The history of the wicked plots and conspiracies of our pretended saints representing the beginning, constitution, and designs of the Jesuite : with the conspiracies, rebellions, schisms, hypocrisie, perjury, sacriledge, seditions, and vilefying humour of some Presbyterians, proved by a series of authentick examples, as they have been acted in Great Brittain, from the beginning of that faction to this time / by Henry Foulis ...

The history of the wicked plots and conspiracies of our pretended saints representing the beginning, constitution, and designs of the Jesuite : with the conspiracies, rebellions, schisms, hypocrisie, perjury, sacriledge, seditions, and vilefying humour of some Presbyterians, proved by a series of authentick examples, as they have been acted in Great Brittain, from the beginning of that faction to this time / by Henry Foulis ...

Table of contents

Title page

To his Loving Brother Sr. DAVID FOULIS BARONET; Of Ingleby-Mannor in Cleaveland, in the North-Riding of Yorkshire: And his Vertuous Consort, the LADY Catharine Foulis.

The PREFACE.

The Contents of the Chapters,

BOOK. I.

BOOK. II.

BOOK. III.

[1]

THE HISTORY Of the Wicked PLOTS and CONSPIRACIES OF OUR Pretended Saints.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

CHAP. III.

CHAP. IV.

I.

II.

III.

IV.

V.

VI.

VII.

VIII.

IX.

X.

XI.

XII.

XIII.

XIV.

XV.

CHAP. V.

I.

II.

III.

CHAP. VI.

CHAP. VII.

CHAP. VII.

CHAP. IX.

[2]

THE HISTORY Of the Wicked PLOTS and CONSPIRACIES OF OUR Pretended Saints. BOOK II.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

CHAP. III

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. V.

CHAP. VI.

[3]

THE HISTORY Of the Wicked PLOTS and CONSPIRACIES OF OUR Pretended Saints. BOOK III.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

I.

II.

III.

I.

II.

III.

CHAP. III.

An Act for Confirming the Kings Majesties Royal Power over all Estates and Subjects within this Realm.

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. V.

I.

II.

III.

IV.

CHAP. VI.

I.

II.

III.

§

§

[Page]

[Page] THE HISTORY Of the Wicked PLOTS and CONSPIRACIES OF Our Pretended Saints: REPRESENTING The Beginning, Constitution, and Designs of the JESUITE. WITH THE Conspiracies, Rebellions, Schisms, Hypocrisie, Perjury, Sacriledge, Seditions, and Vilefying humour OF SOME PRESBYTERIANS: PROVED By a Series of Authentick Examples, as they have been Acted IN GREAT BRITTAIN, From the beginning of that Faction to this Time.

By HENRY FOULIS, Mr. of Arts, and Fellow of Lincoln-Colledge in Oxford.

Quid verba audiam, cum Facta videam?

LONDON: Printed by E. Cotes, for A. Seile over against St. Dunstans-Church in Fleetstreet. M. DC. LXII.

To his Loving Brother Sr. DAVID FOULIS BARONET; Of Ingleby-Mannor in Cleaveland, in the North-Riding of Yorkshire: And his Vertuous Consort, the LADY Catharine Foulis.

[Page]

[Page]

Dear BROTHER, and MADAM,

IF it had not been the Custome, to eeke out every Pamphlet, with some Dedicatory Paper; I should have done, as some people do with their Brats, let them lie to the Patronage of any, that would take them up. For I could never yet understand, the Advantage of the Common Cry, viz the craving and desiring Protection: since a Good Book is its own Patronage; and no man will have a better Opinion of the Bad, for a few Epistolary lines to a Third person; Especially of [Page] late Times, when I have known some Presbyterians dedicate Wickedness it self to God Almighty, Treason to the King, Sacriledge and Schism to Bishops, and the worst of Villanies to Good Men.

Though I love good Company, yet me thinks there is no Perfect Enjoyment, with those, whose Greatness is rather an Awe than Society to the rest; where Flatery is an Obligation, though the Object merit nothing but Pity or Scorn.

But here the Case is altered, the Neerness of Relation, Familiarity and Acquaintance, making all Commendations, Ridiculous; and Complements, Odious. Which is the Reason, that, at This Time, your Names are here Prefixt, by

Linc. Coll. Oxford, 23. April, 1662.

Your ever loving Brother, Hen. Foulis.

The PREFACE.

[Page]

READER,

NOt to trouble thee with a long and tedious Courtship and Complement (according to the common practice) nothing to the purpose: I shall only tell thee two or three things relating to the following Papers.

Some three years ago, viz. 1659. through the dissention and obstinacy of two wicked Parties, the Rump and Army, the Nation was almost ruin'd; sometimes this, and some times that, and other times God knows what, being chief Lords of mis-Rule: Insomuch, that in one Fortnight, viz. in October, we laid under the lash of three several Authorities; every Party pretending nothing but Zeal, the Good of the People, and the Power of Godliness, yet designed to destroy all before them. And having formerly got the Revenues of the King, Church, Loyal Nobility and Gentry; began to gape after the Lands of the Universities: This one action being able to pleasure them in two respects, The fingering of some Riches, [though King Henry VIII. said, they were too small to wipe out the reproach]; And the overthrow of Learning.

To this purpose, Sir Henry Vane, and others, imploy'd several Pulpiteers and Pen-men, to thunder out the Vanity of Humain Learning. And at the same time, as well as before, Baxter and other Presbyterians, made it their business to throw what Aspersions they could, upon the Episcopal Party: all which were presently confuted, by the Learned and Loyal Champions of the King and Church, the famous Dr. Hammond, Dr Heylin, and Mr. Pierce.

Yet the Brethren began to associate themselves into Bands, getting what Gentry and others they could to joyn with them, vilifying and abusing the Reverend Church, whilst the other Phanaticks persecuted them with their hellish Authority.

[Page] The Nation being thus entised to prejudice by the multitude of Pamphlets, which dayly multiplyed and flew about the Cities and Countrey, the Poet came into my head:

Semper ego auditor tantum, nunquamne reponam?

Juven. Sat. 1.

Since all the World is madd why should not I? So, getting some Ink and Paper, to it I go; and the better to put the People into their right wits again, presently drew up above thirty sheets by way of History, whereby they might see the Villanies, Perjury, Tyranny, Hypocrisie, &c. of the Presbyterian as well as the other Sectaries, [as it is in the first two Books, only some small things added since the happy Restoration of his Majesty]. And this Collection (with some other things in Vindication of the Universities, Humain Learning, the Church, &c.) I had finish'd before the end of the Committee of Safeties Dominion, as I shew'd to several Friends in the University.

In the mean time up cometh the Worthy General Monk, and Re-inthrones the Secluded Members; which made me throw by any farther thoughts of my Papers, perceiving the Nation resolved for Kingship, and the Government being then again turn'd Presbytery; A small vexing those Gentlemen, might have been a prejudice to his Majesty, and a punishment to my self, not forgetting their Imprisonment of Dr. Griffith.

And for ever might they have laid unregarded and in Oblivion, had not the wickedness of the Covenanters, even since the Kings coming in, clamoured them into my Remembrance, by their perpetual railing against the Bishops; Preaching, Prating, and Pamphleting up Sedition and Faction, and by endeavouring to make the People believe them to be the only Saints, and men of Honesty: which made me think it not amiss, to publish these following sheets, somewhat to undeceive the Ignorant, the better to keep them from joyning with these Sectaries, and to shew them what small reason they have to cry Persecution, and Trumpet out their own Commendations.

You may perceive, by the brevity of some Chapters, that I [Page] did not intend to make a large History of these mens Rogueries, but only a short Essay for the Peoples satisfaction; for, had I otherwise resolved, I had Materials enough to raise up a farr greater Fabrick. I have been exact in Timing the Actions; and in the Quotations, not being ashamed, as some of late, to tell from what Store-houses, I fetch'd the Matter: For some things I name two or three Authors, or more; thereby endeavouring to do the Reader a Courtesie, who through this variety, may probably have one of the Books, where he may see the passage it self, which is not to be laid to mine account as long as I name mine Author. The Third Book I added (whilst the other two were Printing), in some snaps and pieces of Time, which now and then I could borrow from my beloved Idleness.

As for the Style, you must do with it as Men do with their Wives, take it as you find it, for better or for worse: yet will the Brethren censure me beyond Redemption, call me a Bolsec, a Gretser, a Feu-ardentius, and what not? Look upon me as a Shimei, a Rabshakeh, a Thersites, and such like; and all this, because I speak truth, giving things their proper Titles, not dwindling the wickedness of Rebellion, Perjury, Murder, &c. under the notion of Gods Cause, the Covenant, and Justice: and in this an honest Poet, with a favourable Translation, will defend me;Inven sat. 1.

Difficile est Satyram non scribere; nam quis iniquae

Tam patiens Urbis, tam ferreus, ut teneat se?

We must be angry; Who can choose but frown,

When Traytors thrive by a Rebellious Town?

If my fault be only speaking tartly, the then Dr. Reynolds, will assure this to be no such crime, by telling them, that there is sometimes a His Epist. Pref. to Mr. Barlee's Corrept. Correct. Necessity of sharp Rebukes: and Mr. Hickman in this, will stifly plead mine Innocency, when he tells the World, in these words, that—c If at any time, I seem to depart from that meekness of spirit which is required in a Minister, b Justif. of Fathers in Epist. Dedicat. I shall desire that it may be considered, not only what is fit for me to speak, but what is meet for them to hear. If I were to mention [Page]their fact, who took the Reliques of Peter Martyr's Wife's carkase out of the Grave, and after buried them in a Dunghill, would you not allow me to call it Unchristian, and Inhumane? &c. And in another place, either himself, or his Friends, have bestirr'd themselves notably to plead the necessity and justness of my keenness, by declaring to all people, that—Th. Ch. Review of the Certam. Epist. in Epist. Dedicat. If any where I have used more sharpness then is pleasing to men,—I shall only say, that their hard grateing hath sharpned my style, and made it more keen and piercing, than I could have allowed my self to use towards a good-natured Adversary. 'Tis almost morally impossible for him who contends with a fiery and furious Antagonist, sometimes not to be a little over-heated.

But yet I am very willing to lye under the lash of their severest Titles, provided, they will be so Ingenious, as to distribute Justice with an equal hand. If they look upon me as an hot-headed Rayler, for calling them Rebels and Traytors (and what can be more true?) I wonder how they can quit John Calvin from the same Epithet, who call'd those who could not agree to his will, Profane, Impudent, Brasen-faced, Impostours, See H. Grotii Votum pro Pace. p. 17, 18. And Mr. Pierce's New Discoverer. p. 258. Fools, wicked Forgeries, Perfidious, Uncharitable, Peevish, Hang-man, Plague, void of Grace, Knaves, Serpents, Devils, Filthy Dog, &c.

If they censure me as-an impudent and sawcy Fellow, for calling them Hypocrites, I hope, they will give the same Title to John Knox, the Father of the Scotch Presbytery, and a great assistant to these in England. This man had so got the knack of villifying, that his Tongue could be no Slander. Passing by those of Inferior Rank, take some of his Complements to Queen Mary, calling her several times a Apellar. Edit. 1644. p. 31, 61, 67. wicked Woman, tells her, that Admon. p. 59. she was not sober, merciful, but cruel and wicked, Pag. 6. Mischievous, false, dissembling, unconstant, proud and a Breaker of Promises, an open Traitoress to the Imperial Crown of England. Nor is this all, but he calls her Reign, Appel. p. 31. The Monstriferous Empire of a wicked Woman, the yoke of the Devil, Adm. p. 60. her most Tyrannical Iniquity, Pag. 67. that most unhappy and wicked Womans Authority, that reigneth in Gods wrath, Pag. 61. an usurped Government, &c. and calls his own Queen-Regents actions, Pag. 91. Idolatry, Avarice, and Cruelty.

[Page] If they think me malepert for calling them Schismaticks, they cannot handsomely quit Marshal, Calamy, Young, Newcomen, and Spurstow, of the same guilt, for terming the Reverend Bishop Hall, Smectymnuus, Edit. 1641. pag. 2. false and confident, Pag. 15. self-confounding-man, and of a confident boldness, and that his Book is full of falsities and contradictions: For ranting against Episcopacy as an Iron and Insupportable yoke, unjust Opposition, Pag. 18. uttering words bordering upon Blasphemy. Pag. 30. A Stirrup for Antichrist to get into the Saddle, Pag. 53. g. 2. Corrupt Prelates, that they Pag. 67. discountenance, discourage, oppose, blaspheme Preaching, that they are Pag. 68, 69. Rotten Members, Sons of Belial. And then thunders out strange things of their Pag. 67. Intolerable Oppressions, and Tyrannies, Pag. 68. Drunkennsss, Profaness, Superstition, Popishness of the English Clergie; and then talks of their Pag. 71. Cruelty, Pag. 72. Tyranny, Pag. 74. scandalous Sins, hateful Enormities; and that the Bishops do Pag. 80. encrease Popery, Superstition, and Profaneness. And to make their malice compleat, would gladly bear the people in hand, that it hath been the Pag. 93, 94. Bishops great design, to hinder all farther Reformation, to bring in Popery, and Libertinism, to keep out and beat down the Preaching of the Word, to silence the faithful Preachers, to oppose and persecute the most zealous Professors, and to turn all Religion into a pompeous outside, and to tread down the Power of Godliness.

If they think me uncivil for hinting at their Perjury, they cannot but be as angry with their Brethren in Scotland, the Committee of Estates for calling that Famous, Loyal, and Religious Marquess of Montross, several times Extract. of their Declar. 1649. against Montross, printed at London by Matt. Simmons, p. 7. Excommunicate Traytor, Viperous brood of Satan, Pag. 12. declared Traytor, whom the Church hath delivered into the hands of the Devil, and the Nation doth generally detest and abhorr, Impudent braggard, Pag. 8. lyer and malicious man, perfidious Traytor, a Child of the Devil, Dissembling Hypocrite, of a mean and desperate Fortune, Pag. 10. vain man, Pag. 11. miserable miscreant, malicious man; and accuseth him of wickedness, Pag. 9. base treacherous practises, Rebellion and Treason; and then fairly concludes that he is a Pag. 12. person justly excluded from civil Society for his Treasonable Practises, and Excommunicated from the Church for his abominable Transgressions. And this way of Presbyterian slandring is bravely imitated by their gude Kirk, who call the same noble General, Pag. 14. That Excommunicated and forfeited Traytor,[Page]That wretched man, Pag. 16. that Monster of men Pag. 17. that excommunicate wretch, Pag. 19. unnatural Man, Pag. 18. that perfidious and proud Atheist; and then also concludes their Charity, that he is Pag. 17. delivered into the hands of the Devill.

If they have a bad opinion of me, for giving them now and then, some names, which they think are attributed by way of Reproach, they can have no better thoughts of Mr. Hickman, for scornfully calling, the learned Dr. Pierce a Justif. of Fathers. Edit. 2. Epist. Dedicat. wanton wit, Pag. 5. 73. uncharitable, one that Pag. 4. tumbles out his ugly Tropes, and rowls himself in his railing Eloquence, a Pag. 68. deplorable Dilemmatist, a Pag. 102. doughty Disputant; accuseth him of Pag. 13. Malice, Pag. 14. Railing, Pag. 45. Impudence and Pag. 73. Nonsense. That his Book is full of Epist. Dedic. bitter girds and scurrilous gibes, and that himself Laud. Apost. Pref. foams out of his own shame, and waxeth worse and worse. The same party calls Mr Hobs a Justif. p. 8. Prodigious Writer, and Id. p. 7. Commune Dei hominum que Odium. And terms the learned and ingenious Author of Tilenus Junior, an Pag. 21. Aethiopian scribler, poor fellow, and accuseth him of Impudence. Nor is this all: but throws his venom upon the late Supporter of Learning, the Reverend Arch-bishop Laud, by affirming that the Preface. flourishing of him was the decaying and languishing of Church and State. Nor could either body well recover, but by spewing out such evill instruments as he and Buckingham. So that it seems, in his opinion, there was a necessity of murthering them both.

The same Gentleman can also tell you, who sufficiently abused and T. C. Reveiw. p. 3. 27, 23, 113, 122, 123, 155, 162, 171, 173. vilified the Learned Dr. Heylin and Mr. Pierce, and, at last, threw his malice to the purpose upon the poor sequestrated Episcopal Divines, telling the World that a greater part of them were Pag. 153. unsavory salt, fit only to be cast upon the Dunghill. And, if reports be true, he can also tell you who not long since call'd the Bishops R. A. Letter to a Friend against Re-ordination. p. 10. Schismaticks, and threw great Pag. 55. reproaches upon that party.

I could also tell you, how Mr. White, once a great Brother in Authority, scandalized those who Centurie Epist. to the Reader. A. 3. adhered to the King in the late Wars. And what wicked Epithets, another Brother threw upon the See Mr. Ed. Fisher's Christian Caveat. p. 12. Edit. 4. Book of Common-Prayer, and severall others, as Prynne, Vicars, Leyton, and others mentioned in this Book: But that it would be too tedious both for my self and Reader.

[Page] Should I tell you of the abominable railing, scolding and brawling of See Mr. Pierce's Divine Philanth. defended. Barlee, See Mr. Pierce's New Discoverer. p. 204, 226. Mr. R. L'estrange's Whip. Edit. 2. p. 3. 56. Bagshaw, and See Mr. Pierce's New Discovery. p. 50, 53, 55, 90, 142, 166, 210, 217, 242. Baxter, (three noted B's), you would bless your self, to see these people, who pretend to all Sanctity and Holiness, to have so much of the Devil in their mouths.

Thus have I stopt their rage against me, by making them more angry: And, if this do not satisfie them, I shall treble it the next time; yet might all this have been spared, if they would as patiently permit others to tell them the Truth, as they will impatiently throw Lyes and Scandals upon their betters. But these People do not love to be touch'd on their sores, though it be to cure them. They say, 'tis one way to find a Thief, to note who blusheth at the discourse of stealing; but these men are farr from that sign of Grace.

Tell them but of the sins belonging to their Religion, as Treason, Schism, Perjury, &c. they will presently fly in your face, though take no great notice of other Peccadiglio's; like Facet. Bebel. pag. 178. the Baker in the Play, who took all names and reproaches without any offence: but, being once by chance call'd Mealstealer, was so inraged, that he would have spoiled all their sport, unless they had left off such close Reflections. And thus much in part, to pay them home with their own Coyn.

As for the Author, whilst a School-Boy, he was too much sway'd to Presbytery, and delighting in the Stories of our Times, had none to peruse, but May, Vicars, Ricraft, and such like partial Relators: By which means, believing with the Ignorant, all things in Print to be true, was perswaded to incline to the wrong side.

But, a little before his going to the University, lighting by chance upon Dr. Bate's Judicious Book Elenchus Motuum, he found the Laws and true Government to be opposite to his former Readings, and therein the knavery and jugling of their Opposers, strange things which he had never heard of before. Which, with some other assistance, so farr prevail'd with him, that in a short time he threw off Father Schism, and ever since, like little Loyal John in the Epitaph,

For the King, Church, and Bloud-Royal,

He went as true as any Sun-Dial.

[Page] As for the Learned in History, neither Preface nor Book was intended for them; And as for those who are not somewhat studied this way, though they are not able of themselves to search out the Truth, yet are they not obliged to believe all in Print. If they finde something in these Papers not agreeable to the Canting Tales of every zealous Brother, let them not censure mine as false, because the other pretends himself to be a Saint: These People, though they make a great deal of noyse, being commonly the most ignorant and partial in Humane Story.

To say no more: If we believe every thing in Mr. Sam. Clarke's Story-Books, we shall with him, make wicked men, Saints; Rebels, good Subjects; and Schismaticks, the best Church-men; which, all should desire to be really perform'd, who wish the Honour of his Majesty, Peace of the Church, Prosperity and Happiness of the Nation.

St. George's day. 1662.

The Contents of the Chapters,

[Page]

BOOK. I.

CHAP. I.

Nothing so wicked, but some will undertake, and vindicate. Pag. 1.

CHAP. II.

The Life of Ignatius Loyola, the first founder of the Jesuits. Pag. 6.

CHAP. III.

Some Observations of the Jesuits Political Constitution, Temper, and Actions; especially relating to our late Troubles. Pag. 10.

CHAP. IV.

The helps and assistance, which the Calvinist, Presbyterian, and Jesuite afford one another, for the ruine and alteration of Kingdomes; with their Plots to destroy the Government and Tranquillity of England. Pag. 15.

CHAP. V.

The Originall of the Commons in Parliament. That the Clergy is one of the three Estates, and the King supream above all.Pag. 30.

CHAP. VI.

The Priviledges of Parliament, and that in some Cases they are null and voyd. Pag. 38.

[Page] CHAP. VII.

The beginning of the Presbyterians, with the wicked Principles of the Ring-leaders of that factious Sect. Pag. 42.

CHAP. VIII.

The Rebellious Actions of the Presbyterians in Scotland, till the death of King James. Pag. 45.

CHAP. IX.

The illegal, malepert and impious plots and designs of our Schismatical Presbyterians in England, in the Raigns of Q. Elizabeth, King James, and K. Charles, till the beginning of the Wicked Long Parliament. Pag. 59.

BOOK. II.

CHAP. I.

THe mischievous and impudent contrivances and innovations of the wicked Long Parliament. 1. Their false slaunders thrown upon the Court and Church. 2. Their affection to, and siding with, the chief of the Schismatical Incendiaries. 3. The impudence and seditiousnesse of the Lecturers, thrust amongst the simple people by the power and cunning of the Parliament. 4. Their designs to alter the frame of the Civil Government. 5. Their plots to overthrow Episcopacy, Divine service, and the Orthodox Clergy. 6. Their stirring up the people to Tumults, whereby they frighted the King and Queen from London. 7. The small esteem, which the Commons had of the King and Nobility, whereby it is plain that it was not the King, but the Parliament which occasioned and began the Warrs. Pag. 73.

CHAP. II.

The Abominable Hypocrisie and jugling of the Parliament, and Army, till the horrid murder of his Majesty. Pag. 106.

[Page] CHAP. III.

The inconstancy, villany, and monstrous Tyranny of the wicked Army, till the happy Restauration of the King. Pag. 119.

CHAP. IV.

The grand perjury of the Parliament and Army. Pag. 130.

CHAP. V.

The wicked Sacriledge of the Parliament and Army. Pag. 133.

CHAP. VI.

That some, through ignorance and acredulous disposition (prompting them to embrace their specious pretences) might be charmed to side with the Parliament, though really designed no dammage either to the Kings person or Authority. Pag. 141.

BOOK. III.

THat the Presbyterians were not willingly and actively instrumental for the uncapitulated Restauration of his Majesty. Pag. 149

CHAP. II.

The wickednesse of our Presbyterians in throwing Aspersions upon his Majesty, and instigating the People to Rebellion, by assuring them in the Lawfulnesse of Subjects fighting against their Kings. Pag. 171.

CHAP. III.

The small, or rather, no Authority that the Presbyterians allow the King to have over them. Pag. 197.

CHAP. IV.

THat the Presbyterians are but Conditional Subjects; no longer obedient to their King, or acknowledging Him, then he serves their turns, and is subservient to their fancies. Pag. 207.

[Page] CHAP. V. I.

The wicked Reproaches the Presbyterians cast upon the present Episcopal Church. 2. What small reason they have to desire Toleration from the King and Episcopal Party, since they deny the same to them: with their scandals upon the Church as Popish, which are wiped off. 3. Their slanders upon the late King; and his Vindication from his own Enemies. 4. Their endeavours to begger the Episcopal Church. 5. Their stories of Gods judgments retorted. Pag. 218.

CHAP. VI.

Some short Observations upon their Covenant. 235.

§

§

[Page]

THE HISTORY Of the Wicked PLOTS and CONSPIRACIES OF OUR Pretended Saints.

CHAP. I.

Nothing so Wicked, but some will Ʋndertake and Vindicate.

ALl things at first were sweetned with Goodness; Peace being cherish'd, because the Contrary as then was not apprehended. For,Ovid. Met. 1.

—Vindice nullo,

Sponte sua sine Lege fidem rectum (que) colebat,

Paena metus (que) aberant—

Nor fear, revenge, nor punishment were then:

Without all Laws, e'en all were honest men.

But after, when this Golden Age with Astraea had withdrawn it self from this corruptible Earth, then Deceipt by the Devils Trapanning, seis'd so much upon the temper of humanity, that self-ended Interest began to take root; The benefit of which, joyn'd with the sweetness of Revenge, so intangled the disposition of mankind in the Art of Knavery, that his time was judged to be best spent, who got most cunning to defraud his Neighbour.

[Page] This Selvish Policy, though acted by every one according to his abilities in some sense or other; yet its chiefest Theater is amongst those, who (scorning to dwindle away their days in Petit hazards) lay nothing at stake, but whole Kingdoms, or their own ruins: The greater their venture, the more their glory, if they come off with gain or safety. And that they may with more boldness and celerity attempt any thing conducible to their designs, they ease themselves of the two supposed grand burthens, Religion and Conscience; lest these should pinion or shackle them, within the circle of honest imployments.

These men, like Cambyses, never look upon Churches, but with inward Herodot. lib. 3. scorn and laughter, though with an outward shew, tending most to the advantage of Sanctity; as if by the ruine, reviling, and hypocritical abusing of that place, where God said, he would be worshipped, were the readiest way to do him most service. And though they have the Impudence to act Sacriledge to the full; yet they speak themselves most happy, because Satan infuseth into them so much roguery, as to deceive the people, by colouring over their wickedness by some canting excuse or other, not wanting a sting of holiness in its tail. Thus Julian, that politick Apostate, having rob'd the Church of her Treasury, varnish'd over his Sacriledge with this profane Sarcasm. That he did it, that Christians might go Se, Christianos expeditiores facere ad Regnum Coelorum: quia Galilaeus Magister ipsorum dixerit; Beatos esse pauperes, quoniam talium est Regnum Coelorum, Pezel. Mel. Hist. Part. 2. pag. 273. the sooner to Heaven, because Christ said, Blessed are the Poor, for of such is the Kingdom of Heaven. And after this manner did Dionysius of Sicily, when he took away a Golden Cloak from Jupiter, saying, That Cloth was warmer for Winter, and lighter for Aestate grave amiculum Aureum esse, Hyeme frigidum; Laneum autem ad utrum (que) tempus Anni aptius. Val. Max. cap. 1. Sect. 23. Summer: And so having cut off Aesculapius his Golden Beard, excused it, by affirming, That it was not fit for him to have a long Beard, since his Father Apollo Non convenire, Patrem Apollinem imberbem, ipsum barbatum conspici. Val. Max. 16. had none. And with reasons of no more validity, did our late States-men vindicate their Actions, either throwing false aspersions in the faces of them who opposed their destructive Principles, or being bolstered up by Faction, used no Law nor Arguments but their own pleasure. For their pretensions could have nothing of truth in them. For alas! it was not the bare walls of Churches, or Collegdes, which lay, as a stumbling block, in their way: There being somewhat else as a mark against which their Army was intended; Brennus had not gone against the Temple of Delphos; nor Alexander's Justin. l. 24. Lactant. divinar. Institut. l. 2. c. 8. Souldiers violated that of Ceres in Milesia, had there not been something of more import then the outside. Lactant. 16. Pyrrhus and Val. Max. 6. 1. sect. 21. Pleminius possibly had a reverence towards Temples; but made it palpable, that they had more respect for their Riches, when for the one, they sacrilegiously abused the other; as appears by that of Proserpina.

Nor need the chief Ingeneers trouble themselves both to act and vindicate, since they may entertain many Journey-men, who for a moderate content (naturally delighting in troubled waters) are ready to sell their Consciences to the compliance of any thing; and so far [Page] inslave themselves to raise anothers Interest, that they will order and change their Pens and Styles, according as Dame Fortune, whirls about the wheel of Government to the advantage of an usurp'd Authority: so that the vicissitudes of these peoples fancies (as if St. Vitus his dance, or the rambling Tarantula had taken possession of their Brains) do out-strip Proteus, Polypus, or the more knavish Camelion, who can partake of all colours but those of Innocency. These State-hirelings are the first which shake the Foundation of Prosperity. By their scurrilous Pens, spreading Infection into the Vulgar; which at last, will rise up into such boyls of Confusion, that no cure can give ease to the distracted Nation, but Phlebotomy.

And what mischief these Scriblers (who merit a Roasting out of this world, as a French States-man determines,) have caused in England, is L'homine d'estat. peg. 8. too obvious to be here related; But, though I shall not at this time trouble my self with their names, no question but that they know themselves by a more natural Instinct, then Sir John Falstaff knew the Prince on Gads-hill, in Shakespeer: nor can others be ignorant of them, who know any thing of domestick Transactions, and the powerfulness of Spankers amongst such wretches, who will maintain any Cause or Religion, so they grease their fists by it; their actions affirming that the most Orthodox, from which they suck most worldly nourishment. For many of them being but the By-casts of Fortune, and destitute of such preferment and conveniences as others have, freely lay themselves open to the silver bait, thereby to mend the condition of their lively-hood, and tryumph over need and necessity.

And this greediness is the cause why the late Ranters, wink'd at all wickedness and pocketted up all shame; not unlike Galba, who counterfeited Erasm. Adag. Non omnibus dormio. Lud. Cael. Rodogin. Lect. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 16. Infoelix! an nesciebas me soli Mccaenati dormire? himself asleep, that Mecaenas might with more facility give him the horns, and himself gain by her prostration; yet, when a Servant endeavoured to steal but a little Wine, cryed out, O wretch! Dost thou not know, that I sleep only to pleasure Mecaenas? And thus Capius used to fancy himself into a seeming slumber, whilest other men actually voted him into the Society of Fumblers Hall; thus by their silence yielding consent to their own ignominie.

But as some men only tacitly allow of wickedness for their own security; so others are framed of such combustible humors, that they will not only assert any action, though never so hainous, and blaze it to the world as good and just: but also, to set their wickedness into the Saddle of Superiority, will kindle the World into a flame. John Petie (though otherwise famous for his learning) suborned by the Duke Sir H. Wotton's State of Christ. p. 241. of Burgondy, publickly commended and allowed the said Dukes murthering the Duke of Orleance. The Duke of Buckingham and Dr. Shaw, in set speeches, justified the usurpation and actions of Richard the third. Stow. p. 453, 454. Mariana asserted the murthering of Haeretical Kings (though his Book was burnt for it by order of the Sorbonists at Paris, 1610.) Anthony Gilby, and a great Presbyterian Divine (if reports be true) under the title of Steven Junius Brutus, (with many others of his complexion of [Page] late days) have maintained the lawfulness of Rebellion against their faithful Monarchs. Baxter can defend the late long Treason, and glory himself in fighting against his King, yet bemoan the fall of an usurping Richard. And the unparallel'd murther of his Sacred Majesty, could not want vindications, whilst Milton, Goodwin, and their associates, could command the Press: The horrible slaughter of Amboyna hath found an Apologer; nor doth the Parisian Massacre, [1572.] want Defendants. If it be convenient to do anything pleasing and acceptable to God; then will John Knox assure his Companions, that nothing is more grateful, then the over-throwing of Monasteries, Churches, and such like places of Devotion and Prayer. And if the sins of a Nation must be washt away; the Sectaries will assure you, nothing more convenient then the Bloud of Kings and Nobles, if well mixt with Sacriledge, Perjury, and Rebellion: And for the propagation of the Church, the Covenanters (a sort of people, whose wickedness ore-tops all Epithets) will tell you, that the first step must be the murther of an Arch-Bishop: And if Henry III. of France, be slain by a Fryer, rather then Will. Warrington's Moderate defence of the Oath of Allegiance, p. 128. that Trayterous Assasinat should want a Vindication, Pope Sextus the fifth, himself, will commend it, as an action pleasing to God, and the Wretch set on work by a divine Inspiration.

Though 'tis no great wisdom to jeast with the edged tools of State-Mysteries; yet Paradoxes are tolerable, when the Authors intentions are meerly Ingenuity: 'Tis farr from any man to check Virgil, for commending a Flea, Heinsius a Louse, or to think much with the learned Erasmus, for writing the praise of Foolishness. Caussin, by his smooth style, may mitigate the reproach of Nero, and Diocles may extol a Rape; let Salerius, or Hegedorpius, sing in the praise of drunkenness; or Dedekindus of nastiness, or slovenly manners. Archippus, or Passeratus, may please themselves in their Commendations of an Ass; so may Glaucus of Injustice, or a late Poet in his Encomium of Don Podex. But for John Casa, the Popes Secretary, seriously to magnifie the horrible sin of Sodomy, as a divine work, and very pleasing to himself; or for any to put their Consciences to be so far mercenary, as to vindicate any wickedness, is not only Base, Knavish, and Tyrannical in their wicked Patrons, but unmanly and unchristian in themselves; yet such Apologizing Scriblers there are, of whom I may sing, as another did formerly of the Popes Pen-slaves.

Hi de Palponum, Colacumque, & stirpe Gnathonum,

Georg. Goodwin. Melissa Religionis. Pontif. elig. 10. pag. 121.

Impinguant oleo, Pontificale caput:

Hi sunt Pontifici quasi serva cadavera; motu

Quos insensatos fingit agit (que) suo.

These flattring, pick-thank, scribling Hirelings, frame

Smooth balm to cure their Masters blasted fame;

Slaves to their Patrons pleasure, who commands,

To work his will, their Consciences and Hands.

[Page] The Grandees of Faction having unjustly got large Revenues, do as impiously imploy them amongst their Pagan-Creatures; that their Instruments might with more agility be tuned to their own Commendations, such is the magnifick vertue of refined metal! This is the pure Siderite, which hath power to make variance amongst almost the best of men, but especially those whose spirits are like the Asbestus, once inflamed with Golden beams will never be quencht: This is the best Tempter, and the Bait to which all people shoal, and the only Lure to intise those who seek after prey. This made Pygmalion, King of Tyre, kill his Brother in Law Sichaeus: For this, Achilles basely sold the carkass of valiant Hector. And it was this sordid Avarice,P. Boistuau le Theatre du Monde. l. 3. pag. 157. which made Cardinal Angelot use to go into the Stable in the night without a Candle, and steal the Hay and Oats from his own Horses, which he practised so long, till his Horses becoming lean, his Groom watcht and catcht the Cardinal, and thinking it had been some other Thief, cudgell'd him so sore, that he was forced to carry him to his Chamber; a good reward for such covetous wretches. This polisht-dross hath betray'd many honest men, and over-thrown many a good cause. This strengthens Treason to Loyalty, and is the Golden hook which catcheth all things: 'Twas this in a showr rob'd Danae of her Virginity, and hath done many more; and 'tis this, though upon an Asses back, will take the strongest City in Europe; so, that one of the best of our English Poets sung not amiss, when thus:

Puissant Gold! red Earth, at first made Man,

Clt. Alleyn's Hist. Hen. 7. p. 5.

Now it makes Villain; this refined clod

Can, what nor Love, nor Time, nor Valour can;

Jove could do more in Gold, than in a God.

Destruction surer comes, and rattles lowder,

Out of a Mine of Gold, than one of Powder.

He who like the Amiantus, or the Carbuncle, will never suffer his Fame to be endamaged by the scorching desires of Avarice; may justly think himself an honest man: but the world will deem him of no great judgement, to be thus an Enemy to his own good, upon the score of such trifling things as Conscience, Honour, or Religion.

But let these Caterpillers, or State-hirelings, boast themselves the greatest Wits, because they can enrich their Pockets, by a small Vindication of the Treasonable and Sacrilegious Actions of their full-handed Patrons; or let the Grandees think their conditions most ingenious, and sure, because from Beggars they may raise themselves above Gentility, by a more than Sword-craft; yet, if they had but so much Religion as the Heathen Poet:Theocrit. Idyl. 10. v. 17.

[...]—

—God will find

The sinner out, and pay him to his kind.

[Page] might deterr them from such wickedness, by assuring them, that what is evill got, will be soon spent; and, though not in their dayes, yet their Children may repent that they sprung from such Parents, by whose means they must not only return to beggery, but perpetual ignominy for their Fathers faults: whilst Honesty, Loyalty, Obedience, and true Religion, shall flourish, to the shame and reproach of all wicked Sectaries and Rebellion.

CHAP. II.

The Life of Ignatius Loyola, the first Founder of the Jesuits.

SInce the Jesuite, by many, hath been thought, not only a Spectator, but somewhat an Actor, in the Stage of our late Sufferings; it will not be amifs, if in the first place, the Original of this Political Order be briefly related. Though 'tis far from my intention to throw any dirt, either upon all of this Society (some of them, possibly, being of honest inclinations) or those of the Romish perswasion; since experience hath proved many of them to be men, really practising honesty and loyalty: And that Religion is most wicked, which opposeth Civil Obedience.

The first Founder of the Jesuites, was one Ignatius Loyola, [by the Spaniards call'd Iñigio, or Yñigo de Loyola] born of a good and ancient De Maperne Hist: d'Espaign. l. 27. Sect. 16. Family (as his friends report) in the year 1491. in Guipuscoa, (a Province in Spain betwixt Biscay and Navarre), at a place called Loyola [where is a little pleasant Chappel dedicated to him] betwixt Fournier Geogr. Orb. Notit. l. 7. cap. 5. p. 342. Ascotia and Aspetia upon rio Urrola.

He lived according to the delights and pleasures of the world, till he was about 29. years old. About which time, the French besieging Pamplona, and he there a defendant, he had the fortune to have both his leggs grievously hurt; the left by a stone, and the right broke by a bullet. After this, the French having mastered the City, Ignatius was conveyed to the aforesaid Casa de Loyola, where he was cured, yet not so well, but that he halted on both feet; And this deformity Hasenmuller. Hist. Jesuit. cap. 1. p. 5. caus'd him to make such Iambicks in his going, that he became a laughing-stock to the spectators; which (as some observe) made him withdraw himself to a solitary life, where he had time and convenience to lay a ground-plot to his future Order. But the Jesuites will inform us of other pretty stories (fit to be stitcht up with Villegas, Ribadeneira vitâ del Ignal. Jo. Pet. Masseius vitâ Ignat. de Natalibus, de Voragine, Cantiprotanus, and such like old wife taletellers); as that he was cured by St. Peter, and put in mind of his Order by the Virgin Mary: and tell you of many pretty Miracles done by this lame Souldier, who had the vertue of Chastity given him by the Virgins fiat.

[Page] After his Conversion (howsoever it was) for the more strengthning of him in his goodly opinion, he goeth to Monserrat in Catalonia, (a Narrative of which wonderful Mountain, you may read in De Espana cap. 142. Pedro de Medina, Hispan. cap. 87. Lud. Nonius, out of whom De Mirac. Nat. Europ. l. 1. c. 40. Nierembergius hath taken (as in other places) his description verbatim, a place sufficiently famous to Pilgrims. From this Hill, with an intention to visit the Holy Land, and convert the Turks, he goeth to Barcelona, thence sails into Italy; where they say, our Saviour appeared to him, and helpt him very strangely into Padoa and Venice; and when he 1523. wanted a lodging, something from Heaven, bespoke one for him. From Italy he sayls to Palestine, where he viewed Jerusalem, and the adjacent places; nor did. Christ forget to appear to him here also, as his own friends relate.

From the Holy-Land he returns to Venice, thence goeth to Genua, 1524. where he carryed himself so clownishly and irreverently, that he was taken for a mad-man; and thence sails to Barcelona, where he endeavours to learn his Grammer, and began to read a little Book made by Erasmus: But the perusing of it (if you will believe the Jesuits), so Enchirid. Milit; Christ. cool'd his former zeal, that he threw it away, and would never look on it again, whereupon the General afterwards of this Order, forbad any of Des. Erasmus his Books should be perused. Having read his Maffcius l. 1. c. 16. Grammer here two years, he goeth to Alcala de Henares, where he and his companions, from the length of their Coats, obtain'd an answerable denomination from the University-wits: such pride did they take in singularity, and for such like prancks was he cast into Prison, though at last released with a severe check. Having stay'd seven moneths here, (in which time he got some skill in Logick, Physicks, and Divinity; a quick Scholar as they would have him); he passeth to Salamanca, where he behaved himself so discreetly, that he was imprisoned again, with the honourable addition of a Chain, though after got his release.

In Spain, perceiving himself to be only derided, he thought it not conducible to his designs to abide there: wherefore he intends to visit France; for which purpose having procured an Ass to carry his Books and other things, he himself foots it to Barcinona, and thence 1528. to Paris, where he re-enters himself into a Grammer-School, either forgetting what formerly he learn'd, or through dulness wanting a consistent apprehension, and this was when he was near 40. years old. Here for his simple non-conformity, he had like to have been whipt in a publick manner, but escaped that scouring by his own confidence, and the Primars or Masters folly. But after that, he (or some other higher Authority for him), acted his part so well, that of a Scholar, he became not only a Master, but also gain'd the esteem of some Sanctity. Those who at first submitted themselves to his way of life, were Peter Faber, Francis Xavier, (who first went to convert the Indies, where he did many pretty tricks, if you credit Horat. Turselin, de vitâ. Fr. Xaverii. Turselinus, one of his own Society). Diego [or James] Lanes, [Page]Alfonso Salmeron; a learned man, and well known to Scholars, Simon Rodrigues, and Nicolas Bobadilla; these six, with their Founder Ignatius, an Author compares to the seven wandering Stars; nor is Christ. Sin. Lithus Misenus in vitâ Ignat. p. 56. he much amiss, since the influence of this Order, agitates Europe more than the Planets: so, that a good Jesuit-loger might prognosticate it, more certain than the best Star-gazer. After these six, came in other three, viz. Claude Jay, John Coduri, and Pasqual Braetus, or Brovet. And whether it is probable, that men of such parts as Salmeron, should submit themselves to the government; poverty, and ignorance of a lame Souldier, rather by divine instinct (as themselves relate) Mass. l. 1. c. 21. pag. 128. or by the agitation of some more worldly, powerful, and politick consultation and design, shall be left to the judgement of the ingenious.

Having thus got his desires in France, he resolves to visit his own Countrey. In the mean time, appointing Peter Faber to be 1535. chief over those of his Society at Paris in his absence, and to meet him such a day, two years after at Venice: he marcheth over the Pyraenean Mountains into Guipuscoa, where he visits his friends at Loyola, and the adjacent places, who were not able to perswade him from his beggerly humour. Having stay'd here a little while, he views Navarre and Castile, and at Valentia takes Ship for Italy, and almost ship-wrackt arrives at Genoa, and thence, through I know not what dangers, foots it to Bonona, where by his tumbling into a dirty Ditch, and through idleness not cleansing himself, he was hooted at by all the City; nor any thing given him, though he heartily begg'd it, till at last he got a lodging in the Spanish Colledge. Thence he goeth to Venice, to expect his associates from France, where he was accused for a Heretick, that rambled over the world to spread his Errors, for which purpose he and his associates had fled Spain and France, to escape due punishment: But from this accusation he got himself clear'd by favour and greatness, who could not be ignorant what a profitable Plant this bold Company would be in the Romish Wilderness.

Here his Companions met him, as formerly appointed; where they imploy themselves in charitable uses. Franc is Xavier, endeavouring to cure the French Pox by very loathsome means, viz. by sucking out the corrupted matter with his delicate mouth; as the virtuous and loving Queen Eleanor preserved King Edward the first, by sucking Sir R. Baker's Chron. p. 204. the poyson out of his wounds. After they had entred into Orders, they intend for Rome; but to prepare way for the rest, Ignatius with Faber and Laynes go thither first, whilst the rest distribute themselves into other places of Italy, to gain Proselytes. The Jesuites tell a story, which you may believe as you please, since many such tales you read in the life of Saint Francis, Saint Benit, and others, whose legendary actions afford more thwacking stories then a Coffee-house. And thus it was; That near Rome, Ignatius being praying in a Church, saw God the Father; desiring Jesus Christ to take Ignatius and his Sociates into his Protection, to which he consented, telling Loyola that he would assist him [Page] and his in their endeavours at Rome. And from this accident he nominated Ego vobis Romae Propitius ero. Masf. l. 2 c. 5. (as they say) his Order the Society of Jesus, or Jesuites. Here Cardinal Contarenus favours Ignatius and his friends; nor without reason, since this Spanish Saint was so clear-sighted as to see Hozius his soul carryed into Heaven. At Rome, according to appointment, 1538. his Companions met him, who with himself were highly accused; yet, after a long tryal, by the Popes command were released, and suffered to prosecute their Order of livelihood: For advancement of which; they consult, what Vows and Articles were to be observed; if the Pope thought fit to confirm them: the which after some advisements they agree of.

From Rome, Fr. Xaver is sent into the Indies; and what he did there, you may see in Horatius Tursellinus. In his absence, Pope Paul III. (famous in History for all manner of wickedness) confirm'd Ignatius and 1540. Octob. his friends into a Society, provided that their number should not be above 60. And to this Barth. Guidicionius (a godly man, as the Jesuites confess), was glad to give his consent; though he had wrote a Book against having any more Orders in Religion.

The Order being thus constituted, Ignatius was chosen General over them, though (as you may believe) he was very modest, earnestly 1541. declining so great Honour. Yet, for all this modesty, he play'd his cards so well, that he procured the former Order to be cancell'd; and liberty given to augment the number of his Society to as many as he could; though he utterly excluded all women-kind, 1543. (forgetting that Elizabeth Rosella was the chief help and support of his former beings). Though many examples assure us, that they are not altogether haters of that sex; but this must be imputed more to their Man-hood, than Order. Yet a late Writer informs us of an Order of shee-Jesuites call'd Jesuitrices, begun in Flanders Wilson's Hist. of Great Brit. pag. 152. by Mrs Ward, and Mrs Twittie, two English Gentlewomen; The first (by the Popes Indulgence) in short time becoming Mother-General of 200. English Damsels, whom she sent abroad to Preach, as my Author tells us.

