An humble REMONSTRANCE FROM His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the ARMY under his Command.

Concerning the present state of Affairs, in relation to themselves and the Kingdom; with their Desires and present Resolutions thereupon.

Presented to the Commissioners at S. Albans, to be by them humbly represented to the Parliament.

ALSO The Names of the Officers that were present at the Councel of War at the making of the said REMONSTRANCE.

Together with A PROCLAMATION OF The strict Discipline of the Army.

PRinted and published by the appointment of his Excellency Sir Tho: Fairfax, and the Councel of War.

Signed by me JOHN RUSHWORTH.

London, Printed for Francis Coles, IUNE 25. 1647.

AN HUMBLE REMONSTRANCE From His EXCELLENCY Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Army under his Command: Concerning the present state of affairs, in relation to themselves and the king­dom; with their Desires and present Resolutions thereupon.
Presented to the Commissioners at St. Albans, to be by them humbly represented to the Parliament.

OUr Desires as Soldiers, in behalf of our selves and other Soldiers that have faithfully served the Par­liament in this Kingdom; as also our remaining Dis-satisfactions, in relation thereunto, may be clearly collected out of our several Papers that have been formerly presented to the Parliament concerning the same; to which particulars we have not yet received any farther satisfaction.

In our last Representation it may appear what our Desires are, as [Page 4] members of the Commonwealth, in behalf of our selves and all others, for the clearing, setling and securing of the Rights, Liberties and Peace of the Kingdom, for the justness, reasonableness, necessity and common concernment whereof unto all, we dare appeal to the whole Kingdom and the world; yet we have hitherto received no answer thereunto, nor can hear of no consideration taken thereupon, to put the things contained therein, into any way of resolution or dispatch.

We have since that, in pursuance of the first and second heads of our desires in the said representation, delivered in a Charge against divers persons, Members of the House of Commons, for divers De­signs and Practices, to the abuse and dishonor of the Parliament, the insufferable injury of the Army, the infringement of the Rights and Liberties, both of Soldiers and Subjects, the breach or hazard of the Peace of this Kingdom, and the hindring of the relief of Ireland, &c. Upon which, though the main things charged with the mischievous Designs, and further dangerous consequences of them; as also the constant and continued activity of all or most of the persons charged in relation to those things, be for the most part sufficiently and notoriously known, especially to the Parliament it self; yet we finde neither any thing done, upon what is so known, nor any way resolved on, or admitted by the Parliament, for the ex­amination of discovery of what is less evident unto them: But rather (as if neither the things charged, nor the present sad effects, nor future ill consequences thereof, were at all con­siderable) the whole business seems to be slighted, past over, or set aside.

Lastly, We did with these, deliver in another Paper (whereof here is a Copy annexed) containing divers just and necessary things, which we did desire might be provided for, and done for the better pro­ceeding in the Premises, with more safety to our selves and the Kingdom, and with more assurance or hopes of a timely and happy issue.

To which things desired (which we think all men will judge reasonable, just and necessary) we have yet received no answer or resolution, nor can finde any consideration at all had of them, save that a moneths pay is sent down for the Army (whilest [Page 5] those that have deserted the Army receive at London much more) and that some Votes have been passed for annulling the Orders of the Committee (pretended) for Safety, about listing of men and drawing forces together; which Votes we finde rendred but vain and illusive, by the continued under-hand practices of those whom we have charged and their accomplices, in Listing and engaging men for a new War, and by a later days Votes not admitting that the Forces so Listed or engaged should by publique Order be dismiss'd or discharged, which with other things we cannot but attribute chiefly to the prevalent influence of the same persons.

