they having the election of two, without swarving from the Regall Family, to wit, Duke Charles (by them now elected) and Prince John, who albeit they did ingeniously acknowledge him for the neerest, as being the younger Son of King John (of famous memory) and unto whom in that regard they had not once but often presented the Crown, yea, even at the So­lemnity of the Coronation of their present King, yet for so much as he was not then of so ripe years as to undertake so troublesome a Government of the Kingdome in such a season, and that at Norcopia before the renovation and confirmation of the fore-specified hereditary Union, he had upon the sixth of the same month of March, in presence (as hath been already said) of sundry Senators and other Members of that Parlia­ment tendred his just excuses in form as followeth.

MOST High and Mighty Prince, Beloved Lord Oration of Duke John in Resignation of his right. and Uncle; When I silently revolve in my mind the benefits conferred upon me by your Dilecti­on, ever since that by (reason of) the decease of my Pa­rents, I came unto your Court, I certainly find your af­fection to have been so great as I cannot sufficiently ex­toll, much lesse deserve or recompence the same. I will not, at present, speak of the Paternall care exhibi­ted toward me by your Dilection in my Instruction and Education in all Christian and Ducall Vertues: But desire chiefly to be mindfull of the care exercised by your Dilection, least I should have fallen into the hands of Jesuites, and have been seduced unto their most pernicious Religion. Wherfore seeing I can never be sufficiently able to merit or requite that Fatherly care, diligence, and trouble; I will first and above all things, with all earnestnesse, crave of the most high God that he will please abundantly to returne the same upon your Dilection, your most loved Consort, and your Illustrious Children, both in this life and that which is to come: In the mean time, I will diligently [Page 129] endeavour by all manner of obedience and humility, to the utmost of my power, to make (at least) some measure of requitall of that faithfulnesse which your Dilection frequently hath and daily doth declare unto me. But whereas your Dilection did some daies past, propound unto my deliberation certain Articles, and hath gratiously required me to declare my resolution upon them, as the Orders of the Kingdome have since done in like manner; I have therefore thought good to answer your desires, humbly entreating your Dilection favourably to accept of, and interpret this my serious Resolve, wherunto I have decreed to adhere constantly.

The Universal Orders of the Kingdome, most mighty Prince, beloved Lord and Uncle, in divers Parliamentary Conventions, as also in this present Assembly, have Unanimously and Concordially ac­knowledged and received your Dilection for their Lord and Governour, unto whom henceforward, as to their natural and most beloved King, they have promised all obedience, due fidelity, security, and utmost assistance: In regard your Dilection, solely under God, hath been their Protector, who to the extream hazard of your life, trouble, and charge, have diligently endeavoured to free them from the Pa­pall darknesse, and that external Yoake and Servitude which was impending over our heads; And that you have neither spared your Possessions nor life it selfe in watching for the Wel-fare and Emolument of us all, as well in spiritual as in temporal Affairs: And that you have preserved and protected all and singular Clergy and Laiety, high and low, each according to his state and condition in the Christian Religion; And have governed them wholly according to the Lawes of Suethland and each ones rightly acquired Priviledges: The Orders therefore of this Kingdome have (I say) for these and other weighty considerations, as also by the Authority and Jurisdiction devolving unto [Page 130] them from their Ancestors, designed and made choice of your Dilection for our King: Which Election cer­tainly I neither by my selfe nor others, openly or se­cretly, either now, or when I shall have attained the full age of twenty foure yeares, nor at any time after­ward, will never endeavour to annihilate or over­throw, but will alwaies rest contented with those things which have been at once and by all the Orders of the Kingdome unanimously constituted and decreed, and do willingly consent that the Renovation of the Hereditary Union have that successe which your Dile­ction hath required from these Orders: In reference whereunto, if your Dilection shall change his mor­tall life (which God be pleased to prolong for many yeares) I will endeavour with all my might that no in­jury be done in any sort unto your most beloved Con­sort, or to your most Illustrious Children; and more­over to my power wil procure that the most Illustrious Prince Gustavus Adolphus, my most beloved Brother may enjoy the Crown of Suethland: And if he shall decease without legitimate Heires Males, I will in like manner endeavour that my most deare Brother the Prince Charolus Philippus be preferred to the vacant Go­vernment of the Kingdome; towards each of whom I will so demean my selfe as becometh a most loving Brother. Wherefore I most humbly beseeeh your Di­lection to consent at length to the desires of the Orders of the Kingdome, and compassionating the sad con­dition of our Country, speedily accept of the Crown of Suethland; by meanes whereof your Dilection may easily free the Suethish Common-wealth from Tu­mults, Discords, and intestine Dissentions, which otherwise may encrease unlesse our Requests be season­ably granted: Your Dilection may likewise attend the Government more securely, and henceforward as heretofore procure the Kingdomes good. Your Di­lection so doing, I shall hope that your Dilection, to­gether [Page 131] with the Orders of the Kingdome, will permit that I enjoy the Dukedome assigned unto me at Linco­pia, with those Hereditary Goods which may rightly accrue unto me when I shall attaine unto full yeares; In the mean time I neither will nor can prescribe to your Dilection how they are to be ordered: I only humbly entreat, that as heretofore, so for the future, your Dile­ction will so patronize and dispose of what is mine, as to your Dilection shall seeme good, and unto me com­modious; herewith from the most inward of my heart I wish unto your Dilection the happy successe of your intentions, a long and prosperous life, with a most happy and peaceable Raigne: And in confirma­tion of all things aforesaid, I here in presence of the Orders of the Kingdome, do give you my hand.