Ignatius, at last, having seen a great increase of his Order; honoured with divers Colledges and Indowments, took an occasion to 1556. August. dye of a Feaver; and was many years after, though with much ado, The Bull of whose Canonization by Pope Urban VIII. was printed at Rome. 1626. which you may see in the Bodlecan Library in Oxon. M. 9. 9. Jur. Canonized for a Saint. I might here relate some pretty stories of his Miracles, confidently written by the Jesuites: But, because they are nothing to my purpose, and I question much your believing them, I shall leave you for satisfaction to other Authors.

[Page]

CHAP. III.

Some Observations of the Jesuites Political Constitution, Temper and Actions, especially relating to our late Troubles.

HAving thus seen the Original of the Jesuite, it will not be amiss briefly to hint at their Temper and Activeness, especially in relation to Politick designs: Though, by the By, we may observe, that he is not the same with the more ancient Order of the Jesuati, begun some 300. years ago, by St. John Columbine of Sene: concerning which I referr you to Paolo Morigia, one of the same Order. Nor were Hist. del. Relig. l. 1. c. 38, 39. they the same (though mistaken at first to be so in Italy) with the Theatins, corrupted from the Chietins, so called from Chieti: of which place John Peter Carrafa, (afterwards Pope Paul IV.) the head of this Order, was Bishop.

In Portugal they are called los Apostoles; in Arragon, los Iniguistos; but in other places Jesuites, or, those of the Society of Jesus. A Title (as many Catholicks themselves confess) too high and general, Insolitam nominis Jesu appellationem, &c. Decret. de Sorbone. An. 1554. to be only applyed to this Order. But seeing they have the confidence to make this name peculiar to themselves; and Pope Pius VI. in his Letters in their behalf to Maximilian King of Hungary, to the Archbishop of Ments, to Albert Duke of Bavaria, and others, do appropriate this Name to them, and so doth the Council of Trent, and it is the Title by which they are best known; I shall not stick to Sess. 25. cap. 16. pleasure them so farr as to nominate them according to their own desires.

The Jesuites, though at first they had but a small Foundation, have since so industriously increased their number, that they have above 60. Colledges in Italy, and more in Spain; in Germany and the Netherlands near the same number; in Poland and Transilvania about 20. and in the East-Indies above 12. and in the West some 20. and many in France.

They are especially sworn to three things; The first is Poverty, the which they observe so gallantly, that I must subscribe to that Noble German, who profest, That if he were to beg, he would beg with the Si mendicare vellem, cum Jesuitis mendicarem. Hasenmul. c. 6. p. 149. Jesuites.

Their second vow is, Chastity, which they keep with as much tenderness as the former, as is obvious to any who is converst amongst them; and for the farther testimony of this point, I shall referr you to the writings of Peter Jarrigius, one that was formerly a Jesuite himself, and in high esteem amongst them in France, but at Rochel Cap. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. imbraced the Calvinist perswasion, [anno 1647.] and thence went to Leyden; though afterwards [viz. 1650.] upon what account he knew best, renounced the Reformed Religion, and return'd to the Jesuites, at Antwerp.

[Page] Their third vow is Obedience to the Pope and their General of which none in the World can be more observant; so that by their punctual keeping of this, they may somewhat mitigate the offence of their negligence in the two former. And this is (as one of themselves confesseth) Quae virtus, praecipuum Societat is Jesu decus. Turcel. vit. Fr. Xav. l. 6. c. 8 p. 533. the chief honour of their Society. How beneficial this Vow hath been to the Roman Catholick Cause, may be easily imagined, if a man may suppose (as I know nothing to the contrary), that many bloudy actions perpetrated in France, England, and other places, hath been the result of this Obediential State-Vow. Which binds this Order strictly to the Obedience of their General, and to ackowledge him as in the place of Christ; and that with all reverence and love, doing and performing Summar. Constitut. Societ. Jes. Reg. 31. fully, readily, valiantly, humbly, without any reasonings or excusings those things which he shall command; although they be difficult, and against all sense and reason, or your own judgement, since your will is to be conformable to your Superiour, where it doth not appear visibly sinful.

This last clause might seem to palliate very well this Article of Obedience, to those who are not acquainted with their Writings and Actions; but they who have any knowledge with their Casuists, cannot be ignorant, how they annihilate and jeast with sin, by their sociable Doctrine of Probable Opinion, of Directing the Intention, and such like; as you may see more at large in the Mystery of Jesuitism, of Les Provinciales. which, the last Edition with its Additionals will yield you more satisfaction.

With these things I should be very unwilling to charge them, did I not know; that the Agitators of these Political evasions from Sin, were the chief Casuists amongst them, and their Books printed and reprinted by the consent of their Superiours. For those men are very much to blame, who scandalize a General Religion with the fancies and extravagancies of some private Writers; for by this means might Rebelling-Presbyterianism, King-killing Independentism, deluded Quakerism, and other Heresies be thrown upon the famous Church of England, and several absurdities upon the Romanists, which cannot be found in the Tridentine Council.

How obsequious this Order is to their Superiours Commands, may be seen in many stories related by Hasenmullerus, and others. Ignatius Hist. Jesuit. c. 6 p. 200, 201, 202, &c. Masf. l. 3. c. 7. himself being willing to throw away his life, rather than disobey an ignorant Physitian. Nor had it been handsom in him to have been refractory, who was the Author of this obedient Constitution, and wrote a long Letter from Rome, to those of his Order in Portugal, to In April. 1553. perswade them to it, which is yet extant. What other Articles they have, I need not relate, these three being a sufficient taste, and the rest of their Order may be had either in Italian, or Latin.

To give a true Character of the Jesuite at large, would be too tedious, since one of themselves, viz. Alexander Haius hath performed Hist. des Derniers Troubles. de France. l. 5. p. 54. it well enough in few words, viz. Jesuita est omnis homo, one as fit to act any thing as he is able to comply with every [Page] condition, meerly Tales quales, as themselves were pleas'd to term Lans. Consult. Orat. contra Hispan. p. 379. it more publickly at Paris. They are generally a sort of people more skilful in the causes and motions of the Body Politick, than the Philosopher in the Natural; being Richelieu's for plotting, as quicksighted as Lynceus, as restless as the Bird of Paradice, as insinuating and flattering as Clisophus or Charisophus; more cruel than the illnatur'd Barbarian; and like the old woman Ptolomais, never in their own Trade, but when stirring up mischief; and the best Actors on the Political Stage, fit to undertake and finish any wickedness, for which they have formerly been reproachfully banish'd France, Bohemia, Hungaria, Moravia, Turky, and Venice, though since with much ado restored. Several of them have suffered in China, England, Scotland, and other places for their villainies; nor hath Germany suffered them to go unpunished; nor could they expect more favour from many in that Countrey, since the misery of it; And the loss of the Palatinate (if you believe Sir Simond D'ewes) had its source from their In his Speech, July 7. 1641. Brains: And one of this Society who suffer'd at Strasburg, confest that he was one of the thirty Jesuits, who were imploy'd to be Agents for the Roman Cause in the late German Wars; and that their Orders Epistle to the Reader, before Gregorius his Letter relating the Martyrdom of Queen Ketaban. were to poyson, and make away the chiefest Officers, or others, who opposed the Emperour, as my Author assures us. And Teimurases, Prince of the Georgeans, (a people lying upon the Caspian Sea), will have none of them in his Territories, (whence they were forced to fly), for that notorious Imposture of theirs, concerning the head of that Martyred Queen Ketaban; a story so commonly known, that I do not a little admire at de S. Lazare, for passing by the fraud and jugling Hist. Tragiques. hist. 16. of the Jesuites with silence and untruths.

Mendoza, hot-headed Gret-serus, and others of the same Society, Viridar. l. 6. Orat. 14. are as parties, bound to commend the Honesty and Religion of this Order. But the Ingenious Thuanus, Recherches de la France. l. 3. Pasquier, (who affords you Pleadings and Reasons against them) and Tho. Bel's Anatomy of Papists. others (though Roman-Catholicks) think it not fit to attribute any goodness to the Jesuite, knowing, that he is a Subject too dangerous to live in Liberty, in any well setled State, Spain excepted; these two reciprocally maintaining each other, more through politick ends, than true love of Religion.

I am confident, Great Brittain and Ireland have felt the force of their active brains; as the Raign of Queeen Elizabeth, and the dangerous beginning of King James, can testifie. Nor were they any more beneficial to King Charles, doing what they could to foment our Dissentions, as the Long Parliament could not deny; As appears by their Articles against Father Philips, one of which was this:

The damnable Doctrine, which he, and other Jesuites have taught, 1. Novemb. 1641. 3. Artic. to destroy and depose Kings, hath been the cause of the Civil Warrs, like to befal these Kingdoms, if God in his mercy did not prevent it.

[Page] And his Seditiousness is somewhat apparent by his Letter sent to Mr. Mountague in France, and produced to the House of Commons, June, 25, in which was this expression.

Can the wise Cardinal endure England and Scotland to unite, and not Dated May 6. 1641. be able to discern, In the end, it is like, they will joyn together, and turn head against France.

And how vigilant the Cardinal was to keep the two Nations from uniting, is visible from the presence and great endeavours of Mr. Thomas Chamberlain, a Scotch-man, Chaplain and Almoner to Richelieu amongst Dr. Heylias Observ. on Hist. of King Charles. p. 163. the Scots, (who play'd likewise his Cards well in England) before our late Rebellion, with Order not to depart from Scotland, till (things succeeding as the Cardinal wish'd), he might return into France with good news of a perfect dissention betwixt England and Scotland.

And to this may be added, the Industry of the Cardinal's Secretary in the said Nation, where he carryed himself so cunningly, that he was taken into Consultation with the Heads of the Covenanters. And what good counsel, could spring from such a Fountain, cannot be ignorant to any, who either understood the experience, or knew the political biass of the said Cardinal; which might well move him to say concerning our late Troubles, That 'twas easie for one Howel's Life of Card. Rich. pag. 164. with half an eye to have foreseen them: Whereby it seems strange to me, that he would never imploy a Jesuite, if we may credit Mr. Howell, though it may be, that he supposed them too much Ib pag. 165. linked to the Interest of Spain, to doe him or France any good.

Nor is the multitudes of them in England, any small probability of their bad Intentions, being unwilling to hazard their lives, (as here they do), unless upon some grand Design. Jarrigius, one of In Epist. Dedicat. to the States Gener. their own Society, affirmeth, that fifty of them, clad in several habits, kept Council in London, whence they deputed a General Agent to Rome. And Oliver Cromwell profest, that he could prove Speech to the Parl. 1654. Sep. 4. p. 16; 17. by witness, that they had a Consistory and Council, that rul'd all the affairs in England, as he could prove by the Particular Instrument then in his power. And how formerly they swarm'd in England, Mr. Gee will at large inform you; And King James could Foot out of the Snare. never forget the miseries he suffered whilst King of Scotland, by domestick dissentions stir'd up against him by Hay, Creighton, Bruce, Sandersoe's Hist. K. James; p. 146, 147, &c. Graham, and other Jesuites, who furnished, the Rebellious Nobility with moneys from Spain to carry on their designs. Nor hath Ireland reason to rejoyce in their acquaintance; where the Seminary Fryars Scrinia Sacra. pag. 241. of late dayes had gone so far, as, in Dublin it self, not only to appear in their habits, but also to affront the Archbishop and Maior of that City; nor were they wanting to the erection of Colledges and Societies, maintain'd by good Benefactors, as appears by a Letter from the Council in England, to that in Ireland. Yet for all Dated 31. Jan. 1624. this, hath their rebellious favourits dealt mildly with them, (though the Laws be severe enough) and 20. years ago, look'd upon this kind [Page] of mercy, as a crime fit to be thrown in the face both of King and Bishop; but, how deservedly, let any judge but Prynne, whose malice and partiality is well enough known.

Nor need we much trouble our selves to prove the Jesuite, somewhat medling; their familiarity with the Anabaptists, Quakers, and such like Phanaticks, being suspicious. Of which many examples might here be shewn, but that their common knowledge would make the Relation tedious; only take notice, that the very Weekly Gazet, Perfect Proceed. 1655. March 27. suspects Mr. Rogers, and those of his Fraternity, to have some Jesuite or Priest at the Helm with them: And Mr. Rogers takes no good course to clear himself, by endeavouring to vindicate the Jesuite, from having any hand in our late Warrs: which this following Story is sufficient to confute.

When the late King was murdered, Mr. Henry Spotteswood, riding Prynne's Brief Necessary Vindicat. p. 45. casually that way, just as his Head was cut off, espyed the Queens Confessor there on Horse-back, in the habit of a Trooper, drawing forth his Sword, and flourishing it over his own head in Tryumph (as others then did): At which Mr. Spotteswood being much amazed, and being familiarly acquainted with the Confessor, road up to him, and said; O Father! I little thought to have found you here, or any of your Profession, at such a sad spectacle. To which he answered, that, There were at least forty, or more, Priests and Jesuites there present on Horse-back besides himself. The resultancy of this Story is home and pat; and for the truth of it, I referr you to Mr. Prynne.

Nor need we here relate the great correspondency betwixt the late Grandees and Cardinal Mazarini, of which Mr. Walker gives us a Hist. Independ. Part. 1. Sect. 104. hint; and experience can proclaim the rest. Nor is it probable, that they should have no hand in the promotion of our late distractions, as most beneficial to the Catholick Cause, since they have been the chief fomenters of all other Wars in Christendom, leaving nothing un-essay'd, that may bring all into confusion; as Ludovicus Lucius, and Histor. Jesuit. others, can inform you more at large.

Besides all this, we might give some Extracts out of the Plot discovered by Andreas ab Habernfield [1640. September] to Sir William H. L'estraage Hist. K. Ch. pag. 180, 181. Pryan's Romes Master-Piece. pag. 18. Boswell, the Kings Agent at the Hague; and by him to the Archbishop, and so to his Majesty. A design managed abroad by the Pope and Cardinal Barbarino; and in England, chiefly by George Con a Scotch-man, and the Pope's Nuncio. The substance of which was, that the Roman-Catholicks here, should stirr up the Puritans to revenge themselves of the Bishops; and the Scots should also be perswaded to Arms, whence the English should so adhere, that the King remaining Inferiour in Forces, should be constrain'd to crave aid from the Papists, which should be deny'd, unless he favoured them with a Toleration; which if absolutely deny'd, it was contrived by sodain death to remove him. But, because we find the Reality of the Plot questioned, Vindiciae Caroli Regis. p. 33. in the margin. & pag. 56. by an understanding Gentleman; we shall referr you to L'estrange, and Prynne's Relation.

[Page] But let this Plot be as it will, 'tis more then suspicion, that our Phanaticks have been beholden in many things to the Jesuite, of which one example may somewhat satisfie. They caus'd the Book written by Parsons, Anno 1524. (under the faigned name of Doleman, and Hist. Independ. Part. 1. Sect. 105. call'd A Conference about the Succession of the Crown; which Book was condemned by Act of Parliament, 35. Elizab.) to be publish'd Prynne's Speech to the Commons, pag. 108. again under the title of Several Speeches delivered at a Conference concerning the Power of Parliaments to proceed against their King for Mis-government. The Arguments and Precedents are meerly the same, though the fashion of the Book be a little altered; Parsons having made it a Dialogue, and these men into Speeches. And how agreeable to this Rule of King-killing, they steer'd their course, is impossible to be forgot, as long as Memory or Record can be had in this World.

CHAP. IV.

The helps and assistance which the Calvinist Presbyterian, and Jesuite, afford one another, for the ruine and alteration of Kingdoms; with their Plots to destroy the Government and Tranquillity of England.

THat the Independents should only be beholden to the Jesuits, or these Fathers the sole Ingeneers of Wickedness, would mainly over-cloud the Reputation of the Presbyterians, who look upon themselves as active for any mischief, and as cunning contrivers. And therefore 'tis best for them to go hand in hand, each discovering to other what new Plots they have found out for the subversion of Governments. By which Club, they have afforded certain Rules to Politicians, which have exactly been observed and followed by our late Schismaticks, as is palpable by the following Observations.

And first we shall begin with the Plots of the Calvinists, a people never negligent to promote their own Interests. Of whose Sect (as Letter to Balthaz. de Zuniga. 1621. Scrinia Sacra. pag. 123. Bas. dor. l 2. the Emperour Ferdinand affirm'd) the proper genius is, To hold nothing either Fraud or Wickedness, which is undertaken for the Religion; No sanctity of Oath, nor fear of Dishonour hinders them. A Chararacter like that given by the experienced King James to the Puritans, the same with our Non-conforming Presbyterians; of whom one Cabala. p. 225. gives this sentence, Puritans and all other Sectaries; who though scarce two of them agree in what they would have; yet, they all in general are haters of Government. And to this purpose was the judgement of the wise Secretary Walsingham, when to Monsieur Critoy, Secretary of France, he assured them to be dangerous and very popular; Id. Part. 2. p. 40, 41. not Zeal nor Conscience, but meer Faction and Division: and besides [Page] this, gives a short description of their Cunning, Jugling, and Rebellion; for which, with the Jesuite, they start strange Doctrines, to be as an Umbrella to their Illegal proceeding. Of which the learned Bancroft, Mr. David Owen, and an Ingenious Epistle Congratulatory, under the Name of Lysimachus Nicanor, will afford you many Instances. Whereby you may see, that the Presbyterians in their Principles and Actions have more of Rome, than the late reverend Archbishop Land, or his favorites. Let Bayly, and the spurious Irenaeus Philalethes, or Histor. Mot uum in Regn. Scot. pag. 502, &c. any others, collect or steal out of him what they please.

The Calvinists being resolved to root the Lutherans out of the Palatinate, took this following Method to bring their ends about, as they are delivered to us by Adam Contzenus, a deep observing Jesuite; which our late English Law-choppers have observed to a hair, as is obvious by the sequent Rules.

I.

The Intent of the Calvinists in altering Religion in the Palatinate,

Ad Contzen Polit. lib. 2. c. 18. Sect. 6.

by extirpating the Lutherans, was conceal'd, lest the vulgar having knowledge of it, should tumultuate.

After this manner, were the Orthodox Divines in England weakened. The Presbyterians at their Initiation into this Kingdom, not going openly like honest men, but skulking up and down to private Conventicles, (which they call'd Synods, or Assemblies), according to the directions of their great Mustaphi's, such as Cartwright, Snape, Gibby, Travers, Gillebrand, Whittington, Goodman, &c. But having once increast the number of their Disciples into a formidable body, took the impudence to affront, King, Queen, Laws, and all their Superiours. Nor of all these many Opinions (we have had two pregnant and powerful amongst us), few were observed how they took root, till (like Cadmus his Souldiers) they shew'd themselves so potent, that they might scorn a resistance.

Nor could we dream of any intentions lurking in the breasts of our pretended Potentates, tending any way to the introducing of a motley-Babylonick Herd of Religions (since Prelacy was murdered out, by a drove of Villains), seeing they so solemnly protested against any such endeavour, as you may see by these following words:

And we do here declare, that it is farr from our purpose or desire, to Remonstrance, 15. Decemb. 1642. let loose the Golden Reyns of Discipline and Government in the Church: to leave private persons, or particular Congregations, to take up what Form of Divine Service they please. For we hold it requisite, that there should be throughout the whole Realm a conformity to that Order, which the Laws enjoyn according to the Word of God.

This Protestation is something serious. But alas! it may be, (they looking upon themselves as our Lords and Masters), Dissimulation is a thing permitted them by a Isan de Marnix Resolut. Polit. Sect. 7. Res. 10. ib. Res. 6. French States-man: though I believe [Page] in equality they are more our Neighbours, and so could not demand the same priviledge granted by de Marnix to Kings.

What they meant by the Laws of the Land, I know not; but it is certain, they favour'd Episcopacy more than any other Government: And it is as true what the old Poet sung.

[...]

Whilst we are rul'd by wilful power and might,

Laws cannot do so much as do us right.

And what validity can we expect in a Declaration, from those, who can swallow down Oaths with more content and celerity, than Lazarello de Tormes could a Saucidge, or a little Sack? Who look upon Allegiance to others, as a nicety of State; yet make it Treason, if not observed to themselves. But, if our own Laws cannot be in force, I wish, the Aegyptians might; who held perjury a double offence, Diod. Sicul. de Reb. Antiq. l. 1. c. 3. against God and Man, and so rewarded the guilty with death.

II.

Some more craftily suborned, humbly to petition the Prince (though he earnestly long'd for the change himself; and so possibly might prompt them to it), that the Exercise of their Religion might be granted.

None can be ignorant of the same manner of Jugling in England for these many years last past, in so much, that we have had scarce any Levem plebeculam ad Petitiones commovendo, vel potius Populi nomen Petitionibus (à duobus tribusue suae factionis coacinnatis) affigendo. Elench. Mot. p. 81, 82. Petition concerning Religion or the Change of Government: but what trucking, collogueing, and running about to get peoples hands to it! most of them being either Servants, or such mean Handy-craftmen, that want brains to apprehend either the advantage or damage of any Publick concern; but are driven on with such hasty fury, that nothing can satisfie them but a present performance: though with as much ignorance and envy, as those who rail'd against the Innocent Aristides, because he was too just and honest to live amongst such wretches.

Of this manner of cheating up Petitions, the famous Dr. Hammond View of the Directory, p 90. Sect. 28. takes special notice; And that great Prop of Learning, the late Arch-bishop of Canterbury, gave a large hint in his Speech upon the Scaffold, in these words:

Here hath been of late a fashion taken up to gather hands, and then to go to the great Court of this Kingdom, (the Parliament), and clamour for Justice: as if that great and wise Court, before whom the causes come, (which are unknown to the many), could not, or would not do justice, but at their appointment. A way which may endanger many an Innocent man, and pluck his bloud upon their own [Page]heads, and perhaps upon the Cities also. And this hath been lately practised against my self, the Magistrates standing still, and suffering them openly to proceed from Parish, without check;—many well-meaning people are caught by it.

Of this clandestine way of Jugling up Petitions, several Counties did publickly complain (about the beginning of these Wars), to the Parliament, in their Petitions for Episcopacy; but to small purpose: the Members resolving to break the Laws, did not like that, which would confirm them. This way of begging was used above a dozen years ago by some Privado's in the County of Buckingham, Essex, Oxford, Hist. Independ. Part. 1. Sect. 50. and Barks, to decide and lessen the Parliament, and promote an Independent Army and Faction against them. And thus (as it was thought), did the well-known Committee of Derby-house imploy Col. Rainsborough, to go up and down, and solicit the common sort of Marriners Id. Sect. 97. to subscribe and present the House of Commons with a Petition against a Personal Treaty with the King; (which other places Petitioned for). And, to make them more complying, gave 12 d. a piece to those who would subscribe it. And this way of hudling up requests, was used by those Bloud-thirsty Canabals, for the bringing of his Majesty, and others to the Block.

In this Art of State-craft, Oliver Cromwell was excellently well seen, and made it one of his main blinds to deceive an easie believing multitude, which he thought both lawful and commendable in himself; but, when once raised to a Protector, thought it little less then Treason In his Speech, 22. Jan. 1654. pag. 15. in others, greatly complaining of such actions, to his mock-Parliament. Thus the Priest forgets that ever he was Clerk, every man thinking himself in the right: and so did the three poor Nuns of Mergate, when they drew up their Innocent Petition, (as here followeth by the By), though now converted to a wrong sense.

We thre poor Nuns of Mergate,

Weaver's Fun. Monuments, pag. 585.

Piteously compleineth to your gud Estate,

Of one Sir Johnne of Whipesuade,

Who hath stopped our Water-gate,

With two Stons and a Stake,

Help us Lord for Cryst hys sake.

These poor women, through their simplicity, dream'd of nothing but what was honest, desired nothing but what was just; a reparation of their wrongs, being the only thing they aimed at: not like our self-ended Time-servers, who from the Noddles of three or four, like a Multiplying-Glass, can produce you many thousands. Thus five or six in Decemb. 1653. when Oliver was scarce warm in his Protectorship, to make True Catalogue, pag. 4, 7, 8, 9. his footing the more sure, drew up an Address to him, and sent it through the three Kingdoms as a pattern for the rest to follow, and what effect it took, is not ignorant to any, who remember the Glorious and almost Almighty (profane) Titles thrown upon him by such [Page] Proselytes. Thus have I heard, and read, of a Great man, who made Books in his own Fame and Vindication in these late Wars, and put them forth in other mens names; (as some suppose Annius threw his Labours upon Chaldaick Authors): And somewhat to this, a Writer prompts us to this Quaere, Whether the Petition of July 1659. was The Grand concernment of England. p. 5. penn'd by the Parliament, and address'd to the Parliament; and so the Parliament gave the Parliament thanks? However, this is more than probable, That those who delivered the Hartfordshire Petition Ex. Coll. p. 537. at the beginning of these Wars, abused all the simple Subscribers; the Petition that was deliver'd, taking notice of several things done in Parliament the very night before its delivery: in which time it was impossible to get so many Thousand hands, and then travel to London on that Errand, (of which abuses the King himself took special notice), unless their Messengers had been as swift as the Spirit Orthon-Mercury Froissart. Vol. 2. sol. 173. Wier. de Praestig. Daem. l 2. c. 29. p. 250. to Corasse, and the Count de Foix; or those who carryed the Noble Lombard from Egypt to Pavia in one night.

III.

But because a meer Exercising of their Religion was not sufficient, unless they might have Publick places for such duties; they earnestly desire and Petition, that they might have but one Church or two allotted them for such Publick Duties, thereby to appear as the face of a Congregation.

All things at first have but a small beginning: Those who endeavour the hopes of their Towring Expectations at the first on-set, may, like Phaeton, bring a ruin to themselves and designs; which the Independents knew well enough; and so desired (as the case then stood), rather to grow up by degrees, than by too hasty swelling, to burst, with the Toad, to their own Confusion.

What Petitions have been pressed to the Parliament, by self-ended Schismaticks, to have places allotted them for Preachments, is troublesome to remember at this time; yet Mr. Edwards informs us of divers Reasons against Independent Government, in in the Introduction. drawn up twenty years ago, for a Toleration of some Congregations to enjoy an Independent Government, and to be exempted from that which should be establisht by Law. And some two years after this, [1643.] the Independents in their Apologetical Narrative, presented to the Parliament, shew'd themselves so humble, that they might thereby gain Pity and Toleration; that they concluded, that they pursued Fuller's Ch. Hist. Book. XI. pag. 212. no other Interest, or Design, but a Subsistence (be it the poorest and meanest) in their own Land, &c. But how well this self-denying desire, agreed with their after usurping Incroachments, is known well enough: Phil. Nye, and Tom. Goodwin, the main contrivers of this Petition, stealing to themselves the best Preferments in the Nation, and the richest Indowments both in University and Countrey, being divided amongst the rest; so that the Proverb was now verified, Give an Inch, and take an Ell.

[Page]

IV.

The Calvinists having now got liberty to exercise their faculty in Preaching, and that publickly; so that that they seem'd to keep equal pace with the Lutherans; an Edict (as if only for quietness sake) was publisht, that neither Party should cast aspersions upon one another. Which at length proved no small lift to throw the Lutherans first out of favour, and then their places; for then they durst not contradict the Calvinists, who were now Favourites; and, by consequence, might with some liberty throw dirt in their Antagonists faces. Besides, this degrading of the Lutherans, was a sufficient disgrace to them amongst the Vulgar, who are commonly so politick, as to side with the strongest party, so they rest secure; as experience hath told us at home.

King James in his Directions concerning Preachers, strictly prohibited 14. Aug. 1622. Sect. 5. them from using any bitter invectives, or undecent railing speeches. But this was not long observed in King Charles his raign; for what could not handsomly be acted in the Pulpit, was in the Press; though at last, the former was not a little abused by scolding Burton, and such like hot-headed Cushion-thumpers: and Paper grew scant with the swarms of Invective Pamphlets against both Church and State. Than which scandalous Libels, nothing brings more detriment to a Nation, as a French States-man observeth. They drawing, like Orpheus, the L'homine d'estat. p. 62, 63. brutish Vulgar (a thing most capable of Sedition) to dance after whatsoever they are tuned to; especially, if skrew'd up to the hopes of high preferment. A design most wicked, as being composed of horrid L' Artifice est mali cieux, on propose des Remonstrances d'unfaçon, & on les entend de l'autre; le Pretexte est prius de la Reformation du Royaume, l'effect [...]ute à sa ruine, &c. lb. juggling; really intending one way, though they seem to carry fair for another: the pretence pointing at the Reformation of, when the effect brings destruction, to the Kingdom. By this means, the Parliament and Presbyterian got applause from the people, who are apt to believe and remember falshood, more than truth: whereby, the number and confidence of their Proselytes, increast to such an height, that they were able to maintain and vindicate their Pamphleteers with a strong hand, though not by Reason and Law. So that it was more than a common danger to write any thing (though truth) against the Parliament; but to vilifie the King, was no small hopes of preferment and credit, as appears by the multitude of Pamphlets, and the licensed Gazets weekly flying about in 1648. where Tyranny, Hypocrisie, & Perfidiousness were commonly attributed to his Majesty. When as the Ingenuous Mr. Walker must end his dayes in the Tower, for telling true tales abroad. But when a great part of the Parliament it self, must be look'd upon as rotten Members, for adhering to the King; and the rest of them shackled, for demanding their priviledges and freedom, [1648.] which they had so long pretended to fight for: What punishment might poor people expect for presuming to pry into such [Page] Great-mens Errors? If a whole Army will undertake to vindicate the words and wishes of Symbal, Wade, and White, whereby the Murther of his Majesty was desired; that man can expect no great incouragement, who endeavours lay to open the Villanies of such Sectaries.

V.

Then, as if to give some content, a Disputation was held; but a Calvinist appointed Moderator, who was afterwards made Professor.

'Tis nothing here to my purpose, to discourse, whether these Polemical Exercises, upon a publick account, brought either Satisfaction to the Auditors, or Tranquillity to the Nation; and few are like that betwixt the two Reynolds's, where both conquer'd, both turn'd and yielded. I shall therefore let that rest, since the thing self as yet is sub judice.

The subtile Calvinists in Germany will make themselves Moderators, in their own Cause, and their Brethren in England, must either be Umpire betwixt the King and themselves, or else all the fat is in the fire; and, God knows, what unheard of Priviledges lost. When the King, at their desire, upon hopes of Peace, yields to call in all his Proclamations against them, and Essex, as Traytors, if they would take off Malignancy from his followers; they would not yield to Overtures of Reconciliation upon that Condition, taking themselves to be Supream, (forsooth); and so the King obliged to pardon them, but not they him, or his. If the King and Countrey have any desire of Peace, his Propositions are neglected, he being tyed either to hearken and consent to their malapert Proposals, or trust to the misery of War, or utterly thrown by, as unworthy any more Addresses.

Must the Reverend and Ancient Church-government be violently pluckt down, (though the Bill, with that concerning the Militia, several times rejected by the Peers), and some other up-start Invention plodded out, to instruct Boyes in the mode of pratling; then where must we hunt, for this pretty young thing, but in Scotland? And who must be the Masters of the Game, but a crew of domineering Zealots thrust up into a Rebellious Authority? And, for a small piece of Formality, was jumbled up a pack of stiff Presbyterians, (under the Title of an Assembly), dapled Synodique sua autoritate coactae (ad omnibus quidem Provinciis, hominibus praefervidis, concionandique peritis, sed minoris ut plurimum literaturae, regiminique Ecclesiastico insensis) constitutionibus commendant, non autem huic liberè res even ile ndas permittunt ultra metas ab ipsis statutas. Elenc. Mot. pag. 64. here and there with Independency and Anabaptism; and a little to allay the censures of some people, two or three were added to them, of good Learning and Principles; though quickly jugled out thence, and other preferments, (as the Reverend Dr. Featly,) to make way for some sweet-soul'd Myrmidon. And what these praepossest-Teachers constitute concerning [Page] a praejudged Government, must be confirm'd by their Task-Masters the Parliament, as if perform'd by a grave and learned Convocation of Divines.

Must his Majesty, or any of his true Subjects, be tryed for their lives, and martyred? None must be their Judges, but those who are his and their mortal Enemies; and bring with them a Sentence, resolved upon, long before the Tryal; nor are the Prisoners permitted to question any of them, though the Laws grant liberty to the errantest Rogue in England, to except against 35. Jury-men, without shewing any reason why.

If the Royal Family of the Stuarts be exstirpated, Kingship Voted and Enacted unnecessary, burthensom and dangerous; and an ancient flourishing Monarchy sprouted into a many-headed Common-wealth: None more fit to be the contrivers of this Confusion, than those who acted, not for a publick Benefit, but a private Interest; having run so far into Rebellion, that self-preservation prompted them to be Judges, as was a party in our domestick broyls: it being not solid reason, but, because they were Moderators which changed the frame.

And if the Reverend Clergy must be outed their Livings, then none must be their Tryers or Examiners, but those Juglers of Peter's and Nye's Fraternity; a sort of frantick people, sworn Enemies to all Learning and Church-government, and therefore the more fit to pass judgement against the other as Antagonists. Thus, like the Calvinists, must we be Judges in our own Cause; and that in things against all Law, and then we are certain to remain Conquerers.

VI.

When the People of Hildelberg, (who were neither satisfied with these new Teachers, or Plots), did Petition that the Lutheran Preachers, might be setled and restored again amongst them; no notice is taken of any such thing by the Superiours, and so no satisfactory Answer hapned to their desires. But rather on the contrary, those Ministers, in whose favour the people petitioned, were frowned upon, and censured as too hasty, furious and heady.

Answerable to the Palatinate, hath the affairs in England been carryed on; all our Petitions working small effect, unless scribled according to Parliamentary Interest.

The several Petitions from the two Universities, and most Counties of the Nation, at the beginning of these Wars, in the behalf of Episcopacy, Liturgy, Church-Revenues, and suppression of Schismaticks, prevailed nothing with the Parliament, though subscribed by the chief Nobility and Gentry in the Kingdom: Nor had that of Worcestershire, 22. Decemb. 1652. about 10. years after, in the behalf of an able Ministry and the Universities any better luck, only obtaining the formality of thanks [Page] from the Speakers mouth; and after this fashion hath been the exit of others. And yet with what alacrity and cheerfulness did the same men receive that Impudent Petition, (taken notice of by the King) Ex. Coll p. 548. of a company of beggarly Rascals in London; who desired that the Lords and Commons might be jumbled into one House, that they might subdue the pride of the King; of all which, if they had not a speedy remedy, they would take the cure into their own hands, and destroy the disturbers of the Peace. These frantick demands were pleasant to the Commons, because agreeable to their desires, if not set on foot by themselves; the which is something probable, because they owned it so farr, as to present it to the Lords.

However it must be granted some favour, that the People are permitted to present their desires: though the Army themselves profest, that it was the undoubted right of the People to Petition; (as in truth Representat. 5. Octob. 1659. pag. 6. it is), yet afterwards they denyed the same liberty to the London Prentises, knowing their desires to be more for the Publick benefit than the Armies satisfaction: so that Mr. Wharton sung not amiss; when thus:

—Petitioning the Birth-right of the Saints.

VII.

After all these Revolutions, nothing appearing to harbour any signs of Tumult [the people perceiving no harm done to themselves, little regarded the concerns of the Church, though it and the State should suffer reciprocally] the Lutherans were outed of their Parochial Churches and Benefices, all being delivered to the Calvinists.

The traceing of this Observation is not unknown to any, that hath heard of a Persecution. How many famous Divines were sequestred and thrust from their Livings in these unnatural Wars? London should lament the expulsion of so many learned men from her, and the supplying of their Places by a Band of hot-braind, long-winded and Schismatical Presbyterians. And, as if this were not enough, Oliver must add to their afflictions, by one Order forbidding them to Preach, or Teach School; as if, like the Italian, he gloryed not only to kill their Bodies, but Souls also. And all this done, because [prompted by their stedfast and sure Consciences], they would not swallow, like our Temporizers, Contradictory Oaths. Whereby I may well raise this Quaere.

Whether those, who after they have with much consideration, once made a lawful Vow, will keep it: or those, who as the Tyde serves, will swear point-blanck one Oath against another, rather than be kept from the shoar of Preferment, or thrown from that, which they have unlawfully got, are most godly and honest?

To all these who have been put out of their Places by shew of Publick Command, I might add these, who were kept back by the sear'd Consciences [Page] of their ignorant and malicious Examiners, a sort of people, not so much fearing God and hating Covetousness, if Mr. Sadler may have credit; whither I referr you for satisfaction.

VIII.

The Scholars of the University, who were Lutherans, if they would not turn Calvinists, were turned out, and the Calvinists put into their places.

The Parallel of this is too palpable to discourse much of. Oxford Quod Posterorum quoque odia accenderet, Academias visitandi specie, doctissimos quos (que) in Exilium amandare. El. Mot. p. 91. will never forget the Lord Pembroke's Visitation; nor Cambridge, that of the Earl of Manchester: In which two Universities, there was a thorough Purge, to the perpetual reproach and ignominy of the Undertakers; many famous and learned Doctors, Heads of Houses, Masters of Arts, and others, were turned out of their Fellowships, and Colledges, because they would not submit to that, which was contrary to their Oaths and the Priviledges of both places; imposed upon them by those, who had no more authority in such things, than they had to behead, or rebel against their Master.

IX.

Contzenus saith, these Revolutions must be done moderately, and with abundance of cunning; the first step being to make the followers and abetters of the contrary Opinion odious, and as it were, a scorn in the Countrey; and this by disgracing them, especially, with things which seem most ridiculous, absurd, and hate ful to the common people, either by nick-naming, or any way else.

The scandalous Reports and Pamphlets thrown against both King and Bishop, as Popish, though they thought nothing less, may be some sign, what good use hath been made of Contzen's Observation. What disgrace cast upon the decent Habits of Church and University? though the first, according to the Canons; and the other, appointed by the Statutes of the place. What unseemly Titles given to Organs, as Bag-pipes; and what irreverent names to Churches, as Steeple-houses? How were the Clergy nick-named with the title of Hirelings; Humane Learning as Heathenish; and Scholars as professing enmity against the Gospel?

How Cromwel's Faction spread abroad Pamphlets against King, City, Hist. Independ. Part. 1. Sect. 19, 20, 21. and Parliament, [1647.] that the people might take the Army for honest men, is somewhat pointed at by Mr. Walker. And since that, What scurrilous Books hath been contrived by Needham, Goodwin, Milton, Rogers, and such like Billingsgate Authors, is not unknown to to any.

[Page] Nor is it forgot, what impertinent Reports the Long-Parliament spread amongst the People, to make the King odious, as that he was a Favourite to the Catholicks, and those call'd Arminians; which sufficiently demonstrated a Presbyterian malice, since the first was false, and the other no crime. And this must also be laid in the dish of Archbishop Laud, though Prynne, and they knew, that he wrote more against the Romanists, than all our Brittain Presbyterians; who have spent more time in the commendation of Rebellion, than in the Service of God. And certainly, I may as well call Prynne a Stage-Player for writing his Histriomastix; as he the Archbishop, Papistical, because he wrote so learnedly against them.

And as if this were not mischief enough, the People must now and then be alarum'd with strange Reports of Forces from Denmark, Lorraign, and other strange places; as if the Nation were to be conquer'd, and the Natifs throats cut; which if we yield, yet will the ignominy only fall upon the Presbyterian Party, who by their want of Allegiance would bring the King to such straits, that his own Subjects were not able to defend him from their Tyranny. They thought it fit for us, to send aid into the Palatinate; and, yet unlawful for Denmark, to assist his own Kinsman against his Rebellious Subjects. It was convenient, they thought, to give help to the French against their lawful King; yet held it abominable for Forraigners to give a good wish to the King of England, against his rebellious people. The Covenanters in Scotland, might with honesty, crave aid from the French King, though a Roman-Catholick against their Anointed Soveraign: But so must not the King of England from the Duke of Lorraign, though his life endangered by his bloud-thirsty Subjects. The Parliament, forsooth, may make a Pacification with the Irish Catholicks; but the King must not harbour such a thought, without grand aspersions. If the King but march towards Scotland, the malignity of envious tongues endeavours to blast his Reputation, as not fit to wear the Crown: But many thousands of the Scotch-Covenanters may come into England, fight against their King, kill his faithful Subjects, and inrich themselves by their plundering and stealing from the honest People; and for their villainies, receive large rewards, with the Epithet of Brethren, and so they were, but in Iniquity: being guilty of High-Treason, because marched and acted against the Kings consent, who is the Supreme Authority of the three Nations.

And that the Supream Head may, when rebell'd against, for his own security and defence, desire help of his Neighbours, (though of a different perswasion in Religion), I think, needs no dispute. He that would lose his Kingdom quietly, is as simple as the Rebel's wicked; and if his own Sword be not long enough for the tryal, he may lawfully borrow his Friends: If the Parliament stood so much upon their Priviledges, I know no reason, but that the King might maintain his Prerogative; and if any Contradiction be betwixt these two, they are obliged to yield to their betters. Nor doth it thwart the practise [Page] of former times, for the Supream Authority to desire assistance from people of a contrary Religion: as may be seen by the following examples, as I find them set down to my hand in a late French Treatise. Recueil des Traictes & de France, & les Princes, & Estats de Estrangers, pag. 123, 124. Aza, the good King of Judaea, procured assistance from Benhadad the Idolatrous King Syria. And so did the Great Constantine imploy, in his Armies, many Heathenish Goths. So were the wicked Vandals call'd into Africa by good Boniface. And after this manner did Narses, under the Emperour Justinian, imploy the Pagan Lombards. The good Arcadius, Emperour of Constantinople, though a Christian, delivered the tuition of his young son Theodosius, and the Government of the Empire till his Son came to age, into the hands of Isdigerdis King of Persia, a Heathen; who accordingly kept his promise with the Emperour. Heraclius the Emperour was beholden to the Saracens: as Basilius and Constantine's sons to John Emperour of Constantinople, were to Ostelzi. And by these people were also Henry and Frederick, Brothers to the King of Castile, mainly benefited in their Wars against the French. Ludouick Sforza, Duke of Milan, and others, begg'd assistance from the Turk against the French, as Maximilian of Austria did against the Venetians. And if it be lawful to procure aid from Heathens; certainly a Christian may seek help from those who profess Jesus Christ, though in every thing they cannot absolutely agree. But enough of this: since the Presbyterian commits ten times more sin in Rebelling, than the wickedst man can do in defending his own right, though by the assistance of Turks and Infidels.

X.

What a great stickler Robert Parsons, the Jesuite, was to overthrow both England, and the Protestant Religion in it, is well known: the great States-man Cardinal D'Ossat taketh notice several times of his Letr. l. 7. let. 268. pag. 552. let. 291. p. 617, &c. designs against these Kingdoms. Some of his Plots and Contrivances, shall follow as they were publisht by W. Clarks Reply to Fa. Parsons Libel. fol. 74. W. Watson's Quodlibets of Religion and State, p. 92, 93, 94, 95, 286. some Roman Catholicks.

One of his means, is, to alter the Municipal Laws of the Land, that the Civil Laws might have sway.

'Tis needless to relate how the Laws have been chopped and changed by diversity of Governments, (not knowing where to find a settlement amongst our selves), and all as the Sword pleas'd; and how conducible such repealing actions are to overthrow our setled and fundamental Laws, is plain.

XI.

That the Clergy in England be put to Pensions.

This is a rule of as much concern as any in the Body Politick. This [Page] is the way to make the Clergy slaves to every Usurper, and so by their Preachments to gain Proselytes. By this means, none should receive any Preferment but pure Hirelings; those who would hold forth to their Auditors every thing that their Pay-Masters thought good, which would make them all like Clisophus, belonging to Philip of Macedon, to halt when their Masters were lame, and in all things to comply with the Grandees.

Thus like Alexander's Apes, that imitated his Army in Martial discipline, have our Schismatical hot-heads with a Curse ye Meros, ecchoed an Alarum answerable to the stroaks of their Bloud-thirsty Patrons. Who like Father Time, delighted not only to pull down men, but also ruine the Foundations of famous Structures, the eminent Monuments of our fore-Fathers Charity: of which we have had some tastes, and were in a fair way, to see the work compleated; as was probable, by the great Petitioning and Writing against Tithes and other maintenance of, and small encouragements to an Orthodox Clergy.

XII.

That all Colledges in Oxford and Cambridge be deprived of their Lands and Revenues; and that the Scholars of them become Pensioners.

This is the thing which they have actively fail'd in, and I hope, will for ever: Though what their intentions have been, may be evidently drawn from their pernicious actions to discourage both Learning, and the Ministry, by scandals cast upon them and their studies as needless: with whom some ignorant Boobies formerly agreed; as John Ludgate Monk of St. Edmondsbury informs us, and in his way confutes.

Craft of langage and of prudent spech,

Falle of Princis. lib. 6. fol. 156. b. 2.

Causeth prechours by spiritual doctrine

Uertuously the people for to tech,

How they shall live by Moral Discipline,

Langage techeth men to plant Uine.

Enformeth folke to worship holy Church,

The Artificer trewely for to wyrche.

Yet ther be summe that pleynly tech and preche,

Have of Language this Opinyon.

God hath not moost reward unto speche,

But to the herte and to th' affection,

Best gan guyrdon the inwarde intencion,

Of every man, nat after the visage,

But like the moveing of their inward carage, &c.

[Page] The form of Preaching of late, was come to that pass, that unless he decryed Learning as useless, or either sav'd or damn'd all, (though the latter was held the more plausible, such was the peoples love to extreams), he was held to want both gifts and a discerning spirit. To shake hands with the Text, and take no more notice of it, then when it was named, was a great sign of some extraordinary Inspiration: but a good and solid Sermon was reproach'd with Humane Learning; as if Literature were no more advantage to a Divine, then the ancient Ship Argo to defend the great Stones upon Salisbury-Plain from being stoln away by the Parrots in Magellinica.