Now whereas we finde that our first Desire in the Paper last mon­tioned (for present suspending the persons impeached from sitting in the House) is judged by some to be against the course and Privi­ledge of Parliament, or of ill consequence in the president of it, The Charge being but general, and no partitular proof as yet produced to render the proceeding Legal, we cannot but reminde the Parlia­ment,

1. That as the most and many things charged (with the sad ef­fects and consequences of them) so the constant and continued acti­vity of all or most of the persons charged in relation thereunto, in mis-informing, delading, abusing or surprising the House, and other­wise are sufficiently known to the Parliament it self; so as the House might, upon their past and present Cognizance of the same, most justly proceed to suspend them (as in many other cases upon far less occasions, which never could have produced such sad effects to the Kingdom) they have done many other of their Members meerly for words spoken, or things moved in the House (alleaged to be but against Order or Custom of the House) and this without any Tryal, Proof or Charge, but meerly upon the Houses own Cogninance of the things, as we could instance in many cases since the Parliament began.

2. Whereas many of the things to which the Charge relates, are things spoke, moved or done in the House, so as we have yet no clear way opened, particularly to charge or mention them, or to produce Proofs to them, without some pretence against us of breach of Pri­viledge; and therefore (though we think no Priviledge ought to protect evil men in doing wrong to particulars, or mischie [...] [...] [Page 6] Publique, yet) we have been hitherto so tender of Parliament Privi­ledges, as that we have onely Remonstrated the evil of such things done; and supposing the House to have been (as we did and do be­lieve, and if way were open, without breach of Priviledge, should not doubt to prove it was) some ways mis-informed, deluded, sur­prised, or otherwise abused, in those things by evil Members, we have frequently in former Papers (before the Charge) put the Parliament upon it (who without colour of breach of Priviledge might do it) to finde out and discover who they were that had so abused them, and to dis-ingage the honor of Parliament from the evil practices and Designs of such Incendiaries.

Now since the same difficulties or prejudices lie yet in our way (as to the particular charging or proof of those things against the Members and the Parliament) though so often put upon it in our former Papers, yet through the powerful interest of the persons guilty, hath not taken any cognizance, what Members or others have so abused them, to draw the Parliament to such dishonor and inconvenicnces, We cannot but again more fully and clearly assert (as we have in former Papers, and shall yet more particularly, if need be, remonstrate) That divers things lately done and passed from the Parliament against this Army (as particularly the Order for suppressing the Petition) that high Declaration against it, and against all that should proceed in it, putting the faithful Servants of the Parliament and the Kingdom out of the Protection of Law, and exposing them as Enemies to the State, &c. to the forfeitures of the Estates, Liberties, Life and all, but for going about in an humble, peaceable and inoffensive way, to desire what was undenyable their due, and dearly earned, and many other such like proceedings, both against the Army and others, do carry with them such a face of In­justice, Oppression, Arbitraryness and Tyranny, as (we think) is not to be paralleld in any former proceedings of the most Arbitrary Courts against any private men, but hath brought in insufferable dishonor upon the Parliamentary Authority and Proceedings (which we are, and others ought to be deeply sensible of) hath tended to disoblige all men, especially Soldiers from the same, to destroy all just Freedom, either of Soldiers or Subjects, and hath conduced to all other the sad effects and worse consequences expressed in the [Page 7] Charge, and gives us and others cause to conclude, That those Wor­thies who have formerly acted and carryed on things in Parliament for publique good, Right and Freedom, are now awed or over-born by a prevailing party of men of other private Interests crept in, and that neither we, nor any other can reasonably expect Right, Free­dom or Safety (as private men) or to have things acted in Parlia­ment for publique good, while the same parties continue there in the same Power, to abase the Name and Authority of Parliament, to serve and prosecute their private Interests and passions, and (under the Priviledges of Parliament) to shelter themselves under the worst of evils or mischiefs they can do, though to the Ruine of the Kingdom.