For these (say they) and other fore-mentioned rea­sons, as also in regard of the transaction at Orobrogia, An. 1606. between their new King and Duke John, that he would rest contented with the Dukedome of Ostro­gothia, and not pretend unto or seek, either for him­selfe or his Heires, any further Jurisdiction before those Revolutions should happen which were couched in the Norcopian renewed Hereditary Union; as also that he had now attained the age of nineteen yeares, and therefore could rightly discerne of those things that concerned his good, they did hope that his Highnesse had no cause to impute any Injury unto them, the ra­ther for that they had chiefly and seriously considered what the condition of those times in that Nation re­quired; to wit, That the afflicted State thereof did speedily require a Governour, who could prudently steer the Kingdomes Helme, and that otherwise a to­tall ruine would have over-flowed the Realme: That they were likewise compelled by those dangerous and subite Machinations whereby the Country was conti­nually incompassed to choose him for their King, their Lord and Governor, who was adorned with Prudence, Experience, and ripeness of years.

[Page 132] THus Charles Duke of Sudermannia, Nericia, and Werme­landia, Duke Charles Crowned King of Suethland. was An. 1607. Crowned King of the Sueths, Gothes, and Vandalls, being the ninth of that name; and King Sigis­mundus, with his Heires; for ever ejected and deprived of his said hereditary Kingdome, for the causes and reasons by them before alledged; which, to sum up all in brief (as themselves do) were first and cheifly, For swarving from their Recapitulation made by the Sueths of their criminations a­gainst King Si­gismundus. received Christian Religion, and from his Grand-fathers last Will and Testament, as also from his oath & promise, and like­wise from the religious engagement made unto his late Father King John, that he would no way diminish the bounds of Suethland; nor when seated in another Kingdome, consent or subscribe to any transactions concerning his Native countrey, without acquainting and consulting the States of Suethland therewith: For departing the Kingdome not once but sundry times unwitting to the Orders thereof, and exporting seve­rall acts of great concernment out of the Suethish Cancellarie: For attempting likewise and doing many things much pre­judiciall to his Native countrey: For prosecuting by open ho­stility his Unckle and such as would not embrace the Pontifi­ciall Superstition: For alienating, in a manner, the Castle of Kexholme before any treaty for a perpetuall peace was institu­ted with the Russian: For causing civill dissention and effu­sion of bloud within his Native Soile, and inflaming one Pro­vince against another: For contemning and endeavouring to undermine those laudable transactions which were establish­ed in his absence, tending to his and the Countreys good and to the propagation of Religion: For unworthily swarving from the Lincopian treaty, and a third clandestine Flight out of the Kingdome: For placing forraigne Forces in the Fort of Cal­mar, which could not be recovered without much expence of bloud and treasure. For bereaving Suethland of so many Shipps as he should get into his power, and employing them against his Native countrey, by attempting to gain from that Crown the Castle of Elseburg, and infesting and spoiling the Coast by his Naval forces: For granting to the Danes, contra­ry to his promise & the agreement made at Stetin, a Dilation concerning the three Crowns, the lawfull and peculiar badge and cognizance of Suethland: For so sleighting his compatriots as not to returne a word of answer to their most officious Letters; nor at their humble reiterated request, to send his Son into that Kingdome to receive education, according to the Acts of Hereditary Union and Succession, for his owne and the Countreys good, and in due time to have been design­ed King; and that notwithstanding these tenders to him and to his Son, he had by all possible meanes endeavoured the de­triment [Page]