And this way, they used to make Learning seem unnecessary and odious to the Vulgar, that so with more plausibleness, they might alienate their Lands. For nothing else could be their intentions to cherish up Ignorance, by suffering and encouraging Pratlers, who had never seen a Colledge, sacrilegiously to abuse Pulpits; by which, intimating to the People, that a Cobler or Taylors-stall, was as good a Nurcery for a Divine as either University. And to make this more fesible, a Band of Itinerants were foisted up in Wales, under the Conduct of Vavasor Powell, one (if reports be true), more fit to rub Horses heels, than enter a Pulpit: where they turn'd out the setled Ministry, and so lock'd up the Church-doors, that a Sermon was as rare there, as they were too common in England. It was another mans Concordance, and their own Impudence, that were their chief Interpreters of Scriptures. The Fathers, and other Commentators, being held too much Popish, and knowing, to have any credit amongst such Illuminato's: And thus was Learning openly trod down, and Colledge-Lands thereby tacitly gaped after.

Thus have a wretched sort of people, (who like the Shark, oft swallow that, which was never intended them), endeavoured what in them lay, to root up the Foundation of Learning. And this more pardonable, than a late wicked crew of Matricides, who have had not only their breeding, but the best part of (if not all) their lively-hood from the Charity of Colledge-Founders; yet have made it their business to scrible whole Books, to incite the Rabble to lay these ancient Fabricks equal with the ground, so that the University might well complain;

Heu! patior telis vulnera facta meis!

—Woe's me! how I am curst,

Despis'd and vilifi'd by those I nurst!

These, like the Viper, delight to live by the destruction of their Mother; as if their greatest Triumph would be, like the wanton Queen, to carrouse in their Parents skull. But of these, I may speak hereafter, and shall now only tell you, that the Long-Parliament at their beginning, took notice, that courses had been taken to suppress Learning: 5. Decemb. 1640. [Page] But a new Broom sweeps clean; and though a child at first be careful of his new shooes, yet at last he will delight in their pollution.

'Tis a sign of unspeakable malice and covetousness, for people to grudge the benefit of others, since it taketh nothing from them. Those who repine at the Lands of the Clergy and Colledges, might have some reason, if they were taken from them: But when charitable people, (no way related to these Grumblers), shall give this, or that, to the incouragement of Learning, or Piety; you may as lawfully desire the Charters, Lands, and Commons, belonging to Corporations, as the Priviledges and Maintenance from the former; and then Hell may as assoon plead sanctity, as this covetous Varlet honesty.

XIII.

That Spain hath had real thoughts of the Conquest of England, is probable, not only by their 88. Invasion, but their often endeavour upon Ireland; And Dr. Sharp assured the Duke of Buckingham of the Cabala. p. 260, 261. De Monarch. Hisp. cap. 25. p. 203, 204. same. And for the bringing of this Design about, ‘Thomas Campanella tells the Catholick King, that nothing is more conducible, than to foment discords amongst themselves, the which may be done with their own money.’

The same advice the great Politick Cardinal Richelieu, upon his Death-bed, communicated to the King of France, as the only means Gal. Gualdo Hist. part. 3. lib. 3. p. 176. to aggrandize the French Kingdom, as a Venetian informeth us. And some wise men think, that our late distractions were but the result of his Brains. And, that either Party was assisted with Monies from Beyond-Seas, I know not: But rather on the contrary, do believe, that the Warr was maintained by our own Cash; and besides, that no small Sums have been jugled over the Water, by some sinful Grandees, that had run so far into wickedness, that their Consciences told them, that they had lived Islanders long enough, and so must court the Continent for self-preservation, where they must provide for a rainy-day. And what is become of all our Gold, I know not, unless it hath travell'd too.

XIV.

Another means to overthrow England, Campanella thinks, is to set them and the Dutch together by the Ears.

The fulfilling of which is fresh in every ones memory.

XV.

After all Campanella's pumping to undo England, and root out [Page] the Protestant Religion, he can imagine no way more conducible to such ends, ‘then the reducing of that Kingdom into a Common-wealth.’

Of which Observation there needs no Remarks, but Experience not yet forgot.

CHAP. V.

The Original of the Commons in Parliament; That the Clergy is one of the Three Estates, and the King Supream above all.

WHen I find God himself calling Rebellion, the sin of Witchcraft; for me to speak against it, by endeavouring to aggravate the Iniquity, would be to as small purpose to an Ingenious man, as the pains and expences of Calvisius Sabinus, to attain to the height of Learning, Seneca. Epist. 27. since his memory was so weak, that it could scarce retain the Names of Ulysses, Achilles, and Priamus. Yet, were it neerer allyed to Hell then it is, it would not want both daring and knowing Patrons, which doth something mitigate my admiration, when I consider, what Paper, Time, besides too much Bloud, hath been spent by some men of late dayes, to Apologize for the greatest Wickedness; and thereby to strengthen themselves, through their Actions in the Peoples Affections.

These, though they had the worst Plea, yet came off with the best Success; by which they clamourously declared the Justness of their Cause, hinting to the Royalists, that it was owned by a Supernatural Power. But

—Careat successibus opto,

Quisquis ab eventu facta notanda putat.

—Let him ne're gain applause,

That from th' event, states th' goodness of the cause.

And how Orthodox such Arguments are, is obvious, if we do but consider the often prosperity of the wicked, who are sometimes permitted to conquer, more for a scourge to others, than any justness in themselves: And, I dare be confident, in our case it holds; the unlawfulness of these late domestick Commotions, being rightly more appropriated to the Parliament than his Majesty, as in it's due place shall be shewn.

But first, to make the way more plain and easie to those who call themselves the weak Brethren, (the first fomenters of this Rebellion); [Page] we shall in brief consider, the Antiquity, Subordination, and Priviledges of Parliaments, as they now stand; whereby it is plain, they had no power given them thus to raise Wars against, and imprison [much less behead] their Soveraign: For, what I here speak, is intended chiefly against the Long-Parliament.

The most ancient Government in this Island, that Records can instruct us of, is Monarchy, and that in its Antiquity, the most absolute; the higher we go, finding our Kings more free and powerful. That reciprocal Compact between King and People, so much boasted of by our Common-wealths-men, and others, being but a meer dream, and Chamaera; as that great Soul of Reason and Divinity the Reverend Bishop His Preface before Bishop Usher's Book, The Power of the Prince. Sect. 15, 16, 17, 18. Sanderson hath compendiously and fully evinced.

That the ancient Kings of this Island had Meetings for Consultations, reason prompts me to believe; though I do not remember after what certain fashion: yet, since Christianity was setled here, the Kings used to imploy the Archbishops, Bishops, and Nobility, by way of Advice and Counsel: Ethelbert, the famous King of our Kentish Saxons, being converted unto the Christian Faith, about the year 596. some nine years after [viz. 605.] summons a Council, in which were, not only the Laity, but the Clergy also. After which time, the Reverend Archbishops, and Bishops, have sat, as a part of those grand Meetings, [till the late Exclusion by the Long-Parliament], as the well-read Dr. Heylin, (who though under a great decay of sight, sees Stumblingblock, Chap. 5. Sect. 6, 7, 8, &c. more than a whole Nation of Presbytery), hath sufficiently asserted.

These Lords Spiritual and Temporal, were the only Parliament known to former Kings, and so but one House: However, sometimes Sir G. Buck's Third University, in John Stow's Chron. p. 1068. col. 2. upon great concerns, the King would, when himself best pleas'd, have some of the Commoners joyned with them; but then, they were not as now elected, but particularly chosen, according to the Kings desire; and these were of more than ordinary savour and discretion, and therefore call'd Wise-men.

The first time, that, in History, we can meet with a Parliament, consisting of the Clergy, Nobility, and Commons, is in King Henry the firsts dayes, at Salisbury, Anno 1116. and so the Clergy were 500. years before the Commons in Parliaments. But, why this King should be the first, that threw this favour so generally upon the Commons, was (as some are pleas'd to affirm), grounded upon his own Usurpation. For, he being but the younger Son of William the Conquerour, following the President of William Rufus, seized upon the Crown, in the absence of his eldest Brother Robert, and afterwards most cruelly put out his eyes. This, they say, moved many Discontents amongst the Nobility, against whom to strengthen himself, he thought it best to pleasure the Commons; which was done, by calling them to this Parliament at Salisbury, whereby his Usurpation became more formidable against his Enemies.

[Page] But though the Commons were call'd to Counsel at this time, [if Historical Collect. of Ancient Parl. Part. 1. p. 17, 18. at this time, since Prynne denyeth it], yet were they not thereby made or esteem'd necessary: since in several Kings raigns successively after, Parliaments were held (as Prynne, their chief Patron, doth acknowledge), consisting only of the Spiritual and Temporal Barons. And, when afterwards they did really sit, is as uncertain, as after what manner, or when they had their first Speaker: The first, by that Title upon Record, being Sir Thomas Hungerford, [Anno 1376.] Hackwell's Modus tenend. Parl. p. 200. though the year before, John Stow calls Sir Peter de la More their Prolocutor. And before these two, but three [viz. Petrus de Mountford, Scroope, and Sir William Trussel; the first of these, viz. Mountford being in the 44th. year of Henry III.] that are known, are supposed, to officiate as Speakers; for, in what nature they were of, is not yet known: [though for certain, if the Commons sat by themselves, they could not want some such like Officer]. It being many years afterwards, [viz. Anno 1401.] that the King [Henry IV.] required the Commons to choose a Speaker; before which time, no such Command being recorded. Thus, we see the small Antiquity of Parliaments, as they now stand with us representing the three Estates, the Clergy, Nobility, and Commons.

This I write, to shew, how strangely confident, the Commons were of late dayes; who, (if you will believe Prynne, one of themselves), Plea for the Lords. had really no such Power and Judicatureship, as they did in the least pretend to. Nor would I be thought in this, or any thing in the sequent Discourse, to invalid the true and real Authority of Parliaments, or to lessen the Credit of the Commons House, holding it now to be an Essential part of Parliament; but, yet not so much, as some of late have done. Nor can I subscribe to, (till I be better informed), that Priviledge given to the Commons, by I know not whom; yet, I suppose, of no vulgar apprehension: viz. That the The sorm and manner of keeping of the Parliament of England. c. 23. pag. 521. a M. S. in the Bodleian Library of Oxford. King may hold his Parliament for the Communalty of the Realm, without Bishops, Earls, and Barons; so, that they have lawful Monitions, or summons, albeit they come not. Yet the same Book affirms, that, the King, with his Bishops, Earls, and Barons, cannot hold a Parliament without the assistance of the Commons. And his reason for all this assertion, is, because, Sometime there was neither Bishop, Earl, ne Baron; and, yet the King did keep and hold his Parliaments. To which, I shall only answer, in brief, thus; That if he mean, that our Kings have kept Parliaments, when there was no such thing, as, or distinction, in this Nation of, Priest, or Nobility, or some such Rank, above the common People; I shall utterly deny his Proposition: Or, if he understand, that Parliaments have been held only by the King and Commons, I shall not yield to him, till I be assured where, and when; yet, if both were allowed, it can be no good consequence, that it may be done so now, if custom have any sway in England, which is now a main Card of the Commons Game.

[Page] And because, some of late, (more through malice than judgement), have not only asserted the King to be one of the Estates [by which plot they will equal themselves to him, and so overthrow his Rule and Government, of which Sir Edward Deering doth a little hint], Book of Speeches. pag. ult. but also exclude the Clergy. It will not be amiss, in this place, to right both, by one or two authentick Instances. The first, shall be the Parliaments Bill, presented to King Richard III. when, but Duke of Glocester, to desire him to take upon him the Kingship, the which is very long; but in it, you shall find these words;—Ʋs the Speed's Chron. Rich. 3. p. 912, 913, 914. Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of this Realm of England—according to the Election of us the three Estates of this Land.——Therefore at the request, and by the assent of the three Estates of this Realm: That is to say, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, of this Land assembled, in this present Parliament. Here we have Three Estates, the Clergy being one and the King none. My second Instance shall be taken out of one Titus Livius de Frulonisiis, [a Book quoted several times by Stow, M. S. in the Bodleian Library of Oxford. pag. 88. in Henry V. which Manuscript, is also in Latin, in St. Benit's Colledge Library in Cambridge], where having related the life and death of Henry V. he tells us, that, After all these things and Ceremonies of his burying, were solemnly finished, as is to-fore rehersed, the Three Estates of the Realm of England, assembled them together, in great number, to take advice and deliberation amongst them, what was most necessary to be done for the Regiment and Government of the said Realm of England: where they concluded to take for their King the only Son of the late King Henry, whose name was also Henry, which was the VI. of that Name since the Conquest of England. But, because some may slight this, as only the judgement of a private Historian; we will strengthen our Assertion by the Laws of our Land. In Queen Elizabeth's time, an Act of Parliament affords us these words;—We your said most loving, faithful and obedient subjects, representing 1 Elizab. c. 3. the Three Estates of your Realm of England, as thereunto constrained by Law of God and Man, &c. Here are again Three Estates, and the Queen none: and that the Clergy are one, another Act of Parliament will inform us in these words;—The State of the 8 Elizab. c. 1. Clergy, being one of the greatest States of this Realm.

And after this same manner was the Clergy in Scotland, one of the Estates, as may also appear by their own Acts of Parliament, one of which runs thus;—That the Three Estates, especially Sanderson's Hist. K. James. pag. 111. considering the persons exercising the Offices, Titles, and Dignities of Prelates, which persons have ever represented one of the Estates—And in another Parliament, some thirteen years before this [viz. 1584.] it was thus Enacted;—That none presume to impugne Id. pag. 110. 292. the Dignity and Authority of the Three Estates, or to seek, or procure the innovation or diminution of their Power and Authority, or any of them in time, coming under pain of Treason. And whether the Scots have of late, behaved themselves according to these Laws, is [Page] well known. And it seems strange to me, that they durst be so impudent against their King, who, considering his power in choosing Parliaments, was one of the most absolute Monarchs in the World, till the modern Rebellious Retrenchments.

These things are convincing to me, that the King never was one, or part of, but above, the Three Estates; it being ridiculous, that his Majesty should Petition himself, and call himself subject to himself. Nor see I any reason, to doubt, that the Clergy was one, having Acts of Parliament for it, who knew their own Constitution best.

'Tis true, of late, the Clergy have had no Representatives in Parliament; the Reverend Lords Spiritual, being, I do not know how, thrown out of the Upper-House; and the action, at last, by threats and other villainies, procured to be signed by the Royal Assent: for which (and seeing they are since happily restored again), I shall not at this time presume to question; though many who are learned in our Fundamental Laws, suppose that reasons might be shewn, and that grounded upon law, of it's nullity; to which purpose, the learned Dr. Heylin hath given a short Essay; both, from the binding Stumbling Block, Chap. 5. Sect. 12. p. 212. of Magna Charta, [the darling too of our Presbyterian Parliaments], which, especially provides for the Priviledges of the Clergy, as also by the voiding of all actions done by the King by compulsion, and not of his free-will. And that Kings may be so wrought upon, appears by King James, who, when King of Scotland, was by his unruly Subjects, constrained to declare, several times, quite contrary to his judgement; and, so was King Edward III. as appears by the Revocation of a Statute made the 15. year of his raign. And how unwilling, King Charles the first, was to sign this Bill, is not unknown: the Parliament having got a new Art of getting their ends about, viz. by Tumults, and Threats, so that the King was rather fought, than reasoned out of it. And, what impudence the Commons were brasoned with, to presume, thus, to extirpate the Spiritual Lords, whose Antiquity in Parliament was double to theirs, is experimentally beyond expression. But they, and so did the Puritanical Faction of the Nobility (for such Animals were amongst them too) know well enough, that the King would not only be weakened, but themselves strengthened, by annihilation of 26. such sound, Royal and Orthodox Votes, for which qualifications the Schismatical Lords and Commons hated them.

But enough of this: only I shall leave some Quaeries to the consideration of the Presbyterian mad-caps (Lord or Common), of the wicked Long-Parliament.

I.

Whether or no, if the King and two Estates can extirpate the third, then, the King, Lords Spiritual and Temporal cannot turn out the Commons, as well as the King, Lords Temporal and Commons, exclude the Bishops?

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II.

Whether or no, when the King and two Estates have turn'd out the third, the King with another Estate cannot also turn out the second; And lastly, when only the King and one Estate remains, the King as Supream cannot seclude that also?

III.

And, if these things will bear a good Consequence, Whether the Presbyterians (whose chiefest confidence was in the Long-Parliament; but esecially the Commons), have not brought their Hoggs to a fair Market?

But these People did not only overthrow Episcopacy, but struck also at the root of Monarchy it self, by their pleadings against the King's Supremacy; making themselves not only equal to, but above The Parliaments Remonstrance to the King, 2. Novemb. 1642. him. And this, not only when assembled in Parliament, but when they are so far from having any Authority there, [there being no such thing then sitting], that they are separately, so many private Subjects, obliged only to follow their own occasions; for in this capacity, I suppose, they make themselves, when they alledge for a Rule, Rex est major singules, minor Ʋniversis, considering they place this in their Remonstrance as distinct from Parliaments.

But how weak this Position is, let Parliaments themselves be our Judges. And I do not love to reason against Authentick Records. When God tells us expresly, that Whoredom is a grievous sin; 'twas blasphemy in John de Casa, to write in the vindication of Sodomy. When Ignatius, Irenaeus, and other ancient and authentick Authors, assure us, that Presbytery was subordinate to Episcopacy in the first Century, 'tis folly in our late Schismaticks to dream of, or introduce, a Parity. When Parliaments acknowledge themselves Subjects to his Majesty, for any to conclude thence, their Supremacy, are, in my judgement, no less guilty of ignorance than that simpleton of Athens, who fancied all the ships and other things to be his, when he had no more interest in them, then I have relation to the Crown of Castile. The Lords and Commons tell us plainly, what little signs they have of Superiority in these words;—Where by divers 24 Hen. 8. c. 12. sundry old authentick Histories and Chronicles, it is manifestly declared and exprest, that this Realm of England is an Empire, and so hath been accepted in the World, governed by one Supream Head and King, having the Dignity and Royal Estate of the Imperial Crown of the same, unto whom a Body Politick, compact of all sorts and degrees of people, and divided in tearms and by names of Spiritualty and Temporally, been bounden, and ought to bear next to God, a natural and humble obedience, &c. And in many other Statutes, do they acknowledge themselves the King's most humble, faithful, and obedient Subjects. But more especially, in those two, of Supremacy, and Allegiance, in which they acknowledge the King the Supream under God, both [Page] of Civil and Ecclesiastical affairs, and so swear Allegiance to him, each Parliament-man before he sit, taking both the Oaths, as all other Subjects do. Whereby they clearly renounce not only Priority, but Parity; by which, all their Cavils bring nothing upon themselves but Perjury. Against this Supremacy of our Kings, though it be under God and Christ, Qui initio tantopere extulerunt Henricum Regem Angliae, certè fuerunt inconsiderati homines; dederwit illi summam rerum omnium potestatem, & hoc me semper graviter vulneravit. Erant enim Blasphemi, quum votarunt ipsum Summum Caput Ecclesiae sub Christo, &c. Jo. Calvin. in Amos cap. 7. verss. 13. pag. 282. John Calvin rants in his usual hot-spurr'd zeal, calling them Blasphemers, and Fools, who durst first presume to give such a title to a King: And in obedience to this Supream Head of Geneva, and Presbytery, doth his dear Subject and Disciple Admonition to England and Scotland. fol. 70. a. Anthony Gilby, and others, of that Fraternity, shoot their Wild-fire against the same Statutes of England: by which they shew their Schism and Madness, more than Christian Prudence.

Besides all this, our Laws make it Treason, to compass, or imagin, the death of the King, Queen, or his eldest Son,—to leavy Warr 25 Edw. 3. cap. 2. 1 Mariae, c. 1. against the King, or any way adhere to, or assist his Enemies. But, for any to commit Treason against the Parliament, especially for those, who have the King on their side, I see little reason; because I have express Law to the contrary, which tells us, that any one who shall attend upon the King in his Wars, and for his Defence, shall in no ways 11 Hen. 7. c. 1. be convict or attaint of High Treason, ne of other offences for that cause, by Act of Parliament, or otherwayes by any process of Law, whereby, he or any of them, shall loose or forfeit Life, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Possessions, Hereditaments, Goods, Chattels, or any other things: but to be for that deed and service utterly discharged of any vexation, trouble, or loss. And, if any Act or Acts, or other process of the Law, here after thereupon for the same happen to be made contrary to this Ordinance, that then that Act, or Acts, or other process of the Law, whatsoever they shall be, stand and be utterly void.

How this Act hath been since violated, Compounders, Sequestrators, and Decimators, will best inform you. And, what a pitiful, ridiculous and extorted Comment the Noddles of the Long-Parliament made upon this Act, may be seen in their Declarations, by which you may Ex. Coll. p. 280, 724, 725. view both their ignorance and their malice.

These are Presidents enough, to satisfie any man in the Parliaments subjection to the King; it being in his power to constitute them, not they him; in him being the only Authority to call, and dissolve them, not any such being in themselves: He can pardon Malefactors, not they without his consent. The death of the King dissolves the Parliament, though their breaking up reflects nothing upon him: He can call them where he pleaseth; but they, not remove his Court. They Petition him, by way of Subjects, not he them. The King of England, can do no wrong, and never dyeth, being alwayes of 7 Edw. 6. c. 3. full age; the breath of the former being no sooner expired, but the next Heir is de facto King, without the Ceremony of Proclamation [Page] or Coronation: And, whether a Parliament can do no wrong or no, I leave to many men now in England to judge? The Kings power hath been such, that he hath call'd a Parliament with what limitations he pleas'd; as King Henry the fourth's Parliament at Coventry, in Anno Dom. 1404. which no Lawyer was to sit: And whether too many Lawyers in a Parliament, doth more good, or bad, hath been oft discours'd of in late times. And 'tis the King hath the power of the Sword, not the Parliament, as their own Laws tell us: for in the year 1271. Octob. 30. We find this Statute,—To us [i. e. the King] it belongeth, 7 Edw. 1. Stat. 1. and our part is through our Royal Seignory straitly to defend, [i. e. to prohibit or stop], force of Armour, and all other force against our Peace, at all times, when it shall please us, and to punish them who shall do contrary according to the Laws and Usages of our Realm. And hereunto they are bound to aid us, as their Soveraign Lord, at all seasons, when need shall be.

And the meaning of this Statute hath several times since been made good, by practise on the part of the Commons. For in King Edward J. H's. Sober Inspections. pag. 33, 34. the third's dayes, a Parliament was summoned to consult about the security of the Marches of Scotland, and the Seas; and, the advice of the Commons was desired about these things. But they humbly declined it, submissively desiring, that they might not be put to consult of those things whereof they had no cognisance. And in the same King's reign, when their advice was asked, touching a Prosecution of a Warr with France; after four dayes consultation, they returned their Answer by Justice Thorpe: That their humble desire to the King, was, that he would be advised therein by the Lords, being of more experience then themselves in such affairs.

And in the sixt year of King Richard the second, a Parliament was call'd to consult, Whether the King should go himself to rescue Gaunt, or send an Army? The Commons humbly answered by their Speaker Sir Thomas Puckering, That the Council of Warr did more belong to the King and his Lords. And the next year, their advice being asked, concerning the Articles of Peace with France, they modestly excused themselves, as too weak to counsel in so weighty matters; and being more earnestly prest to shew their own opinions, they humbly advised rather for Peace than Warr. For in those dayes the Knights and Burgesses made it their only care, to study the well-fare of, and complain of the grievances which afflicted, those places for which they served. Those of Lin, would consult the advancement of the Trade of Fishing; those of Norwich, the making of Stuffs; he of Teverston, of Kersies; those of Suffolk, what conduced to the benefit of Clothing; those of Cornwal, for their Stanneries; and never pry into those things which were farr above many of their Intellectuals. Many of them being but of inferiour Trades: and so almost as unfit to apprehend the Intrigues of State, and manage such grand Concerns, Pezel. Mellif. Hist. Part. 2. p. 142. as Caligula's Horse to Officiate in Divine Service, though made a Priest by the said Emperour; or those Priests a hundred years ago, [Page] to compile a Body of Divinity, or a Church-History; whose ignorance Spotswood's Hist. p. 75, 76. was such, as to think, that the New-Testament was composed by Martin Luther. Such was the modesty and discretion of former Parliaments. And, if these of later date have any more Priviledges than the ancient, 'tis so farr unknown to me, that I despair of ever finding them.

Of this, I need say no more, but that, as a Parliament in Queen Mary's dayes, supplicated, That the Pope's Supremacy over them, Stow's Chron. p. 625. col 2. might be restored, greatly repenting them of their former Schism, by which means they got their absolution from Cardinal Pool So had it been well for many of our late Members, to have acknowledged the King's Authority, and reduced themselves betimes to his Obedience.

Much more might be said in the behalf of the Prerogative Royal. But this shall suffice, since it hath been so well done, formerly, by the learned and constant true-hearted Judge Jenkins, the Ingenious Mr. Diggs, and others.

CHAP. VI.

The Priviledges of Parliament; and that in some Cases they are Null and Void.

THough these things afore specified, might satisfie a Rational Subject: yet, as a cloud to obscure this Regal Supremacy, the Commons have found out a way, to cry, Priviledge of Parliament. And with this clamorous plea, they have lately thought to save their Bacon, in the multitude of their bewitched Proselytes, be their Actions never so notorious; And these Priviledges, they are gloriously pleas'd to call, Their ancient and undoubted Rights and Inheritance. But King James, (a Prince, too wise and learned, to submit to, or Sanderson's Hist. of King James, p. 519, 520. wink at, a popular fury), informed them plainly and truly, that he should rather desire them to say, That their Priviledges were but derived from the grace and permission of their Kings, most of them growing but from Presidents, which shews rather a Toleration than Inheritance. And therefore, could not endure, Subjects to use such Anti-Monarchical words, unless subjoyned with acknowledgement of grace and favour.

What their Priviledges are, they have been very unwilling to shew in a particular way: But be they what they will, these two following, they have most made use of, and imbraced, viz.

1. Liberty of Speech.

2. Freedom from Arrest and Imprisonment.

[Page] As for the first, 'tis true, that Sir Arnold Savage, [1404]. Speaker Hackwell's Mod. tenend. Parl. p. 203. to the Commons, humbly desired King Henry the fourth, that they might freely make complaint of any thing amiss in the Government: And, that the King, by the sinister Information of any person, would not take it offensive. The which the King was royally pleased to grant. And, after this, Sir Thomas More, their Speaker, [1523]. prayed King Henry the Eighth, That, If in Communication and Reasoning, any man Stow's Chron. p. 518. col. 2. Baker's Chron. pag. 288. in the Common-House should speak more largely, then of duty they ought to do, that all such offences might be pardoned; the which, the King was pleased to grant. And, the same favour was also yielded to The Speakers Petition for freedom of Speech, is not recorded before this time, as Hen. Elsynge saith, p. 139. Thomas Moyle, Esq their Speaker, some twenty years after. And Queen Elizabeth, at the entrance of her reign, was graciously pleas'd to allow the same to the Speaker, Sir Thomas Gargrave, before which mans time, 'twas very seldom asked, and therefore not granted. The Speakers commonly, only desiring liberty for themselves, not including the rest of the Members; though since Gargrave's time, it hath alwayes been humbly desired, and also favourably granted.

But, what of all this, the King permits them Liberty of speech, or rather winks at some slips, which in heat of discourse, or debates, they may, through unadvisedness let fall: Therefore they may speak Treason, revile Authority, intrench upon Prerogative, and what not: But, if this be a Logical Consequence, then is a Kings condition, as miserable, as uncertain. And, this is something like the Long-Parliaments plea for a perpetual Session. The King agrees, that they shall not be dissolved without their own consent; therefore they would sit, till call'd to Judgement by the last Trumpet: though their Treasonable Actions against the King, did not only by the Law dissolve them, but left them capable of severe punishments.

But, how weak this pretended Consequence is, may appear by a continued practise. The Bishop of Carlile, for his bold Speech in Parliament, was imprisoned by King Henry the Fourth. And Queen Elizabeth, Baker. p. 170, 171. who was as great a favourite and darling in the eyes of her Subjects, as any since the Creation; tells her first Parliament, (at a publick meeting at White-Hall, where they desired her to marry), that, if they had limitted her either to place, or person, she would then have thought it Stow. p. 636. col. 2. in you a great presumption, being unfitting, and altogether unmeet, for you, to require them that command; or those to appoint, whose parts are to desire; or such to bind, and limit, whose duties are to obey; or to take upon you, to draw my love to your likings; or, to frame my will to your fantasie.

How severely did she check the Parliament, in the 23. year of her Dr. Heylin's Exam. Histor. Part. 2. p. 62. raign, for presuming to Vote a Fast to be solemnized at the Temple-Church, for such of their own Members as could conveniently be present there? telling them by her Messenger, Sir Thomas Henneage, then Vice-Chamberlain, With what admiration she beheld that Incroachment on her Royal Authority, in committing such an apparent Innovation without her privaty, or pleasure, first known. Upon which [Page] they desired Sir Thomas, to present their Submission to the Queen, and to crave her pardon. Nor would she suffer her Parliaments to Baker. pag. 420. meddle in Ecclesiastical affairs. And plainly used to tell them, that their Priviledges were but the free pronouncing these two words, Yea, and No. And King James, perceiving his last Parliament but one, to soar somewhat high, told their Speaker, Sir Thomas Richardson, in a Letter from New-market, That some fiery and popular spirits Sanderson's Hist. K. James. pag. 510. of the Lower-House, did debate matters above their capacity, to our dishonour and Prerogative Royal. These are therefore to make known to them, That none shall hereafter presume to meddle with any thing concerning our Government, or matters of State; with our Sons match with the Daughter of Spain; nor to touch the Honour of that King, or any other our Friends or Confederates. Nor with any mans particulars, which have their due Motion in our Ordinary Courts of Justice.—But to put them out of doubt of any question hereafter of that nature, We think our self very free and able to punish any mans misdemeanour in Parliament, as well sitting there, as after, which we mean not to spare, hereafter, upon any occasions of any mans.

And that King James, had good grounds for what he wrote, I am apt to believe, not only considering his own Learning and Knowledge in State-affairs: But, that, if a Parliament man, by their own Orders, is not abusively to reflect upon any of their own Members, to me, it seems very irrational, to think, that they may openly vilifie the Crown, and throw dirt upon Regal Authority. Therefore, I shall perswade my self, that Sir Henry Ludlow, who said there, that Ex. Coll. p. 550. King Charles was not worthy to be King of England; was farr more unfit to live.

As for the other Priviledge, which the Parliament doth vigorously demand as their due and right; we shall find their clamour to be not unlike some Bills in Chancery, where many thousand pounds are demanded, when scarce twenty is due: Or the towring expectations of Lambert Simnell, a Bakers son, who under a Princely Vizard, required Bacon's Hist. Hen. 7. p. 20, 36. the Crown of England, as his Birth-right; yet, after all the bloud-shed in his behalf, was happy to be a Turn-spit to King Henry the Seventh.

'Tis true, for Debt, and such private and peculiar Engagements, a Member cannot be Imprisoned; for, if so, a plot might be framed to shrink the Houses again, though in a more plausible method, to a New Rump. And this was the case of Mr. George Ferrers, Burgess for Plymouth, [1542.] who being arrested for debt, was, at the desire Stow. p. 583. col. 1. lin. 58. of the Commons, released; and the Sheriff of London, sent to the Tower for two dayes. But yet, the best of them may be imprisoned, though then actually in Parliament, either for Treason, Felony, or refusing to give security for the Peace. And, for this cause, was Thomas Hackwell's mod, tenend. Parl. p. 93. Thorp, Speaker to the Commons, arrested, and put into Prison, in the 31. year of King Henry the Sixth. And the learned Judges of the Land declared, he was not capable of a Release; which being made [Page] known to the Commons by Walter Moyle, one of the Kings Serjeants at Law, they presently chose themselves another Speaker, viz. Sir Thomas Charleton, and never clamour'd, that the Priviledges of Parliament were broken. In Queen Elizabeth's time, nothing was more common J. H's. Sober Inspections, pag. 54, 56, 60, 61. then to serve Subpoena's upon, and imprison, extravagant Members. Witness the two upon Mr. Knevet, [An. Reg. 39.] one upon Mr. Coke, [An. Reg. 127.] and Mr. Peter Wentworth, was committed to the Tower, and Sir Henry Bromley, Mr. Stevens, Mr. Welch, to the Fleet, [35. Elizab.] for desiring the Intailment of the Crowns Succession. And in the 35. of her raign, she sent into the House of Commons, and took out Mr. Morris, and committed him to Prison, with divers others, for some speeches in the House; and, when the rest of the Commons petitioned her Majesty for their release, she sent them a severe check, telling them, that they were not to discourse of things of such high nature. And the same Answer did King James return Sanderson's Hist. K. James. pag. 510. them, [1621.] when they endeavoured to know the reason of Sir Edwin Sandis, his restraint. And, though he was a merciful and peaceful King; yet, when they presumed to incroach upon him, he would make them learn more manners in the Tower and other Prisons, witness Wilson's Hist. p. 77, 78. the committment of several of them, in the 12. year of his raign.

And, though never any King was more afflicted and bandied with Parliaments, than the late King Charles, yet, the sweetness of his temper, made him wink at many insolent Indiscretions, till at last, their Impudence grew so high, as not to permit the Serjeant of the Mace L'Strange. pag. 100, 101, 105. to go to the King upon his Command; to lock the Parliament-door, and deny the Kings Messenger entrance; to hold by force the Speaker in the Chair, swearing deep Oaths, that he should sit still as long as they pleas'd, though the King command the contrary; to deny the Kings Power to dissolve them by Proxy; that they are not bound to give an account to the King, but to their own House, of their actions be they what they will, in Parliament; upon which several of them were imprisoned, the Judges delivering their Opinions positively, that their crimes were within cognizance out of Parliament, affirming, that, if it were not so, if a Parliament-man should commit murder in time of Parliament, he could not be tryed and arraigned until a new Representative; and, for confirmation of their Opinions, they alledged many Presidents, as that of Plowden in Queen Mary's time, who was fined in the Kings-Bench, for words spoken in Parliament against the dignity of the Queen. And, to be brief, though the Long-Parliament made great hubbubs, and brags, about the five Members; yet afterwards, when they were in their Ex. Coll. p. 727. height of pride, they in print, did acknowledge and confess, that Members might be arrested and detained for Treason, Felony, and other crimes; though they would gladly smooth it up so farr, as to make 8 Hen. 6. Abridg. of Statutes in the word Convocdtion. themselves Judges. I shall say no more, but, that what Priviledge soever they have, the Laws of our Land allow the same to the Clergy, [and their Servants and Familiars, for, that is the word in the Statute] when call'd to a Convocation, and this, either in coming, carrying, or going home again.

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CHAP. VII.

The beginning of the Presbyterians; with the wicked Principles of the Ring-leaders of that Factious Sect.

HAving thus hinted upon the Kings Prerogative, the Origin of the Commons, and their Priviledges, by which 'tis plain, that the King is Supream, and, by Consequence and good Law, Treason 25 Edw. 3. c. 2. 1 Phil. & Mar. cap. 1. to warr against him: I shall now shew, that the Parliament, and not himself, was the first beginners of these late Confusions; the true rise of which, I must fetch higher, than the Presbyterian Party will give me thanks for.

And as a leading Card to this Discovery, we must observe, that a rebellious itching humour of incroaching upon, and railing against lawful Authority, was the main foundation of our miseries; the source of which frantick temper, I must draw from Geneva, whose Disciples are commonly carryed on with more violence than the furirious Rhosne, upon which the City boasts her situation.

In this City, John Calvin confirmed his Presbyterian-Discipline, in the same year, that Ignatius Loyola, the first Founder of the Jesuites, was chosen their first General in a solemn manner, viz. 1541. And 1541. Nov. 20. just a hundred years after, [1641.] was the famous and reverend Church of England, over-run and clowded by the Calvinistical Proselytes. And, as these two Orders of Presbytery, and Jesuitism, took their rise together; so have they gone hand in hand through a blind zeal, not only to derogate from, but extirpate all Civil Authority not conducible to their Interests. And, as Calvin's Presbytery, at first, was begot by Rebellion and Treason, [they expelling from Geneva, their lawful Prince and Magistrate]: So have their Children (following the foot-steps of their Parents, (as, what is in the bone, will never out of the flesh), made it their business, to terrifie the World with this truth, that, as Schism, so Sedition and they, are inseparable. And in this, they have been no way hindred, by their Lord and Master John Calvin, whose inconsiderate zeal, in some things, was such, that it was so farr from sparing any, that it would throw its fury at Kings and Queens: Witness his irreverent expression, thrown against Queen Mary, calling of her Proserpine, telling —Proserpinae, quae bodie illic superat omnes Diabolos. Calv. in Amos cap. 7. verss. 13. pag. 282. us, that she outstrips all the Devils in Hell. And in this way of Rhetorick, do other of his dear sons follow him; as, John Knox calls the same Queen wicked Jezabel, and Devil, Knox's Appellation. sol. 44. a. and her Rule the monstriferous Empire of a wicked Woman. And another Brother, viz. Anthony Gilby, calls her a Monster, and one wanting Gilb. Admonition to England & Scotland. fol. 68. a. b. no will to wickedness. And yet this Lady, whom they so much abuse and vilifie, was (as our Authentick Chronicles assure us), a Woman truly pious, merciful, and of most chast and modest behaviour, and every Martin's Chron. p. 422. [Page] way to be prais'd, if you consider not her Errour in Religion. A charracter so glorious, that I fear few of our Disciplinarians dare pretend to. But, their only railing against Princes, doth not shew half their malice; for, they have found out fine wayes, not only to dethrone, but murther their Kings, by their not only approving of such wickedness, but perswading thereto. And this power Calvin acknowledgeth to Institut. lib. 4. cap. 20. Sect. 31. lye in the Parliament, consisting of the Three Estates in each Kingdom, telling them, that they are perfidious, and betrayers of their Trust, if they do not restrain the Enormities of Kings. And with him agrees one of our English Non-conformists, Dudlie Fenner, and allows the King to be taken —Hunc tollant vel Pacificè vel cum Bello.—Fenner. Sacra Theolog. lib. 5. cap; 13. fol. 80. b. away, either by Peace, or Warr. And, what a stiff Enemy he was to our English Church, you may imagine, by the Education of his two Scholars, Tho. Cartwright, and Walter Trevers. And Robert Rollock, one of the Scottish Roll. Com. in Daniel, cap. 5. vers. 18. p. 122. Brethren, confirms this way of King-killing, under the notion of Tyrants. But, How furiously doth John Knox, his Countrey-man, incite Knox to the Communalty. fol. 49. b. 55. b. the people to Rebellion? telling them, that Reformation of Religion belongs as well to the Commonalty, as Kings, and other Magistrates. And, that the common people, may demand of their Kings true Preachers; and, that others [i. e. in his sense, Bishops], may be expell'd: But, if the Rulers will not, then they may provide themselves, which they may defend and maintain against all that shall oppose them. And, that they may with-hold the fruits, and profits, from their false Bishops and Clergy. And he tells them, that their Princes, Rulers, Id. sol. 57. a. and Bishops, are criminal of Idolatry, and Innocent Bloud and Tyranny. And, that no person, whatsoever, is exempted from punishment, Id. Appellation fol. 30. a. if he can be manifestly convicted, to have provoked, or led the people to Idolatry: And, that the punishment of Idolatry, Blasphemy, and such like, doth appertain to the people as well as others. And all these incitements, are, because the Queen was a Roman-Catholick, of which, he tells the Lords; that, if they grant Priviledge, or Liberty, they Id. fol. 31. b. shall assuredly drink the Cup of Gods Vengeance, and shall be reputed before his presence, Companions of Thieves, and maintainers of Murtherers: And, that he might make them more willingly throw off all Obedience, he perswades them; that, It is not Birth, nor Propinquity Id. fol. 77. b. Hist. Reformat. of Scotl. p. 220, 225, 226, 311. of Bloud, that makes a King Lawful; and plainly tells them, that the Rule of a Woman is unlawful. And these brave Doctrines he got printed at Geneva, 1558. July 14. from whence he sends them into Brittain, to move the people into Rebellion. From the same place doth Beza afterwards Epist. 79. write to Knox, then in Scotland, to perswade him to extirpate Episcopacy, though the being of it might cause Peace and Unity. And of this mind, was his Patron, John Calvin, who profest, that he could not Exercise the Office of Testaretur imprimis, se non posse Ministerio suo fungi, nisi unà cum Doctrina Ch [...] ana Presbyterium quo (que) legitimum cum [...] Ecclesiastica reciperetur. Bez. vit. Calv. a Minister, unless the Presbyterian Government was confirmed and setled in Geneva. From this City, did Beza write into England, to perswade them from all Formalities Epist. 12. [Page] and Ceremonies used in our Church: and, from this place sprang all our Troubles about Non-conformity. All this, which hath been said, as the Opinion of private men, was publickly concluded on as Orthodox in Scotland, if you will give credit to one of their chief Patrons, Buchanan, one who hath done an irreparable mischief to Hist. lib. 15. pag. 590. Princes, by his villainous and wretched Book De Jure Regni apud Scotos, a poysonous Well, from whence the Long-Parliament, and our late Common-wealths-men, have drawn most of their Pleas and Arguments. And is no small demonstration of the Authours Impudence, to dedicate it to King James, too good a Master for such a wretched Servant. Nor was these things any way denyed in the same Nation, of late dayes, when 1638. August 27. it was ordered, That the ablest Lysimach. Nican. Epist. Congrat. pag. 18. man, in each Parish, should be provided to dispute of the King's Power in calling Assemblies; and, what they meant by this, is no hard matter to discern, considering, that not only they had, the moneth before, maintained the power of Convocating to lye in themselves; but also, the same year, had actively derided at the King's Authority; and, the next year, bid him Battle. And, how little many of their Presbyters have since mended their manners, may appear by that impudent piece of Non-sense, Malice, and Treason, spoken by one of their Grandees, Mr. Robert Duglas, at our King's Coronation in Scotland, and by him call'd a Sermon; but, how unbefitting that name (as we now take the word to signifie) is appropriated, let any, that dare call himself loyal and rational, be judge. And truly, what itching ears for Innovation, and against Regal Authority, some of the forraign Presbyters have, is something palpable from the Letter of Gisbertus Voetius, wherein, he doth not only commend Prynne's Soveraign Prynn's Speech in the House of Commons, anno 1648. pag, 28. Power of Parliaments; but saith, that it ought to be translated into Latin and French, for the benefit of the Reformed Divines, and Politicians: And Prynne himself tells us, that it is translated into several Languages. And, what Pleas they may suck out of such Books against Monarchy, cannot be ignorant to those who have seen what mischief the counterfeit Name of Junius Brutus, (a fit name for such a murtherous mind), though the true Authour is supposed to be Beza,) and that printed in divers Languages, hath laid open to those who are willing to perpetrate wickedness. And how consentaneous to the Doctrines laid down in these Pamphlets, their actions have been, their often Rebellions in France, but, more especially, in the dayes of Lewis the 13th. will shew us, whom, though he had pardoned several times, yet would they never keep Articles; but upon every advantage, fly to their Arms again; looking upon Regal Authority, only as a Bug-bear to afright Children, hoping in time, by dwindling it to nothing, to raise themselves to Superiority.

And, how many men, by these false Positions, may be drawn to Schism and Rebellion, is manifest from this one Example: In King James his time, one Knight, a young Divine, Preach'd at St. Peters Dr. Heylin's Answer to Burton, c. 6. p. 119. in Oxford, and in his Sermon, maintain'd the Presbyterian Doctrines [Page] above specified; for which, being call'd in question, he laid the fault upon some late Divines in forraign Churches, who had misguided him in that point, especially, on David Paraeus, who had asserted Comment. in Rom. cap. 13. col. 1381, 1382, 1383. these Doctrines; upon which, his Comment on the Romans, was publickly and solemnly burnt at Oxford, [1622. June, 6th.] Cambridge, and St. Paul's-Cross in London. The famous University of Oxford, in a full Convocation, concluding [25. June, 1622.] That such assertions were contrary to Scripture, Councils, Fathers, the Faith and Profession of the Primitive Church, and Monarchy it self, and therefore condemned them as false, wicked, and seditious. And did also affirm, That according —Necnon docet & defendit secundum Canonem Sacrarum Scripturarum, subdilos nullo modo vi & armis Regi vel Principi, suo resistere debere, nec illius arma vel offensiva vel defensiua in causâ Religionis, vel alià in re quacun (que) contra Regem, vel Principem suum capescere licere. Decretum Universit, Oxon. 1622. to the Scriptures, it is not lawful for Subjects, upon any terms, to resist their King or Prince; no, not to take up Arms against him, either for Religion, or any other account whatsoever. And for more sureness, they did also Decree, that every one before he took a Degree, should swear to this. The Opinion delivered in the sentence of these two famous Universities, I shall value more, than of an Assembly or Classis made up of all the Presbyterians in the World. The consideration of these Disciplinarian Maximes, I believe, did make our ingenious Satyrist cry out,

—Our Zeal-drunk-Presbyters cry down

All Law of Kings and God, but what's their own.

Cleaveland, to the Hectors.

If you desire to see any more of their wild and extravagant Principles, you may consult Archbishop Bancroft's Industrious Book, a piece that I am sorry, is so scarse as it is, and that for want of Re-printing; while Giles Calvert's shop dayly labours with the multitude of Fanatick Pamphlets, and such Books, as Smectymnuus, must be printed and printed again; and that, with the addition of a long Preface by a great Time-serving Divine.

CHAP. VII.

The Rebellious Actions of the Presbyterians in Scotland, till the Death of King James.