We are in this case forced (to our great grief of heart) thus plainly to assert, The present evil and mischief, together with the future worse consequences of the things lately done even in the Par­liament it self (which are too evident and visible to all) and so in their proper colours, to lay the same at the Parliaments doors, un­til the Parliament shall be pleased, either of themselves to take no­tice, and rid the Houses of those that have any way misinformed, deluded, surprized, or otherwise abused the Parliament, to the ve­hement pressing and passing of such foul things there; or shall open to us and others some way how we may (regularly, and without the scandal of breaking Priviledges, come to Charge and Peosecute those particular persons, that in truth have so abused the Parlia­ment (as well as our selves) even for those misinformations, and other evil and indirect Practises or Proceedings in Parliament, where­by they have abused the same, as in our said Charge & former Papers is set forth. And here, if we may, we should humbly offer it to con­sideration, Whether it were not a necessary expedient for prevention or remedy of such evils in future, That in things so clearly destru­ctive to the common Right and Liberties of the People, and the Safe­ty of the Kingdom, there should be a liberty for dissenting Members in the House of Commons (as it is allowed in the House of Peers) to enter their dissent, and thereby acquit themselves from the guilt or blame of what evils may ensue; that so the Kingdom may re­gularly come to know who they are that perform their Trust faith­fully, and who not. And this provision for future, as also our [Page 8] Desires for Remedy in the present cases, as it were clearly good and necessary, in the respects premised, so (we think) the same may well be without farther prejudice or discouragement in any other respects to succeding Members of Parliament: Provided always, That no man shall be questioned or censured for any thing said or done in Parliament, any farther then to exclusion from that Trust, which is all that in the present case we should desire upon any such grounds.

And that future liberty of entring the sence, we do not here pro­pose as a thing we any way insist on to the prejudice of Parliament-Priviledges, We only ofter that to consideration (and that) from good wishes to the Priviledges of Parliament, to render them more lasting, by being less nocent; and indeed, whoever most adores or tenders those Priviledges, will best express his zeal towards them, in taking care they be not abused or extended to private wrongs or publique mischief; for we clearly finde, and always men may see it, That Parliament-Priviledges, aswel as Royal-Prerogatives, may be perverted and abused, or extended to the destruction of those greater ends for whose protection and preservation they were admitted or intended (viz. The Rights and Priviledges of the Peo­ple, and Safety of the whole) and in case it be so, the abuse, evil or danger of them is no les [...] to be contended against; and a remedy the [...]of no less to be endeavored then of the other.

And whereas the Injustice in that particular of the Declaration against the Army for their just and innocent Petition, may seem to have been recompensed in the late expunging thereof out of the Journal books, We confess that hath been so in great measure, as to the present or particular injury unto the Army therein; And we cannot but acknowledge so far, That the Justice that lies in those Votes for expunging thereof, and for their own and the Armies par­ticular reparation, we should never wish more, nor scarse have in­sisted on so much to any dishonor of Parliament in future; we should rather have been satisfied with the Parliaments Declaring, how, and by whom they had been misinformed, surprised and otherwise abused, in the framing, proposal or passing thereof as it was, but as to that particular, or any other of that nature, we say as followeth:

[Page 9] 1. We never did, nor do value or regard our own injury, or repara­tion, in any comparison to the consequence of the one, to the preju­dice of the other, or to the future security of the common right and freedom of this Nation; and accordingly we do not account any repa­ration considerable that extends but to our selves in the present case, and does not in some sort secure our selves, and all others from danger of the same or worse injuries or oppressions (as private men) from the wil [...]s or passions of the same persons that have offered and acted such things against us while an Army.

2. We cannot but imagine and consider (according to general report) how the expunging of that Declaration was carryed and obtained; and upon what grounds or intentions it was given way to; but had those that procured it been all for expunging it (and that freely) yet how can we expect better, but that the same men who at one time carryed such a Declaration, and another time expunged it, may the next day obtain the like or worse (upon any occasions wherein it may serve their private ends or interests) if they continue in the same power and sway, and be let pass in deluding and surprising the Parliament, as they have done in the past particulars.