[Page] [Page 133] of the Kingdome, and violently persecuted his Un­cle and all those who refused to subscribe to the Papall profes­sion: Otherwise De­metrius affirm­ing himselfe Son to John Basilides late great Duke of Muscovia. Moreover, for rasing up what enemies he could against his native Countrey, thereby to involve his Subjects in a deluge of blood, which he intended; and had almost effected (by the helpe of that Renegado Monke, tyrant and deflow­rer of Virgins Grischa Otrepia) for the Subduing of Suethland to his will, to which end he assisted him in the gaining the Russian Empire, and perswaded him to violate the League between the Suethes and Russians: and to the same purpose (that Ty­rant being taken away) he substituted another in his place, by whose meanes he likewise hoped to bring that Kingdome under his yoake: And likewise by other Monarchs had endea­voured the destruction of his Country.

Lastly, Albeit formerly touched in their History, they cannot (say they) but here also rememorate his most inhu­mane designe of murthering his Uncle at the time of his Co­ronation, in which, by instigation of the Papall Legate and other depraved Counsellours, he decreed violently to deprive his Uncle of life, on the first day of the Solemnity, by the ministry of certain treacherous Villains, as was evident out of the History of James Tipotius, and by the confession of Jeronimo Strozzi, and that to the same end, he caused Christopher Clabon, one of his Musitians, to compose a Song, ending with, and repeating Non curo, non curo, &c. During the singing whereof, the watch-word being privily given, the Murtherers should have rushed forth and most wickedly murther his Highnesse and his Train, but that God by his singular providence, pre­vented the mischief intended.

For these causes and reasons, do the Suethes (ubmitting the same to the judgement of all sincere and candid Arbitrators) justifie their abdication for ever of King Sigismundus and his Heirs from the Crown of the Suethes, Gothes, and Vandals, and their election to the same of the often forenamed Charles Duke of Sudermannia, Nericia, and Wermelandia, whom, as aforesaid, they Crowned in the year 1607. by the name of Charles the ninth: For conclusion to the whole (wherewith we also conclude this Epitomized Narrative) they earnestly entreat all Christian Monarchs, Emperours, Kings, Princes, and E­lectors, to make a candid and sincere construction, a benigne and favourall acceptation of this their legitimate defence, and to vindicate them and their most equall cause against all calumny.