HOw agreeable the practise of the Brethren have been to these Treasonable Notions afore specified, shall here in brief, be laid down by their tumultuous Carriages in Scotland. Whither these Principles, kindled with a fiery zeal, (enough to eat up whole Kingdoms), were carryed, and the furiousness of them greatly augmented at the [Page] return of John Knox, (that great Incendiary of the Nation, and Kirk Heylin's Hist. Quin (que) Articular. part. 3. cap. 16. pag. 5. of Scotland, as a learned Doctor calls him) from Geneva, [1559.] A man that still had the misfortune to carry Warr and Confusion along with him; as if, like Hippocrates's Twins, he and they were inseparable; witness the Combustions he made at Franckfort, amongst the Troubles of Franckford. Edit. 1642. poor English Protestants, fled thither for Religion, where he was not undeservedly accused of High-Treason against the Emperor, by comparing him, in print, to Nero, and calling of him Enemy to Christ, &c. For Sanderson's Hist. K. James. p. 15. which crimes he was forced to sculk away to Geneva, thence to Deep in France, and after that to Scotland; whence after few weeks stay, he fled back to Geneva; but not setling there, he returns to Deep again: from which place, he wrote divers Letters to the Scots, to stirr them up to Rebellion; and having by that means wrought some confidence among them, returned to Scotland again.

By these Principles distill'd amongst them by this wandering Brother; and the deadly Feuds, of old, betwixt the Nobility, the Nation became miserably distracted. The Kings and Queens thinking it hard measure, to have their undoubted Rule and Soveraignty pluck'd from them, by such inferiour Instruments and Vassals: And, on the other side, the Congregators, [for so they then call'd themselves], back'd on by several Hot-spurs, scorned to yield subjection to any but themselves; so, that the disturbed Kingdom appeared to be governed by two distinct Authorities; like Caesar, and Pompey, one party disdaining an Equal, whilst the other denyed a Supream. The Presbyters so farr extolling their own Priviledges, as Christs Embassadours: that many thought there was no Antichrist, but Kings, and such Civil Authority; which cogitations nurst in them such a small esteem of their Rulers, or Laws, that they did not only think, that to be their right, which was most agreeable to their own humours, but also, that they might gain such things to themselves by the Sword: As if Subjects need any more Priviledge then the course of Law?

At the beginning of the Reformation in Scotland, the Queen-Regent favourably, because contrary to her Religion, allowed them the Bible in their own Language: But they not content with this, use their wonted Master-peice of Reviling; upon which, she was constrained to send for some of their Preachers, to appear before her, who accordingly came; but with such a multitude of favourites and attendants, that through fear of her own Person, she was obliged to order, by Proclamation, all to depart, who came unsent for; a thing alwayes usual in the best of Governments: yet was this so offensive to the Brethren, that they throng in Tumults into her Privy-chamber, and there threaten her with their weapons, (an act quite contrary to the Apostles and Primitive Christians); so that she was constrained to pleasure them.

Afterwards she allows them liberty to use their Prayers and Service 1558. in the Vulgar Tongue, provided, they kept no Publick Assemblies in Edenbourgh, or Leith, for avoiding Tumults. And in their [Page] Petition to her for the obtaining these favours, they acknowledge, that the Redress of all Enormities, both Ecclesiastical and Civil, did orderly belong to her. But, this acknowledging of her Authority, lasted not long: for, when presently afterwards, they demanded more liberty, with a bob at Bishops, and not receiving a Positive Answer according to their Intentions; They publickly protest to stand to their Tenents, and that they will defend all those who shall violate such Acts and Rites which are commanded by their Adversaries, (i. e. the Queens Party). And, that if any Tumult and Uproar shall rise, or abuses be violently reformed, or whatsoever inconvenience shall happen to ensue, that these crimes be not imputed to them, but to those who will not hearken to our Petitions. At these actions, the Queen-Regent was so moved, as to profess, she could not keep promise with them; upon which they reply,—We cannot any longer acknowledge your Authority, and will henceforth renounce all Obedience to you. Thus do they acknowledge and deny Supremacy, as each action will serve for their turn. And to this purpose, King James, (who had most reason to know these people), thus tells us; That John Knox, wrote to the Queen-Regent, Conference at Hampton▪ Court, pag. 82, 83, 84. telling her, that she was the Supream Head of the Church, and therefore charged her to suppress the Popish Bishops. But this lasted no longer, than till they had got their desires, and then they made small account of her Authority, but took all into their own hands; and, how they used that poor Lady, my Mother, (saith King James), is not unknown; and how they dealt with me in my minority, you all know it was not done secretly.

As they told the Queen Regent, that they would renounce all Obedience 1559. to her; so were they as good as their words: For away go they in Tumults, and ruine all before them, pulling down the Monasteries and Cathedral Churches at Perth, St. Andrews, Scone, Sterling, Edenbourgh, and other places; John Knox inciting them to it, by his Sermon Spotswood. pag. 124. upon our Saviours Purging the Temple. And in another of his Sermons preach'd at Craile, he incouraged the people to Wars, telling Id. pag. 123. them, There was no Peace to be hoped for at the Regents hands; because no truth could be given to her, and that there could be no quietness till one of these Parties were Masters; therefore, he wished them to prepare themselves, either to dye like men, or to live victorious. Upon this, the Congregators growing more numerous and strong than the Queen-Regent, she was forced to fly to Dunbar; yet a Treaty was after begun at Preston, where she offer'd them free use of their Religion, but, where her own Court was: but this they would not accept of. And a little after, with the consent of John Willock, and Knox, their two Ministers, they depose her, [who not long after dyed of grief and displeasure, June, 1560.] though a little before, not only by Letters to her self, but also by Proclamation, they declare, that they would never do it: And this way of protesting one way, and working another, (as if their actions looked a squint, like Argile) have our late English Grandeesand Army followed.

[Page] The Presbyters in Scotland, having hitherto gone under the Name of Sanderson's Hist. of Q. Mary of Scotland, pag. 21. Congregators, or those of the Congregation; did now, to comply with England, (hoping from thence to gain some assistance, as Queen Elizabeth, in truth, through a private policy, did not only too much countenance, but help them), change that Title, and brought themselves under the general denomination of Protestants.

A little after this, they plaid their Cards so well, that they obtained the 1560. Mass, and Popes Authority in that Nation in that Nation to be null'd in Parliament; and by the same authority, with the assistance of the Lords of the Articles, they got the Confession of their Faith ratifi'd, which they sent to be confirmed by their King and Queen in France, the which was refused, and the King dyed presently after. Then they send and desire their young Widdow-Queen to return into Scotland, the which she intends; but, before her arrival, it was publickly ordered by them, that all Cloysters and Abby Churches should be pull'd down to the ground, John Knox inciting them to it in a Sermon, by telling them, That the sure way to banish the Rooks, was to pull down their Nests. And, this order was so furiously put in execution, that, under the pretence of demolishing of these, all other Churches suffer'd, either being defaced or quite destroyed; so that of such buildings a pitiful devastation hapned throughout the whole Land, holy Vessels, Timber, Lead, and Bells sold; the very Sepulchres of the dead not spared, the Registers and Libraries burnt, and, in a word, all ruin'd; And all this, so much the worse, because committed under the colour and warrant of Publick Authority.

The Queen being come over, and though being bred a Roman-Catholick, 1561. yet condiscended to alter nothing of the Protestant Religion, as she found it then established, thinking thereby to live peacebly and gain their affections; only she would use her own Service apart, and hear Mass in private; but this, (and, What more favourable then this?) the Preachers in their Sermons did publickly condemn as intolerable and unlawful, and the Earl of Arrane protested against it; and, so uncivil were some, as to break the Wax-tapers intended for her Chappel. Nor was this all, but the Ministers oppose and dispute in Conventicles, the case of Obedience to Soveraigns; the which, Sanderson's. Hist. p. 26. because some disliked it, Knox, and Row, do not only urge it more eagerly, but (forsooth) they would have it resolved by their Fellow-Labourers in the Church of Geneva.

The Reformers being grown to this height, enter into a pretty malepert 1562. Id. pag. 28. Covenant, That whosoever shall molest, trouble, or hurt any of their Members, the fact shall be reputed hainous against the whole Body of them all. By this pretty device, they got to their Party several of the unruly Nobility, who were like to make good use of this Doctrine by way of Protection. And, some years before [1558.] some of the Nobility did bind themselves together, by Oaths and Subscriptions, to assist one another with their lives and substance, for the advancement of their Religion. Thus are they resolved to carry all things with a [Page] high hand, let the Laws of God, or the Land, say what they will to the contrary.

Nay, so pragmatical were they, that the Queen and her Ladies 1563. being drest in too fine Cloaths, as they thought, they never rested till they had presented Articles for Reformation therein; for which Sanderson. p. 31. curiosity, being a little checkt by Earl Murray, Knox in a rage, by writing, forbids him to meddle with the Kirk, or his affairs. But, this is nothing to the Insolency they used to their Soveraign Queen; for, when it was noys'd about, that she intended to marry Henry Lord Darnly, Son to Lenox: Knox rails to the purpose, against this match, affirming, that it would bring Plagues upon the Nation, and the Kirks Curse to boot: for this, the Queen sends for him in private, where, with trickling tears, she tells them. How low her Princely nature had descended, in often Conferences with them, advising them to moderation, and she would consult for their quiet establishment; and truly told him, That the more she restrain'd the punishment of their disorders against her Person and Authority, the more liberty they took to offend. To this, Knox impudently answers, That his patience in suffering abominations, made him not guilty of any fault; and, if his tongue took liberty in Pulpit, she might take it as she pleas'd, since in the Pulpit he had no Superiour but God; and, that his gifts made him equal to any of her Peers: And, as for her weeping, he said, He could better sustain her tears, than the trouble of his Cause, or to betray the Common-wealth. Nor durst the Queen question him for his sawcy replyes, knowing the strength of his Faction; which being uot unhid to Knox, made him more Insolent, as afterwards publickly to affirm; That, For her sins the Land must lament; and, that it was absolute Rebellion 1564. in her not to turn Protestant, and compared her to Simon Magus, thinking it impossible, that her sins could be forgiven her. Nor did others of his Fraternity hold their peace. And having got thus sure footing, nothing would satisfie them, but to have all; for which purpose, at a General Assembly at Edenburgh, they draw up a Petition of several Heads, the first of which was, That the Queen her self, with all her Family, should not only forsake Mass and Popish Idolatry; but, that all, none excepted, should be punished, who transgrest this Article. To this she answered, (being then at St. Johnstons), That, as she freely gave every one Liberty of Conscience; so she hoped, that her Subjects would not press her to do against her Conscience, and, that she did not only think, that there was no impiety in the Mass, but, that her Religion was true, and grounded upon the Word of God. But this gave them no full satisfaction.

Henry Stewart Lord Darnley, being now marryed to the Queen, 1565. [July, 1565.] and proclaimed King, the Knoxian Lords fly to their Arms, and so doth the King also; but, before his march, hears Knox preach at Edenburgh at St. Giles Kirk, where he rail'd against the present Government, reflectively saying, That for the sins of the People, God gives them Boyes [the King was about 21. years old], and Women to rule over them: After which, the King marcheth [Page] against the Lords, who fly into England; yet, through Intercession, all was reconciled.

Not long after this, the Queen was brought to Bed in Edenburgh Castle [betwixt 9. & 10. at night, July 19.] of a Son, which was afterwards 1566. Christned at Sterling, and call'd James, who became at last the happy Uniter of the two Crowns. At the latter end of the same year, John Knox, intending to visit his sons at Cambridge, moved the Assembly to write to the English Bishops, in favour of the Non-conformists, then buzzing in England. The which they do, but in their wonted language, railing against the Surplice, Square-Caps, Tippets, and calling them Badges and Garments of Idolatry, Romish Raggs, vain Trifles; telling them, (as if the serious Bishops need take advice from such Hair-brains), That they may boldly oppose all such Authority, which dare command such things; brave language, and anew way of begging to get curtesies by!

Some few weeks after this, the King was most barbarously murder'd, [9th. February] but, by whom, and how, (because History will 1567. not tell us the truth at large) I think it not convenient to relate by peice-meal. Then was the Queen (whether willing or constrained, is nothing to me), marryed to Bothwell, against whom the Lords raise an Army, and forced him to fly into Denmark, where he was imprisoned: and they also seize on the forsaken Queen, whom they secure in the Island of Lochlevin, where by threats and fear, they forced her to resign (tears trickling down her face abundantly) her Interest in the Crown, to her young Son, few days above a year old, who was Crowned few days after, at Sterling, [July, 29.] And, if you will believe a late Historian, Sanderson's Hist. of King James. p. 52. Knox, and other Ministers were not satisfied with this Resignation of hers, but would have her also deprived of life: nor is this Treasonable cruelty contradictory to his fore-mentioned Principles.

Now could the Knoxians desire nothing more, having their King young in his Cradle, and so, capable of what impression they pleas'd, and their Queen in close Prison, so that they appeared Lords and Masters: Yet she presently escapes out of Prison, gets some Forces, fights Murray the Regent: but being beat, fled into England, where 1568. Queen Elizabeth imprisoned her, till she was, to the astonishment of many, beheaded [1586.] after 18. years close Imprisonment.

The next year the Regent Murray was slain at Lithgow, by one Hamilton. And then Lenox, the Kings Grand-father, obtained that dignity, against whom the Lord Hamilton, in behalf of the Queen, raiseth a Warr, in which Lenox was slain at Sterling. Then was the Earl of Marre chosen, who not long after dyed of a Feavour. After whom the Earl of Morton succeeded as Regent; after which, the Queens 1572. Party, by degrees, lost all Authority. In this year did John Knox dye at Edenburgh, [Novemb. 27.] one that (as I am apt to believe, all things considered), gained more esteem amongst the people by the reverence of his long-beard, reaching down to his middle, than any real wisdom or discretion that could be appropriated to him.

[Page] And now comes Andrew Melvil, burning from Geneva, against 1575. Bishops, denying the lawfulness of their Function, labouring for the absolute Presbyterial Discipline, according to the Geneva mode, which rais'd some Tempests in the Church, insomuch, that some of the Presbytery forbad Mr. Patrick Adamson, (lately by the Regent presented (and by the Chapter chosen) to the See of St. Andrews) to Exercise any part of his Jurisdiction, till he had acknowledged and satisfied them.

After this, Argyle and Athol not affecting the Regent, go to the young 1577. King at Sterling, complaining against Morton, and desiring him to take the Rule upon himself. And so the King doth at 12. years old; and thus the Regency fell.

The young King being brought up in the Reformed way, confirms 1579. the Religion in Parliament; but not their Discipline: he affecting the Episcopal Government, and, ever since he was ten years old, as Conference at Hampton-Court, pag. 20. Edit. 1638. himself confesseth, disliked the Presbyterian way. And truly, Experience gave him good reason for it. But to make all sure, a Negative Oath, by way of a Confession of Faith, wherein all the Romish 1580. Ceremonies and Doctrines were abjured, was drawn up by Mr. John Craig, and this the King himself took; and this he reflected upon in the Conference at Hampton-Court. Pag. 39.

Having thus tyed his Conscience, as they thought, his Body must 1582. be secured too, and so at Ruthen they seize upon him, and that with so much inhumanity and irreverence, that he burst forth into tears, for which he got nothing but this Answer from the Master of Glammis; It is no matter for his tears, better that Barns should weep, then Bearded-men. Upon this, the Earl of Arran going to know the Kings condition, was secured, and his Brother sore wounded: And none being suffered to speak with the King, but whom they pleas'd; he cryed out to some Noble-men, whom the Duke of Lenox had sent to see him; that he was a Captive, and desired his good Subjects to release him. But this his Jaylors forced him presently to recant, by setting forth a Proclamation in his Name, that all things were done according to his own desire. Then is the King carryed to Edenburgh, where the Estates, and Assemblies of Ministers, justifie this bold action, singing in triumph, as they went up the High-street, the 124. Psalm, Now Israel may say, &c. Whilst the King lay under this constraint, from France came two Embassadours, Monsieur la Motte, and Menevel, Spotswood. pag. 324. to get the King releas'd, and a Treaty betwixt the two Crowns. Against these the Ministers declaim in their Sermons most bitterly; but especially, against La Motte, who being Knight of the Order du Sainct Esprit, (an Order constituted at Paris by Henry the third, King of France, and Poland, 1579.) did wear, according to the custom of his Order, the Badge of a White-Cross upon his shoulder. This they call the Badge of Antichrist, and him the Embassadour of a bloudy Murtherer; brave language to those who knew the Authority of such Persons, and whom they represented. These dayly out-cryes, and perceiving [Page] nothing to be done, moved the Embassadours to depart: But, the King being willing to dismiss them with some content, desired the Magistrates of Edenburgh to Feast them before their parting; for he, for his part, was not suffered to do any thing; the which they did the next next Munday. But the Ministry, to shew their rebellious Authority, and Devillish crossness; proclaim a Fast to be kept upon the next Munday, the day appointed for the Embassadours Entertainment; at this Fast, the Ministers thundred out against the Magistrates and other Noble-men, that waited upon the Embassadours by the Kings directions: Nor was this all; but they pursued the Magistrates with the Censures of the Church, and could scarce be stay'd from Excommunicating them, for not observing the Fast they proclaimed.

The King not liking his Restraint, and perceiving how Imperious 1583. his Subjects grew, whilst he was under hatches, consults an Escape, which was performed by the means of Col. Stewart, Captain of the Guard; upon which, those who would not now submit to his Majesty, were proclaimed Traytors, he also declaring, that however his Proclamation came forth, yet it was extorted from him by violence, and therefore of no validity. But, for all this, the Ministers in their Pulpits vindicate the late Imprisoning of the King, for which Andrew Melvil, was charged to enter his person at Blackness; but he, instead of obedience, fled to Barwick: which proceedings against Melvil, caused great grumblings amongst the Brethren, who affirmed, that neither King, nor Council, can censure men for words in Pulpit, but their own Associates, the Presbytery only.

The next year the Earl of Gowry, with whom joyned some of the Ministers, run into open Rebellion; but, the Earl being taken, was beheaded, 1583. and the Ministers fled for it.

The Nation being thus rent into distractions, by a company of babling malepert Boute-feus; the Parliament hoped by giving Caesar his due, and gagging his Enemies mouths, all things would then tend to Peace and Settlement. For which purpose, they confirm his Majesties Authority, over all Persons, and in all Causes. And, that to decline the Kings Judgement, and the Councils, in any thing, should be High-Treason; and, that any thing whatsoever, not approved of by the King, and the Three Estates, should be null. And, that no person whatsoever, should either privately, or publickly, either in Sermon, Declamation, or Discourse, utter any false, untrue, or slanderous speeches, to the reproach, dishonour, hurt, or prejudice of the King, or any of his Parents, or Progenitors, or his Council: nor meddle with the affairs of the King or State.

These good and honests Acts, made the Presbyters Horn-madd, who, 1584. like our bordering Moss-Troopers, are never content, but when doing mischief to others. They protest against these wholsom Statutes, many of them fly away into England, scorning to live in such subjection; and Libels and Pamphlets fly plentifully against the King and Court: [Page] And by Letter, protest those Acts to be against the Word of God, and therefore, if they submit to them, they should then be Traytors to God; reviling Bishops, whom they call Gross Libertines, Belly-gods, and Infamous; and such like charitable stuff as this. This turbulent spirit flowing amongst them, made many of them be imprisoned, and others suspended from their Livings.

But, this lasted not long: for the next year the Scales turned, the banished Lords being come again into Scotland, they joyn Forces, and 1585. march to Sterling, where they seize upon the Kings Person again, whom they constrain, by Proclamation, to pardon them all. Now did the Court put on a new face, the old Officers are turn'd out, and others put in. This imboldens the Ministers, who fled, to return again; but much of their intended malice was stopt by a Parliament, who order, that none shall reproach his Majesties Person, State, or Government. This incensed the Ministry so much, as to stir up one Watson, in his Sermon, to rail to the Kings face of his evil Government, for which he was imprisoned at Blackness. This mans mouth being thus stopt, another of that gang, call'd James Gibson, in his Sermon at Edenburgh, affirmed, the King to be the Persecutour of the Church, and calls him to his face, Jeroboam, pronouncing this Curse against him, That He should dye childless, and be the last of his Race. For this, because before the Council he maintained the same again, he was committed; yet afterwards, [1587.] upon better advice, he acknowledged his fault, and was ordered publickly to do the same in his next Sermon, the which he promised to do, yet did not; whereupon being charged for breaking his promise, he stubbornly answered; That out of infirmity and weakness he had confess'd a fault, but now his Conscience told him, that his words were innocent. The Chancellour perceiving the mans inconstancy, put it to the Assembly, whether Gibson had done well or no; where, though many were ready to vindicate him, yet at last, a majority found him slanderous and offensive; but he not appearing in the afternoon to receive his censute, after much bandying to and fro, he was only suspended during the pleasure of the Assembly, and this lasted but to the next August, when without ever acquainting the King, he was by his Brethren quitted; the which Countenancing of such Seditious Actions, did so incense his Majesty, that Gibson was forced to fly into England, where he was entertained by the hot-brain'd Non-conformists.

The Presbytery to shew themselves more formidable, call a Synod 1586. at St. Andrews, where they accuse the Bishop of the same place, for having had a hand in the late Acts against the unruliness of the Brethren, (as Melvil accused him). The Bishop appeals to the King and three Estates, and denyes their Judicatory, not being call'd by the Kings consent; but for all this, they judge him fit to be Excommunicated, yet none would pronounce the Sentence against him, till at last, many of them being departed, a young fellow, named Andrew Hunter, said, that he was warned by the Spirit, to pronounce the [Page] sentence, and so ascending the chair, read the same out of a Book. This boyling humour of the Ministers, troubled King James not a little: which greatly augmented, when they insolently refused to pray for the Queen his Mother, then near herend, though he had earnestly commanded them. But the greatest of all, was the execution in England, how handsomly I know not, though he greatly endeavoured to stop it.

But the King thinking to put an end to all tumults, thought fit to reconcile 1587. the Nobility, which at last he did, Feasting them all at Haly-rudhouse, thence causing them to walk hand in hand, two and two, to the Market Cross at Edinburg, where they sealed their Concord by drinking one to another. The same peace he thought to have made with the Ministers; but this not fadging, all fell to nothing.

After this, Huntley, Bothwell, Crawford, Montross, and Athol, agitated by the Jesuits, rebell; but upon thier submission were pardoned. 1589. Yet though the King was so easie to shew favour, so was not the Presbytery, who deprive the Bishop of Saint Andrews, of all spiritual function, for marrying the King's Cozen, the Duke of Lenox his Sister, to the Earl of Huntly, though he did it by the King's express Command; yet was the King forced to dissemble his dislike of their insolency, knowing their power and stubborness; and having another thing in hand, viz. his marriage with Ann the King of Denmark's Daughter; whom to to fetch, he presently took ship, and married her in Upslo in Norway; thence, through part of Swedeland and Denmark, he returned with her 1590. into Scotland, where she was crowned, though the accustomary unction was much opposed by the Ministry, calling it a Jewish Rite abolished at Christs coming, and introduced by the Pope.

After this, Bothwell and some others conspire against the King, endeavouring 1591. 1592. to seize upon his person at Haly-rood-house and Faulkland; but without success, and so was glad to fly into England. The Presbyterie taking advantage against the King in these troubles, Petition that the Acts made 1584. to restrain the insolencies of these hot heads, should be abrogated, which the King was constrained (fearing lest they should also rebell against him upon a denyal), in some sort, to consent to. Though the next year he assures them, that he would not suffer the 1593. Priviledges of his Crown to be lessen'd, nor Assemblies to meet without his Order; but this they slightly answer, by telling him, that they will keep to the benefit allowed them the year before: Nor shall they hold their tongue in the Pulpit, upon just and necessary causes. Such small esteem had they for their Soveraign, though they would humble themselves to inferiour people in greater matters. For when they had, with the consent of the Council of Edinburgh, made an Act, that the Munday Market in that City should be alter'd to Tuesday: The Shoomakers whom it most concerned, gathered together before the Ministers doors, threatning to chase them out of Town, if they harp'd upon that string any more; which was the reason of this Saying, there: Rascals and Sowters can obtain from the Ministers, what the King could not in matters more reasonable.

[Page] Bothwell as aforesaid, having fled to England, for Treason, returns again, and being assisted with other Nobles, and by the cunning of the Lady Atholl, seizeth upon the King at Haly-rood-house, where he constrains the King to pardon all, and that several persons of quality, should be turned from the King's service. But the King getting to Sterling, the Estates there decreed Bothwels actions to be Treasonable, and the King not obliged to performance, because forced; whereupon, Bothwell falling to open Rebellion, is pronounced Rebell.

If the King's Authority could do this, the Kirk thought they had as much power to excommunicate the Catholick Lords; which the King (the Lord offering themselves to Tryal) endeavoured to stop, telling them, that they had nothing to do in such affairs; but this denial so troubled and vext the Assembly, that they order all of their fraternity to be in Arms: For this insolency the King checking them, they replyed, That it was the Cause of God, and in the defence thereof, they could not be deficient. Hereupon, the King puts forth a Proclamation, prohibiting all meetings; yet, for all this, they kept on their Course, so that the King was forced to yield. Yet this procured him no peace, [though the birth of Prince Henry rejoyced him.] For Bothwell falls 1594. again into Rebellion, assisted by Argile, Arrol, &c. Nay, the Presbyterie were so active in this Treason, as to carry on his designs; they give him the monies collected for the relief of their then distressed Brethren at Geneva: By this means, having got some forces together, he fights the King's Party, in which, though he was not beaten, yet shifts for himself, dissolving his Souldiers. Yet after this, having joyned himself with some Catholick Lords to surprize the King again; but being discovered, flyes to open Rebellion, and having, with nine hundred men, under the Command of Huntly, beat Argile, who had above 10000. upon Composition, are pardoned, but banished. And Bothwell gets himself to France, thence to Naples, where he dyed miserably poor, about the year, 1624.

The King for peace-sake and good policy, had a mind to pardon and 1596. call home the banished Lords; to which, at last Mr. Robert Bruce the Minister consents, provided, that Huntly should not return; but the King reasoning with him for Huntly too, he imperiously answered, I see Sir, that your resolution is to take Huntly into favour; which if you do, I will oppose; and you shall choose whether you will lose Huntly, or Me; for us both, you cannot keep. This is that Bruce, whose popularity outvyed the King's; who seeing one time, what a multitude conducted him into Edinburgh, said, By my sale, Bruce puts me down in his Attendants. And this is he, who had preached many years without Ordination, nor would he be ordained, which was the occasion of some disputes, 1598.

Yet for all this self-conceited pratler, the Lords return; which mads the Ministry, who meet about it, proclaim a Fast, order inquiry to be made into their Favourites, against whom, they proceed with Censures, and clamour, as if the Kirk had been singing her Requiem. The [Page] King troubled at these turbulent actions under his very nose, by Proclamation dissolves them: Whereupon they Petition him, not to incroach upon the Limits of Christs Kingdom. And these hubbubs were the more heightned by the Sermon of Mr. David Blake, in which he ranted against the King, Queen, and Lords, and call'd Queen Elizabeth an Atheist, and a Woman of no Religion: of which the English Ambassador complain'd, and demanded satisfaction: Upon this, Blake is summon'd before the Council, which so incensed Andrew Melvill, that he labour'd to make it a Publick Cause; and did so much, That they declare, it would be ill to question Ministers; and boldly told King James, (who asked them, if they had seen the Conditions of Huntly's Pardon), That both he, and the rest, should either satisfie the Church in every point, or be pursued with all extremity, so as they should have no reason to complain of the over-sight of Papists; And as for Blake, they gave him a Declinator, affirming, it was the Cause of God, whereunto it concerned them to stand at all hazzard; and this Declinator was sent to all the Presbyteries in the Kingdom, who were desired not only to subscribe it, but to commend the Cause in their private and publick Prayers to God; by which means they fancyed themselves so strong, that they deny the King to have power to judge a man for speaking in Pulpit; and, that the King, in what he had already done, had so wronged Christs Kingdom that the death of many men could not be so grievous to them. And therefore they ordain a Fast for averting the Judgements then threatning the Kirk. This action so vext his Majesty, that he forbad all Convocatings and Meetings; but they little cared for him, or his Orders: for Mr. Walter Balcanquall, did not only forthwith rail against the Court, naming several of the chief Courtiers; but desired all the well-affected to meet in the Little Church to assist the Ministry, who did accordingly, and Petition the King in behalf of the Kirk. But the King asking them, who they were that durst convene against his Proclamation, was worshipfully replyed by the Lord Lindesey, That they durst do no more then so, and, that they would not suffer Religion to be over-thrown. Multitudes unmannerly thronging into the room, the King departed, and they went to the little Church again, where Lindesey told them, No course but one, let us stay together that are here, and promise to take one part, and advertise our friends, and the favourers of Religion to come unto us; for it shall be either theirs, or ours. Upon which, great clamours, shoutings, and lifting up of hands followed, some crying to Arms, others to bring out Haman, [for whilst the Lords were with the King, being sent as above-said, from the Little-Church Mr. Cranstone read to the People that story] others cryed out, The Sword of the Lord and of Gideon: and so great were the Peoples fury rais'd on a sodain, That, if the Provost, by fair words, and others by threats, had not tamed them, they had done some violence. These actions of the Kirkers makes the King leave the Town, & go to Linlithgow, whereupon they resolve for Warr, the Ministers agitating them: Amongst the rest, one John Welsh, in his Sermon, rail'd pitifully against [Page] the King, saying, He was possest with a Devil, and compared him to a Madd-man; and affirmed, That Subjects might lawfully rise, and take the Sword out of his hand. In this fiery zeal, they write a Letter to the Lord Hamilton, desiring him to be their General, telling him in it, That the People, animated by the Word and Motion of Gods Spirit, had gone to Arms. But all came to nothing, Hamilton refusing such rebellious honour carryeth the Letter to the King, who orders the guilty Ministers to be apprehended, who escape by flying into England, and the Magistrates of Edenburgh are pardoned. The overthrow of this one business strengthened the Kings Authority mightily, which was also confirmed by the Assembly at Perth, [now better known by the name of St. John's-Town].

The Ministry being now pretty quiet, Ruthen Earl of Gowry, conspired 1600. to kill the King, but to his own ruin. His Majesty for this Preservation, orders, that Thanks should solemnly be render'd to God; but in this, he found the Presbyters cross-grain'd, denying to do any such thing for such a deliverance, whereupon they were silenced; yet afterwards, shewing their willingness, were restored. In this year was King James his third son [his second, viz. Robert, dying young] Charles born, afterwards King of England.

The next year was kept an Assembly at Burnt-Island, whither 1601. Mr. John Davidson wrote a rayling Letter, checking them for their cowardise, in not opposing the ungodly; telling them, that the King was not sound, and, that Warr was more commendable than a wicked Peace: But the graver sort, rather pittyed and smiled at the mans madd zeal, then troubled themselves to vex at him.

And now, Queen Elizabeth dying, King James the undoubted next 1603. Heir to the English Crown, is at London Proclaimed accordingly, whither he went to receive his Crown; having thus happily united the two Kingdoms. And here I shall leave off from prosecuting the Presbyterian Story in Scotland any further, though I might tell you of their calling (against the Kings consent) an Assembly at Aberdeen, 1605. to rant against Episcopal Government; nor would they dissolve at the Kings command, till they were proclaimed Traytors; and, yet did some of them scorn to acknowledge their Error, and were by some of their Brethren vindicated to King James face in England, the next year: And many more instances of their Waspish humour, in denying the Kings Authority, might be shewn out of their own Historians, who abound in such Spotswood's Hist. pag. 317, 318, 319, 330, 384▪ 327. examples; but, if Symmetry will tell us the stature of the man, by the proportion of his foot; these may serve so much at this time to satisfie, that I fear they will rather nauseate.

And really, those who thought it a hard case, that Mr. Blake should Spotswood. pag. 423, 424. be punished, for affirming in a Sermon, [1596.] That all Kings were the Devils Barns; that the Kings heart was treacherous, and, that the Devil was in the Court, and the guiders of it: That the Queen of England was an Atheist, and a wicked Woman: That the Nobility and [Page]Lords were miscreants, bribers, degenerated, godless, dissemblers, and Enemies to the Church: That the Council were Holliglasses, Cormorants, and men of no Religion. And in his Prayer for Queen Anne, he said, We must pray for her for the fashion, but we have no cause, she will never do us good. Nor did he word it only, but also rais'd Arms both Horse and Foot against the Kings consent. These men, I say, who thought it unjust to have him questioned for such rebellious actions, may also (for ought I know) think it strange, with Buchanan, De. Jure Regni. that our Laws do not provide ample and honourable rewards, for those who can boldly murder their Prince. And, yet must this Buchanan and Motus Britan. verax cushi. P. 23. Knox, be cryed up as valiant, noble, bold and publick-spirited men; and this present world scorned, because we have no such fire-brands. And, whether this title is rashly thrown upon them, let any ingenious man judge; not only by their fore-mentioned tenets and actions against their Kings, but by the answerable nurturing up of their Disciples, who at the University of St. Andrews, instead of Divinity Lectures, Spotswood. P. 447. Sanderson's Hist p. 213. had these Political (or rather a ruine to Policy) Questions used to be discust.

1. Whether the Election or Succession of Kings, were the better Form of Government?

2. How farr the Royal Power extended?

3. Whether Kings might be censured for abusing their Power; and deposed by the Estates of the Kingdom?

And how they stated these Questions, let their deeds be judge, as they are most proper; and then let any man tell me, if men of such turbulent spirits can be good Subjects, and, by consequence, good Christians; for I believe, the World can scarse parallel, in one Kingdom, so many treasonable and impudent actions in so short a time, as less then fifty years: let but our late English madness (of which theirs and our Presbytery were the Original), be at this time excepted. And most of these Actions you will find confirm'd and owned, though in a different style, by the History of The Scots Reformation, wrote by whom, I know not: for a late Reverend Authour denyes it to be Knox's. And it is the custom of men of this perswasion, to Father Spotswood. P. 85. 146, 267. their Brats upon others, witness Wilson's History of King James; a Book not to be believed in all things.

Nor is it all the Nation hath these spots,

Cleaveland. P. 46.

There is a Church as well as Kirk of Scots.

And to vilifie the whole Kingdom, because it hath nurst up some hot-spurs, would be implacable malice, and to bring all the World into Ignomy. If the Proverb assure us, That it is a good Family, which hath neither Whore nor Thief in it; 'twill be a difficult thing to expel Vice from a whole Nation. The Virgin-City Venice, esteem'd [Page] one of the Glories of the World, and whose Government for Exactness yields to none, abounds with more Venerian pleasures than any of her Christian Neighbours. The Spaniards are famous for loyal Subjects; yet a Rebel is no Monster in Castile her self. Scotland hath been the Mother of as famous men as any other Kingdom, if Denmark, Germany, Poland, and the Low-Countries may testifie their valour; whilest France will assure you of their fidelity, whose Kings have altogether trusted their persons to their Guardship. But enough, De Scotorum fortitudine, doctrina, pietate, &c. since David Camerarius hath writ a whole Volume in the Commendation of the Scottish Nation.

CHAP. IX.

The illegal, malepart and impious Plots and Designes of our Schismatical Presbyterians in England, in the Raigns of Queen Elizabeth, King James, and King Charles, till the beginning of the wicked Long-Parliament.

NOr was this hot-braind humour fostered alone in Scotland; but England also tasted the fiery tryal of their madd pranks: Queen Elizabeth no sooner setled in her Throne, but the Zealots deface all Monuments and Pictures in Churches they met withall; nor did the ashes of the dead lie undisturb'd, which caus'd the Queen to set forth a Proclamation against such violations.

But these men, having their malice stopt against Stones and Glasswindores, will vent it against those, who can be sensible of injuries. Goodman, Whittingham, Gilbie, and others, having learn'd their lessons at Geneva, came roring over against our English Church; venting their venom not only by their Preachments and Conventicling, but also in Print. The latter of these, viz. Anthony Gilby, [of whom formerly, born in Lincolnshire, and of Christs Colledge in Cambridge], tearmed our Ceremonies, Liveries of Antichrist, accursed Leaven of the blasphemous Popish Priesthood, cursed patches of Popery and Idolatry.

Nor must the Ceremonies alone suffer, but the Reverend Bishops too, by others of the same gang, as Throgmorton, Penry, Fenner, Udal, Heylin's Exam. Hist. part. 1 pag. 157. and such like Bravado's, calling them Antichristian, Petty-Popes, Bishops of the Devil, cogging and cozening Knaves, dumb Dogs, Enemies of God, &c. And, for our Worship, they affirmed it to be an impious Martin's Chron. p. 526. 593. thing to hold any thing common with Rome, and from this Argument they refused to come to Divine Service. But at last, such was the vigilancy of the Queens Council, that the fautours of these seditious Non-conformists were found out: and Sir Richard Knightly, and [Page] Sir—Wigston, were fined in the Starr-Chamber, for receiving the Fuller. Book. 9. Sect. 7. sect. 17. 20. Printers and Publishers of such Schismatical Books; the celler of one of the Gentlemen bringing forth, like Lucian, some foul mouth'd Pamphlets against the Church, or other. Sanderson's History of K. James. p. 138.

Neither do these men mount their Battery only against the Church, but also throw their wild-fire and indignation against the Queen and their Supream Authority: witness Mr. Edward Deering of Kent's Sermon, Fuller. Lib. 9 Sect. 3. sect. 22. in which (how unworthily, let others judge) he compared her Highness to an untamed Heifer; and Christopher Goodman in a Book, Id. Lib. 9. p. 77. publickly vindicated Wiat's Rebellion, affirming, All who took not his part, were Traytors to God, his People, and their Countrey.

And as some Common-Lawyers, towl'd away by inticing tongues, and Gold of the Non-conformists, wrote against the Authority of Bishops; Martin's Chron p. 783. so some pretending to the Civil and Canon-Law, were obliged to oppose and deny the Queens Supremacy in Causes Ecclesiastical. Nor might these fore-mentioned things seem strange, since they were easily to be vindicated from some of the Geneva Notes upon our Bible, where you may find the Disciplinarians highly to complain against Asa, because he did not kill his Mother, furiously calling of it 2 Chron. 15. 16. lack of zeal and foolish pity: And maliciously to compare our Arch-bishops, Bishops, Doctors, and such like degrees, with the Locusts, though Revel. 9. 3. they carelesly seem to quit themselves in the exit. And, yet these are the very same men who profest to Queen Elizabeth, That their Applications Id. Epist. Dedicat. to Queen Elizab. are such as may most appertain to Gods glory, though how hidebound they were at the same time from Charity, may appear by their then slandering the Reverend and Learned Bishops with the ignominious title of ambitious.

Thus was Authority begun to be blasted by the Puritans; a name now almost an hundred years old, beginning in 1564. as Fuller thinks, Church-Hist. Lib. 9. p. 76. Exam. Hist. p. 149. though Dr. Heylin out of Genebrard, makes it two years younger, though in a Id. Hist. Reform. 172. Chron. p. 1166. later History he seems to moderate its original between both, viz. 1565. And these were so denominated, as the word implyes, and Genebrard, and experience tells us, because they thought themselves so much purer then other Christians, that they would not perform Divine Service with them; utterly rejecting all Forms used in the Primitive Ages, and looking upon all decent Garbes to be unlawful in Church-affairs, if different from the common wear, or rather if not according to the Geneva-cut. The Antiquity of this Name is very ancient, as we may see in the old Hereticks, who presumptuously call'd themselves Caethari, [i. e. Puritans] the same Gab. Praicol. p. 124. 382. with the Novatiani, with whom the Parmenianistae in supposed purity did something agree; and by this Name of Cathari, I find Johnstonus in his large History to signifie our Non-conformists.

The Queen perceiving these men to sleight both her and the Bishops, and to act only by the advice of private persons, as Mr. Tho. Cartwright, [who affirm'd, That we ought rather to conform our selves in Confer. Hamp. Court. p. 27. Orders and Ceremonies to the fashion of the Turks, then to the Papists] [Page] Mr. Travers, &c. who had their inspirations and commands from Geneva; thought fit, for example sake and fear, to let the Law, so much by them violated, take her course; whereby Copping and Thacker were hang'd at Saint Edmondsbury in Suffolk, Barrow and Greenwood were executed Heylins Ex. Hist. pag. 166. at Tyburn, Coppinger dyed in Prison, and Hacket was hang'd by the Cross in Cheapside; the two last were more extravagant then the rest, falling to open blasphemy. Nor did John Penry a Welshman escape: this was the man who made those scurrilous Pamphlets against our Church under the title of Martin Mar Prelate; a man so much guilty of his own villanies, that, with Cain, he feared death from every mans hand, and therefore was forced to sculk and ramble amongst his brethren for protection: so that his Antagonist was not amisse, when he sang of him thus.

Qui tantum constans in knavitate sua est.

Pap of the Hatchet.

He was taken at Stepney, and condemned for felony, and hang'd at Saint Thomas Waterings: Upon whose death, an honest Northern Rimer made these Couplets.

The Welshman is hanged,

Weaver's Fun. Mon. pag. 56.

Who at our Kirke flanged,

And at our state banged,

Alex. Gil in his Logonomia Anglica, doth something vary from this copy, cap. 23. p. 122.

And brened are his buks.

And though he be hanged,

Yet he is not wranged,

The De'ul has him fanged

In his kruked kluks.

Besides these, Udal, Billot, Studley, and Bouler were condemned; yet, through the Queens mercy, were reprieved: and Cartwright, and some others were imprisoned.

These round dealings did a little terrifie the rest of them, and gave a check to the furiousnesse of the wiser sort. But yet having some of the Nobility their Patrons, (whether for Conscience or Policy, let others judge:) as Leicester, Lord North, Burleigh, Shrewsbury, Warwick, Walsingham, Sir Francis Knollys, Mr. Beal, Clerk of the Council, and others, they took heart again, and proceeded in their Consultations and Actions, as formerly: Nor was Arch-bishop Grindal thought to be so vigilant, as his place required: for which, he got the Queens displeasure.

Yet formerly, had they kept meetings of some of their Ministers, to carry on their intended innovations, but privately for fear of discovery. The first known to be kept in England, was at Wandsworth in Surry, 1572. Novemb. 20. Another they had at Cockfield in Suffolk, where threescore of their Ministers met, 1582. May 8. where they consulted concerning our Common-Prayer-book, Canonical Apparel, and other Ceremonies [Page] of the Church, though they had no call, but their own presumption.

And because they resolved to be vigilant, they had another Synod, [passing by one, also the same year at Cambridge,] where was drawn up a form of Discipline, (scorning to submit to Ours, or Anthority) by which they were to be guided; of which, thus a painful and learned Antiquary will inform us: Inventing out of their own corky brains, a Weevers Fun. Mon. pag. 54. new, certain, no-form of Liturgy to themselves, thereby to bring into the Church all disorder and confusion. And in the same Assembly, they made a Collection for their Scottish brethren, who fled into England, for their guilt of high Treason; and what loyalty can be expected from such traiterous Assistants, let moderate men judge: though I am apt to give some credit to one of our old English Versifyers.

Nor Queen in her Kingdom can or ought to sit fast,

Pet. Frarius's orat. in English, fine.

If Knox or Goodman's books blow any true blast.

After this, another Synod was held at Coventry, 1588. June 10. where they imperiously condemned the reading of Homilies, Crosse in Baptism, that Bishops ordination by them and their autherity are all unlawful: and that a Bishop is neither Doctor, Elder, nor Deacon. And besides all this, they decree, that occasions are to be sought to bring the people in liking to their Discipline, and that those of deeper apprehensions shall be drawn to it by all private allurements possibly. And these positions with others, were carried cunningly abroad to be subscribed by all, to make their faction more unanimous.

And many other Meetings and Assemblies they had at London, Oxford, Cambridge, and other places, to carry on their designs: as appears by the confession of Mr. Thomas Stone, and the Collections of the Fuller, book 9. Sect. 7. 39. Right Reverend Bancroft.

And so powerful were they grown amongst some of the Nobility and Gentry, that at the Parliament at Westminster, [1585.] they were so vigilant by their whispering with the Members day and night, that if the Queen had not interposed her authority, they might have given the Bishops a scurvy lift, by the assistance of their Schismatical Brethren, by them voted into the House. To this Parliament, the Non-conformists having framed another Book, by them called, A Book of the Form of Bancrosts dangerous Positions, p. 96. Common Prayers, &c. in which, was contained the substance of their pretended Discipline. To this Representative, I say, in them having great hopes, they presented this book; With this Petition,—May it therefore please your Majesty—that it may be Enacted—that the Book hereunto annexed—Intituled, A Book of the Form of Common-prayers, Administratien of Sacraments—and every thing therein contained, may be from henceforth authorized, put in ure, and practised throughout all your Majesties Dominions. By this, they shewed themselves no enemies to set Forms of Prayer; but only that they, not others, should have the honour of making it: Like the Cardinal, [Page] who confess't that Reformation was necessary, but was vext, that Luther should undertake it. And at the Dissolution of this Parliament, Queen Elizabeth takes special notice of our Innovators, for finding Stow, p. 702, 703. fault with our orderly Church-government; the which humour she not unfitly terms, New fanglednesse.

I might here tell you of many more bold actions in this Queen's time, used by these Renegadoes, as a very serious and learned Gentleman Weaver's Fun. Mon. pag. 54. calleth them: But only one shall instance for an hundred, to shew you how partial they were in all their dealings, as to make the Proverb true, that Kissing goeth by favour; and this shall be of one of their grand Masters, viz. Mr. Snape: and thus it was in brief. Mr. John Nelson Bancroft. p. 82. of Northampton, one of their Elders or Deacons, had his Worship's daughter classically got with child, by his serving-man, [nor durst the Elders maid associate with the same species, that the Mistris doth]; For this, Snape brings the poor man to publick repentance and ignominy amongst his neighbours: nor do I blame him, if he had used the Gentlewoman so too, and impowred to do it; but she, O she! was the Daughter of a rich Brother; and Sectaries were of old, observed to gain most by pleasuring simple women, and colloguing with those who had full coffers. She therefore, good soul! was esteemed to run counter to the Primitive Fall; there the woman, but here the man, or rather poverty, is judged the tempter: But because the Country had both eyes and ears, therefore a marriage was thought most plausible to vindicate the Brethren; the which was accordingly performed by a lame Souldier of Barwick, by the appointment of Snape; by whose order, the same Souldier had married many others at the same place. And it may be, Barebone's Parliament drew their new model of coupling, from this Swashbuckler.