3. The apparant dishonour and prejudice brought upon the Parlia­ment, in having such a Declaration so passed, as they should soon after (without any alteration in the pretended ground of it) finde cause (for shame of the world) to expunge (we think) should engage those Members, in point of honour, to finde out and discover how and by whom the Parliament had been abused, or otherwise brought into such an inconveniency, and the Parliament may in this see the tem­per (as by-standers do the prevolence) of those members that abused the Parliament in that Declaration, who will and can make the autho­rity of Parliament to lie under the dishonour of it in a bare expunging or retracting, rather then admit any consideration, to acquit the Autho­rity of Parliamant, that will tend to fix the blame on those particular Members that had deserved it: and this certainly would be admitted and done, rather then to slight it over with a bare expunging, were not some men more tender of and more swayed with such considerations and consequences as may tend to the prejudice of Persons, then such as tend to the general prejudice and dishonour of Parliaments.

4. As to those particulars included in our Charge which depend on things done without the Parliament, we are ready and should most willingly proceed to the particular charging and proving thereof, if first (from the Justice of the House in a present proceeding against the [Page 10] persons charged for those things that are already known to the House, being done in it) we could finde encouragement to expect any good issue upon those other things; and did we not (on the contrary) finde, that (notwithstanding what is so known to the House as before ex­prest) the same persons continue in such power and prevalency, both in the House and in all the Comittees of the highest trust, as leaves lit­tle hopes of Right or Satisfaction to the Army or Kingdom in other things, and much lesse in any just proceedings against themselves, while they continue Judg [...]s of their own and our Concernments: So as we cannot (while they remain in the same power) expect any thing but a continued perverting and making advantage of all things (and espe­cially of those delays which a regular proceeding against them would necessarily endure) altogether to our own and the Kingdoms preju­dice and danger, to disable or weaken us for those things which the safety and se [...]ling the Rights, Liberties and Peace of the Kingdom re­quires, and to strengthen themselves by under-hand-practices and pre­parations at home and abroad, the better to oppose us, and to engage the Kingdom in a new War, thereby to accomplish their desires, or at least to save themselves from Justice in a common Confusion: We say, Were it not for these and such other considerations that leave little hopes of Justice to our selves or the Kingdom (while they continue in the same power) and render all delays dangerous, and destructive to our selves and the Peace of the Kingdom, we should be contented that the businesse concerning the Members we have charged should be said aside till those other things were first setled which our Declaration does propound for the common Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom.

But finding things still so carried, and that while they are Judges in their own causes, they (with that party which they make) will do what they please, and yet render it a breach of Priviledge to be amused for it as they are, and we have before exprest; we cannot, upon all these Consderations, and for all the Reasons before exprest, insist up­on it, that the Members charged may first be forthwith suspended from si [...]ting in the House, otherwise we cannot expect any fair proceeding against them upon a more particular Charge, nor think there is any good intended to our selves or the Kingdom.

As to our desires of having the Army presently paid up equally with those that have deserted it, we appeal to all men for the justice, rea­sonablenesse and necessity thereof. The Justice, in that the former ser­vice (for which those Arrears are due) hath been (at least) as faith­fully and diligently performed by the Army, as by those late deserters [Page 11] of it and in our present posture (though they have appeared indeed more officious or serviceable to the persons or wills of particular men then we, yet) we are sure the Army is, and (we hope) will at last appear to be more faithful to the true interest of Parliaments and the Kingdom, (which we were at first called out and engaged for) then they in diserting the Army have hitherto appeared: For the reasonable­ness of our desires, though we have grounds to claim more then they, or rather that they or some of them should forfeit their arrears; yet we ask for present but equal, nor should we at present insist on that so much (as to Officers) if our souldiers were but first paid up) our necessi­ty to insist on that, is obvious to every man, and therefore (unless we should betray our own and the Kingdoms cause, we cannot but posi­tively insist upon it, that the army should forthwith be paid up (at least) equally to those deserters of it, which if denyed or delayed, we shall be thereby enforced upon present ways of remedy, and right to the Army therein.