During the Raign of this King Charles (which continued Warrs between King Sigis­mundus and King Charles. sundry years) there were almost continued Wars between the Polanders (who with the Lithuanians imbraced the quarrel of their Prince) and the Suethes, who resolutely maintained [Page 134] their owne Acts in favour of their new election: Neither were they intermitted by his death, for his Son Gustavus Adolphus, Succeeding to the Crown of Suethland An. 1617. did so vigo­rously Continued by his Son Gusta­vus Adolphus. prosecute, the same, as, the Polanders lost not onely the greater part of their interest in Leifland, but likewise the best (as well Maritime as inland) Townes, with most of the territo­rie of that part of Prussia belonging to the Crown of Poland, Dantzig excepted with it's neighbouring bounds, which kept firme therunto, and would not admit of a Newtrality with the Suethes, albeit they had been once (if report err not) upon a Treatie: For which their fidelity, they have since obtained no small priviledges from that Crown, prejudiciall not onely to the Neighbour Cities, as that of Elbing, where formerly the English Merchants of the Eastland Company had a flourishing residence, but also to those Merchants and their Nation in the point of trade, by their Stample, upon all wollen cloaths im­ported to be dispersed through Poland, which Monopoly hath been and is no small greivance unto that Society: Neither hath that yoake been taken off notwithstanding Englands merits towards that Crown, and the intervention and ear­nest Solicitation of Englands Ambassadors and other Minist­ers, as will hereafter further appear. But returne we now to what is yet remaining, that so we may proceed unto the promised Treatie.

The Polanders (as hath been said) being wholly on the losing hand, and having other ancient constant enemies, as the Turk and Tartar (and the Russian no assured friend) to cope withall besides the Sueths; a Peace, or (if that could not be) a truce was mediated: Neither was King Gustavus reluctant thereun­to, as having then a designe upon the main body of the Ro­man Empire, as well to revenge the Injuries he pretended to have received from the Austrian Family for aiding the Polander against him, as to assist and succour the all-most totally op­pressed Protestant Princes of Germany (sundry of whom were his Allaies and) who had secretly re clamed his power for their Protection.

THus, both parties, howbeit upon different grounds, A Truce be­tween them concluded. being unwilling to continue the Warr, Mediators were invited of each side: The late King of great Brittaine sent for his Ambassador to that treatie, Sir Thomas Roe Knight; a Gentle­man every way qualified for that honourable employment, as having successefully undergone the like, for severall yeares not onely at the great Sultans Port, but likewise with the great Mogull and other Eastern Monarchs, neither did that Negotiation, so replenished with knotty difficulties, require a Personage of meaner endowments: but his more perfect Chara­cter [Page]

[Page] [Page 135] is referred unto the able Pen of them that having attended him in those employments, have had the greater opportunity to discerne his worth, which was deservedly known to all men.

The King of France deputed the Baron of Charnace; The Elector of Brandenburg also had his Ambassadors there, and by the Mediation of those publike Ministers, interposing the Au­thority of their Potent Principalls, a Truce was upon the sixteenth of September, 1629. concluded between those jar­ring Crownes upon the tearmes that the Curious may see in the Articles themselves, long since exposed to publike view, and not necessary to be here inserted.

Before the expiration of this Truce, King Sigismundus pay­ing Death of Sigis­mundus. the Debt that all men owe to Nature, left the Polanders free to a new Election, and three Sons, the Princes Ʋladislaus and Casimir (the name of the third Brother I remember not) to the hopes thereof; Also one Daughter: Which three, be­sides their mutuall relations of Brothers and Sister by the same Father, might also be said to have been Cousin Germanes to each other by their respective Mothers, who both were Sisters to the then Germane Emperour; King Sigismundus af­ter the decease of the elder (whom he had first married) Es­pousing also the younger by Papall dispensation.

The more Superstitious and Jesuited Faction, which there is very powerfull (in prejudice of the accustomed way of E­lective Succession to that Crown) would have baulked Ʋla­dislaus the elder, howbeit not for want of merit, but (as by Uladislaus his Eldest, Elected and Crowned them) conceived to be more favourable towards Protesta­nisme then they desired; and would have chosen Casimirus the younger (at present their King by his Brothers decease) whom they thought, as having amongst them received his E­ducation, would prove more inclining toward them, but were vigorously opposed by the Illustrious Prince Christopher Rad­zivill, Duke of Bierze and Dubinskie, Palatine of Vilnen, and great Generall of Lithuania (who is said to have brought five thousand Horse to that Parliament, a prevaling Argu­ment) by whose meanes the elder Prince obtained his Elective Right, and was Crowned by the name of Ʋladislaus the fourth.