These, and many other innovating and cross grain'd actions, you may find storied down by their almost-own Fuller: for so may I well take the boldnesse to call him, since they could never desire a more complyable Historian: And therefore these may carry the more probability with the Reader, let his education be either sound or rotten.

KING JAMES succeeding upon the death of Queen Elizabeth, the Non-conformists thought to gain ground apace, having to deal with a Prince, as they thought, bred up in their own way, and a stranger not only to England, but, as they hoped, to her government also. 'Tis true, He had been nurst up in the Presbyterian way in Scotland, but their insolencies and incroachments to get all the power into their own hands, (as a stiff Presbyterian, under the fained name of Wilson, Hist. Great. Brit. pag. 7. doth confesse) gave him so much experience, as not only to allow of no alteration, or that very small in the Church of England, but also publickly to testifie his happinesse in ruling over, and amongst people so sweetly united, in such a Church-government: whereas in Scotland, He was a a King without State, without Honour, without Order, where beardlesse Conf. Hampt. Court. pag. 4. boyes would brave him to his face: As himself did word it.

[Page] Yet to satisfie their clamours, He gave them a conference at Hampior-Court; where their Objections seemed so trivial, that Self will and an erronious Conscience was thought to be more predominant then Reason: Upon which, the King put forth a Proclamation for Uniformity; to which, all the Ministers in England, (and they are above nine thousand) submitted, except forty nine; such a noise will a few disturbers cause in any society, when tolerated. Nor need this seem strange to those, who Spotswood. pag. 479. know, that in the first year of Queen Elizabeth, the number of our Clergy-men, who refused the Oath of Supremacy, did not amount to Heylin's Hist. of Reformat. pag. 115. 200. though they had all not only been bred up in the Romish Religion, but also for some few years before, had violently asserted the Pope's authority in England; And we now see those who have been the Chief-tains of the Non-conformists, to turn tail, and acknowledge Episcopal government; the which, I hope, they do more for Conscience then Covetousnesse.

Yet for all this, though King, Law, and all things else, were against the Disciplinarian Interest, they grow resolute, and as one saith, starkmaa, Sanderson's Hist. of K. Ja. pag. 321. and send to their Brethren in Scotland, informing them of all which had hapned, and that they in Scotland, must expect to conform too; and then, God wot, would follow the utter destruction of Sion. Upon which, some of them take an Alarum, and meet at Aberdeen, in spight of the King and his Authority, intending to declare against, and root out all the foot-steps and memory of Episcopacy: for which, some of them afterwards were forced to acknowledge their fault. And Andrew Melvil for writing Libels against our English Church, [he then being at London,] was called before the Council, where, behaving himself insolently, and like a mad man, he was committed to the Tower.

By these actions our Non-conformists easily perceived, that they could gain nothing but their own shame and destruction, whilst they acted only as private men; whereupon they resolve under-hand to blow up the Parliaments against Prerogative; to which purpose by their industry, they never wanted a good party in the House, who carried themselves so resolutely and cunningly, that for the future, Westminster only rung with the clamours of Grievancies, liberty of Subject, and Priviledge of Parliament: A Parliament never sitting, but some Member or other throwing dirt in his Majesties face, and this conscionably done by freedom of speech; never, or very seldom, satisfying the King, in what he conveniently required; for when his pleasure for any reasonable thing, was any time made known to them, then they grumble and reply, that God must be served before man; and then for a moneth or two, nothing is done in the House, but the uttering of long-winded speeches against Arminianism and Popery. And this to as little purpose, as Cardinal Rapacciolus his prayer, that the Devils fins and Conclave Alexand. 7. p. 41. transgressions might be forgiven him, that so he might receive some comfort, and be of good cheer. For any thing or reason, besides bitter Invectives, is as difficult to be found amongst them as Coach horses [Page] at Venice, or a Gondola in Themes, as is obvious to any who have seen the Speeches in the two last Kings raigns. 'Tis true, all were not carryed on with the same Spirit, for the House was still composed of two different tempers. Like Orense, a Town in Gallaecia of Spain, one Lud. Non. Hispan. cap. 53. Mart. Zeillerus. Hispan. pag. 362. side of which in Winter is covered with Snow, and num'd by the fury of frozen blasts, whilest the other side doth not only want these white Robes, but is favoured with a continual warmth, arising from the adjacent medicinal hot Baths: yet the more wicked party, obliged by being so, to be more industrious, will commonly gain advantages, whilst the good People trusting in their honesty, act altogether too supinely.

I shall not now trace the Extravagancies of private men, but shew you some of their hot-headed prancks in Parliament; because they have now made that the Stage on which they intended to act for the future; and in this I shall study brevity, and pass by many notorious insolencies.

In the first Parliament of King James, which was drawn out into several Sessions; one of the Members bid the rest take heed, lest they gave too much to the King, lest they endanger their own throats cutting when they went home; Others bob'd his Majesty in his teeth for rewarding some of his own Countreymen, affirming, that their silver and gold abounded at Edenburgh. And one Piggot, after he had spoken disgracefully Heylin's Ex. Hist. part. 2. pag. 71. of the Scots, added withall, That it would never be well with England, till a Sicilian Vesper was made of the Scotish Nation, as if he had not known what Countrey-man the King was: Words of such high nature, that Queen Elizabeth would have shewn her Prerogative. But having now to deal with a King, whom they thought might have been trampled upon here as well as beyond the Tweed, they left nothing unturn'd whereby they might strengthen their own Faction. And this spirit of Contradiction and Contention ruling amongst them, is pointed at by one of their own Brethren, though clad in more favourable Wilson's Hist. pag. 51, 52. words; these bickerings, and the Members unrestless humour forced the King to dissolve the Parliament, having sat long enough in all Conscience to do any good if they intended any.

Afterwards another Parliament being call'd, and consisting of the same Temperature, was presently dissolved. In the next Parliament, the King desires some Moneys, [having not had any assistance from his People, for several years; so, that he was constrained to lessen his Houshold]. This necessary request the Parliament hears, but never intend to grant: And the better to lay it aside, they first begin with the spacious and specious subject of Complaints, and with a high hand fall upon the Grievances of the Subject, in which having spent some time, they drew up a Remonstrance, though they not only knew, that the things therein contain'd would be highly displeasing to his Majesty, but also, that the King had expresly forbad them to meddle with any such Concerns: And in this Paper, they greatly brag'd what their Priviledges were, and how they were their undoubted Right and Inheritance. [Page] These actions the King, who above all things loved Peace, did a little resent, and gave them a small check in a Letter; upon which, the discontented part of the Members grumble; and, having plotted a thin House, and a late hour, [six a clock at night, in December] not a third part of the number being there, drew up a Protestation in behalf of their Liberty, Priviledges, and Jurisdiction as they pretended, and recorded it in their Journal Book [19. Decemb. 1621.] thereby declaring their supposed valour to Posterity: Nor can we imagine, but that such Presidents as these inflamed our late rebellious Spirits with presumption: The King thus perceiving, that the longer they satt, the prouder they grew, dissolved them by Proclamation; so unwilling were these men to satisfie the King, with any reasonable supply; and this is somewhat hinted at by a Non-conformist himself, by observing out of Sir Robert Cotton's History, that Henry the third, was so pester'd Wilson's Hist. pag. 155. with Parliaments, that he would rather pawn his Crown-Jewels, give over his House, and feed himself with the benevolence of Monks, than be beholden to his People; and this he tells us, was thought to be a Parallel for King James his time. This wise and peaceful King by dear-bought Experience, will farther tell you, in his Excellent Book to [...]. Book 2. p. 33, 34. Prince Henry, how pernicious the Puritans were to good Government, and what small trust is to be had in them.

KING CHARLES succeeded his Father King James, (who dyed at Theobalds, 27. March, 1625.) and was as much (or rather more) tormented, by his Presbyterian Subjects, as his Father: for this Non-conforming humour, once advanced into a Parliament, never left working till they had barbarously brought their King upon the Scaffold, and delivered him over to his Independent Executioners.

These Politick Whirl-winds having begun the Storm, and presumed to bluster against the Father, resolve never to cease the Tempest, till they had blown up the Children and Church-Government, Root and Branch; And to leave off from what they had begun, they thought would bespeak them Cowards. Let the Honour and Title of good Subjects, be attributed to those who want Courage and Conscience to be bold Villains.

In a Parliament in the first year of this Kings Raign, instead of Supplyes desired by the King, for the guarding of the Seas, defending our Coasts, and molesting our Enemies; many of the Members fly very high in opposition, and that with unseemly language, Mr Clement Coke, (son to Sir Edward), affirming, That it is better to dye by a forraign Enemy, then be destroyed at home: and Turner, a Doctor of Physick, seconded him by more then ordinary reflections upon the Kings Government; and, though the King complain'd of them, yet the House rather hug'd then reproved such actions.

In the next Parliament, the King had great hopes, that all things would work for the good of the Nation, and be carryed on without any discontents. But in this he found himself greatly deceived. 'Tis [Page] true, at the beginning they freely Vote the King five Subsidies: whereof 1627/8 he being informed by Secretary Cook, and that the House was so unanimous therein, that they made but one voyce; the King is said, by some, to have wept for joy, hoping now he had a Parliament free from any turbulent humours; but this was but a bitter Pill covered over with Gold. For never was there any man more deceived since the first temptation then He: They no sooner had given this Supply, but frame the Petition of Right, and desire the Kings consent to it, [for know, they never gave the King any thing, but they receive as good from him; a new way of Merchandize], the which, because they had publickly questioned, whether they might trust his Royal word, he solemnly confirms, the Houses thereat testifying their joy with a mighty shout, and other people by ringing of Bels and Bon-fires.

Yet scarce had the King graciously granted this, but they, not yet content, drew up a Remonstrance, ranting against the Innovation and Alteration in Religion, against the Arminians and some of our Bishops, and other things; which was highly disliked by the King, which so much incensed the Commons, that they (over Boots, over Shooes) fell to draw up another against Tonnage and Poundage; but the King not liking them to meddle after this manner, prorogued the Parliament. But being returned again, they fall very heavy upon the Customers, from which severity the King endeavouring to perswade them, work'd such a contrary effect upon them, that in a high passion and distaste they adjourned themselves for some days as if their sitting there would be to no purpose, seeing they could not command the King. His Majesty being informed, that they had adjourned themselves, thought fitting to allow them some more play-dayes, and so Adjourns them to the 2. of March, and then again for 8 dayes longer. But they met the second day, and fell a ranting against the mis-government; whereupon their Speaker Sir John Finch, informed them of the Kings Order to adjourn them till the tenth; at this the House storms, affirming, the Speaker had nothing to do to deliver such messages, and, that Adjournment properly belonged to them; and so they took fire, and fell presently into an hubbub, whether without fighting, I know not, though a Member was Rusworth's Collect and Appendix. afterwards accused for striking. The Speaker, according to his Majesties command, endeavours to leave the House, but is violently held in his Chair by Mr. Denzil Hollis, and Mr. Benjamin Valentine, and after watching his opportunity, having got a little out of his Chair, was by them two thrust back again, and there held, the first of the couple, as an Authour tells us, swearing a deep Oath, that he should sit still as long as they pleas'd: And to make all cock-sure, Sir Miles Hobart, locks the door, and puts the Key in his pocket, (which afterwards was call'd an Imprisonment of the Parliament.) These Figgaries H. L'Strange. pag. 101. continued so long, that the King heard of them, and sends for the Serjeant of the Mace [Grimston], but he was not suffered to go; upon which contempt he sends Maxwell, Usher of the Black-Rod; but they so little regarded such Summons, that they neither admitted him nor [Page] his message; which refusals so much incensed his Majesty, that he sent for the Captain of the Pensioners, and the Guard, resolving rather to force an entrance, than be thus out-braved by his Subjects. But the Members, perceiving what danger their passion had brought upon them, nimbly quitted the House; though before their departure, they had noys'd out a Protestation against Tonnage and Poundage, Arminianism, Popery, and Church-Innovations: And this was done by the Instigation of Sir John Eliot, (a great stickler in such things) who also read it, the Speaker and Clerk denying to do it.

These Actions may well be brought to savour of a Non-conforming Spirit of Contradiction, and as a Glass, more really to observe their humours by. It is not unworth the notice, by what artifices they did really endeavour to make the King odious to his Subjects, of which I shall only hint upon one grand Imposture, fobb'd about by many of these chief Ring-leading Members. And this was, of a Papet by them carefully and plantifully spread abroad, to discover the impertinence of Parliaments, and how by the Subjects Purses to keep the Nation in a good defence against the Kings Enemies. And this was suggested, that the King had not only such a Design a foot, but, that by him, or his means, this Plot first took birth; whereas it was discovered by Sir David Foulis, (one not ignorant of State-affairs, being thereunto L'Strange. pag. 111. several times imploy'd by King James of blessed memory), that this Paper was contrived several years before, viz. about 1613. by Sir Robert Dudley, [then living at Florence, under the title of Duke of Northumberland]. By which means, it seems, some men would not leave any stone unturned, rather than fail of their intended ends. Nor can I quit him from the same ignorance and malice, who long afterwards published it under the name of Strafford's Plot discovered, &c. endeavouring thereby to make him odious to the simple people, as if he had been the Composer of it; and this only, because a Copy of it Heylin's Ex. Hist. part. 2. pag. 94, 95. was found in his Study, an argument by which I might be proved the Compiler of it, and other Memoires of State, if Transcripts could make Syllogisms.

The Actions of this Parliament countenanced many Puritans to shew their teeth: and amongst the rest, one Leighton, a Doctor in Physick, and a hot-headed Scotch-man, put forth a Book, call'd Sions Plea, and dedicated it to this Parliament; wherein he did not only rail against, but endeavoured, as much as in him lay, to stirr up the People to kill all the Bishops; and storm'd highly against the Queen, calling her the Daughter of Heth, a Canaanite, and Idolatress, and with such like language was his Book stuft; for these, and other things he was sentenced in the Starr-chamber to be punish'd, to quit which, he made an escape, but being taken again, felt the smart accordingly. And whether or no, such Incendiaries did not deserve severe punishments, let any moderate man judge. Yet the Long-Parliament afterwards, did so much pitty his case, forsooth, because he seem'd by it to be an asserter of their Cause, that they ordered him for requital 10000 l. and [Page] this a great while before the wars; whence a consequence may be drawn, April 21. 1641. that that Presbyterian body did not only permit, but encourage Villains to scribble both against Church and State; which denotes them the Authors of our following mischiefs, and therefore will be a brand upon those Members to eternity.

After this, the Scots who had a long time been stuffing themselves with discontents, took an occasion to vent it upon the Divine servicebook, 1637. sent to them by the King, in some things differing from our English one, especially in those most agreeable to that Nation, viewed over first by some learned Bishops; but not, as that impudent and maliciously lying wretch, that Protean Gage, would make some believe, a New Survey of the West-Indies, cap. 22. pag. 208. man unworthy the Relation of such a noble Brother as he had. This book no sooner began to be read in Saint Giles Church in Edinburgh, by the Dean of that City, but the people in a fury threw their stools, Bibles, and any thing that came in their way, at the Dean, who was rescued from their hands, by the Provost and Bayliffs, but not from their malice; who all the while, pelted the Church-windows with stones, and so violently assaulted the Bishop going home, that if he had not been rescued, he had probably been murthered: And in the afternoon sell upon the Bishop again.

These tumults with much ado, were a little pacified, but broke out again: For the Council observing multitudes of people from most parts of the kingdom, to haste to Edinburgh, and when there, to keep Conventicles and rant against Bishops, & the book; by Proclamation, command upon pain of Rebellion, all people to depart to their own homes, but those who could shew reason of Lawful businesse; which incensed the Kirk-party so much, that the next day, they pursue the Bishop of Galloway into the Council-house, which they beset, and with threatnings demanded his Person; upon which, the Lord-Treasurer, and the Earl of Wighton, going to pacifie the people, were most barbarously set upon by them, and with that fury that they pulled down the Lord-Treasurer, took away his hat, cloak, and white wand, and so haled him to the Council-house; and this Tumult lasted, till they were pacified by some of the Non-conforming Lords and Gentlemen, who were desired by the assaulted Nobility, to quiet their brethren.

Upon this, the Lords of the Council, by Proclamation forbid any tumults for the time following; and another from the King to the same purpose; and for adjourning the Term to Sterling: but the King's Proclamation was no sooner read at Edenburgh, but the Earl of Hume, Lord Lindsey, and others, caused their Protestation against it to be read, and in despight of the King's Proclamation, gathered four Tables: The first for the Nobility: Second, for the Gentry. Third, for the Burroughs. Fourth, for the Ministers. These four prepared what they thought fit to propound to the General Table, consisting of several Commissioners chosen from the rest. And having thus ordered themselves to make all more strong, they unite themselves by entring into a Covenant, a thing exceeding like the Coward Clinias, in Sir Philip Sydney, [Page] viz. The very Fritter of fraud, and seething pot of iniquity. And yet this Imp, for all its wickedness, raised it self to an high esteem amongst many, as if it had been something related to Tereus in the Poet, as probably it was, which is,Ovid. Metam. lib. 6.

—Ipso sceleris molimine—

Creditur esse pius, laudemque à crimine sumit.

Prais'd for its sin, and, as some think, and trust,

Is in its very wickedness most just.

The chief Promoters of the Covenant, were these three Ministers, Henderson, Dickson, and Cant; who with their Covenant, were learnedly repulst by the Orthodox Divines of Aberdeen.

The King not liking these Combinations, sent the Marquess of Hamilton, as High-Commissioner, to pacifie them; but took no effect, they declaring to renounce their Baptism, rather then Covenant: though, to give them content, the King null'd the Service-book, and gave them an Assembly and Parliament. The Assembly was held at Glascow, Novemb. 21. 1638. In which, the Presbyterie were so far from suffering Bishops to sit, (as if they had not been Clergy-men) that they would have had them to appear before their Kirkships as guilty persons, and so to be proceeded against: But this the Bishops denyed, and put in a large Declinator and Protestation against their proceedings. By these and other cross-grain'd humours of the Presbyterie, the Duke, perceiving the longer they sat, the wider the breaches would grow, dissolved the Assembly; they opposing the King in all things, though he had granted them all convenient requests. To the dissolving of this Assembly, all the Council consented and subscribed, but the Earl of Argtle; who ever after proved an instrument of mischief to both Kingdoms. Against this dissolution, the Covenanters protest and act accordingly, but especially against Bishops, whom they afterwards by their goodly Authority deposed, and alienate their Lands: no great matter, God wot, the Rents of all the Bishops in Scotland, not amounting to seven thousand pounds sterling, per Annum, as a Native informs us. And yet this small Maintenance of the Sanctuary, or a Declarat. of the Church of Scotland, p. 58. pittance amongst so many grave and hospitable Bishops, was a great eye-sore to the Covenanters, though several private Presbyterians might be nominated, whose estate surmount this. And not content with these actions, they began to gird themselves to their Arms. Against whom the King marcheth, and both Armies draw up near Barwick, where a peace was concluded; by which means, Aberdeen escaped a scouring, the Earl of Montross, (then misled) a General of the Covenanters, marching then against it with a Commission to burn it.

This peace lasted not long, the Covenanters not sticking close to the Articles of agreement; and which was more, a great part of the walls of Edinburgh-Castle, falling one night down, and the King ordering the Governour and others, to see it rebuilt; the Covenanters would not [Page] suffer it, by forbidding any materials to be carryed to its reparation. And, which was most of all, they perceiving the King incens'd at their actions; and therefore fearing some checks, address themselves to their old Ally, the King of France, from whom they desired aid and assistance; an action so strange, for subjects to appeal from their own King to Forrainers, and that against their King too, that it will easily silence the old story of the King's German horse. Yet whether their Letter and Messenger was sent, or no, it matters not; that it was drawn up, and subscribed to be sent, is certain, which is as much. By these affronts, the King being sufficiently provoked, raiseth an Army, and marcheth against the Scotch Covenanters, who with a great force had entred England, and that with cheerfulness, having more friends than the King: they having some twenty eight Lords and Earls: Whereas the King had not above twenty: besides, they had the good wishes of the English Prebyterians, who by their Sermons, Discourses, and Pamphlets, had made the King's actions and friends so odious to the people, that many of the Royal Army marched unwillingly against the Scots, wishing them victorious, hoping by that means, to work their malice upon our Bishops, and other persons of quality. And accordingly it fell out, a part of the English being routed, the Scots possess all Northumberland, and the Bishoprick of Durham, with Newcastle. This Prosperity of the Covenanters cheers up our Nonconformists, who in this, joyning themselves with the Scots, presently get the King assaulted for a Parliament, which was granted, and to sit Novemb. 3. at London: and a cessation between the two Armies was made, and orders taken for a further Treaty. In the mean time, the Scots Army miserably tormenting the Northern Counties of Cumberland, Westmorland, Northamberland, and the Bishoprick of Durham, from which they raised a Contribution of 850. li. per diem, for their assistance: a thing by many thought very strange, that an enemies Army should thus, by compact, be maintained by those who wisht them farther off. This Covenanting Army kept correspondency with the Parliament, having a safe convoy granted by the King for their Letters, by which means, many an odd design was, probably, nurst up; the Parliament giving them thanks, and monies to boot, for their good service.

But must the Scotch Covenanters be only guilty in affronting their King? No, that would derogate much from the zeal and forwardness of our English Presbyterians: who had so far countenanced their Caledonian brethren, as to have beseeched them into a native conspiracy, and then beckoned them to a Southern march. And therefore to shew their answerable forwardness, they bestirr'd themselves to the purpose, to get non-conforming Members chosen, which accordingly answered their expectation 1640, in the short Covenant sympathizing Parliament: whose refractory humours occasioned their sudden dissolution. Our English Presbyterians perceiving now, what a great stroak they had in choosing members, thought it fitting to see what mettal their Proselytes were made of: to which purpose, several were instigated to murther that great Prop of Learning, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, then the main eye-sore to our [Page] factious splrits, and to carry on this design more unanimously, a Paper was posted upon the Old Exchange, May 9. exhorting all Prentices to rise and sack his house at Lambeth, the Munday following; supposing they had as much authority to tumultuate against the Reverend Bishops, as the Covenanters had. Of this plot, the Archbishop having intelligence, prepared for his defence, and well was it, that he did so; for accordingly, on the following Munday, in the dead time of the night, above 500. men well armed for the purpose, assaulted his Palace, endeavouring by all the strength and force they had, to break open his Gates, thereby to come to his person; but he had so well provided for his security, that all their attempts only shewed their devilish malice, and murtherous intentions, which was also demonstrated by their railing and cursing tongues. The next day, several of them were apprehended, and imprisoned in the White-Lion prison, who were violently released within three days by some of their wicked complices, by breaking open the prison: so unanimous were some of the Anti-episcopal men to intolerable villainy. Nevertheless one of their Chief-tains was re-taken, and for this rebellious riot was condemned, and, for example-sake, hang'd and quartered; which so terrified the rest of the Non-conforming brethren, that a kind of a peace was outwardly kept for a while. And as no small incendiaries to these intolerable practices, were the wicked Pamphlets spred abroad to delude the vulgar by divers seditious persons; but especially, by Prynn, Burton, Bastwick, and John Lilburn, people of such implacable spirits, that no government could satisfie them. And were so hot-headedly led by their erronious and spightful Principles, that as they took a pride in their own deserved sufferings, so nothing could satisfie them but the Confusion of others. Yet these men afterwards took such opposite interests, that they became utter enemies, endeavouring what in them lay, not only to vilifie, but ruine one another; though Prynn still held up his head above the rest. Thus were these Presbyterians the authors of our after-miseries, that I may well sob with a time serving Poet, Pag. Fisher. Irenodia Gratulat.

Eheu! Turba rapax! primique miserrima belli

Perfida gens Auctrix.—

Alas! the first promoters of our stirs,

Were the perfidious, hot-spurr'd Presbyters.

§

§

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THE HISTORY Of the Wicked PLOTS and CONSPIRACIES OF OUR Pretended Saints. BOOK II.

CHAP. I.

The mischievous and impudent Contrivances and Innovations of the wicked long-Parliament. 1. Their slandering of the Court and Church. 2. Their Affection to the Schismaticall Incendiaries. 3. The Impudence and seditiousnesse of their Lecturers. 4. Their designes to alter the frame of Civil Government. 5. Their Plots to overthrow Episeopacy. 6. Their stirring up the people to Tumults. 7. The small esteem the Commons had of the King, and Nobility; Whereby it appears, that it was not the King, but the Parliament that occasioned, and began the Warres.

HAving now, and that as succinctly as I could, somewhat discovered the peace-consuming zeal of our Presbyterians, I shall come to the subject intended, to wit, our late unhappy Distractions; The seeds of which was not only before sown by the Nonconformists but began a little to take root and sprout forth through the temper of our English Parliament [1628.] and the after actions of the Scottish Covenanters, by whom the King was cajol'd to call a Parliament to fit, November the third 1640. A day ominous to the Clergy by a former president upon that [Page] day the 20. year of King Henry the Eighth, that Parliament beginning which began the ruine of Cardinal Woolsey, the power of the Clergy, and the dissolution of those famous Monuments of Charity, the Abbeys, and such like hospitable buildings.

England hath afforded us many Parliaments, yet but one of them Bakers Chron. pag. 138. F, honoured with the Epithet of Good, and that some hundred years agoe; though since his Majesty hath been pleas'd to memorize one with the character of the healing, and blessed Parliament; as many of our former Representatives have had several names added to them, as the Parliament that wrought wonders, The great Parliament, The marvellous Parliament, Id. p. 158. B. p. 161. E. p. 167. A. p. 177. B. E. Tho. Walsingham Hist. Ang. Anno 1404. The Laymens Parliament, because no Lawyer was to be in it; The unlearned Parliament; either for the unlearnedness of the Members, or for their malice to learned men, Barebones Parliament, The short Parliament, and in the same year [1640.] did our long wicked Parliament commence, and I have heard of a Stow's Chro. pag. 191. col. 1. Mad Parliament.

No sooner did the long Parliament sit, but their proceedings were hurryed on with that fiery zeal, that if distractions had not followed thereupon, it would have been as strange to the discreeter sort, as Margaret Countess of Hollands year-like birth at Lusdunen to our Countrywomen; or the story of the womanly girle, who at six years old was Relat. du voyage. de Mosc. Tart. & de Per. pag. 516, 517. in the letter du sieur de Mandesto. brought to bed of a son in Indostain. For instantly they fell upon grievances, abuses in Religion, violation of laws, liberties, and what not? Concerning which their speeches flew plentifully about, and releas'd the grand Incendiaries Prynne, Burton, Bastwick, and Dr. Leighton, and giving them great rewards. Some of them being triumphantly guarded into London by many thousands of horse and foot, with rose-mary and bays in their hands and hats [Novemb. 28.] which was not only an high affront to the Kings Authority, but a political glass to the Nonconformists, through which they might see the strength and unanimity of their own Faction, who were grown so valiant that a little before this upon the fast day [Novemb. 17.] where Dr. Burgess and Marshall preacht above 7 houres before the Commons, and before the Lords, two Bishops; but, as the second service was reading, a Psalm was struck up by some of the Brethren, which presently disturbd the Divine service, to the amazement of the civill and orthodox Auditors, who could little expect any such thing, without an express order by authority,

But this is no great matter in respect of their after actions, which are so many against the King and Kingdom, and that too before his Majesty's horrid murther, that it is impossible for me in this Compendium to decimate them into a relation, their very printed Acts and Ordinances in that time amounting to above 530. Besides their Declarations, Petitions, Remonstrances, Votes, Proclamations, Messages, Speeches, and such like passages; and all stuft with some worshipful thing or other, by which their pretty actions were confirmed. Yet, as farr as brevity will allow me, I shall endeavour to speak out and as plain as I can: yet must I not accuse all, nor half, it may be, of the members; [Page] many of them, spur'd on by their Loyalty following his Majesty, and sitting in Parliament in the Schools at Oxford: after whose departure, the House at Westminster seemed like Pandora's box, from whence all our future mischiefs and diseases flew over the Nation.

The Parliament, a little after its beginning, having triumph'd over divers persons of quality, whom they knew to be opposers of their intended Presbytery, thought it fitting to seek some absolute way of security to themselves for the future; And to this nothing could be thought more conducible (considering how they had gul'd an odium of Reverend Episcopacy into the simple people) than by the certainty of Parliaments, for which purpose they procured of the King (who dreamt nothing of their after-games and fetches) an Act for Triennial Parliaments: And that their own actions might appear of more grandure by the stability of their own foundation, they also obtain'd from his Majesty (who was never wanting to grant any thing to his Parliaments, pretended to be for the good of his subjects) an Act whereby themselves should not be dissolved, prorogued, or adjourn'd but by their own consent. By which means, they were fancied by many of the Kingdome to be of such high Authority, that neither King, law, or any power else could have any influence over them, let their actions be never so treasonable or wicked: And so might Phaeton suppose, when his Father had given him the command of his refulgent Chariot, though his indiscreet authority brought ruine to himself and destruction to some parts of the world. And well may any one in this, turn their own weapons against themselves, and yet not be deem'd too medling. Such a continuing-Commission is freely given, yet cunningly procured, to the Captain of a ship: But when this Governour falls so farr distracted, as to indeavour nothing more then the ruine of his Vessel; by their own popular consequence, his Commission is void, as being no more able to govern his charge to the best. This instance I quote, more because oft alledged against Regall authority, than for any similitude it carrieth, unlesse upon our perpetual Parliamentary account. And therefore the reviving of this long-Parliament by a modern Writer seems to be to as small purpose, as Don Quixot's martial endeavours to retrive the I know not what Knight-errantry, by his paper helmet, his wind-mill, and claret-butts encounters; or Hortensius the self-conceited School-master in du Parques Franchion, to obtain the Crown and Kingdome of Poland.

The King having as he thought pacifyed his Subjects in England, having granted them what they desired; thought it likewise expedient to settle all things in Scotland in a peaceable temper, for which purpose he August. 1641. put himself to the trouble of a journy thither; yet not without some notable observators; No sooner he being departed, but our Parliament ordering some members to go also into Scotland in notion of a Committee, to inform them of all passages in Scotland.

Yet when the King went into Scotland the Parliament adjourn'd, though appointed a Committee of the Commons consisting of 50; of [Page] and over which Mr. Pym was the chief Lord and Maister of mis-rule; and him I find nominated at the very beginning of this Parliament with the Emphasis of the great parliament man.

And the truth of it is, that he was so farre the dominus fac totum in Diurn. Occur. pag. 7. this juncto that his words were laws, all things being acted according to his desire: Here many things of Church matters were by these Gentlemen purely innovated, and then prosecuted with such violence that the Episcopal clergy durst not gainsay him, as Dr. Fuller, Mr. Hutton, Mr. Fletcher and others of St. Giles Cripplegate, Mr. Booth the Minister of St. Botolphs Aldersgate, Dr. Heywood of St. Giles, the Ministers of St. George Southwark, of Margarets new Fish-street, &c. could very well testifie by experience. Although the house of Lords would not consent in these things to join with the Commons, yet did they so farre supinely wink at the others actions; that their Authority was now so much intrench'd upon, by the Commons, that their priviledges slipt from them unperceived: though without all question the presbyterian party both understood and smiled at such proceedings. About this time there was a great deal of noise and clamour about a Letter forsooth against Mr. Pym, with I know not what plaister in it, and written, God 25 October 1641. wot when, and delivered by no body knows whom, but a Gentleman forsooth in a gray-coat on horseback; and great searching and inquiring for this man in the moon was made, but all to as little purpose as the Northwest passage or the philosophers stone: And many times hath it been printed and spread abroad, to let the good people see the wickedness forsooth of Malignants, and with such chaffe as this, have many of our old fools been taken. Yet when that impudent Libel, stuft with as much malice as either this letter or hell could afford, was vented against that great prop of learning the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, Laud, no notice was in the least wise taken of it, nor did he himself any thing regard it, though it thus threatned his destruction.

Laud, look to thy self, be assured thy life is sought, as thou art the fountain of wickedness; Repent of thy monstrous sins before thou be taken Rushworth's History, Collect. pag. 672. out of the World, &c. And assure thy self, neither God nor the world can endure such a vile Councellor, or Whisperer, to live.

Than this, what more implacable, destructive, and abominable? considering Prynn's breviate of his life. pag. 15. his nearness to the Kings person, his trust, and beneficial endeavours for the publick good. Yet, had he been better, or, if I may say here, the best, and the designes against him more devilish; yet would our Non-conformists have hug'd and blest themselves at this opposition, had it been (as after malicious experience proved) to his ruine: and all this because he was an absolute opposer of the Presbyterian innovations, who though but of a very little body, yet had a soul more large and vast for the good of Church and Literature, then a whole Parliament of Disciplinarians.

But let us now think of his Majesties return from Scotland, in whose absence some of the Parliament had rais'd large reports of strange and terrible plots and designs against John an Oaks, and John a Stiles, by [Page] which means many people were endeavour'd to be whisper'd into dissatisfaction of the King; and such a jealousie was grown by the noise of this Chimaera, that many did, according as they were bid, think that things were not then well carryed: and this was cunningly aimed at the King and his Favourites, by those who had their Coy-ducks in such obedience, that their Commands was not unlike that of Madam Fame to Aeolus, in our ingenious Chaucer. House of Fame. lib. 3 fol. 320. b.

Bring eke his other claviown

That hight Sclaunder in every Towne,

With which he wont is to diffame

Them.

Hem that me lyst and do * hem shame.

But these Alarums served the Parliaments turn, being a Cloak under which they might deceive the People in their pretences for raising a Guard; the which they did, and it may be to defend them from a Pedicularie disease, of which possibly they saw some symptoms then in the House. Of these Romantick Jealousies, Frights, Alarums and 2. Decemb. 1641. unheard of Plots and Designs, his Majesty tells the Parliament, and of the evil consequences of such slanders, in his first Speech to them after his return from Scotland. And in his next, earnestly desires them to 14. Decemb. prosecute the Irish affairs; and perceiving them considering about pressing of Souldiers, with a check at his Prerogative, He desires that the bounds of his ancient and undoubted Authority, might not then fall into debate; however, that it may pass with a Salvo jure, he is willing, rather then such disputes should take up time in such an hour of extreamity; for whilest the Grass groweth, the Horse may sterve. Upon this they clamour against his Majesties dealings, professing the Priviledges of Parliament were broken, by these his Exceptions; for which they demand satisfaction, and earnestly desire his Majesty, not only to declare the names of, but also to deliver up to punishment, those persons, who had given such counsel. Nor was this mode of dealing one of their least Plots, upon all occasions desiring the King to betray his faithful Counsellors; by that means, not only to leave him naked, but to the discretion of the Houses.

But these things carryed no great shew of unhandsomness, (though like the Apples of Sodem, beautiful without, yet stuft with filthiness), in respect of their after Thunder-claps, which, like Brutus, shew'd their malice in their fronts. For the next day after their Petition, 15. Decemb. 1641. they welcome him home with a Remonstrance, (as they call it), in which maliciously they endeavour to rip up all the faults (and none is good but God) of his Majesties Raign, and that, in as civil a way as their zeal could allow them, as you may see in the Paper it self: for in it (through his actions) they tax him with Cruelty, Injustice, Oppression, Violence, and what not? They out-braid him for putting forth untrue, scandalous, false, and impudent Declarations; in it they highly commend the Schismatical Non-conformists, blaming the King for [Page] punishing them; Nor is this all, but the Scotch Invasion of England too is extoll'd and defended, and the King scandalized, as if he endeavoured to root out the true Religion, and bring in Popery; nor are they silent against the Bishops and their Orthodox Divines, (by which it is plain, the Presbyterian ruled the Parliament); nor must the Innocent Ceremonies, and, forsooth, Superstition escape a scouring; And yet, in this very same Hoch ende mogende-Paper, they confess they must acknowledge that his Majesty hath passed more good Bills to the advantage of the Subjects, then have been in many ages. Yet for all these good Ex. Coll. p. 529. turns done them by the King, do they Print (though the King earnestly desired the contrary) and sedulously; spread abroad this Remonstrance, thereby to make him odious, and themselves as Patrons to the people: a fair requital for such large benefits; and sufficiently to shew their ingratitude, (and, What more wicked then that, amongst our vertuous Ancestours?) The Heathen Heraclians were more noble to Justin. lib. 16. Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 8. cap. 16. A. Gel. l. 5. c. 15. their Athenian Enemies; and the savage Lions, for their thankfulness to Mentor, Helpius, and Androdus, will be a reproach, upon record, to these Puritanical Members: And Alexander was more ingenuous to his Horse, than these to their King.

Yet never was there any who desired Peace and the Subjects good more than He, for the obtaining of which, he consented to them in such things, that he parted with many Jewels from his Crown [as Queen Elizabeth used to call such Priviledges] granting them Triennial Parliaments, abolishing the Star-Chamber, High-Commission-Court, Writs for Ship-Money, Bishops-Votes in Parliament, Temporal power of the Clergy, slip'd away Tunnage & Poundage, and gave the Parliament leave to sit as long as they pleas'd; and, that they might see, he privately acted nothing against them, he admitted into his Privy-Council, several Lords, which were great Favourites and Correspondents with the Parliamentary Party; and in many other things, besides these, hath this King valed Observar. on Hist. K. Ch. pag. 29, 30, 31. his Crown, as a Learned Doctor phraseth it. Yet could not all this please some men, being like the Sea, insatiable. Though a moderate Member of the Parliament asked what they could desire more of the King, seeing he had granted them so much, he was answered by Mr. Hambden, (as a Sanderson's Hist. K. Ch. p. 505. late Historian tells us), To part with his Power, and trust it to us.

And, that some of them had higher thoughts, than the Loyalty of a Subject, or the trust of Parliament, could dispense withal, I could easily be perswaded to; and those especially, who by their former actions in Parliaments, had drawn some displeasure upon themselves; and knew well enough, that the more Prerogative and Power the King lost, the more they gain'd, which at last would more then preserve them. But this Faction (as the King tells us) was only of a few Ex. Coll. p. 517. ambitious, discontented, and seditious persons, who, under strange pretences, had entered into a Combination to alter the Government both of Church and State. And so that this might be done, they did not care after what manner, nor who perisht, so their own heads were but held up; that, me-thinks, I hear them threat and encourage like Tasso's Tyrant Aladin.Gierusalem liberuta. Cant. 2.

[Page]

Purche'l Reo non si salvi il guisto pera,

El'innocente.—

Sù sù, fideli mei, sù via prendete

Le flamme, e'l ferro; ardete, & uccidete.

—So I

Obtain my wish, let just with wicked dye.

Come, come, rouse up, my faithful friends, and shew

How bravely you can burn and murther too.

And what courses they steered to arrive at their hoped for Authority, may in part be seen in these following Observations.

One of their first steps was to make the Court and Church odious I. amongst the Vulgar, under the Title of Popish and Arminians; a wickedness quite contrary to the Laws of our Land, which make special provision 3 Edw. 1. 33. 2 Rich. 2. c. 33. 12 Rich. 2. c. a 1. against the publishers of such rumours, whereby discord, or occasion of discord or slander, may arise between the King and his People, or the Nobility or Bishops; yet neither Law nor Gospel can have any any sway with these men, who had used this knack of reviling in several former Parliaments, and may be seen in the multitude of their long-winded Speeches, and printed too forsooth, the better to spread the Infection about the Nation; yet you may take all the Reason amongst them, and never grow madd with too much Learning; though the multitude of words are enough to choak the largest Leviathan: nor could much be expected, many of the Members being so ignorant, that I dare boldly say, that they did not know what the five Controverted Points signified, and I believe would have taken, and voted too Jacob van Harmine, and the Remonstrants for Calvinists, though have damn'd Arminius for a wicked Heathen. Thus the Priests in Spain told the people, (to make them hate the Reformed Religion) that Protestants were not like other men, had heads like Dogs and such like Beasts.

They also restored into favour all those who had opposed the Peace II. of the Nation, as Prynne, Burton, Bastwick, Leighton, Lilburn, and such like, who were stiff men to raise their Interests as farr as Pen, Ink, or Brawling could do; and, that their Interest might be the more strengthened in the Countrey, they put into Offices and Imployments of trust, all those whom they either found, or were by them made discontented against the Court and Religion; by which trick, they twisted their Obligations so close together, that they made good use of this afterwards.

And to make their Cause more favourable to the People, and to III. blast the Reputation of their Enemies, they promoted abundance of bawling Lecturers, most of them of no great Learning or Conscience, but as furious as Orlando, and with throats, O heavenly wide! who could scold excellently against Bishops and Government, and vomit out a Lesson with as much ease, as a Matron of Billingsgate, both being [Page] compos'd of the same materials, and to the same purpose, viz. strife, and for their dexterity and quickness they out-did a Mountebank; being alwayes as ready for the Pulpit, as a Knight-Errant for combate, never out of his way, let the Text be what it will; like the Sompners Fryer in Chaucer, (but nothing related to the honest Parson in the same Poet) that it is beyond admiration, how they can conjure such an Olla Podrida of Sermon-Notes from such good Texts, and that of so little coherence, that their extraction seems as miraculous, as the generation of the Cadmian armed Souldiers from Serpents teeth.

To raise up Rebellion and Sedition, there cannot be a better Trumpet in the World, then the mouths of such Hirelings, as hath been proved by long experience. Wat Tyler, and Jack Straw's Rebellion could not want incouraging Sermons, as long as John Ball lasted, who Stow's Chron. pag. 293. cheer'd up that Levelling Army at Black-heath, with a long Preachment, beginning with this Proverb;

When Adam dolve, and Eve span,

Who was then a Gentleman?

And 'tis observed by Mr. Howell, that the Preaching Fryers and Hist. Lewis. 13. pag. 128. Monks, were the chief Incendiaries of the Catalonians to their late Revolt. And we have it from Authentcik Authority, how that Hernando Prud. de Sandoval. Hist. del Emp. Carlos V. lib. 5. Sect. 20. de Avalos, and Juan de Padilla, in the Spanish Civil Wars against the Emperour Charles V. in the first place imploy'd some Fryers to rail against the Government in their Pulpit, and so to incite the people to Warr, which, according to expectation, took fire in Toledo; these Id. Sect. 4. men being the first thunderers of Seditions into the Castillians: and to Lib. 8. Sect. 20. this purpose, the famous Spanish Historian Prudencio de Sandoval, tells us a memorable passage of the Conde de Salvatierra, who sent a Priest to Vittoria, the Metropolis of Alava, [a little Province in old Castile], only as it were to have some discourse with the Junta; but upon suspition was presently put in Prison by Diego Martinez, and search'd, where they found Letters to the Fryers and some other people, desiring them to perswade the people to Rebellion. The Scotch Stories are plentiful of Pulpit-Treasons; nor must our English Tub-thumpers be exempted, a sort of people more antick in their Devotions than Don Buscos Fencing-Master, and can so wrincle their faces with a religious (as they think it) wry-Look, that you may read there, all the Persian or Arabick Alphabet, and have a more lively view of the Aegyptian Hieroglyphicks, then either Kircherus or Pierius will afford you. Yet, for all this outward zeal, experience hath told us, that the chief of them, were but Time-serving Pratlers, acting more for their own Interest than the Publick good; and, according to the prosperity of their favourites, so was their passion transported, and apt to be cooled again from the least dissatisfaction of a Grandee: that I look upon many of them, to be not only as simple; but as inconsistent as that Biscayner Priest, Prud. de Sandoval. lib. 6. sect. 10. in Charles the V. time; who, when the Commonalty rebell'd against [Page] the Emperour, took so much their part, that he used to pray publickly for it, and Juan de Padilla, and his Wife Maria Pacheco [the chief promoters of that warre] by the name of King and Queen, affirming all other Kings to be but Tyrants: yet this zeal kept not long heat, for afterwards Padilla and his Soldiers marching by where the Priest lived, and some of them being quartered in his house, drank him up a little barrel of wine, took away a wench which he kept, and did other soldier-like extravagancies, which turn'd his stomach so much against them and their cause, that the next Sunday, he thus bespake his Parishioners. You know my brethren, how that Juan de Padilla marching by this place, his soldiers left me not one Hen, they eat up my Bacon, and dranke me up a whole barrel of Wine, and have taken away my Catharine with them; Therefore for the future, I charge you not to pray Catclina in Spanish. to God for him, but for King Charles, and his Queen Juana, which are our true Kings.

As for the Antiquity of Lecturers, if looked into, it will be found to be but upstart, to witt, in the latter end of Queen. Elizabeths time, and this fashion too stoln from Geneva, and here introduced by those who had no Authority, unless you allow Trevers and his companions to have the sway of the English Church. And what law they have for their vindicarion I know not, unlesse they plead an Order of the Commons, 22 Feb. 1640. whereby any Minister was permitted to use weekly Lectures in his own Church; But whether any such Authority was intrusted with the Commons, or, if it were, whether this permitted them to thump in other peoples Pulpits, lyeth out of my study; though a novice in Law is able to satisfie any man in this: Yet were many of these Lecturers, Ex Coll. p. 526, 527. though never in orders recommended, cherish'd, and held up in their bold and seditious railing against the Church, Book of common Prayer, and the King and his Government, and licence publickly given to their Pamphlets; whereby many of the people were drawn to take part against their King; For they having the sway or'e the Conscience which is the rudder that steers the astions, words, and thoughts of the rational Creature, they transport and snatch it away whither they will; making the beast with many heads, conceive according to the colour of those rods they use to cast before them, as Mr. Howell very ingeniously Hist. Lewis 13. pag. 128. saith. And for this cause it is, that the state of Venice, have a special care of the Pulpit and Press, that the Priests dare not temper in their Sermons with the designs and transactions of State, which the same Survay of Venice pag. 7. Gentleman alloweth to be one reason why that Republick hath lasted so long in such a flourishing condition: and to the benefit of this, the wise and peaceful King James did agree in the Hampton Court Conference: yet for all this so resolved were the Commons to carry on their pag. 58. designs, that in 1641. they by a strong hand put several Lecturers into other mens pulpits, and put the true Ministers of those Churches into aboundance of trouble, because they did not at first consent to such innovations and intruders, as many parishes in London are able to testifie; and into what good humours that great City was preach'd, [Page] by these thunderers, experience hath sadly told us. Nor in plain English, is there any such need of these Lecturers, as is pretended to by our Non-conformists; for, consider our Sunday-sermons with those upon our Festivals, with the appointed and accidental Fasts, and Thanks-giving ones, and I am confident, there will be as many in a year as are either well made use of, or well preached.

