An humblf [sic] remonstrance from His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the army under his command concerning the present state of affairs in relation to themselves and the kingdom, with their desires and present resolutions thereupon presented to the commissioners at S. Albanes, Iune 23, to be by them humbly presented to the Parliament / by the appointment of His Excel. Sir Thomas Faifax and the counsell of warre ; signed John Rushworth ...

An humblf [sic] remonstrance from His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the army under his command concerning the present state of affairs in relation to themselves and the kingdom, with their desires and present resolutions thereupon presented to the commissioners at S. Albanes, Iune 23, to be by them humbly presented to the Parliament / by the appointment of His Excel. Sir Thomas Faifax and the counsell of warre ; signed John Rushworth ...

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Title page

AN HUMBLE REMONSTRANCE FROM His Excel. Sir Thomas Fairfax and The Army under His Command: concerning the present estate of Affaires in relation to themselves and the Kingdome, with their Desires and present Resolutions thereupon.

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AN HUMBLE REMONSTRANCE FROM His Excel. Sir Thomas Fairfax and The Army under His Command: concerning the present estate of Affaires in relation to themselves and the Kingdome, with their Desires and present Resolutions thereupon.

1. OUR Desires as Souldiers in behalfe of our selves and other Souldiers that have faithfully served the Parliament in this Kingdome, as also our remaining dissatisfactions in relation thereunto, may be clearely collected out of our severall Papers that have formerly beene presented to the Parliament concerning the same, to which particulars we have not yet received any further satisfaction.

2. In our last Representation it may appeare what our Desires are, as Members of the Common wealth in behalfe of our selves and all others for the clearing, setling, and securing of the Rights, Liberties and Peace of the Kingdome: for the Justnesse, Reasonablenesse, Necessity, and Common-concernment whereof unto all, we dare appeale to the whole Kingdome, and to the World: yet we have hitherto received no answer thereunto, nor can we heare of any consideration taken thereupon, to put the things conteined therein into any way of resolution or dispatch.

[Page] 3. Wee have since, in pursuance of the first and second head of our desires in the said representation, delivered in a charge against divers persons, Members of the House of Commons, for divers designes and practises to the abuse and Dishonor of the Parliament the unsufferable injury of the Army, the infringment of the Rights and Liberties both of Souldiers and Subjects, the breach or hazzard of the Peace of this Kingdome, and the hinderance of the reliefe of Ireland &c.

4. Vpon which though the maine things charged, with the mischievous effects and further dangerous consequences of them, as also the constant and continued activity of all, or most of the persons charged in relation to those things, for the most part are sufficiently knowne, especially to the Parliament it selfe, yet wee finde neither any thing done vpon what is so knowne, nor any way resolved on or admitted by the Parliament for the examination or discovery of what may be less knowne: But rather (as if neither the things charged nor the present sad effects nor future ill consequences thereof were at all considerable) the whole businesse seemes to be slightly past ouer or set aside.

Lastly we did with these deliuer in another paper (whereof here is a Coppy annexed) contayning divers just and necessary things which wee did desire might be provided for, and done for the better proceeding in the Premisses with more safety to our selves and the Kingdome, and with more assurance or hopes of a timely and happy issue.

To which things desired (which wee suppose all men reasonable will thinke just and necessary) wee have yet received no answer or resolution, nor can finde any consideration at all had of them, save that a months pay is sent downe to the Army, whilst those that have deserted the Army, receive at London much more, and that some Votes have bin passed for the annulling the Committee pretended for safety about listing of men and drawing of Forces together, which Votes wee finde rendered but vaine and delusive, by the continued under-hand practises of those whom wee have charged and their accomplices in listing and ingaging men for a new Warre, and by a later dayes Votes not admitting that the Forces so listed or ingaged should by publicke Order be dismist or discharged: which with other things wee cannot but attribute [Page] chiefely to the prevalent influance of the same persons.

Now whereas wee finde that our first desire in the Paper last mentioned (for present suspending the persons Impeached from sitting in the House) is judged by some to be against the course & Priviledge of Parliament, or of ill consequence in the president of it, (the charge being but generall and no particular proofes as yet produced to render the proceedings Legall) we cannot but remind the Parliament.