He was a Prince of great Courage and Vigour both of mind and body, and inherited not only his Fathers pretensions unto his Hereditary Crown of Suethland, but the fame desires for its recovery, and hatred against the Detainer thereof: Nor is it likely but that (upon the terminating of the truce currant) he would willingly have entred into a War for the re-gaining of the Right devolved unto him from his Paternall Ancestors, had not the States of Poland shewed themselves more willing to a Treatie, as having been but late before engaged against the Russian, from whom he had gained the Citie and Dukedom [Page 136] of Smolensko, with other Territories, as also against the Turke and Tartar, whom (by the losse of two set Battels) he had forced unto tearmes of accommodation, by means wherof the Crowne of Poland had sustained a vast Charge, with other In­conveniencies incident, and might therfore require a time of breathing; Yet not withstanding they also raised a powerfull Army to countenance the Cause; and not without resolution for a vigorous Engagement, in case the means used for obtain­ing a Peace, or longer Truce, should have proved uneffe­ctuall.

It is certainly much to be lamented, that the Spirit of Dis­cord hath so much power over the minds of Christian Princes, as that their Emulations and Dissentions (which are the steps whereby the Othoman Empire hath mounted unto its present formidable height) should be rendred perpetuall, to the pre­judice of Christendome, the reproach of the Christian Profes­sion and the advantage of insulting Infidells, as then it did; for the Polish Army at that time had the Turkish Forces at such a bay, as that the great Generall of Poland, Kaenig­spolskie (in the hearing of this Relator) afterwards told the Ambassadour of Great Brittaine, that, but for the difference like to ensue between the two Crownes of Poland and Sueth­land, by reason of the then neer expiring Truce, hee would have convoyed those Miscreants unto the Gates of Constanti­nople: but leaving this digression.

As the Crown of Poland might be not unwilling (for the reasons pre-alledged) to admit of Peace, so likewise may the Suethes be conceived not to have been averse thereunto (as having lost their Coesar in that famous Feild of Lutzen, and) being still engaged in the Germane War, their Forces were (then in decadence) constrained to retire toward Pomerania, and to keep a long the Sea Coast: So as both parties being apparently willing, a second Treaty was consented unto, A second treatie instituted. and those Princes who had assisted at the former, as also the States of Holland,, were by the interessed Crownes invited to resume the Mediatoriall Office, whereunto none of them being backward, no more then to contribute their endea­vours for a Worke so pious and beseeming Christians; Sir George Duglass Knight, Ambassadour from the late King of Great Brittaine: Claudius de Mesme, Baron D'Avaux, from the King of France; the Prince Sigismundus of Brandenborg, Uncle to that Elector (from his said Nephew) with others of the Electorall Counsell, as also Ambassadours from the States Generall of the united Provinces, did accordingly (howbe­it at severall times, as opportunity by reason of distance of places would permit) meet in Prussia the Province designed [Page 137] for the Treaty, with the Commissioners from the fore-men­tioned Crownes, where each unfolded his utmost abilities for the composure of all differences by most powerfull and rationall arguments; and as formerly, interposed the Au­thority of their respective Princes and Principalls, to bring the gauled minds of the parties, whom a long continued Enmity had rendred in a manner implacable, to a condescention for a finall peace, or at least a Truce for so long a term as might in­deed give some considerable ease to those Countries already so much exhausted by former Wars, which is the Treaty for­merly promised, then which none, at least in those parts, did ever produce difficulties more numerous, knotty, or frequent­ly tending to absolute rupture: The Succinct and true relati­on whereof is next to be proceeded unto.