Another mode they had, to drive on their designes of altering the government of England confirm'd by so many wholsome Laws, was to get the Lords and Commons jumbled together into one house; for which purpose they put several agitators to draw up a Petition against Ex Coll. p. 547. 548. a malignant faction, and that the Peers who were agreeable to them would remove, and sit, and vote with the Commons, professing unless some speedy remedy were taken for their satisfaction, they would lay hold on the next remedy that was at hand, and not to leave any means for their relief; and that those who agreed not to them, might be publickly declared and removed. And this worshipful petition was accordingly framed, and by the Commons presented to the Lords. This extravagant paper, was presented with the like words of a Commoner the same day, that those Lords who would concurr with the Commons about the Militia would make themselves known, that the dissenting Peers might be made known to the Commons; These threats I say, as a Royall pen informes us, did so astonish many of the Lords, that so many of them with indignation departed that the vote against the Kings Militia passed, though it had severall times been denied before. And by such like unhandsome jugling tricks as this, were the rest of their designs promoted. And that they really had an intent to have but one House, by making the Lords sit with them, a Dr. well-skilld in these times, assures Observat. on the Hist. K. Ch. p. 61. us out of Sr. Edward Deering's Speeches; and besides this, that the King himself should be but as one of the Lords, and then their work was done.

Besides these, the Presbyrerian faction had other waies to make themselves Lords and Maisters; especially one, without which the rest though obtain'd would not relish well with them. And this it was, they having oft heard from King James, and he learnt it by good experience, No Bishop, no King, cast about how to ruine the first, and then the latter they thought (as it fell out accordingly afterwards) would fall to their obedience with the more ease.

To bring this great thing about, all their art was imployed. But the chief of all, was their old true friend and souldier Calumny; by this to make the orthodox episcopal party odious to the people, a way which Contzenus the Jesuite looks upon as so excellent, that it is very fitting it should be endeavour'd. And in this trade of vilifying, our Nonconformists Polit. lib. 2. cap. 18. Sect. 8. were so expert and sedulous, that in a short while they had innumerable lying pamphlets and reports spread about the Nation, that in the first year or two of this Long Parliament, the hearers and believers, with the relatours of these slaunders, were so many, and all performed with that care and celerity, that Dame Report in England outvapour'd Queen Fame in Chaucer, who

[Page]

Had also fele up standing eares

And tonges, as on beest ben heares,

House of Fame Fol. B. 319.

And on her fete woxen sawe I

Partriche wynges redily.

Yet are these fictions against our reverend Church-government quite contrary to the sound and true Law of our land, which will thus tell us. 8 Eliz. cap. 1. For as much as divers questions by overmuch boldnesse of speech and talk amongst many of the common sort of people, being unlearned, have lately grown upon the making and consecrating of Archbishops and Bishops within this Realm, whether the same were and be orderly done according to the Law or not, which is much tending to the slaunder of all the state of the Clergy, being one of the greatest states of this Realm, &c. Yet let the Laws say what they will, these men will oppose, and that in Ritaing waies, rather then not get their end, above 2000. of this faction October 22. 1640. making a tumult in London, crying out, they would have no Bishop nor no high Commission, a bad omen to the peace of the Kingdom, but a great incouragement to the Long Parliament, who first sat within a fortnight after this hurry: And had presently a sympathizing Petition brought them by Alderman Pennington, loaden with the scrawling December 11. 1640. hands of 15000 Londoners, and this forsooth against Archbishops, Bishops, and our Church-ceremonies, though I believe, if none had been subscribers but those who understood what they set their hands to, that neither the Alderman, nor 15000 of the rest, had listed their faith and themselves in that paper, which the Lord Digby call'd very well contemptible, irrational, and presumptious. Yet did the Presbyterian faction in Parliament joy themselves thus to have brought that great City to the subjection and reverence of their new found Disciplinarian slavery; and perceiving themselves thus back'd by such riches and so many men, went boldly on to pull down our Reverend Church, and set up their golden calves in its stead. And all this pains, hurly-burly, Sueton. in Cal. cap. 46. alarums, and warre, must only be, like Caligula's Army, to fight for empty cochle-shels, in respect of the truth, glory, and sincerity, swaying in the English Church.

The first imployment of note against the Church, that the Commons put themselves upon, was against the Convocation, contemporary with the short Parliament, which they condemned as seditious, dangerous against King, Law, & Subject, though the King acknowledged no such thing, and December. 16, 1640. one of their main reasons against this Convocation, was because the clergy therein assembled] perceiving how the Scots did covenant and swear against our Church-government, and that our English Non-conformists were grown strong, and not only corresponded with the Scots, but tended the same way, which would ruine our Church at last, as experience proved] did frame an Oath for the maintaining of our Church-Government, against all Popery, and its Superstition. [Page] And this was called the Oath, &c. though the words following this &c. to wit, as it stands now established, makes not the Oath so contemptible, as our Presbytery clamoured. Against this Oath the Cornmons ranted, affirming the Clergy, though assembled by the King's command, had no power to make an Oath: the which whether they had or no, I shall not now dispute. Only I shall have leave to think, that every one thinks the best of themselves: And so, I suppose, did the Commons, when they framed the Protestation, and ordered all in their own May 3. & 4. 1641. House, to take it; and did also recommend it to be taken all England over, though the King did never consent to it, nor as then had the Lords; and whether the Commons by themselves, have power to impose an Oath, I shall not determine, though report speaks the Negative. And as for the Protestation it self, 'tis composed of such uncertain jugling materials, (considering the Presbyterian Notion which imposed it) that a true understanding Conscience would never embrace it; for these following rational Doubts, waving the dispute of the Imposers authority.

I promise, vow, and protest to maintain—with my life—the true, reformed, Protestant Religion, expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England, against all Popery, and Popish Innovations within this Realm.

Dub. 1. What the Presbyterian Imposers and Framers here mean, by the Doctrine of the Church of England? If the Thirty nine Articles, why do they not subscribe them? if any thing else, why do they not mention it, that men might know what they swear?

Dub. 2. What they mean by Popery? If their Articles; in what sense they meant the Points held against the Calvinists, by some learned men of our Church and Holland.

Dub. 3. What they meant by Popish Innovations within this Realm? for their Writings affirm our Church-government by Bishops, and Innocent Ceremonies, to be so: The which if they meant, then none but Schismaticks would take it; if otherwise, why did they not explain themselves, that people might not swear ignorantly.—As also the power and priviledges of Parliament, The lawful Rights and Liberty of Subject,—and shall never relinquish this Promise, Vow, and Protestation.

Dub. 4. What are the power, priviledges of Parliament, and Rights and Liberty of Subject? As for the Parliamentary priviledges, they themselves never yet undertook to declare what they are: And for men to swear to defend they know not what, is not unlike that Messenger, who swore to observe his Masters Instructions in his sealed Commission, which when he had opened, he found no command but to hang himself.

Dub. 5. Whether it is lawful to swear never to relinquish this Protestation, though the King and State should afterwards have some reasons to revoke, or alter all, or any clause, in the said Protestation? as none can question their Authority in such things.

[Page] And then eight dayes after, was a piece of paper, as if dropping May 12. from its Posteriors, joyned to the rump of this Protestation; wherein was declared, that nothing in this Oath was to be extended to the maintaining of any form of worship, discipline or government, nor of any rites or ceremonies of the said Church of England. By which, the Hauntghost of Presbyterie, is easily perceived to be there domineering; and 'tis the humour of these men, to love that in themselves, what they hated in others:Decemb. 30. 1641. Witness their accusing the Bishops of Treason,Decemb. 27. for putting in their protestation against the others proceedings, seeing they were kept out by violence and tumults: And yet when it was, after, the Commons case, the Army expelling them, they also put in their Protestation Decemb. 6. 1648. to the same purpose: Thus are men oft paid in their own coin.

But to return to the Convocation, which, I suppose, had as much lawful Power, as a Presbyterian Assembly; and, I am confident, have used it with more discretion. In what little esteem, the Kirkers of Scotland had the civil Authority, their own Histories will tell you: and in the Scotch troubles, [before our late Wars], it appears by their own True Representation, &c. pag. 10. 13, 14. Commissioners, as if it were the Kirk's right, to determine all Ecclesiastical affairs by their Assemblies. And it is the opinion of our English Non-conformists, declared in their Book of Discipline, [in Queen Elizabeth's Bancroft's dangerous Positions, p. 111. dayes,] That their Presbyterian Synods are to handle and decide, both Doctrine, Discipline, and Ceremonies of the Church: and accordingly were all their actions steered.

The House of Commons having thus voted against the Convocation, made it a Coy-duck to draw in the rest of their designs. And in the first place, they fall heavy upon the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, as a promoter of the former Canons, and so accuse him of high-Treason; Decemb. 18. 1640. though as then they had laid no Articles against him, but promised to do it, to the Lords, upon which he was secured; and the third day after, was fined five hundred pounds, which he was forced to borrow, Decemb. 21. and to sell plate to repay it: such a liberal Benefactor was he to the advancement of Learning, that he left himself nothing; and if the severe stroke of injustice, had not untimely sequestrated and cut him off, Saint Paul's Cathedral had silenced the fame of the ancient wonders: our English Clergy had been the glory of the World; the Bodleian in Oxford, had daily more and more out-stript the Vatican; and his publick Structures had ore'topt the Escurial: and all this by his own munificence; in which, he so far excelled his neighbours, that he was not unlike the good Emperor, Titus Vespasian, whose liberal soul made Sueton. 8. him think that he had lost that day, in which, he had not given something.

The next day that they accused the Arch-bishop, they also accused Bishop Wren of the same crime. And a little after, voted highly against Decemb. 19. the Learned and Reverend [as the French Churches beyond sea, can testifie]Jan. 23. 16¼ Dr. Cousins; March 4. and the next day, receive Petitions against Dr. Jan. 24. Duck, and Sir John Lamb. And a week after, received a Remonstrance, [Page] pretended to be loaden with seven hundred Ministers hands against Bishops; the which if true, yet that number bears no proportion Jan. 31. with above nine thousand, which were the number of our English Clergy: and however it was, Mr. Selden himself did declare, that very day, that the House of Comons had nothing to do with Church-affairs in that nature: And reason tels us, that it is not only hard but unjust, that men should be accused for acting according to the known Laws of the Land, they not being as then repealed.

But what care the Commons for this? seeing they are resolved, come what will of it, to have Sir Jack Presbyter to bear the sway; and therefore they fall heavy upon Episcopal government, and after a whole Feb. 7. March 7, 9, 10. April. 2. May 19, 24, 27. June, 3. 4, 7, 12. day's debate, the Majority against both Law and Reason, did agree to take away Lordly Prelacy, their medling with temporal affairs, their jurisdictions and Courts, and a great part of their Means and Estates; and afterwards inlarged upon these things. And that the Country might not be ignorant also of their enmity to Church government, they therefore appoint Commissioners to go into all places of the Kingdom, Febr. 11. and there remove all Altars, Images, and Rayls about the Communion-table, and sell them, and punish those who shall endeavour to set them up again. Nor was this all, but they also question Sir John Lamb, Febr. 21. March 4. and Sir Nathaniel Brent, for getting Organs repair'd, and setting up some new Organs in Churches. Though I do not know against what Law these two Gentlemen had offended; though I know against what, the latter did afterwards.

And having gon thus far, away they in a fury hurry Arch bishop Laud March 1. to the Tower, whither he was followed and rail'd at by the (then) significant rabble of the Anti-church-government Puppies. And some few dayes after, they appointed a (forsooth) Committee for Religion, of ten Earls, ten Bishops, and ten Barons; by which means, the Lay-votes March. 21. were not only double to the Clergy, but, in fine, none of the latter left; they knowing now their own intentions and power so far, that they were more then confident, to have the Clergy-men in short time to be but as Ciphers.

To obtain which, they endeavoured all ways that malice or industry could propose to them: And as a means to encourage others to oppose Bishops and Church-government, they not only released the scribling April 20, 21. fire-brands of the Nation, as Burton, Prynn, Leighton, Lilburn, &c. but also as a reward for their good service, voted them many thousand pounds a piece; And the next week fined the Members of the Convocation April. 27. house, two hundred thousand pounds. And afterwards voted that not only the Bishops, but all other Clergy-men, that did either send their Proxies, or execute the said Canons, were guilty. August 4.

But if the Lords have a Religious Committee, the Commons must have one too, or else they think themselves out-vapoured. And so they jumble up a Company of Ministers together, giving them authority to consult the Canons and Liturgy, and also to draw up a plat-form May 5. or model for Reformation, to be setled in the Kingdom: and by what [Page] rule these men were to work, is no difficult business to collect, from the Commons Votes some few dayes after, that it was necessary to have 17. May. an Uniformity of Religion with Scotland: as also from their kindness to the Armed Covenanters, not long before, by Voting for them 300000 pounds, with the goodly title of Brethren. And all this, because they 2. February. march'd into England, with a numerous Army, protesting, swearing, and fighting against Episcopal Government; for, that was the thing now also aimed at in England, so that Mr. Pym, speaks the hearts of others as well as his own, when he reproved one of the Lords, saying, That it was not enough to be against the Persons of the Bishops, if he Ex. Coll. p. 521. were not against the Function.

And according to this Maxim, the Commons by their former Votes, having made the way more facile, boldly Vote the Government 11. June. of the Church of England by Archbishops, Bishops, Chancellors, Deans, Archdeacons, &c. to be prejudicial to both Church and State; and the next day Voted also, that from that time there should be no 12. June. such things as Archbishops, Bishops, &c. in England. Nor was this all, but presently after, they also expunged all Deans and Chapters, Prebendaries, 15. June. &c. So that, in four dayes time, the hasty Commons over-throw, as much as in them lay, the Reverend Church of England; which had continued many hundreds of years a flourishing glory to the Nation.

The Commons, for their parts, having thus pull'd down the pale of our Church, fastned and strengthened by so many Authentick and Fundamental Laws, as old again as the House of Commons, will not leave Religion without some Government. No, good souls! they were more kind-hearted. And therefore in the first place, they Vote, that all the Lands and Means belonging to Deans and Chapters, Chancellors, or 15. June. Commissaries, Archdeacons, Deans, Prebendaries, Chapter, Canon, &c. shall be taken away and disposed of to the advancement of Learning and Piety. That is, (if their after-actions may be taken for Expositors) to maintain Rebellion, Heresie, Sacriledge, and ruine Universities; for these mens promises, like Hebrew, must still be read backwards: and after this rule, did they send a request to the King by Secretary Vain, That 16. Decemb. 1640. he would give them leave to look into his Revenues and Expences, and they would make him the richest King in Christendom.

But the Parliament will not spend their time only in selling Lands, but something must be considered of a Church-Government too; and, therefore they Vote, that all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction fit to be 12. June. 1641. exercised in England, shall be committed to such a number of persons, and in such a manner, as their Worships shall think fit. Nor were they long without making the Nation happy with the discovery of their Intellectuals, which was, That six of the Clergy, and six of 21. June. the Laity, should be appointed in every County for the setling of Church-Government. But, this was a little shaken by an after conclusion, viz. That nine of the Laity, and three of the Clergy, in every Diocess, should 9. July. have power to exercise all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, as shall be ordered [Page]by Parliament; and to have their Monethly meetings for that purpose. And the next day, to make this hotch-potch Model more compleat, they Vote, That there shall be several select Committees of the Clergy, 10. July. appointed for the Ordination of Clergy-men into the Ministry. But, yet this Presbyterian Brat would not come to perfection: And, therefore to give more encouragement to the Covenanting-admirers, they conclude, That all Archiepiscopal and Episcopal Jurisdiction, shall be exercised 15. July. in this Kingdom by the Commissioners, as there was by Bishops. And the same day read the Bill for the using of Lectures, taking away Cross in Baptism, Surplis, bowing at the Name of Jesus, standing up at the Gospel, Gloria Patri, Pictures in Churches, &c. and conclude the day with the appointing of a Committee for the Propagation of the Gospel. And the next day they give further power to their nine Commissioners, to wit, That after the first of August, any five of them shall 16. July. be a Quorum, and have full power to try all Ecclesiastical Causes, and to appoint Deputies under them in several places. And after this, they further agreed, That, if any of the nine Commissioners should dye, 17. July. that five, or more of them, are to choose another presently, and so if any of them resign; and, that if any came to take Orders, that these Commissioners shall appoint five Clergy men to grant Ordinations. And, for the more speedy putting of this medly in practise, the Knights 31. July. and Burgesses of every Shire are commanded, to bring in the Names of the nine Commissioners for their several Counties to be appointed, and that no Clergy-man be of the Commission.

Thus farr had the Commons thrown (I cannot say built) up this their confused Babylon: when on a sodain, an unexpected Remora was joyned to their further proceedings, by some fallings out betwixt the Lords and them about the Protestation. For the Commons, having ordered, 30. July. that it should be taken all over the Kingdom, were in this opposed by the Peers, who threw it out of their House; which so incensed the Commons, that they presently Vote, That what person soever shall not take the Protestation, is unfit to bear Office in Church or Common-wealth. And thinking that the Bishops were the reason of the Lords dissent, appoint a Committee for impeaching them about the late Canons, who accordingly Voted thirteen Bishops to be Delinquents, whom the 3, 4. August. 17. Aug. Lords also suspended their house, till a further hearing. And so violently were these good men persecuted by the Presbyters, that they never left plotting, till they had got them Voted Traytors, and sent to the 30. Decemb. Tower. Nor could they have any outward content any where, considering the reproaches, threats, and curses daily thrown against them by the wicked, the danger of their lives by Tumults, and their Lands Voted from them long before by their, and Religions Enemies, the 9. July. 10. July. Non-conforming Commons: though they agreed to allow them a liberal allowance during life; and how unhandsomly the Parliament in this neglected this promise, the Reverend Bishop Hall will satisfie Remains. you.

The Commons now having, as they thought, bridled the Bishops and [Page] their Party, are resolved to root out the Common-Prayer Book too: to 1. Septemb. which purpose, some of them desire, that it might be altered, and some thing added to it; the which, after some speeches, being put to the Vote, it appear'd, that there were then but 55. Disciplinarians in the House, no more voting for Alterations, so, that the Book came off with credit; the Orthodox Party knowing well enough, that, if that House once fell to alter it, (it rather belonging to able and lawful Divines), they would equal the Tinker, who made two holes for mending one. The Anti-Episcopalians being thus baffled, fall to it again, getting it to be moved again in the House the next week, where they came off 6. Septemb. with the like success. And the next day, (being a Thanks-giving day for the Peace between the two Nations), to shew their malice to Church-Government, and countenance the Schismaticks; the Commons would not go to St. Margarets Westminster, as was by them appointed, 7. Septemb. because the Bishop of Lincoln, had caus'd a set Form of Prayer for that occasion to be printed and used in the Church; the news of which, so started their Worships, that they turn'd tail, and went to the preachment at Lincolns Inne.

But, if the Commons were troubled at this, they were after out of their wits, and all stark-madd against the Lords: Because they had 9. Septemb. put forth an Order, and sent it all over the Nation, strictly injoyning the reading of the Common-Prayer; against which, and many other Church-affairs, the Commons the same day put forth a Declaration, ordering it to be printed and sent over the Kingdom; and with them they also got the nine dissenting Lords, to protest against the Order made by the House of Peers. This cross-graind action of the Commons so incensed the Lords, that they left off sitting for a while, causing the Hangings of their House to be taken down: Nor did this any way vex the Commons, who neither cared for them nor their sitting, nor any else, that would not dance after them and Geneva: For they are resolved for Jack Presbyter, and therefore being informed, that the 28. Sepeemb. Lords Order for the Common-Prayer had been read in Churches, and not their Declaration; they drew up an Order and sent it to be printed, enjoyning, that their aforesaid Declaration should be read in all Churches.

And so severe were they in this point, that they put Dr. Haywood of St. Giles, to some trouble, for not permitting their Order to be read, though he had not only his own Conscience, and the Lords Order, but the Law of the Land to testifie his justness: And, what more ridiculous, then to astonish the people into discontents and sidings, by reading to them, at the same time, two contrary Orders; and that of the Commons being quite against the Laws of the Land.

Thus did the Commons batter down Religion, as Captain Jones in the Poet, did the Jesuites; more, by strong hand then reason: yet had they left one thing undone, which was the extirpation of Episcopacy root and branch; to bring which villany about, they Voted them to have no place in the House of Lords, nor to meddle with any secular affairs. 23. Octob. [Page] But here, before they went any further, they were somewhat troubled at the King, because he (being then in Scotland), had sent Mr. Warwick Orders to draw up five Congé d'Eslire's, for five new Bishops, there being then so many Sees vacant; but in this strait, Mr. Stroud 26. Octob. thinks it fitting to Petition the King, to stop these five, till they had dispacht the charge against the other Bishops. Yet, what need they care, whether the King make Bishops or no? since they are resolved never to acknowledge them to be so; for, they can with the same ease cut off all, as one: Therefore, seeing the King for Bishops, they bend themselves more resolutely against them, and so prepare their charge against those formerly accused; and, for the Champions to mannage this Combate, Pymme and St,-Johns by the commendations of 27. Octob. one another, are chosen. The death of the first is noys'd by report, and the honesty of the latter is not unknown to any.

The Parliament was something stopt in their proceedings against Bishops, by the Irish Rebellion; yet, having taken some breath, they sent a message to the Lords, desiring, that the 13. Bishops, might 6. Decemb. speedily come to answer. And not long after, as an incouragement to the factious, they released Simmonds a Printer, who had been in 20. Decemb. custody for printing a Book against the Common-Prayer; yet the very same day was Walker the Iremonger imprisoned, only for Printing a Book concerning Mr. Prynne, though the first deserved as much hanging as the latter Imprisonment; and from these men, the Bishops might well expect good justice. But still they sit and Vote in the House of Lords; which vext the Sectaries to the guts, because they could not tell how to get them out handsomly, for they had no great confidence in their Articles of Canons and Constitutions, and whilest they Voted there, the Orthodox Party would still exceed. At last, some ill spirit or other, put it into the noddles, of Isaac Pennington, Captain Ven, and such combustible humours, to raise such tumults against the Reverend Fathers, the fear whereof should either keep them from the House, or bring some ruine sacrilegiously to be acted upon them. And accordingly up cometh the Rabble of London to the Parliament 27. Decemb. House, crying out No Bishops, no Bishops! And at last got the Bishop of Lincoln (then going to the House with the Earl of Dover), into the midst of them, where they had like to have squeez'd him to death. And having thus begun, many hundreds of them come again the same day, with Swords and Staves, causing great uproars both in Westminster and London, not only to the affrightment of the Bishops, but the King and Queen; and the next day also assaulted Westminster Abby. These Tumults obtain'd the end of their Contrivers, keeping the Bishops from the House, pelting of them with stones as they endeavoured to go. By which, they drew up a Petition to the King, how that the Tumults kept them out, and therefore protested against all things, that should be done in the House of Peers in time of their thus violent seclusion. Which did trouble the Parliament so much, that one Mr. Weston of the Commons House, thought he had spoke bravely, 30. Decemb. [Page] when he moved that the Bishops might be sent to Bedlam: But Glyn and others were cleerly for High Treason, which accordingly was done, and ten of them sent to the Tower and two to the Black Rod. And thus their businesse being don, the great tumults ceas'd, the Presbyterians sang Victoria, whilst the reverend Church of England lay in the dust, miserably trod upon by a Schismatical zeal; yet had they they nothing to accuse the Bishops of, and so were forced to release them all but two: against one of which they could say nothing (for if they could they would) and whether the cry of the others bloud be yet stopt I know not.

How were the Country cheated with swarms of Petitions against this Ecclesiastical Order, yet in this, none more ridiculous then the 31 Jan. 1641/2 Londoners. One troup of Tradesmen petition against Bishops, and their reason was because their being, was the decay of trading; and in the clause of all gave a notable lash at the House of Lords. Nor is this all, but the very Porters [15000 said to be in number] Petition too; and affirm that they cannot indure the weight of Episcopacy any 2 Feb. longer, and therefore must have redress. Nay the very women, by the pushing on of their hot-headed associates, thought themselves so much concerned in these Church-affairs, that they must petition too. And these as fit persons to apprehend Chuch-government, as the simple 1. 4. Feb. Cockney country-businesse, who thought a bush hung about with black moles skins, to be a black pudding tree; yet these sort of Fanaticks are apt to have abominable discretions: for thus the Scots some years before in their Petition against the Common Prayer Book, begun Large Declar. Anno. 1637. p. 41. it thus, We, Men, Women, and Children, and Servants, having considered &c. Most miraculous Children! Born like Adam at the top of understanding. O the happiness to spring from the loins of a Covenanter, who, as it was said of the Lady Margaret, can bring forth men instead Bacons Hist. Hen. 7. p. 128. of children! Certainly these children were akin to that boy of Cracovia in Poland, which had not only teeth, but spake the first day of its birth, but when he received Christianity, lost that faculty. And Coor. Lycosth. de Prodigiis &c. Chron. Gualther Tom. 4. p. 279. probably had these covenanting Children, women, and such like, known more of Christianity then these did, they had never acted so violently against Church-government. Or, it may be they were somewhat related to that other child born in the same City, which spoke distinctly at half a year old, yet nothing but mischief was by it uttered, distruction to all Poland, and that by the invading Tartars. Nor could such a Government handsomly desire any longer footing, when rustick women, servants, and little children, were able to evince its rationality. Nor must such learned Petitions as these be discountenanced, but the Commons shall know of it, who severely chid the Lord Major and Sheriffs of London, because they gave some check to a tumultuating paper, carrying 24 Decemb. 1641. on the Commons Presbyterian design.

These actions might well move the late martyr'd King, thus to expostulate with his and their enemies.

[Page] How oft was the business of Bishops enjoying their ancient places, and undoubted priviledges of the House of Peers, carryed [...], cap. 9. for them by farre the Major part of Lords; Yet after five repulses, contrary to all order and custome, it was by tumultuary instigations obtruded again, and by a few carryed, when most of the Peers were forced to absent themselves.

In like manner was the Bill against Root and Branch, brought in by Tumultuary clamours, and Schismatical terrors, which could never pass, till both Houses were sufficiently thinned, and over-awed.

For though the Commons, as abovesaid, had a great while agoe, voted the Bishops to have no Votes in the Lords House, yet the Peers would never consent to it till they were not only threatned by Petitions, but unheard-of Tumults. And when the Lords by these unlawful and extravagant courses had been forced to agree with the Commons against 6 Feb. 16¼ the Bishops, good God! How did the Sectaries triumph! What bonefires? What bells ringing? What yelling and roaring in the streets? That the noise made by the neighbours, when Don Russel took Madam Chaunteclere away towards the Wood, was but a silence in respect of this Thundering Triumph; So strongly did malice, carried on by industry, Chaucer fol. 164. work amongst the giddy multitude, as if Presbytery had given philters about the Nation; or the people madded themselves with too much Hemlocks, and acknowledged no curing Hellebore, but the extirpation of Bishops, and the violation of Laws.

Yet if it had been only the sottish multitude who had thrown durt in the face of Episcopacy, their ignorance had been some pardon for their malice; But when men that pretend to great learning do join with the rabble in their revilings, I may have some cause to think that their unbounded malice led them to act either contrary to their principles or learning.

Yet might these also be born withall, there being repentance (with the Proverb) on this side Heaven. But when people after twenty years meditation of our former miseries, are nothing moved, but as stubborn as ever, Pharoahs obstinacy must be confest to yield to theirs.

This resolvednesse, or it may be, the scorn to be baffled (like Mr. Knewstub's friends in Suffolk) possessing some people, makes me the less Conf. Hamp. Court. pag. 104. wonder at those who yet defie Episcopacy; So that I am nothing astonished when I see Prynns Titus unbish. reprinted with a worshipful preface, knowing the hot-headed zeal of the Author. Nor am I troubled when I see Mr. Baxter (one that would be thought sober) not long since flirting against Episcopacy, telling them, That the best of Baxters Grotian Religion Discov. Sect. 76. p. 113, 114. the Clergie, and the best of the people would disown them; so that the most ignorant, drunken, prophane, unruly, with some civill persons, would be at first their Church or Diocesse. For the cause of the peoples love to [Page]Episcopacy, is because it was a shadow (if not a shelter) to the prophane. Passing over his comparison of a Prelatical Church to an Ale-House or Tavern (to say no worse) where some honest men may be. These things I say from Baxter are no offence to me; for had he said much more, he had not said more, then might be expected from one of his Principles, not fitting to be allowed in a settled Kingdome. For he confesseth himself (though with some repentance, for just then his hopes Holy Common wealth. pag. 485. were dasht by the deposing of his friend Richard) that he was one of them that blew the coals of our unhappy distractions. Nor need we doubt it, seeing he not only acknowledgeth the Parliament to be the highest Power, whereby he was so farre obliged to join with them against the Kings party, that if he had been for the King he had incurr'd the danger of the Condemnation threatned by God against resisters Id. p. 477. Sect. 15. of the higher powor. And if his opinion had only then been so, his fault might have received a mitigation, as well as others who have seriously repented of their former actions. But he is yet so farre against the King, as to professe publickly, if it were to do again, he would do it. Id. p. 486. Sect. 2. For, if I should do otherwise, I should be guilty of Treason, or disloyalty against the Soveraign power of the Land, and of perfidiousnesse to the Common-wealth: And again, I had been a Traitor, and guilty of resisting the highest powers. I give you his own very words. And his opinion Id. p. 488. of the Kings Army is farre from that charity, which his proselytes would needs cloathe him with, calling them Impious and Popish Armies, and whether this following rule of his, alludes to them or no Id. p. 478. Sect. 17. let others judge: That all those that by wickednesse, have forfeited their Liberties, may neither choose nor be chosen [to sit in Parliaments]. Independants and Anabaptists he can not mean; because he joins them Id. Preface pag. 14. Sect. 3. Id. Pref. p. 24. with Godly men, nor would he; the Presbyterians being of his own party: and what the words [have forfeited their Liberties] signifie, is not unknown.

But no more of this grating discourse. Let who will rail against the Gangraena. Part. 1. p. 162. 164. Reverend Bishops, yet Mr. Edwards, a stiff Presbyterian, (and one, as his acquaintance assures us, that was often transported beyond due bounds with the keennesse and eagernesse of his Spirit) doth highly commend Fullers Appeal part. 3. p. 58. both them and their Chaplains, as zealous and couragious against errors and false doctrines.

Having thus infused into the Rabble a spirit of opposition both to VI. Church and Court: The next thing was, to try how forward they would be in action: For which purpose nothing could be thought more convenient for their designs then the agitation of Tumults, and such like unlawful uproars. Which are commonly one of the first steps to the ruine of a Nation, and therefore held most wicked and odious by all Countries and Ages; So that for such seditious persons the Laws have every where provided severe punishments. The ancient Romans did not Alex. ab Alex. lib. 2. cap. 13. Mat. Paris. Anno. 1222. pag. 315. only use to punish the Ringleaders with death, but sometimes also every tenth man of the too oft abused multitude. Nor hath the English been lesse severe against the tumultuating disturbers of the peace, not [Page] only hanging the Chief-tains, but cutting off the feet or hands of the inferior rabble; nor hath this been looked upon as satisfactory, but all the Magistrates of London, have been deposed, and others put in. Nay, so odious have these people been to society, that the Roman Orator looks upon the murthering of Id facinus pulcherrimum esse arbitramur. Tul. Orat. 18. Sect. 94. a seditious person, to be (if wicked) yet glorious and truly noble.

And I shall so far agree with the same Orator, that though it be no good Definition as in his Latin, yet may we pick a sound truth of it in English, That a seditious person is both Seditiosus est Is, qui malus at (que) inutilis est civis. Id. de Invent. lib. 1. Sect. 59. an evil and unuseful Member in the Common-wealth.

Yet, were this vice more wicked then it is, it would never want admirers, as long as Idleness is permitted: the former being inseparable from the latter, if we will believe the Historian. Seditiosissimus quisque ignavus. Tacit. Hist. 4. cap. 34. And whether did leasurely foment our discontents, or no, I know not; though I believe by this, our turbulent spirits obtained many Proselytes; who, if they had had any thing else to do, would never have spent so much time in an obstinate schism; running dayly into more enormities, under some pretence or other, but never thinking of a return.

And they that are unwilling to amend,

Sam. Daniel, Letter to Octavia. Sect. 27.

Will take offence, because they will offend.

Which was the true temperature of our Non-conformists; not that they had any real cause of such disgusts, but what they brought forth themselves. And they having once taken fire, found it no great difficulty, to allure the multitude into their Nullo verò facto verbo, nulla concione, nulla lege concitatam nocturaam Seditionem quis audivit? Tull. Orat. 32. Sect. 20. faction, by their preachments, whisperings, pamphleting, and such like rumours, without which, it is impossible to get a party moulded to act such destructive wickedness: For though the people like the bounded Ut mare quod suâ naturâ tranquillum sit, ventorum vi agitari, atque turbari; sic & populum—suâ sponte esse placatum, hominum seditiosorum vocibus, ut violentissimis tempestatibus concitari. Tull. Orat. 14. Sect. 46. Ocean, do naturally affect ease, tranquillity, and such like peaceable vertues; yet are they apt by the seditious blusterings and malicious insinuations of some factious Grandees, or neighbours, to be perswaded and agitated into turbulent extravagancies and Rebellion.

The minds of the irrational multitude, (as one calls them) being Irrationale vulgus. Mat. Paris. p. 315. Sect. 32. thus seasoned and tempered with the principles of discontent and sedition, are now ordered to put in practice what they have been taught, and they so long meditated upon; and these proceedings must run parallel to those of their good brethren the Covenanters in Scotland. For, as one ingeniously observes, the English did derive from them, not only the rudiments, but the method also of revolt. Our first probationary H. Lestrange. pag. 191. Tumult commencing in a rude assault upon the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, as theirs upon the Arch-bishop of Saint Andrews: Above five hundred of the Rabble, one night assaulted the Arch-bishop's 11. May. 1640. [Page] house at Lambeth; and to what purpose, is easy to conjecture.

And a little after, about two thousand Sectaries made a tumult in 22. Octob. London, where they tore down the benches in the Consistory of Saint Paul's, crying out, they would have no Bishop, nor no high Commission: actions so inconsistent with good Subjects, that the obedient Neremberg. Hist. Nat. pag. 227. Parret in Brasil, will be as a reproach to these irrational Rebels. Nor did their sury end here; for when they perceived the execution of the Earl of Strafford, was not so hasted on, as their hot heads expected; and when the Court dream't of nothing but joy, the Princess Mary being then marryed to the Prince of Orange, the very next morning after the wedding, above five thousand Londoners, most of them girded to their 3. May 1641. swords, came yelling for justice against the said Earl; affirming, for want of it, they were like to perish, having no bread (an excellent Non-conforming consequence) calling the Earl of Bristol, an Apostate, and vilifying his son the Lord Digby; one of them balling out, If we get not satisfaction of the Lievtenant, we will have it of the King; or, as some affirm, If we have not the Lievtenants life, we will have the King's: And posted up a Paper in Westminster, with the names of 55. Lords, Knights, & Gentlemen, with the Title of Straffordians, with this under-written, This and more, shall be done to the enemirs of justice, afore-written. Thus was this Earl rather murthered by malice, then condemned by Law or Reason: yet so impatiently wicked was the Rabble and Presbyterie, that as Darius appointed a man every day to prompt him with a, Sir, Remember to be revenged Pezel. Mellif. Hist. part. 1. pag. 48. on the Athenians: so had these men their dayly agitators and contrivers, by-jugled up Petitions, and such like monitors, to mind them of three things; the destruction of this Earl, the Extirpation of Episcopacy, and the abolishing of the Common-prayer-book and Ceremonies. The which at last, by God's permission, and Satan's assistance, they obtained.

And immediatly before, they had assaulted the Spanish Embassador's 29. April. house, with a great deal of violence, and their pretended reason for so doing, was, because Mass was there said, A Priviledge, used by all Embassadors, to exercise their own Religion, be what it will, and this allowed them by the Law of Nations; yet was their malice such, that if they had not been prevented by the Lord Maior, they might have done abundance of mischief; though what they did, was no small blemish to the civility of a Nation.

These actions by the Sectaries, were look'd upon, as a blessing to the Nation; and to keep the hands of these Myrmidons in use, the City and Kingdom must now and anon too, be alarum'd with false rumours, and un-heard of plots and designs against something or other. Now must the Houses of Parliament be said to be on fire, and together 5. Maj. by the ears, and the City for sorrow thereof, like to tumult and uproar themselves into Bedlam. Then must strange plots, come from unknown parts of the world, be discovered; at which the careful Commons take fears and jealousies, and order the Arch-bishop's [Page] House at Lambeth, to be searcht for arms; as if the Arch-bishop then in the Tower, should pelt the Parliament from Lambeth, cross the 10. May. water. Then must there be a strange thing in Scotland, agitating against Duke Hamilton, and their true friend Argyle, and this discover'd and seen by Mr. Pym at Westminster; upon which, the Members are in a October. hubbub, and in great fear of their lives, forsooth; and therefore a strong guard under Essex, is provided for the security of their Worship's against temptations: And the Burgesses of Westminster, and the Knights for Middlesex, are ordered in all haste to provide bullets and match, and to shoot like little John at the Sun and Moon, being resolved for the future, to work altogether in darkness. Yet, were all these, and many more, acted with as much seriousness and gravity, as Sancho Pança governed the Iland Barataria; so that the abused people did not only believe such stories, but feared their events; which being once setled in their noddles, is impossible to be removed: the people being like the lineage of the Pança's, all head-strong.

These jugling Transactions were enough to perswade the King and his friends to look about them; but being innocent, seemed also fearless. Yet for prevention of disorders and tumults, some people were ordered to keep watch near the Parliament, thereby to keep off the Rabble, which used daily to tumble out by thousands in great disorder, ranting and railing against something or other in government, according to the Items of their Patrons, very beneficial to, and desirable by the Commons. Who took it so ill, that their good friends, the Multitude, should thus be kept back, that they did not only question the Justices of peace of Middlesex, who by Order, had commanded those men to keep watch, but sent one of them, viz. Justice Long, to the 12. Decemb. Tower.

This favour of the Commons, so animated the people, that they thought sedition was then lawful, and those tumults a glory to the City, because they shewed its strength. And therefore many thousands of them, run crowding to Westminster, crying out, No Bishops, no Bishops: and having thus ranted it in the morning, they come again in 27. Decemb. the afternoon, armed with swords, and staves, and other weapons: and then they domineer to the purpose, running up and down Westminster, inquiring for the Bishops, protesting, they would pull them in pieces: whereupon, they were desired by the Marquess of Hertford, to stay in the house all night, the people vowing to watch their going out, and to search every Coach with Torches [it being then dark] that they might not escape: And when the Lords sent down to the Commons, that an order might be taken with the tumult, and care of the Bishops lives, they would do nothing in the business, laughing in their sleeves, that they had thus brought that great City to worship them, and Villainy. Yet, were the Bishops some way or other, cunningly stoln out of the house; to the great grief of the blood thirsty Rebels, that they had thus lost their sacralegiously intended sacrifice.

Yet what they mist then, they hoped to obtain the next day; and 28. Decemb. [Page] therefore away they hurry again to Westminster, having Sir Richard Wisman for their Captain. And being thus spurr'd on, they assault the Abby, where the Archbishop of York was then; but the doors being Bishop Hall's Remains. p. 47. Fuller. Book. 11. p. 185. Sect. 14. strongly lock'd and barr'd, and good opposition made, they gain'd nothing to boast of, and Sir Richard's head was so broke with a tyle thrown from the Leads, that he dyed of it; nor did John Lilbourn (one well known) depart without the loss of some rebellious bloud, being with some others pelted with stones to the purpose. This repulse did something discourage them, yet the next day they were coming again, but at White-Hall were stopt by the Train-Band, and forced to return 29. Decemb. back, some of them being well cudgell'd; which action was highly resented by the Parliament, who therefore ordered, that those who stopt the Londoners coming to Parliament, should be found out and examined before a Committee; which Order was a good New-years-gift 1. Jan. to the seditious Schismaticks.

Such is the malice of Presbytery against Bishops, as if they were all inspired with the same spirit of venome and hatred, that he had, who long ago cryed out,

Short red, God red, shea we the Byshop,

Mat. Paris. Anno 1075. p. 10.

And accordingly was the Bishop with a hundred men murthered. And not inferiour to the former was he in London, when the Tumult was; railing against the Reverend and Learned Bishop Morton, some crying, Pull him out of his Coach, others acting so violently, that the Bishop Dr. Barwick's life of the Bishop. p. 103. believed he should never have escaped alive, if a leading man amongst the rabble had not cryed out, Let him go, and hang himself; words wicked enough, and vomitted with as much malice; though by Providence, they saved the good Bishop's life.

The chief men tamper'd withal by some of the factious Members, to stirr up these Tumults were, Alderman Pennington, and Venne, two King-Tryers, and Manwaring, nominated one of the Kings Judges, and other such like Instruments they could not want; Venne pleading, to the people, That the worser Party was like to have the better of the good Party, and used to imploy his Wife as a Mercury, to run about and stir up the people. And it is an old Note, that Sectaries used in the first place to tamper with such soft-hearted Creatures.

The truth on't is, the audaciousness of these men was intolerable, being like one of their Predecessors Constantinus, who is branded for a Mat. Paris. pag. 315. lover of Tumults, and then confidently to glory in such villanies. Yet had his Majesty but stript himself of so much mercy, as to have eas'd the Nation of the Ring-leaders of these disorders by some meritorious exemplary punishment, it may be, the rest of the rabble would have learn'd better manners by the Precedent of such an execution. But the Nihil ausuram plebem principibus amotis. Tacit. An. lib. 1. cap. 55. Kings tenderness made them more audacious, so that they never left murmuring and tumultuating, till they had terrified the King from White-Hall, where he could neither stay with safety nor honour, having [Page] his power so much scorned; that, when he went into London, the Rabble rung nothing in his ears, but Priviledges of Parliament, Priviledges 5. January. 1641/2. of Parliament; Alderman Fowke, (one that went under the notion of one of the Kings Judges, as long as the Times were accordingly; but they no sooner change, but then he denyes, and 28. March. 1660. publickly clears himself), this man, made a worshipful Speech to the King, taking upon him to vindicate the accused Members, and to give his Majesty advice concerning Fears and Jealousies. Nor was this all, but, that City also protects the accused Members, and brings them again to the Parliament-House, in the greatest triumph that their wit could imagine, with Guns, Trumpets, flying colours, and such like bravado's, which was not only an absolute defying, but contempt of his Majesty. So, that Hugh Peters, (that scandal to the Pulpit) spake no false Doctrine, when he affirm'd in Alhallows Church in Lumbardstreet, That, Edwards Gangr. Part. 1. p. 183. If ever this Kingdom was brought into slavery, this City would be the cause of it.

These Tumults, though confest by the Common-Council of London, 31 Decemb. 1641. to be the great trouble and affrightment of his Majesties good Subjects, and experience also proved it, yet must they not be supprest, though the Lords earnestly perswaded the Commons to it, because, as they affirm'd, They must not discourage their Friends, this being a time they Ex. Coll. p. 531, 532. must make use of their Friends: Mr. Pym, saying, God forbid, that the House of Commons should proceed in any way to dishearten people, to obtain their just desires in such a way: The favourablest construction of which words must be by Petition; and, yet this way was not then acted without Tumults, it being then grown to a custom, (as their own Historian confesseth) for a Petition to be backt by great multitudes Tho. May's Hist. Parliament. lib. 2. p. 29. to Westminster, or White-Hall: As that was from Kent, which was brought to Westminster, by about 5000. all a Horse-back; and all this noyse was to thank the Lords for their acting so bravely against Bishops. And with such like Presbyterian trash were most of their Papers 8. February. 1641/2. stuft, and in so plentiful a manner; that, if Visions had been then in frequent use, that as the Priests formerly saw St. Peters Church Th. Cantipratan. lib. 2. c. 10. Sect. 25. in Rome full of Serpents, so might England, but London especially, have been view'd cramb'd full of Devils: But where the Albertus Magnus would be, I know not.

And, yet the simple people are easily drawn to fancy, that Tumults are the only way to make a Nation happy; though the ingenuous Tasso will assure them in the contrary.Gierusal liber. Cant. 1.

Quando sia poi di sì gran moti il fine,

Non fabriche di Regni, ma ruine.

These rabble factious Tumults never mend

A Nation, but its ruine doth portend.

The Neapolitans will never forget the miseries brought upon them by [Page] a sordid Fisherman, Thomas Anello. And Munster, and other parts of Germany, do yet remember with sadness their Anabaptistical tumults. The great Turk no sooner hears of the Seditious Rabble, but he fears his own neck: And Tyler with his rustick Clowns, made King Richard submit to their unbounded impudence. Nor can it be denyed, but, that the Londoners, and others, set up the first post of the Kings Scaffold, when by these out-ragious Tumults they began the wicked Warr.