First, That as the most and maine things charged (with the sad effects and consequences of them) so the constant and continued activity, of all or most of the persons charged in relation thereunto, (in misinforming, deluding, abusing or surprising the House, and otherwise, are sufficiently knowne to the Parliament it selfe,) so as the House might upon their owne past and present cognizance of the same, most justly proceed to suspend them,) as (in many other cases upon farre lesse occasions which never could have produced such sad effects to the Kingdome,) they have done many other of their members meerely for words spoken of things moved in the House alledged to be but against Order or Custome of the House, and this without any tryall, proofe or charge, but meerely upon the Houses owne cognizance of the things, as we could instance in many cases since this Parliament began.

Secondly, Whereas many of the things to which the Charge relates, are things spoken, moved or done in the House, so as yet we have no cleare way opened particularly to charge or mention them, or to produce proofes to them, without some pretence against us of breach of priviledge, and therefore (though we thinke no priviledge ought to protect evill men in doing wrong to particulars, or mischiefe to the Publique yet,) we have beene hitherto so tender of Parliament-Priviledges, as that we have onely remonstrated the evill of such things done, and supposing the House to have beene (as we did, and doe beleeve, and if way were open, without breach of Priviledge, should not doubt to proove it was) some wayes misinformed, deluded, surprized, or otherwise abused in these things by evill members, we have frequently in former papers, (before the Charge) put the Parliament upon it, (who without colour of breach of Priviledge [Page] might doe it,) to find out and discover who they were that had so abused them, and to disingage the Honour of Parliament from the evill practises and designes of such Incendiaries.

Now since the same difficulties or prejudices lye yet in our way, (as to the particular charging or proofe of such things against members.) And the Parliament (though so often put upon it in our former papers, yet through the powerfull interest of the persons guilty,) hath not taken any cognizance what members or others have so abused them, to draw the Parliament to such dishonour and inconveniences, we cannot but againe more fully and clearely assert (as we have in former papers, and shall more particularly if neede be, remonstrate) that divers things lately done and passed from the Parliament against this Army, (as particularly the Order for suppressing the Petition, that high Declaration against it, and against all that should proceede in it, putting the faithfull servants of the Parliament and Kingdome out of the protection of the Law, and exposing them as enemies to the State, &c: to the forfeiture of Estates, Liberties, Life and all, but for going about in an humble, peaceable and inoffensive way, to desire what was undeniably, their due and dearely earned, and many other such like proceedings both against the Army, and others,) doe carry with them such a face of injustice, oppression, arbitrarinesse and tyranny, as (we thinke) is not to be paraleld in any former proceedings of the most Arbitrary Courts against any private men, but have brought insufferable dishonour upon the Parliament, (which we are, and others ought to be deepely sensible of,) hath tended to disobliedge all men, especially Souldiers from the same, to destroy all just freedome either of Souldiers or Subjects, and hath conduced to all other the sad effects and worse consequences, expressed in the Charge, and gives us and others cause to conclude that those Worthies, who have formerly acted and carried on things in Parliament for Publique-Good, Right and Freedome, are now awed or over-borne by a prevailing party of men of other private interests crept in, and that neither we, nor any other can reasonably expect right freedome or safety (as private men or) to have things acted in Parliament for publicke good while the same persons continue there in the same power to abuse the name [Page] and authority of Parliament, to serve and prosecute their private interests and passions and (vnder the priviledges of Parliament) to shelter themselves under the worst of evills or mischeifes they can doe, though to the Ruine of the Kingdome. Wee are in this case forc'd (to our great griefe of heart) thus plainely to assert the present evill and mischiefe, together with the future worse consequences of the things lately done even in the Parliament it selfe, (which are too evident and visible to all.) And so (in their proper colours) to lay the same at the Parliaments doores, untill the Parliament shall be pleased either of themselves to take notice and ridde the Houses of those who have any way misinformed, deluded, surprized, or otherwise abused the Parliament to the passing such foule things there, or shall open to us and others some way how we may (regularly and without the scandall of breaking Priviledges come to charge and prosecute those particular persons, that (in truth) have so abused the Parliament, (as well as our selves) even for those misinformations, and other evill and indirect practises or proceedings in Parliament, whereby they have so abused the same (as in our said Charge and former papers is set forth.)