And whereas the Parliament hath lately ordered and publikely decla­red, that all that shall desert the Army, shall have present satisfaction in their arrears (the Officers three moneths pay, the souldiers all their arrears, deducting for free quarter) which still continues unrecalled; we cannot but look upon it as a most cleer evidence of the continuing mal [...]ce and prevalence of ours and the Kingdoms enemies; and we must and do insist upon it, that that Order or Declaration may forth­with be publickly recalled; otherwise we cannot believe that any thing but ruine and destruction is designed to our selves and all other in the Kingdom, who every where call upon us not to disband, till we see the Rights, Liberties, and Peace of the Kingdom setled, according to the many Declarations by which we were first called forth, and invi­ted to engage in the late war.

Next, we cannot but take notice, that instead of granting or answer­ing our desires in the last paper, in order to the better and more safe proceeding to a composure and settlement of all things, for the good and peace of the Kingdom, and for prevention of any new war, the Army being first commanded to forty miles distance from London; his Majesties person is demanded immediately to Richmond House, within eight miles of London, which as we cannot but impute it to the prevailing interest of the same enemies to our and the Kingdoms peace, so all men may easily discern (with us) how directly it tends (in pursu­ance of their former private designes upon the King ere he came from Holdenby, to put his Majesty within reach of those mens power, who [Page 12] have underhand listed about London already, a very considerable num­ber both of Horse and Foot, and are daily listing and engaging more, both there, and in many parts of the Kingdom, to serve their designes; and therefore we appeal to all unengaged men, whether we can in this give way to have the King put so far within those mens power, with­out giving them the long sought for advantage of his Majesties Person; whereby to embroil this Kingdom in a new and bloudy war, and to strengthen themselves in their mischievous designes, the better to up­hold and establish their facton and intended domination; so that in this case we cannot but importune the Parliament (as they tender the peace and safety of the Kingdom, and the avoiding of jealousies or worse in­conveniences in the Army) that they would resume the consideration of that business concerning the Person of the King, and not propose any place for Him neerer to London, then they would have the quarters of the Army to be.

And whereas (by the procurement of the same persons, or others of their party) there have been scandalous informations presented to the Houses, and industriously published in print, importing as if his Maje­sty were kept as a Prisoner amongst us, and barbarously or uncivilly u­sed; we cannot but declare, that the same and all other suggestions of that sort are most false and dangerous, & absolutely contrary, not onely to our declared desires, but also to our principles, which are most cleer­ly for a general right and just freedom to all men; and therefore upon this occasion we cannot but declare particularly, that we desire the same for the King and others of his party (so far as can consist with common right or freedom, and with the security of the same for future) and we do cleerly profess, we do not see how there can be any peace to to this Kingdom firm or lasting, without a due consideration of provi­sion for the rights, quiet, and immunity of His Majesty, His Royal Fa­mily, and His late partakers; and herein we think that tender and e­quitable dealing (as supposing their cases had been ours) and a spirit of common love, and justice diffusing it self to the good and preservation of all, will make up the most glorious conquest over their hearts (if God in mercy see it good) to make them and the whole people of the land lasting friends.