The Tumults (of which his Sacred Majesty gives the best character Cap. 4. & 6. in his incomparable Book), favour'd the Parliament with a twofold courtesie: one was, they forced him from London, there being no safety for his Royal Person, whilst such unbelieving miscreants did domineer: The other was, they having learn'd the knack to cry Thief first, horribly exclaim'd, that themselves were thereby only in danger, and therefore desired not only a Guard to defend their Worships, (though they punish'd those appointed to protect them), but very modestly to have the disposal of the whole Militia in England. And this claim, rather then desire, of theirs, they call just and necessary, and for Ex. Coll. p. 80, 710, 715, 716. the ease, benefit, safety, and security of the people; and, that his Majesty could neither in Honour, Justice, or Conscience, deny, he having it not legally before. And this small request is but to command the Militia; Thus the Wolf, only desired the Dogs to be divided from the Sheep. Thus Alexander would but command the whole World. Thus would Calvin, only have his Countrey-men, and Creatures, mingled with the Geneva Senate. Thus did Nero desire, that Rome might have but one neck: And, thus the crafty Fryer in the Sumpners tale, desired to Chaucer. fol. 50. a. his dinner only the liver of a Capon, and a roasted Pigs-head, knowing full well, that if he got those, he should not want his part of the Pigg and Capon too. And thus the Parliament only desired the Militia, that they might only command the King and all England. All small requests; which might have been augmented, if the modest Supplicants had had more confidence. But an old Scotch Poet would have taught them better manners and discretion, if their wicked policy would have given them leisure to have consulted either Morality, or Divinity, but what is in the Covenant.

Thou art ane gret fuil soune (said he)

Sir David Lyndesay. Buke 1.

Thyng to desyre, quhilk may nocht be.

This of the Militia, though the King deny, yet they seize upon it, not only in London, but in all England and Wales; some Countries being so forward at the Parliaments beck, that they had begun their Militia assoon as Petitioned for; and this, before the Queen imbarqued for Holland. And, what little account they made of the King, is visible by their Ordinance for the Militia, in which, the People are commanded February. 1641½. to act nothing, but as the Parliament would, and, that if they did, they should be tryed by none but the Parliament; and, that this should [Page] be as long, and no longer, then the Parliament pleas'd. These actions the King might well wonder at; which astonishment may be increast, when they tell him, they can endure no longer his denyals; And the 5. March. same day vindicate those who had armed themselves, though contrary to the Kings express Command and Order, the day before. But the Kings Authority is of no force with these men, who proceeded farther, by Voting, That all Commissions granted under the Great Seal, and 14. March. by the Kings Consent, to the Lieutenants in several Counties, are illegal and void; and, that those who act by them, shall be disturbers of the Peace: But yet, that all such persons as shall be nominated by the 15. March. Parliament, shall be cock-sure in their Authority. And, that their former Ordinance by some Law or other doth oblige the People. This the King, the same day, forbids to be obey'd, because against his consent; and this command of his, the Parliament Votes to be a high breach of the Priviledges of Parliament. 16. March.

Thus went, or rather ran, the sturdy members in opposition to the King, as if their malice had exceld Hamilcar's the Carthagenian against the Romans. And by this fury they engaged themselves so farre, that they thought it not safe to retreat, and so brought it to the tryal of the Bloud-thirsty Sword, by which was miserably acted

—The Civil Wars, tumultuous Broyls,

And bloudy Factions of a mighty Land;

Whose People haughty, proud with forraign spoils,

Upon themselves turn back their conquering hand:

Whilst Kin their Kin, Brother the Brother foils,

Like-Ensigns all against like-Ensigns Band:

Bows against Bows,—against the Crown,

Whilst, all pretending right, all Rights fall down.

Yet for all these, and many more miseries of Warr, the Parliament could not doubt of many partakers, since the Commons had made themselves such a Bug-bear and Terror to the Nation, that the power of the King was even shrunk into a Duke of Venice.

Nor were the Authority and Priviledge of the Peers regarded with any more favourable Aspect, being now rather become an other House, VII. then a House of Lords. If the Peers think it not convenient, that the Protestation should be taken all England over, the Commons will not only judge the contrary, but command it to be done. If the Lords Order the Common-Prayer and other Ceremonies confirm'd by act of Parliament to be us'd and read in all Churches; in this, the Commons will oppose both King and Lords, and order the quite contrary, and punish those who do not obey them. If the Peers refuse to joyn with them to Petition the King for a Guard against the Tumults, knowing them to be the fomenters of them; They will Petition themselves, and think much if the King do deny them, though he knew, If he gave them an Inch, they would take an Ell. If the Lords, at first, refuse [Page] to join with them to obtain the Militia, yet will the Commons not only demand it, but threaten the dissenting Nobility, one of them Ex col. p. 548. desiring that a Catalogue might be taken of their names, who consented not to them; that so they might be known to the Commons. Goodly! goodly! hath not the Peers brought themselves unto a fine pass? But I believe they know best, whom they may thank for't. Certainly, the dapper Commons thought they might as well spurn at King and Lords, as the old Gyants fight against Jupiter: for I believe from Ovid they took a Scheme of many of their mutations. But these men wrought by action, as well as words and thoughts, which was a high token of the Commons strength, who had so much influence amongst the Sectaries (a word good enough for him, Lord or Clown, that takes exception at it) and power over the Lords, that they gott 9 of the Peers voted never to sit again in Parliament, because they were obedient to his Majesty, so that Mr. Pym's Item to the Earl of Dover Ex coll. p. 530. (one of the 9 Lords) was not unsignificant viz. That if he look'd for any preferment he must comply with them in their waies, and not hope to have it by serving the King. Words of such a Mandrake-sound, that they would have astonished a Roman ear, whose generosity and vertue made them raise a Temple to Fidelity.

But all bonds of obedience and loyalty were hurld off by these sons of contradiction, and Majesty it self so farr disrepected, that Martin could with confidence wipe his lips with the whore in the Proverb and think he had done no wrong, when he affirmd that the Kings Office Ex coll. p. 552. is forfeitable, and that the happiness of this Kingdome doth not depend upon him, or any of the Royall branches of that stock, and this was seconded by that worshipful Champion Sir Henry Ludlow who peremptorily said, that he was not worthie to be King of England. Nor are these words unbefitting the Father of such a known Son as Edmud Ludlow, one of the Kings noted Tryers, and an immortal Enemy to all goodnesse, Church-government and literature. Nor did the whole Parliament speak little lesse, then the former, when they affirmed he had no negative vote, call'd all his Actions illegall, and his Letters, Declarations, and Proclamations scandalous and false; forbidding people to be obedient to him upon pain of displeasure, declaring all such as did to be Traitors. Taxing him with an intention towards Popery; O implacable August. Malice? foisted into the world by these his back-friends, and spread abroad with abundance of impudence and malice, by their zealous Du. Avity, [...]le Monde, Asia, p. 527. Myrmidon, and Journy-work-jobber Prynne, one that if he had lived amongst the Malabars [in the East-Indies] where long eares is a Token of honour, comlinesse, and bravery, would have been held a Vindiciae Caroli Regis, or a Royal Vindication of the King, 1645. 40. man of no great credit. But the best on't is, Pryn's scandalous pamphlet call'd the Popish Royall Favourite [i. e. the King] was many years ago learnedly and industriously answer'd to the Honour of his Majesty, honesty of the undertaker, and discredit and confusion of the Mercury-admiring accuser. And therefore Mr. Baxter was somewhat Grotian Religion discover'd Sect. 73, p. 105. to blame to cull such false trifles out of Prynne, to prove the King [Page] reconcileable to Rome, though he believes he was no Papist, and this ten years after the Kings Beheading.

But to return to the Parliament, who will yeild to none in bitterness against his Majesty, who protest to him [when no nearer York, then 9 March 1641/2 New-Market] That they would make use of that power which they had for their security, and professing in the same paper that it was not words that could secure them. And what their intention was in this, may be gathered by voting some few daies before, That the Nation should 2. March. be put into a posture of Defence, and only by Authority of Parliament. And all those Extravagancies were acted by the Parliament in opposition and discredit to the King, before his Majesty had so much as one man either in offensive, or defensive Armes, in a publick way; So that he might well admire at those, who charg'd him to be the first King Portrait. cap. 10. beginner and raiser of this Warre.

Thus the Kings mildnesse gave encouragement to those furious spirits, who never left plotting till they had fill'd England with more villanies then Rome is, in the vacancy of her Popedome; or Tacitus could Hist. lib. 1. c. 2. reckon up in the front of his History: and this by their unjust dealings with him by warre and such like wickednesses, though they might have consulted the Apothegm of that great Goth, Athanaricus, being good Divinity, Law, and Reason, that A King is a earthly God, and Deus terre nus est Imperator, contra quem quicunque manus levare nisus fuerit, ipse sui sanguinis reus existit. Paul. Diacon. de gestis Rom. lib. 11. in vita Gratiani. whosoever rebels against him is guiltie of his own death. Nor doth the great August confess. lib. 3. cap. 8. Father of the Church intimate to us lesse obedience to our Kings then the former. But these men cared little for reason or authority in any but themselves, as appears by those impudent and irrational Propositions sent to the King 1646. at New Castle, when they were Masters and had him in hold, whereby he would be but a King of clouts, and the Nobility and Gentry of his party bound to hop headlesse. Articles so palpably wicked that an Gal. Gualdo. Prior. Hist. part. 4. lib. 1. pag. 8. Italian, through his Majesty, looks upon them as distructive both to Church and State.

Nor could lesse be expected from these men in the height of their Pride and prosperity, when, at the beginning of these wicked Warres long before the stroak at Edghill; The good King weeping, as it were, over the approaching ruine of his Subjects, earnestly endeavours to perswade the Parliament to a Reconciliation, in the lamentable breathings of Tancredi to the violent Rinaldo.Tasso. Cant. 5.

Dimmi, che pensi far? vorrai le mani

Del civil sangue tu dunque bruttarte?

E con le piaghe ind egnede' Christiani

Trafiger Cristo, ond'ei son membra, e perte, &c.

Ah, non per Dio vinci te stesso.

Tell me, what mean you now? Will you yet stain

Your hands in your friends bloud by Civill Warre,

And, by your killing Christians, now again

Pierce Christ his side, of whom we members are, &c.

Ah no, for Gods sake conquer your passion.

[Page] Desiring that they might both lay down their Armes, and recall all Ex coll. p. 583. 584. their papers against each other upon an appointed day, and so enter into a Treaty. But they being carryed along with a Spirit of contradiction, like the Scotch Presbyter, who railing against King, Church, and Government, and being commanded by King James to speak either sense or come down, replyed like himself, I say man, I'se nowther speak sense, nor come down. They I say, resolved to run counter, absolutely declare that they will not think of peace, till the King have taken down his Standard, left his Armies, repair'd to the Parliament, that so justice Id. p. 584, 585. might be done upon those who had adhear'd to them: and how by this his Majesty himself could escape, they having some few daies before taxed him with most mischievous Tyranny, I know not: And in the same paper the lands of all those who were of the Kings party Id. p. 575. were forfeited, and I think it is not unknown how they were disposed on afterwards. Nor need we doubt but those men who without Blushing could Vote the Queen a Traitor, would not care to draw up some blood into their faces, soe they might have their revenge on his 23 May. 1643. Majesty: And whether this clause For the preservation of his Majesties person, was voted to be left out in the New modled Commission, the 24 March 1644/5 Commons and my Lord Fairfaz know best, and what the meaning of such a seclusion was, the revolution of a few years did fully import.

Thus did the English use the King, as the Scots did their James Hist. of Scotl. pag. 107. 113. the third, who hated him, as Mr. Drummond informes us, because he got the love of his people, by Piety, and Justice; and having taken Bacons Hist. Hen. 7. p. 70. up armes against him, would not hearken to any termes of reconciliation, unlesse he freely resigned the title of his Crown and Realm in favour of his Son [then in theirs Hands] and voluntarily deposed himself, leaving the Government of all, to the Lords of his Parliament. Which impudence of theirs hurryed them on so farre, that they never left fighting till their King was murder'd; but how, uncertain. Thus are the best men violently opposed by the wicked, though the vertue and patience of the former might in reason mollifie the latter to obedience. How wishedly will some pitty the case of Argalus and Parthenia: the patience of Gryseld in Chaucer; the misery, and troublesome adventures of the Phanatick Lovers in Cleopatra, Cassandra, Amadis de Gaul, Sidney, and such like? Yet all these as meer Romantick as Rablaise his Garagantua. And yet with an unmoved apprehension can peruse the lamentable murder of Edward the Second of England, and James the first, and Milcolumb the first of Scotland, the cutting off the head of good King Alpinus, the poisoning of Fergusius the third by his own Queen, and her stabbing her self, the strangling of Malvinus by his own Queen, and the throat-cutting of King Fethelmachus by a Fidler, and besides these the martyrdome of old Queen Ketaban in Persia. The stabbing of Henry the fourth in France. The sacrilegious poisoning of the Emp. Henry the seventh in Italy. The miserable death of Mauricius the Emp. with his Wife and five Children, by the wicked [Page] Phocas. And can read the fatall stories recorded by Boccace with lesse grief then the deplorable narrative of Arnalte's love to Lucenda. And the patience of the good King Henry the sixth, who being grievously struck by a murthering Varlet, only made this Reply, Forsooth and forsooth [being his words for most earnest expression, never using an oath] ye do fouly, to smite a King anointed so: May be farre outrivall'd Stow. d. 425. by some, with the misfortunes and hardship of some inchaunted Lover, in Ariosto, Parismus, the two Palmerins or Mirrour of Knighthood. And for the horrid murther of his late Majesty, experience tells us, that many have been so farre from contracting grief, that they have so much triumphantly rejoiced at it, that they have thought an action of so much wickednesse to have been honourable to them, and their posterity for ever.

Thus have we come short to our Ancestors in fidelity, and Loyalty, by studying all occasions to rebell against our King: They rather then undergo the ignominions title of Nithing (i. e. a knave, or a night-filcher) swarme to the Service of their King; we on the contrary, rather Mat. Paris p. 15. then not be branded with the wicked name of a Traytor, will court all occasions by our Rebellion to make our selves meritorious to a pair of Gallows.

And so to conclude this assertion, I shall tell you, that the Parliament wanted all the qualifications to make a warre really espousable. No warre being lawful unlesse it be commanded by the Supream Authority, the which the Parliament was not, but the King, if the Laws of our Land be an authentick Standerd.

And secondly the occasion of the Warre must be just, which was wanting on the Parliaments side, all their specious pretences being false and ridiculons, their reasons suggested to the people to beget a Warre, being to as small purpose as the Duke of Burgundy to quarrell for a cart-load of Sheep-skins; or the two Brethren neer Padua, about the disposal of the Starrs and Firmament. And suppose their jealousies had been true, yet it was Treason in them to warre against the Supream Authority the King, according to the Laws of our Land, and damnable according to the word of God. [Let Buchanan and De jure belli ap. Scotos. such as he, by supposing the Apostles and the Spirit, to deal with us, like Hypocrites, evince to the contrary]. For if the Apostle Paul commandeth the Christians to be obedient to their Heathen and Tyrannical Kings (who made it their sport to persecute Christians) and Rom. 13. 1, 2. that for Conscience-sake, telling them that their power was of God; certainly, we are bound to obey a Christian Prince, whose authority can be no lesse.

If we perceive our selves grieved, resist we cannot but by Prayers and Obedience: To which purpose the ancient Chaucer instructs us, who certainly in this, sung according to the rule of his time, and therein, neither false Law, nor Gospel. Clark. of Oxfords Tale 3 fol. 56. (a)

[Page]

—Lordes hestes may not be fayned

They may wel be wayled and complained.

But men must nedes unto

their

her lustre obey,

And so wol I, there nis no more to sey.

The primitive Christians when collected into great Armies were honoured for their obedience; never rebelling against, but fighting, or quietly living under, their Heathen Kings, as Tertullian will satisfie Apologet. more at large. But now, we are so farre from being peaceable in a Christian Government, that, if occasion of rebellion cannot handsomly be pluckt by the fore-top, yet we can create reason to our selves though upon a serious reflection, we acknowledge such endeavours to be unjust. Thus the Army, when in obedience to the Parliament, it had conquer'd and ruin'd the King and Kingdome, and by the assistance of the sword and Satan had made themselves Lords and Masters over their Betters, then I say when they were at the top of their prosperity, they do seriously professe that the Parliament, did justifie many The Armies plea. 1659. pag. 5. extraordinary strange (and doubtlesse in respect of the letter of the Law) very illegal actions, viz. Their taking up Armes, raising and forming Armies against the King, fighting against his person, imprisoning, impeaching, arraigning, trying, and executing him, cutting off his Head, banishing his Children, abolishing Bishops, Deans, and Chapters; took away Kingly Government and the House of Lords, broke the Crowns, sold the Jewels, Plate, Goods, Houses, and Lands, belonging unto the Kings of this Nation; erected extraordinary High Courts of Justice, and therein impeached, arraigned, condemned, and executed many notorious enemies to the publick peace, when the Laws in being, and the ordinary Courts of Justice, could not reach them. These were strange and unknown practises in this Nation, and not at all justifiable (as is conceived) by any known Laws and Statutes. Thus have you the judgment of a ruling Army against their Masters and themselves, though this their repentance was but to vindicate another infidelity.

But here after all this, it may be objected; that though some factious spirits of the Parliament have been too incroaching upon the King and the chief Incendiaries of these Warres, yet why should I lay all this upon the Presbyterian account? To which there needs no tedious reply, if we do but consider that these factious people were all Non-conformists, from whom (if examples may be held for proofs) as Schismaticks, a self-conceited, giddy, hot-headed zeal, and by consequence Rebellion, is as inseparable, as pride from Menecrates, or Children when gallanted up in new cloathes. For my part, I am apt to believe that the Bloud of many thousand Christians shed in these warrs and before, cryeth loud against Presbytery, as the people only guilty of the first occasion of quarrel. And that they have been the chief occasion of other slaughters, may be credited not only from forraign stories, but the authentick judgment of the ever great Grotius, [Page] one born and bred amongst them, yet so farr satisfied, or rather nauseated with their manners, that he looks upon them as factious, De Amichristo in append. post Annotat. in Evangel, p. 65. turbulent, and rebellious spirits, and so not fit for Subjects. And this character, it may be, hath been the occasion of their gnashing their teeth so much against him.

CHAP. II.

The Abominable Hypocrisie and Jugling of the Parliament and Army, till the Murther of his Majesty.

AMongst the Ancients, Proteus was look'd upon as a pretty fellow, that could vary his shape according to his own pleasure. And with what equal respect we have lately favour'd those, who have hugg'd themselves, for their same knack of jugling; is not (nor never will be) worn out of memory: The smooth-tongued St. Martins Quacksalvers at Venice, have delt honestly and open-handed, in respect of our Modern State-Mountebancks; who were so farr Pharisees, that they blab'd their zeal at the corner of every street, yet kept their Intentions more secret than the Boy did, who dyed by the devouring Fox hid Horat. Epist. lib. 1. Ep. 18. under his coat. Our Politicians, like Eutrapelus in the Poet, were grown to the true pitch of callidity, to charm their Neighbours to the changing of their Opinions with their Habits; and all this industry (as Bythius did the Roman Cannius) meerly to cheat those who deal with Tull. de Offic. lib. 3. sect. 63. them.

I must confess, I am apt to smile, (though I do not approve) when I read or hear a neat piece of small cousenage: But for those, who through private Interests, by their plots and devices endeavour to over-throw whole Kingdoms, no man of honesty but must abominate. That man, which through judgement, though erronious, sticks to his Principles, shall be more in my favour, than those who outwardly offend less, yet are so peccant through design: which makes me have a better opinion of many misled German-Boors at Munster, then some of our late English Grandees; who for their own profit, have not only sided with all Parties, but run counter to their former Oaths, Declarations, Principles, (if they have had any, firm) to make a private advantage.

How many have we had who have confidently given out themselves the only men of honesty and sanctity (yet such as against all Morarality) who have fill'd the World with strange Declarations and Vows, by calling Heaven and Earth to witness, that their intentions were so and so; whereas, if that be true of the Poet,

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Exitus acta probat—

—Actions do show,

If they intended really or no.

Then may we justly conclude, that they intended nothing less, then that which they most engaged to perform. And of this, I shall give some few hints, whereby infallibly may be collected the knavery of the Presbyterian and great Anti-Royalist; which may serve as a warning-piece to keep us from any more Rebellion, and prompt us to keep close to our true and ancient Government, Monarchy, and Episcopacy.

I have shewed before, how, that the King did not only not begin the Warr, but, that the Presbyterian Parliament by their plots and devices forced him to the endeavour of opposing strength by strength. And I shall shortly demonstrate from their own deceitful lips, how, that they and their Party, did not only protest, to have no bad Intentions against the King, but also to defend and maintain him and his Royal Progeny, and make them more glorious and famous then ever. But this, I may say, was done, when they were either too weak, or to gain more friends; for, when they were Conquerers, and had him in their disposal; nothing could satisfie their well tutor'd Army, and many of themselves, but the taking away his innocent life, that with Thieves and Robbers after the murther, they might possess all; so that I may sing of them with the well known Colletet. Epigram. pag. 201.

Voyez vous ce saincte Nitouche,

Ce juge à quo, cet homme froit?

Il presche tous jours pour le droit,

Et ne l'a jamais qu 'en la bouche.

Which may thus be rendred,

O! Self-time-serving Knaves! who still profess,

You're for the Right, when you think nothing less.

Thus did these men steer their Intentions, according as the wind sat for most benefit. Thus Aeneas Sylvius wrote many things before he was Pope, which, when he had once obtain'd the Triple-Crown, he censured as dangerous: Hence came the saying, That Pius condemn'd, Quod Aeneas probavit, Pius damnavit. Edward's Gangr. part. 3. p. 240. what Aeneas thought good. This jugling amongst us, may allow me to affirm with a great Presbyterian; I am perswaded there never was a more hypocritical, false, dissembling, cunning Generation in England, then many of the Grandees of our Sectaries.

Thus the Parliament, for all their former Protestation, to defend and preserve the King and his Posterity, as if they had been doubletongued; like those Islanders mentioned by Diodorus Siculus, or that [Page] Boy recorded by Borel, not long afterwards Voted the Queen a Traytor, Antiq. l. 2. c. ult. Borel. centur. 2. Sect. 63. because she acted nothing but what became her, tending to the preservation of the King her Husband, and the People. And within 23. May. 1643. a fourth-night after this, took that treasonable (being against the Kings consent, and the Laws of the Land) and therefore abominable Vow and Covenant, wherein, how much their hearts agreed with their tongues, to preserve the King, may be deduced from their actions; but the next year after, wherein the Commons Voted, that this clause, For Preservation of his Majesties Person, should be left out in Sir Thomas 24. March. 1644/5. Fairfax his Commission.

So that we may well suppose these men to have taken example from the ancient Spartans, whom neither Religion, Contract, nor Oath could bind; with which variable temper the Quibus nec ara, nec sides, nec jusjurandum soret. Alex. sol. 268. a. Graecians were generally inured. And for their Politicks, without all question, they agreed so farr with their Testimoniorum Religionem, & fidem nunquam ista Natio coluit. Tull. Orat. 24. sect. 148. & Epist. ad Quint. l. 1. Ep. 2. sect. 300. good friend Machiavil, as to imbrace that good and plausible humour of the Parthians, who acknowledged no Honesty nor Religion, but, what was for their own private Interests. How did our Grandees now and then Quibus utilitas semper est fide sanctior. Alex. ab. Al. p. 268. sweeten the people into good liking of them by amusing them with the joyful hopes of Peace by Treaties, when, in truth, the thoughts of composition, was as farr from their Intentions, as Joab's when he slew Amasa with a kiss of seeming friendship; or rather, as 2 Sam. 20. 9, 10. Mr. Love, who at Uxbridge Treaty, instead of friendship, vomitted out nothing but threatning and vilifying-contradictions to the Peacemakers, yet nothing unbecoming one of his Faction in Religion.

When some honest meaning Sea-men drew up a Petition for an 27. Jan. 1642/3. Agreement and Peace, other Sea-men were procured to protest against this Petition, & the honest Petitioners, commanded to repair home again, with this instruction for the future, that they need not trouble themselves about the Peace, the Parliament intending to take care about it. And what great care they took, (though the King dayly plyed them with Messages about it) is not unknown to the World. What imperious and wicked Propositions sent they continually to him upon such debates? as at the beginning of the Wars, after that to New-castle, and after 29. Decemb. 1647. that, to him at Carisbrook-Castle; to which, when he declared, that he could not in Honour and Conscience consent, (for by them he was not only devested of all Regal Authority, but the Church ruined, and his Loyal Party bound to suffer what deaths and miseries the Parliament please) then they impiously Vote, that no more addresses should 17. January. 1647/8. be made to the King, nor none received from him; whereby they dash all hopes of a future settlement by the Kings ruling over them, contrary to their former Vows and Protestations: so that, their seeming friendship by Treaties, seems to me not unlike that of Rhadamistus King Alex. ab Ab. sol. 253. b. of Iberia, whereby he betray'd well-meaning Mithridates King of Armenia, to his destruction.

[Page] This action with their Vote against the Queen and that concerning Sir Thomas Fairfax's Commission, doth not a little or'e-cloud the Presbyterians, who think they come off with honour, when they deny, it was them, but the Independants, who beheaded his Majesty. But what little difference there is in the offence, let others judge: The Presbyterians by this Vote of Non-address, actually deny the King to be their King, by professing themselves his enemies for ever, and thereby they not subject to his Kingship, or Rule: And the Independents take him, acknowledg'd thus, by consequence, by the Presbyterians to be no King; and in the notion of no King, behead him. And what suitable intentions they had, for more then disowning him, may be collected from Declarat. shewing the reasons of no more Address. them selves; in the reasons inducing them to such a Vote, which were, because he was a coutinual breaker of promise, and trust. His punishing of Prynne, Burton, Bastwick, and such like dicturbers of the peace: His Wars with Scotland: His accusing some of the Members, (not forgot by some then in Parliament:) His raising War against, or rather defending himself from the Parliament; and such like accusatious, which they call Tyranny. And that He hath wholly forgotten his duty to the Kingdome, (they meant themselves;) and so thus conclude, These are some of the many reasons, why we cannot repose any more trust in him, and have made those former resolutions, (that is, the Votes against any more addresses.) Yet they say they will settle the Government, though it seems without them; so that the Army might very well tell us, that these Votes, were understood by all To imply some farther intentions of proceeding Remonstrance from St. Albnus 16. Nov. 1648. pag. 8. Idid. pag. 7. in justice against him, and settling the Kingdome without him.

To this the Presbyterians cannot reply that the Army forced them, because it is utterly denied by the Souldiery, who look upon themselves with sorrow, and shame, because they were so slack in putting such a good action forward, as they accusingly affirme themselves. Nor can they say, that they were out voted by the Independent-faction; because, 'tis well known they were far the greater number, till they were Secluded the House, almost a year after. And, whether their thus Voting, and Scandalizing his Majesty, was done more like Presbyterians, then good Subjects; let those judge, who know that it was once enacted Treason, To attempt any harm to the person of the King, Queen, &c. or deprive 26. Hen. 8. c. 13. them of their Dignity, Title, or Name, of their Royal Estates, or standerously, and maliciously pronounce, by express writing, or words, that the King should be Heretick, Schismatick, Tyrant, Infidel, or Usurper; or to hold from him, his Castles, Holds, or Marches, or Artillery, or Ordnances of War.

Yet were the intentions of Parliament more severe against his Majesty; the Army, and others, would be as wicked as the best of them, of which some authentick testimonies will not be amiss; And first you shall have the story of some pure Rogues, chickens of the Parliaments, and Armies own breeding, and I warrant you brave boys for King and Parliament, though their zeal for the latter devoured the former, as appears by their Loyalty.

[Page] James Symball, Deputy-Keeper of Winchester-house Prison, said, That he hoped to see the King's head upon the Tower-block.

Francis Wade, being urged to drink the King's health, denied it, his reason was, because, the King was no King, but a Tyrant, having put the Parliament out of his Protection, and so the whole Kingdome.

Robert White, a Souldier on the Parliaments party, being demanded what he would have done to the King, had he met him in the head of his Army, answered, He would have as soon killed him, as another man.

Words as full of Loyally, as Harry Martin of chastity, or the Rump of true piety. If Doctor Chayfield must be brought upon his knees by the Long-Parliament, for saying, From all Lay-Puritans, and all Lay-Parliament-men, 12 Februa. 1641/2. 4. March. good Lord deliver me; If Sir John Lamb must undergo the same punishment for setting up Organs; If Master Hollis (the Burgess for Newark upon Trent) must be banished the Parliament-house, for saying, that the Scotch Army should be prosecuted with all rigour, 26. Apr. 1641. and extremity, and speedily expulst the Kingdome by main force. If Master Smith must be committed to the Gate-house, onely for speaking 14. May. against the Parliament; If a poor Printer must be condemned to the same prison, onely for Printing an Elegy, in commendation of the Earl 17. May. of Strafford; If the Lord Digby's speech, in the behalf of the Earl, must be voted to the flames, onely for being Printed. And his Brotherin-law, Sir Lewis Dives, be condemn'd as a Delinquent, onely for ordering the same to be Printed, (a thing allowable to all other Parliament-men): 12. July. If these, and many more severe judgements, be thought fitting by the Parliament, what punishment is meritorius for the former verlits, for vomitting out such hellish assertions against his Sacred Majesty?

But for all this, you shall see how cleverly they came off, as if with Saint Dominick they had never committed a sin worthy damnation, or Nic. Jansenius Vit. S. Dominici, lib. 1. c. 1. p. 7. & l. 2. c. 14. pag. 188. rather had been as innocent as the child unborn. For though at first they were committed to prison by Serjeant Creswell. Yet was it soon taken notice of, by the Adjutators in the Army (a sort of underlings, secretly put on by Cromwell, whom they call their Patron, and Protectour, Their letter to Crom. 30. Apr. 1647. to carry on his designs in the Army; every Regiment having two, who used to meet in Juntos, and there consult for the seducing the rest of the Souldiers) these Rabscallies (who neither must, nor durst be denied) present the case of the former fellows to Sir Thomas Fairfax, their nominal Septemb. 1647. General, desiring their releasment from their Tyrannical sufferings, (for so they call it.) He accordingly writes to Speaker Lenthall; Upon 12. September. which, the Commons order the business to be consider'd by the Committee of Indempnity, and to relieve them as they see cause; and so, how 14. September. they came off you may judge. The imprisonment of these men made such a noise in the Army, that it presently flew as far as Yorkshire, and was there taken notice on, and, by the Adjutators in Pointz his Army, 5. July, 1647. amongst other things sent up as a grievance to Fairfax. Nor was this action then let alone, but was the next year brought upon the stage Their Declara. to joyn with the Army, p. 2. again, by the Sectaries of London, Westminster, and Southwark, complaining [Page] of the imprisonment of such good, and faithful men.

Thus might the King, and People expect aboundance of Loyalty from this Army, composed of Independents, Levellers, and such like Enthusiasts, (people of different ends, in their private respects, but all agreeing in the destruction of his Majesty.) Notwithstanding to make Sir Tho. Fairfax Letter to the Parl. from Cambridge 6. Jun. 1647. Their letter to London from Royston 10. Ju. themselves favorites with the people, they can protest, that it is their desire that a firm peace in the Kingdome may be setled, according to the Declarations, by which they were invited, and induced to ingage in the late war. And that you might see what zealots they were, for the honour, safety, and right of the King; You shall have their own words, Declara. concerning their advance to London, 1647. pag. 10. Humble Remonstrance, from St. Albans 23. Jun. 1647. pag. 12. We shall be as ready also to assure unto the King, his just rights, and authority, as any that pretend it never so much. All this is very good, nor doth that which follows, in another of their Papers, bear less honesty, viz. We desire the same, (i. e. right, and just freedome) for the King, and others of his party.—And me do clearly profess, we do not see how there can be any peace to this Kingdome firm, or lasting, without a due consideration, of provision for the rights, qutet, and immunity of his Majesty, his Royal Family, and his late Partakers. And this was subscrib'd to, by

Cromwell,

Hamond,

Ireton,

Sir Hardr. Waller,

Fleetwood,

Lambert,

Rich,

Lilborne,

Okey,

Hewson,

Scroop,

Harrison,

Barkstead,

Horton,

Pride,

Deane,

Cobbet,

Ewers,

Goffe.

and several others. But how much their hearts differ'd from their mouths, and hands; may be known both by their former, and after actions. Thus, like the Satyre in the Fable, they breath'd, as they pleas'd, so that advantage came by it; and 'tis a bad wind bloweth no body any good.

After this manner in 1647. did they play fast, and loose; nor was the fashion alter'd in 48. In which two years, was more Paper spoil'd betwixt Parliament, and Army, then hath been amongst the Turks, since the first beginning of that Empire: So lavish was the first, as if they had intended to tear the Nation into rags for their supplies; and so frugal the others, who take more care for the preservation of Paper, then the Parliament, or Army, did of their Consciences.

By this time, and means, (these two parties endeavouring to discover one another's nakedness) the good people began to perceive the knavery of them both, and as with one voice murmur'd against their Tyranny, and so indeavour'd, what in them (poor, broken, and harrass'd people) lay, to free themselves from such yoaks of slavery; for which purpose, the Prentises rise up in London, though their Triumph 9. April 1648. was not long; their timerous, and self-ended Masters, onely looking [Page] on, though it may be some of them wish'd well. 30. April. Barwick was also surprised by the Loyal, and Valiant, Sir Mar. Langdale. And May. Carltle, by the truly Noble Sir Phil. Musgrave, and Sir Tho. Glenham. The same moneth the people of Saint Edmonds-bury rise up: And those of Kent draw themselves to a considerable body. A great part of the Navy revolts. And the next week Pontfract Castle in Yorkshire was surprised 3. June. by Col. Morris (who was afterwards unhumanely butcher'd at York, as Judge Puliston well remembers) And the Scots under Duke Hamilton with a great Army enter England: Whilst Argile, Casels, and other Kirkers, in opposition, mounts several thousands tatterdemallions upon the Craigs of Lieth near Edinbourgh, valiantly to fight Munro, waiting for them three miles off on plain ground; but alas! the Burrow moor, where the Gallows stands, was betwixt; and Argile loved not to turn his face either that way-wards, or against an enemy, for there were no boats near.

The Messengers of this bad news, one on the neck of another, struck terror into the Parliament, who perceiving now, such an universal clamour for the Restauration of his Majesty, that the condition of themselves (if the people were not pacified) seem'd desperate, such an odium had their selvish actions pull'd upon them. Whereupon, something to please the people, by making of them believe that their affections were also high towards his Majesty, they null'd their former votes of no more Addresses to the King. 30. June.

But this policy of theirs favour'd them not long; for the Army having quash'd all these Royal insurrections, grew so imperious, that they look'd upon the Houses, but as a Junta bound to satisfie their desires, and accordingly began to act high: which the Members perceiving, thought it would befriend them more with the Nation, to agree with his Majesty, then to lye under the lash of every Schismatical (though in this something related to themselves) Trouper. For which purpose, they commence a Treaty in the Isle of Wight with his Majesty. But this Sept. 1648. design of theirs, was soon broken off by the self-denying (for so they would be call'd) Army; who complain'd that the Houses intended to leave them in the Lurch, by making peace with the King without comprehending them in it, whereby they might lye under the censure of King, and Parliament. For which trick, they accuse several of the Members, and march up to London, with an intention to shackle the two Houses; which the Parliament perceiving, and thereby their own ruin, if not speedily prevented, Vote the Kings Concessions to their Proposals lawful to make a firm peace upon. Hoping by this means, that not 5. Decemb. onely the Royalists, but that the Presbyterians also, would assist them against this Independent Army. Though 'tis no thanks to them, upon such a pinch, and their owne interest, to make peace with his Majesty; for if they had not been utter enemies to him, they might have done it sooner; and then their courtesie, or rather Royalty, had been double: But now, cry you mercy horse! they would treat with the King, not to save him, but themselves. So that, for all the boasts of these Braggadocio's, [Page] of their endeavours to preserve the King's person; I shall easily be perswaded to believe, that their intentions were as real, and to as smal purpose, as the Statue of Henry the great, to defend the Parisians from robbing upon Pont Neuf. Nor could any more be expected from them; a true Royalist being as rare amongst them, as a Virgin at sixteen in Marolle, a village in France.

But now 'tis too late for the Parliament to comply with the King, the Army being resolved not to be govern'd by either of them; considering what they might suffer (as May himself confesseth) if he should come Breviary pag. 212. to Raign again; and for this jealousie, the Nation may thank Cromwell, and Ireton. And the Army, thus resolved, the next day seise upon 6. Decemb. the major part of the Members, whom they imprison, suffering none to Vote, but those who would dance after their Pipe. Thus may some men better steal a horse, then others look on. Hasterig, and Tate, Knights for Leicestershire; may without any fear disobey the Parliament, Ang. 19. 1641. in not returning, when they sent for him: But if the King deny them any thing, then shall you hear a great clamour of the breaking of Priviledges of Parliament; and nothing but fire, and sword must redress it. When the King accused but five Members of High-treason, and, in a civil way, went to demand them of the House; the Parliament call'd it an Illegal, Seditions, and Traiterous act, (though I cannot vindicate them for it), and this was one of the main occasions, why the people joyn'd with the Parliament, though in so doing they had no more reason, then the roaring Blaces in the Counter-scuffle, or Don Quixot's fighting with red-wine, or wind-mills. And, certainly the King hath more right, and law, in each particle of his body, then the whole Army Their humble Answer 3. Jan. 1648/9. p. 2. could in reason pretend to. And this, possibly, may be one reason why the Army presently acknowledg'd their secluding the Members, to be a course in it self irregular, and not justifiable.

And if the Parliament did so much dis-relish the King's, how might they abominate this of their hired Cossacks: But I must confess, they were paid with their own coyn; the Souldiers sticking as close to their promises, to fight for priviledges of Parliament, as the Parliament to their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, Vows, and Protestations to maintain the King's person and Prerogative; so that, Neither barrel better Herring.

The Members being now reduced to a small number, (and the Lord's flown away) none being suffered to fit, but those, who had their Consciences, like Fortunatus his purse, full of gold, and self-ends; were from a name of several syllables, (like those of Brasil) circumcised (for Christians no man can now call them) under the short title of RUMP, Hist. Independ. part. 2. Sect. 23. and fagge-end of a Parliament, with corrupt Maggots in it, as Mr. Walker terms it. And the truth of it is, considering the many Members that went to the King, with those Eleven forced away by the Army, and this last Seclusion; and then the Remaining, will onely be the Rump, of a Rump, of a Rump of a Parliament. That the Rumpers, and the Army did comply together, is palpable; but whether they perswaded the [Page] Army to turn out the other members I know not, though the Army did a little dash it in their teeth afterwards. Armies plea 1659 p. 28.

The Rump being thus fixt, and back'd by an inconsiderable Army (if either the Kingdome, or London to give it no other Epithet, durst know their strength) compos'd of more Heresies then Rosse or Pratealus could imagin, the Rump I say and the Army thus twisting their interests together, go as boldly on to the distruction of others, as Lazarellos blind Master leap'd to his own. And first, vote no more addresses to be made to the King and order themselves the supream Authority of the Nation. And then, two days after, by the inspiration of 4 January 1648/9 some pretty Demon or other, make an Ordinance of their supream Rebell-ships for the Tryal of his Sacred Majesty. And having dapperly proceeded thus farre, they in the next place conclude that Writts 9 Jan. shall no longer run in the Kings name, and at last bring the King to tryall for his Life, where his declared and manifest enemies were his Judges, under the title of a High Court of Justice: A thing which the Army highly complain'd of several times the year before, when it was Remonstrance from Kingston, 18 Aug. 1647. pag. 20. Humble Remonst. from. St. Albans. 23 June. 1647. pag. 10. their own case 'twixt them and the Parliament, calling of it contrary to the law of nature that they should be judge in their own cause. But now the case is alter'd quoth Ploydon, the Army thinking it very fitting thut any be judges against the King, so they do but make sure work of him.

And to bring this great thing about, for all their protestations in favour of his Majesty, all stones were turn'd that could be. Several of the Sectaries like Hugh Peters were set up, to prattle out the necessity of a Reformation in Government, so that the people might take the Lilburns and Overtons books The Army harmlesse. Roial project. A pair of Crystal Spectacles. Scots Cabinet open'd. change more peaceably. Then were their several villaines imployd to vilifie his Majesty in print, running through all the misfortunes of his Raign, still implying that his own sins were the occasion of them all; stuffing their pamphlets with abominable lyes, set down with an infinite deal of malice, and all applyed to the ignorant people with an aboundance of smooth-faced jugling: most of them making perjury Hypocrisie, and such like villanies as inseparable from his Majesty as the Devill from themselves. Though if ones living, writings, and death do shew any thing of a man, then there is no such thing as Belief, if the world be not satisfied of his Majesties Vertues and Holinesse.

Besides these Pamphlets, several people were instigated to Petition the Commons and General, that speedy justice might be executed upon his Majesty and this as soon as the Army had conquered Hamilton, and the rest of the Royalists; Ponifract excepted. For being now Maisters in the field, they scorned to be bafled by an imprisoned King or a few talkers at VVestminster; for both which they had laid rods in pisse. Yet as a small cheat, something to gull the world, as if their actions were not so much their own, as the desires and request of the whole Kingdome; Petitions from several parts of the Nation must come thick and threefold clamoring for justice against the King.

[Page] One of the leading cards of this cheating game was thrown from London, Westminster, Southwark, and Hamlets, to the house of Commons, 11 Sept. 1648. and then another from Oxfordshire to the same house and the same purpose; and a letter made up of the same ingredients from the Garrison of New-Castle and Tinmouth (was not Sir Arthur Hazlerig then Governour?) to the Lord Fairfax. And having thus begun they never leave off, till they had petitioned the King to the block. For the next month another Petition comes posting from Leicester-shire October. (and 'tis well known who were their Knights) to the Commons, desireing his Majesties speedy Tryall for all the passages hapned in his raign, and this is back'd by another from the Maior, Aldermen &c. of New-Castle upon Tyne to the Commons, and this hotly pursued by another from Yorkshire. And to conclude, this month a confident one was presented to the Generall from Iretons Regiment, which was farre from complementing but struck home to the purpose. In the next month 16 Octob. Coll. Inglosbys Regiment solicits Fairfax to the same purpose, which is seconded by Fleetwoods, Whaleys, Barksteads, Overtons, and blind Hewsons; Novemb. nor were the soldiers of New Castle, Tinmouth, Hartlepool, and Holy Isle satisfied with their former paper, but they also fall on again and clamour for justice: and now also cometh the Petition of Coll. Hortons Regiment; and on the last day of the month another from Sr. Hardresse Wallers tatter-demallions, as also from Devonshire and Cornwall. And in the next Month the General is stifly solicited for the Kings December. tryal by the rabble of Bristol, Boston, Glamorganshire, Denbighshire, Dover, and Kent with the Cinque-ports, and Canterbury, in whose proposals are these words to the General, First that you prosecute the execution of justice upon the person of the King. Words strange to proceed from such a County as Kent, who have oft bradg'd of their Loyalty; but if there be Knaves in all Families, much more are there Rogues in all Provinces! But not unlike to the former, was the letter of Exceptions and Doubts made by sixteen Kentish Gentleman, as they titled themselves, directed from Maidstone to Speaker Lenthal, for which 7. 16 Dec. they had not only his, but the thanks of the house to boot. In the next January. month the fatall stroak was given, in which month for the more hastning of the Execution, several Petitions made haste from many parts of the Nation to the same intent as the former. One was presented to the General, from (the then) Capt. Smiths Troop in Oxfordshire, another from Hartfordshire, with a third from Surrey, and a hot-headed one from London to the House of Commons, which was seconded by one from the Common-Councell of the same City to the same purpose and members. But that which gave the deepest stroak of all was that Long winded Remonstrance, from the General Counsel of Officers at 16. 18. Novem. St. Albans, wherein, after many extravagant expressions against his Majesty, and some Common-wealth-like puny reasons for their so doing, they think it fitting to Pag. 22, 23, 24. 50. 56. 61. 64. proceed against the King; the which thoughts of theirs, they at last vomit out, with more impudence, malice, and inhumanity, then an Army of Savage Canabells could, in these astonishing words.

[Page]

That, that capital and grand Author of our troubles the Person of the King—may be speedily brought to justice, for the Treason, Id pag. 62. Blood, and mischief he is guilty of.

Desires so abominably wicked, that it is impossible for any but their inspiring Satan, to give them a befitting descant.

And that they had before this, an intention to alter the Government is palpable by the often consultations and proposals of their Agitators, and themselves in 1647. about the Government of the Nation, by succession of Parliaments; some advising Biennial, others Triennial, and some other modells; And now Cromwell and Ireton all along cheated 2 Aug. 1648. the King under specious pretences, Major Huntington demonstrated in his Articles against them to the Parliament. Yet could Cromwell with good store of seeming sanctity, by his natural brasen face, presume to bring off all those his seeming pretensions for his Majesty, under the Hypocritical and sacrilegious Vizard, of profound Revelations Elenc. Mot. p. 119, 120. from some Deity or other; By which means he would seem to patronize all the Armies wickednesse upon Divinity. So that the jugling humour of this Army well considered, we may well question both the modesty and Religion of one of their scribling patrons, who had confidence publickly to assert, that the Nation had far lesse cause to be jealous of the innocency or integrity of the Army, then the Disciples of Christ. The Army harmlesse, p. 3, 4. Anno. 1647.