And here (if wee may) we should humbly offer to consideration whether it were not a necassary expedient, for prevention or remedy of such evills in future, that in things so clearely distructive to the common Rights and Liberties of the people, and the safety of the Kingdome, there should be a libertie for dissenting members in the house of Commons (as it is alowed in the house of Peeres) to enter their dissent, and thereby to acquit themselves from the guilt or blame of what evill may ensue, that so the Kingdome may regularly come to know who they are that performe their trust faithfully, and who not. And this provision for the future, (as also our desires for remedy in the present cases) as it were clearely good and necessary in the respects premised, so (wee thinke) the same may well be without future prejudice or discouragement in any other respects to succeeding Members of Parliament. Providing alwaies that no man shall be questioned or censured for any thing said or done in Parliament any further then to exclusion from that trust, which is all that in the present case wee should desire upon any such grounds. And that future liberty of [Page] entering dissents wee doe not here propose as a thing wee any way insist on to the prejudice of Parliament priviledges, wee onely offer it to consideration, and that from good wishes to the Priviledges of Parliament, to render them more lasting by being lesse nocent. And indeed whoever most adores or tenders those Priviledges, wil best expresse his zeale towards them in taking care they be not abused or extended to private wrong or publicke mischiefe. (For wee clearly finde & all wise men may see it) that Parliament Priviledges, as well as Royall-Prerogative, may be perverted and abused to the destruction of those greater ends for whose protection and preservation they were admitted or intended (viz. the Rights and Liberties of the people and safety of the whole) and in case they be so, the abuse, evill, or danger of them is no iesse to be contended against, and a remedy thereof no lesse to be endeavoured, then of the other.

And whereas the injustice (in that particular of the Declaration against the Army for their just and innocent Petition) may seeme to have bin recompensed in the late expungeing thereof out of the Journall bookes. Wee confesse it had bin so in great measure, as to the particular or present injury done to the Army therein, & (we cannot but acknowledge therefore the Justice that lyes in those Votes for expungeing thereof, and for our owne or the Armys particular reparation, wee should neither wish more, nor scarce have insisted on so much to any dishonor of Parliaments in future, & we should rather have been satisfied with the Parliaments declaring how, and by whom they have bin misinformed, surprised, or otherwise abused in the framing, proposall or passing thereof as it was, but as to that particular, or any other of that nature, we say as followeth.

1. We never did nor doe value or regard our own injury or reparation in any comparison to the consequence of the one, to the prejudice of the other, or to the future security of common right & freedome in this Nation. And accordingly we do not account any reparation considerable that extends but to our selves in the present case, and does not in some sort secure our selves, and all others from danger of the same or worse injuries or oppressions, (as private men from the wills and passions of the same persons that have offered and acted such things against us while an Army.

[Page] 2. Wee cannot but imagine and consider (according to generall report) how the expungeing of that Declaration was carried and obtained and upon what grounds and intentions it was given way to, but had those that procured it been all for expungeing it (and that freely) yet how can we expect better but that the same men who at one time carried such a Declaration, and another time expung'd it, may the next day obtaine the like or worse (upon any occasion wherein it may serve their private ends or interests) if they continue in the same power and sway and be let pass in deluding and surprizing the Parliament as they have done in the past particulars.

3. The apparent dishonour and prejudice brought upon the Parliament, in having such a Declaration so passed as they should soone after (without any alteration) in the pretended ground of it find cause (for shame of the world) to expunge, (we think) should engage those Members that love Parliaments, in point of honour, to find out and discover, how, and by whom the Parliament had been abused or therwise brought into such an inconveniency. And the Parliament may in this see the temper (as by-standers do the prevalence) of those Members that abused the Parliament in that Declaration, who will and can make the Authority of Parliament still lye under the dishonour of it (in a bare expungeing or retracting) rather then to admit any consideration to acquit the authority of Parliament that would tend to fix the blame on those particular Members that had deserted it. And this certainly will be admitted and done rather then to slight it over in a bare expungeing, were not some men more tender of, and more swayed with such considerations and consequences as may tend to the prejudice of persons, then such as tend to the generall prejudice and dishonour of Parliaments.