To draw to a Conclusion; since we can yet obtain no satisfaction or answer to the things desired, as before, but contrariwise finde all things carried on by the prevailing interest of those our enemies, to the preju­dice and danger of our selves and the Kingdom, since (notwithstanding some Votes of Parliament against the late Orders of the Committee of [Page 13] Safety for listing of Forces, and notwithstanding the earnest desires and endeavours of the City, concurrent with our own, to have the same prevented or remedied, yet) the said Committee of Safety being continued still in the same power, we finde that by the appointment or contrivance, and under the protection or countenance of the same per­sons whom we have charged, and their accomplices, there are still ma­nifold practices under-hand to list and raise new Forces, and (not­withstanding the discovery thereof to the Parliament from the City, yet) the same persons have prevailed so far in the House, as not to ad­mit the question for discharging of them, but the same practises still continue, and with double diligence are enforced; since also divers Forces (pretended to have been engaged for Ireland) are by the same persons ordered to Rend [...]zvouze about Worcester, there to lay the foun­dation of a new Army; and to that purpose their Emissaries and Cor­respondents in all Counties are busie and active to raise Forces for then: And though for these things the Actors of them have no pre­sent Publike Authority, yet they have some way such countenance and assurance to be justified in Parliament (if questioned for it) as that they have the confidence to act openly: Since they have likewise their Emis­saries or Agents in Scotland, France and other Countries, very active to draw in Forraign Forces for their assistance: Since in the mean time they are endeavouring by Spies and secret Agents in all our Quar­ters, to inveigle and invite the Souldiers of this Army to desert their Officers and come to London, and for that purpose do improve the ad­vantage of that Order or Declaration of Parliament aforementioned, for satisfaction of Arrears to such as shall desert the Army; and we finde they have the publike Purse so much at their disposal, as to make good that and other their undertakings of that naturel, and yet such as have so deserted the Army, and received their Arrears, are not dischar­ged or disperst, but continued together in Bodies, and under Command, in or neer the City (as in particular, some of Sit Robert Pye's men, Col. Grevis, Capt. Farmers, and others still quirtered upon Kent: Since like wise they have their Agents and Correspondents labouring with the King, to make Contracts with Him, to draw His Majestie to en­gage and declare for them, or at least to declare himself a prisoner a­mongst us, whereby to stir up and engage his party against us: Since in all these respects, we finde all dilatory ways (which they industri­onsly devise) to be designed and made use of onely to our disadvantage, weakning and ruine, to the Kingdoms prejudice, and to their own ad­vantage and strengthening in their designes, the better to prepare for a new War.

[Page 14] And lastly, considering the multitudes of Reformadoes and other Souldiers swarming about the City (whom the persons we have char­ged and their accomplices have at their beck to bring up to Westminster when they please) and that by their frequent tumultuous confluences thither (besetting and sometimes blocking up the Parliament doors, threatning and offering violence to the persons of the most faithful Par­liament-men) the just freedom of Parliament seems to be taken away, or at least for the present abridged, insomuch as those Members who have served the Kingdom hitherto with most faithfulnesse, diligence and integrity for the Publike good, many of them dare scarce come to the House, or (if they do) they come in fear and peril of their lives; and when they are there, are awed, discouraged, or disabled from dischar­ging their Consciences, or doing their duties to the Kingdom.

Upon all these Considerations, we are clearly convinced and satisfi­ed, That both our Duty and Trust for the Parliament and Kingdom, calls upon us and warrants us, and an imminent necessity (for our own and the Kingdoms safety, and preservation of a new War) enforceth us to make or admit no longer delays, but, upon those foundations God hath given us, with vigour and speed to endeavour in some extraordi­nary way, the vindicating of Parliament-freedom from tumultuous violence, the breaking of those designes and preparations that other­wise threaten a present imbroilment of the Kingdom in more blood and War, and a future perpetual enslaving of it under Faction and Ty­ranny; and so (if God see it good) to put the Parliament into a free­dom and capacity (with His Majesties wished and hoped concurrence) to settle the Rights, Liberties and Peace of the Kingdom.

Upon all these grounds, and for all these ends premised, we shall be enforced to take such courses extraordinary as God shall enable and direct us unto, to put things to a speedy issue, unlesse by Thursday night next we receive assurance and security to our selves and the Kingdom, for a more safe and hopefull proceeding in an ordinary way, by having those things granted which in order thereunto we have before insisted upon, and shall here for more brevity and clearenesse, as followeth:

1. That the Declaration inviting men to desert the Army, and pro­mising their Arrears in case they doe so, be recalled and annulled.