As to these particulars included in our charge which depend on things don without the Parliament we are ready and should most willingly proceed in the particular charging, and proving thereof if (first from the Justice of the House in a present proceeding against the persons charged for those things that are already knowne to the house being done in it) we could find incouragement to expect any good issue upon those other things, and did we not (on the contrary) find that (notwithstanding what is so knowne to the House as before expressed) the same persons continue in such power & prevalence both in the House and in all Committees of the highest trust as leaves little hope of right or satisfaction to the Army or Kingdome in other things and much [Page] lesse in any just proceeding against themselves while they continue Judges of their owne and our concernments, so as we cannot, while they remaine in the same power, expect any other but a continued perverting and making advantage of all things (and especially of those delayes which a regular proceeding against them would necessarily induce) altogether to our owne and the Kingdomes prejudice and danger disable or weaken us for those things which the safety and setling of the Rights, Liberties, and Peace of the Kingdome requires: And to strengthen themselves by underhand practises and preparations both at home and abroad the better to oppose us and engage the Kingdom in a new War, thereby to accomplish their designes, or at least to save themselves from Justice in a common confusion: We say were it not for these and such other considerations, that leave little hopes of Justice to our selves or the Kingdome (while they continue in the same power) and render all delayes dangerous and distructive to our selves and peace of the Kingdome, we should be contented that the businesse concerning the Members we have charged should be laid aside till those other things were first settled, which our Declaration does propound for the common rights and liberties of the Kingdome.

But finding things still so caried as they are & as we have before exprest & [...] while they are Judges in their own causes they (with that party which they make) will doe what they please, and yet render it [...] brea [...]h of privilidge to be a cused for it, wee cannot but upon all these consi [...]rations and for all the reasons before exprest insist upon it that the numbers charged may first be forth with suspended from sitting in the House otherwise we cannot expect any faire proceedings [...] them upon [...] more particular charge nor think there is any good [...] to ourselves or the Kingdome,

As [...] having the Army presently paid up equally with those that have [...] [...] we appeale to all men for the Justice, reasonablenesse, and necessity thereof.

The Justice in that the former service (for which these arrears are due) hath beene (at least) as faithfully and diligently performed by the Army as by those late deserters of it and in our present posture (though they have appeared indeed more officious and serviceable to the interest and will of particular men then we, yet we are sure) the Army is and (we hope) will at last appeare to be more faithfull to the true interest of Parliament, and the Kingdome (which wee were at first called out and ingaged for) then they in deserting the Army have hitherto appeared.

[Page] For the reasonableness of our desires though we have ground to claim more then they, or rather that they or some of them should forfeit their Arrears, yet we aske (for present) but equall nor should wee (at present) insist much on that (as to Officers) if our Souldies were but first paid up. Our necessity to insist on that, is obvious to every man, and therefore (unless we should betray our owne and the Kingdomes cause) we cannot but possitively insist upon it, that the Army should forth with be paid up (at the least) equally to those desertors of it which if denyed or delayed, we shall be thereby inforct upon present wayes of iustant remedy and right-to the Army therein.

And whereas the Parliament hath lately ordered and publikely declared that all that shall desert the Army shall have present satisfaction in their Arreares (the Officers three months pay, the Souldiers all their Arreares deducting for free quarter) which still continues unrecalled, we cannot but look upon it as a most cleare evidence of the continuing malice and prevalence of ours and the Kingdomes Enemies. And we must and do insist upon it, that that order or Declaration may forthwith be publikly recalled, otherwise we cannot beleeve that any thing but ruine and destruction is designed to our selves and all others in the Kingdome, who every where call upon us, not to disband till we see the Rights, Liberties, and peace of the Kingdome settled according to the many Declarations by which we were first called forth, and invited to engage in the late War.

Next we cannot but take notice that (instead of granting or Answering our desires in the last paper) in order to the better and more safe proceeding to a composure and settlement of all things for the good and peace of the Kingdome, and for prevention of a new War the Army being first commanded to forty miles distance from London, his Majesties Person is demanded immediatly to Richmond house within eight miles of London which (as we cannot but impute it) to the prevailing interest of the same enemies to our, and the Kingdomes peace, so all men may easily discerne (with us) how directly it tends (in pursuance of their former private designe) upon the King ere he came from Holdenby to put his Majesty within the reach of those mens power who have under hand Listed about London already very considerable numbers both of horse and foor, and are daily listing and engaging more both there and in many parts of the Kingdome to serve their designes: And therefore we appeale to all uningaged men whether [Page] we can in this give way to have the King put so far within those mens power without giving them the so long sought for advantage of his Majesties Person, whereby to embroyle the Kingdome in a new and bloody War, and to strengthen themselves in their mischievous designes, the better to uphold and establish their faction and intended domination, so that in this case we cannot but importune the Parliament (as they tender the peace and safety of the Kingdome and the avoyding of Jealousies or worse inconveniency in the Army) that they would resume the consideration of that businesse concerning the Person of the King, and not propose any place for him neerer to London then they would have the Quarters of the Army to be.