2. That the Army may be presently paid up equally to those that have deserted it.

3. That his Majesties coming to Richmond may be suspended untill things be better setled and composed; and in the mean time no place may be appointed for his Majesties Residence, that may be any neerer [Page 15] to London, then the Parliament will allow the Quarters of the Army to be.

4. That the Members charged may be forthwith suspended or se­questred from the House.

5. That those that have deserted the Army may be instantly dischar­ged and disperst, and receive no more of their Arrears, till the Army be first satisfied.

6. That both Parliament and City may be speedily and effectually freed from those multitudes of Reformadoes and other souldiers before mentioned, that flock together about London, by a speedy dispatch and discharging of them from the City.

7. That all such Listings, or raisings of new Forces, or drawing to­gether of any (as is before mentioned) and all preparations towards a new War, may be effectually declared against and supprest: as also all invitations or indeavours to draw in forraign Forces.

8. That the present perplexed affairs of the Kingdome, and these concerning the Army, as also all the things desired in our late Repre­sentation in behalf of the Kingdom, may be put into some speedy way, of settlement and composure.

By the appointment of his Excellencie Sir Tho. Fairfax, and the Councell of War.
John Rushworth, Secretary.

At a Councell of War at S. Albans, June 23, 1647.


  • His Excellencie Sir Tho. Fairfax.
  • Lieutenant Generall Cromwell.
  • Lieutenant Generall Hamond.
  • Commissary Generall Ireton.
  • Colonell Sir Hardresse Waller.
  • Col. Fleetwood.
  • Col. Lambert,
  • Col. Rich,
  • Col. Lilborn.
  • Col. Okey.
  • Col. Hewson.
  • Col. Scroop.
  • Col. Harrison.
  • Col. Barkestead.
  • Col. Tomlinson.
  • Col. Horton.
  • Col. Pride.
  • Quartermaster General Grosvenor,
  • Scoutmaster Generall Watson.
  • Adjutant Generall Deane,
  • Lieutenant Col. Jubbs.
  • Lieut. Col. Cobbet.
  • Lieut. Col. Ewers.
  • Lieut. Col. Salmon.
  • Lieut. Col. Goffe.
  • Major Barton.
  • Major Rogers.
  • Major Sanders.
  • Captain Cunn.
  • Captain Husbands,


[Page 16] The Remonstrance was agreed on by the Officers afore­said, and afterwards by direction from the Generall and Councel of War, delivered to the Parliament by Colonel Sir Hardresse Waller, Colonell Rich, and Major Tomlinson.

A PROCLAMATION published to the Army at the Generall Rendezvouz.
Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX Knight, Commander in Chief of the Forces raised by the Parliament.

WHereas divers complaints have been made of severall abuses, disorders, and misdemeanours lately committed by some soul­diers of this Army, both in their Quarters, and in their Marches tho­row the Countries respectively, contrary to the lawes of War, and tending much to the dishonour and prejudice of the Army, they taking liberty thereunto under pretence of want of pay; For prevention of the like, and all other disorders and abuses that may hereafter happen, or be committed under the same or any other pretence, I doe hereby strictly charge & command all souldiers of the Army, Horse and Foot, and all others whom it may concern, not to offer any violence, or do any prejudice at all to any country man or other whomsoever (in their persons o [...] goods) either in their Quarters, or upon their March tho­row the Countries respectively, as they tender the honour of the Army, and [...] they tender the avoyding of the severest punishment that may be inflicted upon such offenders by a Counsell of War. And I doe hereby further charge and require all Officers of the Army, both Horse and Foot, to use their utmost indeavours to prevent the respective souldi­ers under their Commands from committing any disorders upon the said, or any other pretence, and to question such souldiers as shall speak any thing in derogation to the authority of the Parliament, and to bring all such as are offenders to condign punishment for the same.

Thomas Fairfax.

To the Marshal Generall. To be published at the head of every Regiment, both of Horse, Foot, and Drogoons, by beat of Drum and sound of Trumpet.


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