And whereas (by the procurement of the same persons, or others of their party) there hath been scandalous informations presented to the Houses, and industriously published in Print, importing, as if his Majesty were kept as a prisoner amongst us, and barbarously and uncivilly used, we cannot but declare that the same and all other suggestions of that sort, are most false and scandalous, and absolutely contrary, not onely to our declared desires, but also to our principles, which are most clearely for a generall right and just freedome to all men. And therefore upon this occasion we cannot but declare particularly, that we desire the same for the King, and others of his party (so farre as can consist with common right or freedome) and with the security of the same for future) and we doe further clearly professe, we doe not see how there can be any peace to this Kingdome, firme or lasting without a due consideration of, and provision for the Rights, Quiet, and Immunity of his Majesties Royall Family, and his late partakers, and herein we think that tender and equitable dealing (as supposing their cases had been ours) and a spirit of common love and justice, diffusing it self, to the good and preservation of all, will make up the most glorious conquests over their hearts, (if God in mercy see it good) to make them, and the whole people of the Land, lasting friends.

Now to draw to a conclusion: since we can yet obtaine no satisfaction or answer to the things desired as before, but contrariwise finde all things carryed on by the prevailing interest of those our enemies, to the prejudice and danger of our selves and the Kingdome, since (notwithstanding some Votes of Parliament, against the late Orders of the Committee of Safety, for listing of Forces, and notwithstanding [Page] the earnest desires and indevours of the City, concurrent with our own, to have the same prevented or remedyed, yet the said Committee of Safety being continued still in the same power) we find that by the appointment or contrivance, and under the protection or countenance of the same persons whom we have charged, and their accomplices, there are still manifold practises under-hand, to list and raise new Forces, and (notwithstanding the discovery thereof to the Parliament from the City, yet) the same persons have prevailed so far in the House, as not to admit the Question for dischargeing of them, but the same practices still continue, and with double diligence are inforced since: also divers forces (pretended to have ingaged for Ireland) are by the same persons ordered to Randezvouz about Worcester, there to lay the foundation of a new Army. And to that purpose their Emissaries and correspondents in all Counties, are busie and active to raise forces for them. And though for these things the actors of them have no present publique authority, yet they have some way such countenance or assistance to be justified in Parliament, (if questioned for it) as that they have the confidence to act openly, since they have likewise their Emissaries or agents abroad in Scotland, France, and other Countries, very active to draw in Foraine Forces for their assistance: since in the mean time, they are indevouring by Spies, and secret agents in all our Quarters, to inveigle and invite the Souldiers of this Army to desert their Officers and come to London, And for that purpose doe improve the advantage of the Order or Declaration of Parliament afore-mentioned, for satisfaction of Arreares to such as shall desert the Army. And we finde they have the publick purse so much at their disposall, as to make good that, and other their undertakings of that nature, and yet such as have so deserted the Army and received their Arrears, are not discharged or dispersed, but continued together in bodies, and under Command, in or near the City, (as in particular some of Sir Robert Py [...]s men, Coll. Greaves his Cap. Farmers and others still Quartered upon Kent) Since likewise they have their Agents, and Correspondents, labouring with the King to make contracts with him to draw his Majesty to engage, and declare for them, or at least to declare himself a prisoner amongst us, whereby to stirre up and engage his party against us, since in all these respects we finde all delatory wayes (which they industriously devise) to be designed and made use of onely to our disadvantage, weakning, [Page] and ruine, and the Kingdomes prejudice, and to their own advantage, and strengthening in their designes, the better to prepare for a new warre.

And lastly, considering the multitudes of Reformadoes and other Souldiers, swarming about the City (whom the persons we have charged and their accomplices, have at their beck, to bring up to Westminster when they please) and that by their frequent tumultuous confluences thither (besetting, and sometimes blocking up the Parliament dores threatning and offring violence to the persons of the most faithfull Parliament men) the just freedome of Parliament seemes to be taken away or at least for the present abrogated in so much that those Members who have served the Kingdome hitherto with most faithfullnesse, diligence and integrity for the publike good, many of them dare scarce come to the House; or (if they doe) they come in feare and perill of their lives, and when they are there, are awed, discharged, or disabled from discharging their consciences, or doing their duties to the Kingdome.

Upon all these considerations, we are clearly convinc'd and satisfied, that both our duties and trust for the Parliament and Kingdom, calls upon us, and warrants us, and an imminent necessity (for our own and the Kingdomes safety, and prevention of a new warre) enforceth us to make or admit of no longer delayes, but upon these foundations God hath given us with vigour and speed, to indevour in some extraordinary way, the vindicating of Parliament freedome from tumultuons violence, the breaking of these designes and preparations that otherwise threaten a present imbroilement of the Kingdome in more blood and war and a future perpetuable inslaving of it under faction and Tyranny. And so (if God see it good) to put the Parliament into a freedome and capacity (with his Majesties wished and hoped concurrence) to settle the rightes, liberties, and peace of the Kingdome.

Upon all these grounds, and for all these ends premised, we shall be inforced to take such courses extraordinary, as God shall inable and direct us unto, to put things to a speedy issue, unlesse by Thursday night next we receive assurance and security to our selves and the Kingdome, for a more safe and hopefull proceeding in an ordinary way, by [Page] having those things granted, which in order thereunto we have before insisted on. And shall here for more brevity and clearnesse, repeat as followeth.

1 That the declaration, inviting men to desert the Army, and promising their Arrears in case they doe so, may be recalled and anulled.

2 That the Army may bee presently payed up equally to those that have deserted it.

3 That his Majestys comming to Richmond may bee suspended untill affaires be [...] settled and composed. And in the meane time noe place may bee appoynted that may be any nearer to London than the Parliament will allow the Quarters of the Army to bee.

4 That the Members charged may bee forthwith suspended or sequestred the House.

5 That those that have deserted the Army, may bee instantly discharged and dispersed and receive no more of their Arrears till the Army be first satisfied.

6 That both Parliament and City may be speedily and effectually freed from those multitudes of Reformados and Souldiers before mentioned that flock together about London by a speedy dispatch and discharging of them from the City.

7 That all such listings or raysing of new forces or drawing together of any before mentioned and all preparations towards a new warre may be effectually declared against and suppressed as also all invitations or indeavours to draw in forraigne forces.

8 That the present perplexed affaires of the Kingdome and those concerning the Army is also all the things desired in our late representation in behalfe of the Kingdome may be put into some speedy way of settlement, and composure.

St. Albans, June 23. 1647.

By the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Councell of Warre. John Rushworth, Secretary.

FINIS.

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§

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AN HUMBLF REMONSTRANCE FROM His Excel. Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX AND The Army under his Command concerning the present State of Affaires in relation to themselves and the Kingdome, with their desires and present Resolutions thereupon. Presented to the Commissioners at St. Albanes, Iune 23. to be by them humbly presented to the PARLIAMENT. By the appointment of his Excel. Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Counsell of Warre. Signed, John Rushworth Secr.

LONDON, Printed for George Whittington at the Blew Anchor in Cornehill neere the Royall Exchange. 1647.

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Title statement

An humblf [sic] remonstrance from His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the army under his command concerning the present state of affairs in relation to themselves and the kingdom, with their desires and present resolutions thereupon presented to the commissioners at S. Albanes, Iune 23, to be by them humbly presented to the Parliament / by the appointment of His Excel. Sir Thomas Faifax and the counsell of warre ; signed John Rushworth ...

England and Wales. Army.

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1647

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2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

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A40060

ID [STC]

Wing F166A

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ESTC R37325

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

16350549

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ocm 16350549

ID [VID]

105327

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A40060)

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— An humblf [sic] remonstrance from His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax and the army under his command concerning the present state of affairs in relation to themselves and the kingdom, with their desires and present resolutions thereupon presented to the commissioners at S. Albanes, Iune 23, to be by them humbly presented to the Parliament / by the appointment of His Excel. Sir Thomas Faifax and the counsell of warre ; signed John Rushworth ..., England and Wales. Army., Fairfax, Thomas Fairfax, Baron, 1612-1671..

Extent

15 [i.e. 13] p.

Printed for George Whittington ...,. London :: 1647.. (Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library.)

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Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.