These treacherous dealings of a perfidious Army, not a little assisted by the self-ended members; brought his Majesty to his Tryall, a thing found out, but as a politick trick, to blinde the people with their open intentions, as may appear not only by their ridiculous indictment, but their former votes and actions, whereby 'tis palpable, that they were pre-resolved, not only to alter the Government, but also to cut him off, as accordingly hapned, to the astonishment of humanity. And how ancient these wicked intentions of some of them were hatch'd, was not a little hinted at by one of Cromwels Captains two years before at Daintry, who then fully related the resolutions of Edw. Gangraen. part. 3. p. 172. the Army and himself to bring the King to destruction. Nor was the Revelation of Mrs. Grace Cary of Bristol (though I do not use to give Vox Coeli. p. 5. credit to such whimms) much out in this, exactly pointing out (before these Warrs) the Beheading of the King. And whether all Poets are Prophets or no, need not here be discuss'd, though I am confident, that an ingenious Gentleman did prognosticate better then those time-serving Schismatical Scriblers, Lilly, Booker, Culpepper, or such like Sectaries, when he sung the Requiem of the King and Kingdome, at the A model of Truths. Sect. 4. beginning of the Warres.

They would not have the Kingdome fall,

By an ignoble Funerall;

But piously preferre the Nation

To a Renowned Decollation

The feet and lower parts 'tis sed

Would trample on, and off the Head;

[Page] What e're they say, this is the thing,

They love the Charles, but hate the King.

To make an even Grove, one stroak

Should lift the shrub unto the Oake.

A new found musick they would make

A Gamut, but no Ela take.

This is the pious good intent

Of Priviledge of Parliament.

Thus fell the best of men by the worst of Devills; so that this one wicked action, will verifie that old saying, that Brittain is crouded with the multitude of Tyrants, and the horrid Actors may be for the future Tho. Lansii consultat. p. 558 judged by the more Noble inhabitants of Nicaragua (in America) who formerly, (as Solon appointed no Law for a mans killing of his Father) had none for the murtherer of a King, conceiving no man to be so unnatural Tho. Gage's survey of the West-indies. c. 12. p. 74, 75. as to commit such crimes. And for that vast Chaos the City of London who thus basely suffred their King to be murthered before their faces, their Ancestors will rise up in judgment against them; nor will the valour of Sir William Walworth, a former Lord Maior of that City, be mentioned but in derision of those Schismaticks of late daies. When King Richard the second, was in danger of his Life and Crown by Wat Tylers Rebellion, Walworth raising up the Citizens by crying out, Yee good Citizens, help your King that is to be murthered, and succour Stow. p. 289. me your Maior, that am in the like danger; Or, if you will not succour me, yet leave not your King destitute. By means of which the Rebells were dispers'd and the King rescued. This was the loyalty of that City in former times: But how little they have trod the steps of their Ancestors, let themselves judge and blush for shame; For being no small occasion of the ruine of his Majesty. The Beheading of whom puts me in minde of a story recorded in our Chronicles in King Richard the seconds time, viz. Of an Image of Wax, or an Head of Earth Bakers Chron. pag. 167. Stow. p. 302. ½ framed by Necromancy at Oxford, which, at a time appointed, spake these words.

Caput decidetur, caput elevabitur:

Pedes elevabuntur supra caput.

The Head shall be cut off, the Head shall be lift up;

The feet shall be lift above the Head.

And never did it happen so true as at this time; when a company of beggerly peasants, by horrid Rebellion did not only cut off their Kings head, but also made themselves supream.

But whether this was made for a prophesie, or no, I know not; yet Nostradamus, Physitian to Henry the second King of France one much given to predictions, and in great repute in those times for them; had a happy guesse, when long since he prognosticated, that Cent. 9. Sect. 49.

[Page]

Senat de Londres metront a mort leur Roy.

The London Parliament shall kill their King.

An action so treacherous, that it would not be expected from the Devill himself, after so many vows and protestations to the contrary, who as story saith, is true to his promise with those Miscreants who contract with him; so that his Majesty might now be dumb with astonishment, when six years before he cryed out with grief, And are all the Ex coll. p. 252. specious promises and loud professions of making us a great and glorious King; Of setling a greater Revenue upon us then any of our Ancestors, have enjoyed; of making us to be honour'd at home and fear'd abroad, resolved into this? Yet doth the King yet live as a Saint as well as a Martyr, in the memory of good men; and, as long as Learning or Piety are permitted to adorn the world, his divine meditations will be had by every one in greater esteem; then Alexander had of Homer, Antonius Caracalla of Oppians Verses, or the Lord Burleigh of Tully's Offices. Cujus siquis materiae pondus styli nitorem, rationis nervos, ardoremque pictatis aequa lance pensitet, Regnum inter scriptores illum promeruisse vel ipsa fatebitur invidia: et quae praedominum civile ausu nefan do extorsit, reddet literarium. Elench. Mot. pag. 191, Gualdo part. 3. pag. 413. Such is the excellency of the style, the strength of its reason, the noblenesse of its Subject; that malice it self cannot deny, but that the Royall Composer hath excell'd all other humane pen-men. Nor was the fame of his quil only made known to this Island, but forraigners allow him the priority of all others in this virtue. But I shall conclude this sad Tragedie, and Murther, with the Stanza's of a good Historian and Poet.

What dissolute proceedings have we here?

Sam. Daniel Warrs of York, and Lancaster. book. 2. Sect. 109, 110.

What strange presumptuous disobedience?

What unheard fury void of awe or fear,

With monstrous unexampled insolence?

Durst Subjects ever here, or any where,

Thus impiously presume so fowle offence,

To violate the power commanding all,

And into judgment Majesty to call?

Fame, hide it close and do not carry word

To after-coming ages of our shame,

Blot out of Books, and rase out of Record

All Monuments, memorials of the same:

Forget to tell how we did lift our sword,

And envious idle accusations frame

Against our lawful Soveraign, when we ought

His end and our release have stay'd, not sought.

[Page]

CHAP. III

The Inconstancy, villany, and monstrous Tyranny of the wicked Army! till the Restauration of his Majesty.

THus did the Rump tryumph, when separated from the secluded Members. The which outing, was as great a Providence, as any that hath hapned to the distracted Kingdoms these many years (the miraculous restauration of his Majesty excepted). For if they had admitted the King to his Title again, yet had it been so qualified, that his Authority and honour had lain in the dust, his friends and our ancient Church utterly distroyed and discredited, and an abused Nation trampled upon by a tyrannizing and schismatical Presbytery.

The Rump being thus a Cock-horse acted on with more wickedness then the 30 Athenian Tyrants, there being no good Theramenes at Diod. Sicul Bib. l. 14. c. 1. Westminster, as there was at Athens, honestly to oppose our unheard of Villanies, who presently Vote the House of Lords uselesse and dangerous, and the Kingly-Office unnecessary and burthensome. And for 6 Feb. 7 Feb. the better carrying on of their designes, order a Committee of Estates consisting of several Lords and Commons, who were to sit in White-Hall, and rule the Militia and Navy, and look after the Trade and safety and peace of the Nation, and this to continue a year and no longer; 14 Feb. And makes it treason for any to proclaim the King, vote themselves a Free State and a Common-wealth, and order an Engagement to be taken all England over, to be true and faithful to them. And having thus secured themselves, they ruled the roast till 1653. In which year 20 April. they were pul'd out by the eares, by their Generall and darling Cromwel and his hireling Red-coats, who affirm'd, Wisedome and direction Declarat. why they dissolved the Rump. being sought from the Lord, it seem'd to be a duty incumbent upon us, who had seen so much of the power and presence of God going along with us. And that we were bound by necessity and providence to act as we have done, even beyond and above our own thoughts and desires.

The Rump being thus squeezed out, Oliver began to be all in all, and so for some daies the Nation remain'd without any Government, but what reflected from the beams of his Orient Nose; in which time the Fleet, and the Army in Scotland, with others, congratulate his valour against the Beasts at Westminster, and resolve to stick to him, as was formerly concluded upon amongst themselves.

Yet at last after some consultation, a Councill of State was order'd to 30 April. sit, till another Representative be call'd, he and his Officers acting at pleasure. At last, as the King doth with the Peers, so did he with his confiding Commons, sending out his Letters to every man who should sit, whereby none were permitted but such as he pleas'd.

[Page] The men that were summon'd by his particular writs (above a hundred in number) accordingly met at White-Hall, where their Patron Cromwell made a canting Speech to them, and then gave them an Instrument under his own fist and seal, whereby he constituted them the 4 July. Supreme authority of the Nation, taking himself to be Don Quixot's Knighterrant, to whom all things were common. This conventicle puts me in mind of that Parliament, kept at Coventry in Henry the sixths time; which was afterwards declared a devilish Councill and only celebrated for the distruction of the Nobility, and no lawful Parliament: Because they which were return'd, were never elected according to the due 1459. Stow's Chron. pag. 412. col. 1. order of the Law; but secretly named by them which desired rather the destruction then the advancement of the Common-wealth. The majority of these men were according to Olivers own heart, being of his own fraternity; by whose compliablenesse, he knew was the only way to make himself more great. To bring which to pass upon some instinct or other, they and he together dissolve themselves: A great part of 12 December them with their gray headed Speaker going to Oliver, and deliver'd him the power that they pretended to have receav'd from him, whose wicked working-noddle was not unlike Ismens in Tasso who

—I suoi Demon negli empi uffici impiega.

Cant. 2. Sect. 1.

Pur come servi, egli discioglie, elega.

Could Devills imploy to act what he design'd,

And them, as if his slaves, could loose and bind.

Now were we again left without any shew of Government, but what lay in the sword and breasts of Cromwell and his dissembling adherents; who, after three days seeking God as they said (and their devilish Hypocrisie verified the old saying In nomine Domini incipit omne malum); It was resolved upon, that Cromwell should be chosen Lord Protector 16 Dec. of the three Nations. And was accordingly sworn, and after proclaimed.

Thus Oliver Cromwel from a low estate (yet a Gentleman) rais'd himself to the Supremacy in England, not unlike the Macedonian Nabin thus related by the Poetical Monck of Saint Edmunds-Bury.

Having no title save title of robbrye

Only by force himself to magnefye

John Lydgate. lib. 5. fol. 126.

Which with stronge honde toke full possession

For to be crowny'd in thilke region.

To obtain this Height, his naturall dissimulation was none of his least assistants; who with his eyes lift up to heaven, and his hands clapt upon his Egregius simulandi, et dissimulandi Artisex qui sublatis in Coelum oculis. dextra (que) pectori applicata, Dei nomon invocabit lacrymabitur, precabitur, aget paenitentiam, donec sub quinta costa trajecerit alloquentem. Elench. Motuum. pag. 88. breast, would weep, pray, bemoan and call upon God, till he had destroy'd [Page] him, to whom he seem'd most friendly; so that in this he seem'd to be typified by Alete in the Italian Heroick Poem.

Alete è l'un che da principio indegno

Tasso. Cant. 2.

Tra le brutture de la Plebe è sorto;

Ma l'innalzaro à i primi honor del Regne

Parlar facondo, e lusinghiero, e scorto,

Pieghevoli costumi, e vario ingegno,

Al finger pronto, à l'ingannare accorto:

Gran fabro di calunnie, adorne in modi

Novi, che sono accuse, e paion lodi.

Alete from the basest Rabble came,

From a vile Clown's unworthy loyns being sprung;

Yet did he rise unto the greatest Name;

By a dissembling, lying, cunning tongue.

His temper to all humours could he frame;

And by his craft and lyes blanch o're all wrong:

A great back-biter, but in such quaint wayes,

As whom h'accuseth most, he seems to praise.

Nor may we be branded with want of Charity, if we suspect his Religion to be as true as he pretended: for, that he confided more in the sharpness of his Sword, than the right of his Cause, is evident from his swerving from all his Oaths, Protestations, and Promises, for the advantage of his own Interest; in which, he was not unlike Argante, in the former Poet,Cant. 2. who

D'ogni Dio sprezzator, eche ripone

Ne la spada sua legge, e sua ragione.

Did scorn and spurn at God, and would afford,

Nor Law, nor Reason, but his bloudy Sword.

Yet for all his Valour and Knavery, as Piedro Messia admires the sodain rise of Julius Caesar, so may I of Oliver; considering, he had not only the Royalists his Enemies, (and Experience tells us, and a Venetian Gualdo. part. 4. [...] 9. P. 515. well observeth, he was the greatest that ever the King had), but also the Presbyterians, to both which, Cromwel's Faction was but a handful; yet may this wonder be somewhat lessen'd, by considering, that the Parliament and Non-conformists, had done formerly the main drudgery of the work to his hands. Many Articles was he sworn to observe, contain'd in the Book of Government, which with his Oath were afterwards alter'd by The Advice. As he gain'd his Government by bloud and craft, so did he keep it, cutting off all people whom he the least suspected; and toleing the people along to their own slavery and destruction, as the Pyed Pyper did the Children and Verstegan. cap. 3. p. 85. [Page] Rats of Hamel in Brunswick, some four years he protected it, giving Laws to, and dissolving Parliaments at, pleasure; a thing which he, and his Creatures, formerly judged most wicked: But many men commend themselves in that, for which they despise others. And thus shall I leave Oliver with Nostradamus, his Praediction above a hundred years ago.Cent. 10. sect. 22.

Le Roy des Isles sera chassé par force,

Mis à son Lieu qui de Roy n'aura signe.

A King of Islands, shall be bannish'd; and

An upstart Jack by force shall rule the Land.

Oliver being thus wafted away in a whirlwind, his Son Richard, as the 3. Sept. 1658. Father had appointed, succeeded: to whom all the Armies of the three Nations with some others, shoal with innumerable Addresses, pittifully lamenting the death of his Father, whom they profainly honour with all the good titles they could pick out of the Holy Scriptures; protesting to stand by him, and professing and acknowledging their happiness under his Rule. But for all these their Asseverations, he had not govern'd (prudently, piously, faithfully, to his immortal honour, Preface to his Holy-Common-wealth, p. 25. as his great friend and admirer Mr. Baxter saith), long; but they, by the contrivance of Lambert, and others, having weakned his Party, by forcing him to dissolve his Parliament, thrust him out of the Throne too; by which action, as Mr. Baxter saith, he was very ill used.

The Officers of the Army having thus sleighted him; command all things by their Consultations at Wallingford-House; and from thence 6. May. 1659. issued forth a Declaration to recal the Rump again, who the next day accordingly met. And this, forsooth, was by them call'd the Good old Cause; but why it should be honour'd with that Epethite, I know no more, than why the wicked sin of Sodomie should be commended by Johannes Casa. These men having Triumph'd for about half a year, a great jealousie grew betwixt them and their Army. For Lambert returning to London, proud with his pretty Conquest over Sir George Booth, instigated his Red-coats, to Petition the Parliament for a General, (and then he knew how to act his part as well as Cromwell did in 1648). But the cunning Rumpers smelling the design, Voted this grand Office, as in a single Person, to be needless, chargeable and 23. Septemb. dangerous; which denyal of theirs, was so farr from danting the Resolved Commanders (who knew, that if they were now baffled, their ruine by Rump-craft would soon follow) who made no more use of the Parliament, nor the Members of the Army, then they would serve for one anothers Interests; and so after several Consultations at Wallingford. 5. Octob. House, publickly desired a Chief Commander again, in their Representation delivered by Gyant Desborough. The Rump perceiving the Army resolute, and fearing a change of Government, enact it [Page] Treason for any to raise Moneys, but by their consent, and the next 11. Octob. day (their disease being desperate) Vote Lambert, and the chief of his Faction out of Commission, and appoint seven Commissioners over the Army, Fleetwood being Lieutenant-General; a man of an easie disposition, and so apt to be both cozened and commanded. But this hindred nothing, the Armies prosecution of their own designs; who to requite the good turn done them by the Rump, turn'd them out of 13. Octob. Authority, leaving us without any Government, only appointing Fleetwood Commander in Chief, whose soft nature made him imploy'd by both Factions, wanting wit of himself, to do any man any harm; yet, as a Cyfer, could add something to the number.

The Rump being now defunct, and the Army-Lords Paramount, are continued some days without any Form of Government but those Ranters at Wallingford-House; who at last, constituted ten pure Youths 19. Octob. to carry on the affairs of the State.

But the glory of these Decemviri lasted not long, being null'd by their Lords and Masters the Army, (so unconstant were their actions), who order'd another Model of Government, under the pretty Title of The Committee of Safety, consisting of Twenty three Brethren 26. Octob. in Iniquity; all people of great pretended Sanctity, though their villany, made some think, that Hell was broke loose, and sat in Council in a place built for their betters.

The Committee of Safety, who now appointed a pack of Beagles to hunt after some Form of Government from Utopia, Atlantis the fairy Country, or some Terra incognita, or other (provided, there should be no such thing as King-ship) continued not long in any peaceable condition. For General Monk hating the Tyranny of the English Army, opposed their proceedings; which occasioned Lambert with some 3. Novemb. tatterdemallions, to march Northwards the same day, that the wicked Long-Parliament commenced; thinking by the terror of these Forces to reduce those in Scotland (having had formeely good luck there) to his Obedience. But in this he ruined himself: for London, [more then could be expected from that Monster of Wood and Stone, considering their former proneness to, and complyance with intolerable mischief; and, when many of them will really be honest and dutiful to the Laws, considering the multitude of their Schismatical Presbyterian-Pulpitiers, I know not] this City?, I say, opposing the Committee of Safety in the City, and the Rumpers playing their Cards well at Portsmouth, and other places, and General Monk politickly droling Lambert to delays; Fleetwood and the rest of his seeming sanctified Associates fell to durt. By which means, the indefatigable Rump was restored again, and 26. Decemb. with a seeming joy received by the Time-serving Army, their former stiff Enemies, now protesting themselves their especial friends. Nor need this Hypocrisie appear any strange matter from such like Hirelings as they were, who are Masters of their own tongues and humours, and can commend and vilifie according as their own Interest leads; of which their actions towards this very Rump, will testifie sufficiently. [Page] For, when they dissolved them, [1653. 20. April], they then call'd them, Declarat. 22. April. 1653. a corrupt Party, having an aversion to things conducible to the good of the Common-wealth, and opposition to the people of God. And that, through the corruption of some, and jealousie of others, the non-attendance and negligence of many, would never answer those ends, which God, his People, and the whole Nation expected from them. This is an Indictment black enough to make any man odious to all the World; yet few years after, the Scene was altered, and those aspersions quite forgot. For, when their Interest ingaged them to restore the Rump again, Good God! how they

—Stroak them on the head,

Cleaveland.

Call them good Boys, and buy them Ginger-bread.

Then they look upon them as people faln from Heaven, and think nothing can be too good for such white Boys, professing, That the want of Declarat. 6. May. 1659. them is one cause of the Lords with-drawing his wonted presence, for they were eminent Asserters of the Good Cause, and had a special presence of God with them, and were signally blest in that work. And with this same Legerdemain was the poor Rump gull'd the third time. For, but some six Humble Representation. 5 Octob. 1659. dayes before they were again cast out by these Souldiers, the very Army call themselves several times the Parliaments Army, and humble and faithful Servants, protesting, through the help of God, that they would be found (notwithstanding all endeavours to the contrary) faithful to them. But Experience proved, that this their Protestation lasted no longer, then that the Rump acknowledged them (or rather, five or six Chieftains) in Authority; so, that I may say of the Army, as was formerly sung of the Pope, by one of our own Poets.

Nulla—non—concessa potestas,

Georg. Goodwin. Melissa. Relig. Pont. Eleg. 2.

Illius Imperium fas (que) nefas (que) facit.

Dat, rapit, exarmat, ditat, depauperat, ornat,

Foedera rescindit, bella cruenta ciet.

Cuncta tamen licitè, quoniam generale—

—Imperium nil nisi jure facit.

These have all power, and by their Swords can cause,

Things to be good or bad though 'gainst all Laws,

Can make us poor or rich, can give or take,

Raise cruel Wars, and all Agreements break;

Yet all these things are legal, cause their might,

So frames their Rule, that what they do is right.

By which means we seem'd to be return'd to the first Chaos of Government, Populus nullis legibus tenebatur, arbitria I [...]lacipum prolegibus erant. Justin. pag. 1. where people were ruled by no Laws, but the will and lust of their Chieftains, as Justin informs us. And probably, that people under no Laws, live more happy than those, whose Laws and [Page] Government are so apt to change, that they know not what to trust to, next day.

The Rump being thus restored, thought nothing, but that all would fall down and worship them: But in this they quickly found that they reckon'd without their Hoast. For, General Monke perceiving the inconsistency of these self-ended, erroneous, popular Governments, with the good of the Nations; resolved to crush the proceedings of any more such like wickedness. For which purpose, with his small Army, he moved towards London, by any easie, and tedious motion; by which means he sounded the hearts of all the Nation, by their Address to him; where he found all the clamour for a Free-Parliament, and through it the Restauration of their desired King. And to bring this about after some complements with the Rump, (who now fear'd him); for a blind, and fashion sake, he restored the long-banish'd Secluded Members. 21. February 1659/60.

A piece of a Parliament being now drawn together, by the addition of the Secluded Members to the Rump; the good Nobility, and Gentry of the Nation, began to be valiant once more, and to utter some thoughts of Kingship: Knowing, that the animosity of the two parties in the House against each other, would be the Rump's destruction, and the occasion of a New-representative; for which, they nominated a Council 24. February. 16. March. of State consisting of thirty Members; and the next Moneth, Dissolved themselves from being a Parliament, leaving the Government of the Nation, to the aforesaid Council, till the New-representative met.

The New-Parliament being met according to their Writs, received 25. Apr. 1660. his Majesties Gratious Letters to them, by Sir John Greenvill; and unanimously acknowledge him for their King, and Soveraign, with desires 1 May. of his return to receive his Crown. And having prepar'd all things for his reception, he accordingly return'd to England, (where long may he raign) to the unspeakable joy, and benefit of the good, and Loyal people, and the confusion of Rebellion, and Schism.

Thus in the space of eleven years, have we run the Gant-lope, through the series of seventeen Governments, of which take this following scheme.

1. King Charles the first.

2. Rump.

3. Oliver and his Officers,——20. April 1653.

4. Council of State,———30. April.

5. Barebones Parliament,———4. July.

6. Oliver and his Officers,——12. Decemb.

7. O. Cromwell Protectour,——16. Decemb.

8. Richard Protectour,———3. Septem. 1658.

9. Rump the second time,——6. May 1659.

10. Wallingford-house Junto, with Lambert, and Fleetwood,———13. Octob.

11. Council of ten men,——19. Octob.

[Page] 12. Committee of Safety,——26. Octob.

13. Rump the third time,———26. Decemb.

14. Secluded Members, and Rump,—21. Feb. 1659/60.

15. Council of State,———16. March.

16. Parliament,———25. Apr. 1660.

17. King Charles the second,——

And what miseries the Nation underwent in these chopping, and changing of Models, is not yet forgot. This thing was to day High-treason, which to morrow was good law; and the seduced people swore to maintain that, the contrary to which the next week they were constrain'd to defend: So that old Chaucer's complaint, may well be here revived.

O sterne people! unsad, and untrewe,

Clerk of Oxford's tale par. 6. f. 59. R.

Aye undiscrete, and chaungying as a fane,

Delyting ever in rumur that is new,

For like the Moon ever waxe ye, and wane,

Ever full of clappying, dere enough a iane

Your dome is false, your constaunce evel preveth,

A full great fool is he that on you leveth.

And all this, by the power of a faithless, rebellious, schismatical, and heretical Army, compos'd of people betwixt whose hearts, and tongues, was a certain Antipathy; so that it had been more credit to them, had they been framed like the people of Quinbaia, (not unlike those Wywaypanamyans) Abbot's Geogr. pag. 314. Purchas. part, 4. pag. 1285. and other parts of Peru, with their heads in their brests; for then their tongues had been so near their hearts, that they could not have given their tongues the lye. But these were agreeable to the wicked man, complained on by David, who did not onely break his Covenants, Psal. 55. 20, 21. but was also full of deceit. But this wickedness of theirs they indeavour to wipe out, by affirming they did but follow the steps of the Parliament, who swore to maintain the King, yet cut off his head; Armies Plea 1659. p. 24. though 'tis no excuse to save a thief from the gallows, to plead, that the knack of stealing was invented before his time. This jugling is odious in any man, but, especially for a Souldier, whose profession, like our Knight errants, is to right all people, punish the wicked, and relieve the opprest. And thus taken, no man can but honour his calling, knowing, that in a good cause, none deserves his wages, or pay better; ventring life, limbs, and all that is dear to him, for his Countries benefit.

But for your Souldiers of fortune, who censure the goodness of their cause, by the greatness of their pay, and booty; who venture their lives onely for their own private interests; and fight meerly because they hate peace, or, because their former villanies in time of tranquillity would be brought to question, who know no Conscience, and acknowledge no Law, but that call'd Martial; [the which though the severest, yet so [Page] seldome put in practise, or at least, runs by partiallity, witness the condemning, and quitting the same (once) great man about the same falt, that like the Rack in England, 'tis rather talk'd of then known]. As for these Banditi, or rather wild Canables, they are so much the Pest of a Nation, that they were not unlike that antient plague, call'd by the Northern-people, the Grace of God; yet, for all it's good name, the effects of it was destructive: And as they pray'd against the graces of God, meaning that sickness; so might we against our Army, said to be composed of Saints, though their actions, and intentions were altogether wicked; being constant to nothing but Gain, whereby the Poets observation may more especially be appropriated to this Army.Lucan. lib. 10.

Nulla fides, pietásque viris, qui castra sequuntur;

Venalésque manus, ibi fas ubi maxima merces.

Nor faith, nor piety, these hirelings sway;

Thinking there is most right, where is most pay.

These men were more fit to fight under the Banner of the one eyed Arimaspi, who formerly used to wage war against the Gryffens, meerly Quod genus hominum,—nihil tam atrox sit, quod resugisti, nihil tam turpe quod erubescat decuniae. Egisyppus Exid. Hierosol. lib. 5. cap. 25. for the greediness of gold; or the aviritious Syrians, who like these men, will perpitrate any thing for money: then to list themselves amongst Christians, who should first know the reason of the war, before they enter into it, and then act wholly for the publick good. Not fighting pro and con, according as their Officers (prompted by private opens) please to lead them on; as if like Bull-rushes, they ought to be obedient to every blast of their rotten-hearted Commanders.

And if cowardice (a thing not to be separate from all honest men, let the Philosopher think the contrary) have been thought by the best Souldiers worthy of death; what punishment is fit for these Needhamites, who have no end, or reason for their supposed valour, but the destruction of those who are better then themselves? as if like Envy in the Poet, they repined at the flourishing of good things. So that truly it may be said of them, as the Long-Parliament, usher'd on by their own confidence, was pleas'd to affirm of the King. That notwithstanding all the Vows, and Protestations, to govern by Laws, which have been disperst throughout the Kingdom, to blind, and decieve the people, the most mischievous Ex. Coll. p. 575. principles of Tyranny are practised, that ever were invented. For if Le Sieur Colletet doth give us a true discription of Tyranny, (and he was both learn'd and ingenious enough to understand it) we may easily conceive that it was never more practised, then in these late times in England.Epigram. p. 212.

Ravir la paix, & le repos,

Accabler la France d'impos,

Rire du peuple, qui soûpire

Sons le joug d'un cruel Empire,

[Page] Remplir d'infames Garnisons,

Jousque, au foger de nos maisons,

Vouloir qu' en nos propres familles,

Le soldat caresse nos filles:

Forcer en tout temps, en tout lieu,

Les Loix de l'Estat, & de Dieu,

Sage Conrart, c'est la manie,

De la nouuelle Tyrannie.

To over-cloud our peace, and rest,

The Land with Taxes to infest,

To' Abuse the people, who do groan

Under a Curst, bloud-shedding Throne,

To cumber mankind with a Croud

Of Garrisons, base-born, yet proud,

To let the Souldiers 'fore our eyes,

Abuse our Daughters, as their prise:

Always to violate, and withstand,

The laws of God, and of the Land;

Is, Sir, if I can right define,

Of Tyranny the onely sign.

And this description agrees with those villanies to make up a Tyrant, mentioned by the learned, and, amongst the rest, that ever famous Saravia, the Mauller of Beza. And really, the arrogancy of every beggerly De Imperandi Authoritate l. 2. cap. 24, 25. &c. Red-coat, and intolerable pride and insolency of every upstart dung-hill-bred Commander (many of their extractions being little better) was such, that we had cause to think, as was formerly said of the days of King Stephen, that there were in England as many Tyrants, as Governours Tot erant in Anglia Tyranni, quot castellorum domini Lans. Consult. p. 559. of Towns, and Castles. And I fear, [nor doth my doubt argue want of charity] that many of them by their arrogant wickedness, have not crost the Proverb, Set a Begger on horse back, and he will ride to the Devil. For we know that such upstarts are naturally most proud, which hath been held above an ordinary sin, and what sign of repentance they have yet shewn, I am altogether ignorant.

How our Nation was reformed, (after so much fighting for it's pretended happiness) when our Kings, Nobility, Clergy, and Gentry were thrown by as useless; and Coblers, Draymen, and such Mechanicks, set up in authority to domineer over us: will make posterity blush to consider, as it hath done Forraigners, rather to abuse, then pity us. And will remain as a sign to posterity, of the Armie's abominable hypocrisie, and falshood: When they had the confidence to assert their first cause, Armies plea, 1659. p. 7, 8. the just rights, and liberties, of all honest, and good men, in their peaceable, and quiet living; and not at all indulged, either themselves, or others, in the troubling, suppressing, or abridging any, though keen, and froward against the Army, in the free use, and enjoyment of their just rights, and liberties; and all this, and much more, with simplicity, impartiallity,[Page]and uprightness of heart. Yet all this not half so true as the sea burns, let the Country people confide never so much in the Proverb.

'Twas a mad world, my Masters, when John of Leyden a Taylor, must be made King of the Universe: And Robert Kett a Tanner, ruin our English inclosers according to his discretion; Or Michael Joseph a Black-smith; endeavour to correct the King, and his Council. Naples, we may suppose, was well reformed, when Thomas Anello a poor Fisher-man, would there rule the roast, to the destruction of many stately buildings. And the Kingdome of Spain had small reason to bless her happiness, when the sortish Commonalty against their King, [the Emperor Charles the fifth] and Nobility, must be govern'd by the basest sort of people; as Bodadilla a Cloth-worker at Medina del Campo, Villeria a Skinner in Pru. de Sandoval. part. 1. lib. 6. Sect. 1. Salamanca, and such like offals of rationality. What prosperity could they expect from their Junta's, when in their great Assembly, none durst speak but such, as one Pinelles a Cloth-worker was pleased to order, 1b. Sect. 20. by the pointing to them with his Rod of an Usurpt Authority? And what a Bedlam should we have had in England, if the Inferior rusticks of Kent, Essex, &c. under Wat Tyler a Taylor, Jack Straw, and others such low-born chieftains, had prevail'd against King Richard the second, who endeavoured to destroy the King, Nobility, and Clergy; extirpate all Learning, and overthrow all Government, by their levelling humours? For which purpose, they murdered all persons of quality, which fell into their clutches if not of their society; burnt, and distroy'd the best houses in London; And had so little respect of persons, that every slave amongst them, would sport themselves upon the King's bed, and impudently invite the King's Mother to kiss with them, whose head they also broak in a Tyrannizing frolick: And that their villany might be compleat by a bloudy Sacriledge, they took Simon Tibald, aliàs Sudbury, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and in their devilish fury, by eight mangling stroaks, cut off his head; and for more infamy, set it upon Londonbridge.

How parallel (or rather excell'd) our late Rebellion hath run to this, is not unknown. How hath our Nobility, and Gentry been trod upon, and that by the scum of Manhood; whose wicked designes were mainly carried on for their utter annihilation: And they began betimes, witness that confident Petition of the Rascally Londoners, at the beginning Ex. Coll. p. 548. of the Long-Parliament, that the House of Lords might not be distinct from the Commons, but both to sit together, by which means the King would be forced to descend too. And with what applause the Commons received this durty Paper, is clear from their swagring with it before the Lords; whereas their Loyalty had been more shewn, had they burnt the Petition, and cut off the Presenters ears; but then I believe some of the Composers, would have pleaded Protection by Priviledge of Parliament, for 'tis more then suspected who set such people on work.

[Page] Thus was Nobility struck at, and afterwards by the rabble held in real reproach; so that their intentions seem'd to comply in wickedness with those dung-hil Rebels in Valentia, who were resolved to destroy all Sandoval. lib. 6. Sect. 20. the Gentry; which occasioned a Hat-makers wife in Saint Catharines-street in the same City, seeing some Gentlemen go by, to shew them to her children, and they asking the reason, she replyed, Because when you Porque quando se ais grandes podais dezir que vistes los Cavalleros. come to be men, you may say that you have seen Gentlemen. Nor is it the Gentry alone that suffer, but, how also have our Princes been not onely abused, but murthered? How hath learning been out-vapoured by ignorance? And our Reverend Clergy outed by a swarm of Enthusiastick Schismaticks? Nor do we want the loud Cry of a Reverend Arch-bishop to make the story alike. Yet how far our modern Hectors are from Repentance, I need not tell.

For my part I have a better opinion for the Tyrian slaves, who slew all Justin. lib. 18. their Lords, and Masters, onely one by chance escaped call'd Strato: yet afterwards on their own accord repented, and chose Strato for their King; then I have for those Scythians, who (though their occasional Id. lib. 2. crime was not great) would not be brought to obedience, but by force, and scourges.

CHAP. IV.

The Grand Perjury of the Parliament, and Army.

OF all things, nothing is more destructive to government, then Perjury, and falseness; amongst the retainers of these sins, all Laws, or Constitutions, (the foundation of Rule) being of no validity. Nor is this of it self onely a political fault, but a great sin against the Almighty, of which the Poet speaks like a good Divine, (as he might be, for ought I know.)

—Quid enim magis esse profanum,

Lud. Lucius Hist. Jesuit. li 1. 3. cap. 2. pag. 317.

Aut mage turpe potest; quàm sacris ludere pactis,

Vincláque divini violare sacerrima juris?

Nothing a man more base and wicked shows,

Then to break Sacred Promises and Vows.

Yet nothing hath been more familiar with our late Grandees then this; which makes me sometimes apt to fancy, that our Phanaticks hold all manner of Oaths unlawful, (though before a Magistrate) meerly as a pretty salvo for their Perjury, thinking those not fit to be kept, which in the Original is unwarrantable to be taken. And this reason, as Prateolus doth hint, was formerly in use amongst Priscillians, who though they Elenc. Haeret. pag. 53. opposed the legality of Oaths, yet had this for a rule amongst themselves.

[Page]

Jura, perjura, secretum prodere noli.

—Swear and forswear,

But from discovering your designs forbear.

Thus the Graecian Lysander made so little Conscience of Oaths, that he affirm'd, they were but to deceive men, as false-play children. And, whether our Non-conformists are of the same opinion, or no, I know not; though I am confident King James tells us, (and experience makes it not Bas. Dor. lib. 2. p. 33, 34. altogether untrue), that they care as little for the Observation of Oaths as another. Though I believe, that many of them, at their last hour, will be asham'd at their hands, either for holding them up at the Covenant, or subscribing our late Engagements; as Rodulphus the Duke of August. Brun. Trias Electoral. pag. 123. Mutius de Germ. l. 15. p. 130. Schweben (by some of our English Writers erroniously call'd Duke of Saxony) was for violating his Faith to the Emperour Henry the fourth. And without question, if many of our Time-servers were to have their fidelity tryed by Ordeal (a fashion amongst the Ancient Saxons), there is few of them but would either burn their toes, or end their dayes by their knack of sinking: Or, if we had but here, some of those ancient Fountains mentioned by Alexander ab Alexandro; how many Lib. 5. cap. 10. thousands would make as good sport by diveing, as Lazarello when shew'd about Spain in a Tub for a strange fish.

But to return to our late times, in which, we are first to consider the two Oaths, one of Supremacy, (made in Queen Elizabeth's time), and the other of Allegiance (made in King James his reign) wherein, all are sworn to defend the Kings Person, Progeny, Power, Authority, and Priviledges, and acknowledge him to be Supream over all; and this also the Protestation and Covenant bound them to keep. But, how these were observed, and that by the Parliament itself (every Member therein having taken the two Oaths), is not unknown. And, if these allow'd them to fight against the King, or at least to kill him, I shall lament my Baptism, and put no more trust in my Creed.

When the Rump had perjured themselves by beheading their King, they frame an Engagement, obliging all to take it; or else to have no benefit of an English-man, the words of which were these;

I do declare and promise, that I will be true and faithful to the Common-wealth of England, as it is now established without a King or House of Lords.

This was taken by all the Officers and Souldiers of the Armies who return'd their Subscriptions in Parchment-Rolles, to make the work more sure and lasting; and besides them many others took it.

But the Army kept not long to this their Solemn Engagement; for they not only rooted out the Rump, but alter'd the Government again to a single Person, by making Oliver Cromwell Protector, whose Council, [Page] by Order of his Parliament, was to swear Fidelity and Allegiance to him; and every Member of Parliament, both then, and for the future, did, and was, to swear Failty to him, thus;

I A. B. Do in the presence, and by the Name of God Almighty, promise 26. June. 1657. and swear—That I will be true and faithful to the Lord Protector of the Common-wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Dominios and Territories thereunto belonging, as Chief Magistrate thereof: and shall not contrive, design, or attempt, any thing against the Person or lawful Authority of the Lord Protector.—

This Oath in behalf of Protectorship, and a single Person, lasted not long: for, the Army having overthrown Richard, and again restored the Rump, another Oath was ordered to be taken, in these words;

You shall swear, That you will be true, faithful, and constant, to this Common-wealth, without a single Person, Kingship, or House of Lords.

And after all this, as if one Oath signified nothing, some of them took a new-found-out Oath of Abjuration against Kingship, though poor Souls! only to their own shame and confusion. And this was the pretty invention of the hot-headed Knight Don Haslerigo, one, of Dr. Burges's Principles, to abominate and hate all Bishops, but to imbrace and love their Lands dearly; but this fault is not only incident to them, it being the main reason, that there is such a skip-jack as an English Presbytery.

Such horrid Perjury as this, and such abominable Villanies committed by our late Parliaments, made them not a little guilty of the highest Sacriledge. The Parliament-House where the Commons now sit, being formerly St. Steven's Chappel, built by King Steven; The consideration of which, might have moved honest men to have acted more religiously, though these men only sate there to ruine both it and the Church: It being a knack amongst our new Saints, to pull down Churches for the Propagation of Religion, an action of more malice than reason, being as ridiculous, as the wise-men of Gotham, to put Saltfish into a Pond to multiply; or to hedge in the Cookow: and as simple as Maestro Nun̄o (Divinity Professor in Valladolid) who made a great Gage's Travels. pag. 101. deal of clutter, to borrow Boots and Spurs, because he was to ride in a Coach. But of this no more: only if those men be not perjured who swallowed these contradictory Oaths, I shall allow my self not only irrational, but bemoan my condition, because not born one of the old Aegyptian Heathens, whose Religion punish'd such sins with severe death.

[Page]

CHAP. V.

The wicked Sacriledge of the Parliament and Army.

THe Schoolmen and others, make a threefold Sacriledge, viz. either by taking away from, or violating in, a holy place, a holy thing; or secondly, an holy thing from, or in, a place not holy or fanctified; or lastly, a thing not holy, in, or from a holy place. And, that there are some places and things holy, I suppose, few (but those who are wickedly interested in Church-Lands) will plead ignorance; For, though this or that, originally be not really holy of it self; yet, the Dedication Apellatione autem rei sacrae accipitur ea quae sanctitatem aliquam habet, aut Christi institutione, aut Ecclcsiae Consecratione—ca item quam Ecllesia ad sacros usus & Ministeria destinavit. Jo. Sor. Institut. Moral. part. 1. lib. 9. cap. 27. and Consecration of them by the Church, to holy uses, makes them holy to the Lord. For, saith God,—devoted things that a man shall devote unto the Lord.—every Levit. 27. 28. devoted thing is most holy unto the Lord. And these things once offer'd unto the Lord are not to be profaned: And, if any through ignorance Id. 5. 15. 18. sin against this, He shall make amends for the harm that he hath done in Id. 22. 15. the holy thing.

Belshazzar's sin was not so much for being drunk with Wine, but Dan. 5. 2, 23. his sacrilegious drinking out of the Vessels of the Temple: Those who rob God of his Tithes and Offerings, are severely curst, and an Mal. 3. 8, 9. express command against exchanging or alienating those things which are holy to the Lord, as the Lands of his Church. How highly did Ezek. 48. 12, 14. God punish those who regarded not his Temple, every man running unto his own House? and, what little impression hath this made upon Hag. 1. 9, 10. England, where most forsook the Church, drawing themselves to illegal Conventicles, and such private Houses, never intended for such publick duties? 'Tis noted as a great aggravation of King Ahaz iniquities 2 Chron. 28. 22, 23, 24. for destroying the holy Vessels, and shutting up the doors of the Temple; though amongst our late rebellious Reformers, such actions were esteem'd a true token of holiness. Jehoash King of Judah, took 2 King. 12. 17, 18. all the treasure and holy things out of the Temple, and sent them to Hazael, King of Syria, for a bribe, and was recompenced by being slain by his Servants. But our Innocent King was murdered by those who had fed their Brethern with Monies impiously rent from Church-Lands; whereby their Villanies were doubled, to make them more serviceable to their cloven-footed Master who set them on work.

The wisest man that ever was, assureth us, That it is a snare to a Prov. 20. 25. man who devoureth that which is holy; and after vows to make enquiry: Out of which words a learned Writer observes, That he is guilty of death, who Laqueos mortis sibi induit quisquis Deum offendit, res ipstus aut sacras, aut consecratas avertendo, i. e. tollendo quod jam illius est, aut quod illi debetur retinendo. Junius in loc. sins against God, either by alienating, taking away, or keeping back, those [Page] things which are holy or consecrated to the Lord. Ananias and Saphiras Act. 5. act, is held by Divines as a true pattern of Sacriledge; for which they suffer'd death by a special judgement of God, as Achan in the old time was stoned to death. St. Paul admires that any man should Rom. 2. 22. be so wicked as to commit Sacriledge; and our late Sectaries wonder, that any should stand in aw of it: Our Saviours whipping the buyers and sellers, and such like, out of the Temple, is no small sign, what respect should be held to our Churches, not to be turn'd into Exchanges, as is well known, the once famous Cathedral of St. Pauls was.

For Confirmation of this, many heavy examples of Gods judgements Ezra 6. 11, 12. against those, who have either violated his Church, or alienated his Messengers Lands, might be drawn out of the Macchabees, Sir Henry Spelman, and other Historians, but that the certainty of such punishments are unquestionable.

Nor did the Reverend Fathers of the Primitive Church (led by the example of Gods severe threatnings and chastisements of such horrid wickedness) wink at such faults as this. A Reverend Asserter of the truth, positively assures us, that he who commits Sacriledge, by taking Quanto vehementius judicandus est sur Sacrilegus, qui eusus fuerit, non uadicun (que) tollere, sed de Ecclesia tollere. Qui aliquid de Ecclesia suratur, Judae perdito comparatur. August. in Evang. Joan. Tract. 50. p. 80. F. or stealing any thing from the Church, may be placed beside Judas, who betray'd our Saviour. And not much disconsonant from this, is the opinion of the Ancient Popes Concil. Edit. Bin. vol. 1. p. 100. a. Anacletus, and Concil. Bin. pag. 180. 6 Edit. Crabbe. To. 1. p. 161. col. 2. Lucius; who affirm, that those who rob and abuse the Church, are sacrilegious, and as much guilty, as if they had slain a man. How lamentably do the two old Fathers Orat. 1. p. 361. Gregory Nazianzen, and Hist. Eccles. lib. 3. c. 8. Theodoret, complain of the violation of Churches, and Church-plate and Treasure? How earnestly doth Spelman. Concil. p. 235. Boniface dehort King Aethelbold from acting Sacriledge? And, How plainly doth Lib. 3. Epist. 30. Innocent the third tell us, that he commits that sin, who layeth violent hands on a Bishop. Then miserable were those tumultuous wretches at Westminster, by their wicked assaults; but farr more those who destroy'd the Reveren'd Arch-bishop Laud, one of more Integrity and Religion, than Prynne, Gage, Burton, Hornius, and the rest of his railing Enemies.

Nor are the single Fathers only testifying the hainousness of this sin; but also the whole Church [And he that neglects to hear the Church, Mat. 18. 17. let him be unto thee as an Heathen-man and a Publican,] represented by their Council, have, after much seeking God, solemnly curst those who perpetrate this Iniquity. In one of them it was concluded upon, That if Siquis docet domum Dei contemptibilem esse, & conveatus qui in ea celebrantur; Anathema fit. Concil. Gangrens. c. 5. Bin. vol. 1. p. 384. any one teach, that the House of God, or those who meet in it are to be despised, let him be accursed. And with this doth another Council also agree, affirming, That the sin was so intolerable, that they should Ut non solum Excommunicatus, sed etiam Anathematizatus moriatur. Concil. Turonens. 2d. c. 25. Bin. To. 2 p. 660. a. not only be excommunicated, but that they should dye accursed. And, with these agree several other [Page] forraign Councils, too tedious here to be related, being all to the same purpose, which are enough to demonstrate, how the Fathers and Concil. Coloniens. part. 9. cap. 17. Crabbe. To. 3. p. 808. Concil. Aquisgranens. lib. 3. cap. 12. Id. lib. 2. c. 28. Crab. To. 2. p. 726, 729. Concil. Constantinopol. Quinsextum, Canon. 97. Francise. à Coriolano summ. Concil. pag. 60. vid. Plura in Conciliorum omnium General. & Provincial. collectione Regia. Edit. Lutet. Paris. Anno 1644. props of the Primitive Innocent Church did look upon this sin as most abominable, which might easily perswade any that dare pretend to honest principles, to keep themselves from such Iniquity.

But because some may look upon these instances as only extranious or forraign, and so not binding to the people of England, [Though the Laws of our Land, affirm the contrary, allowing and receiving as proper, all such Canons, Constitutions, &c. which are not repugnant 25 Hen. 8. c. 19. at the end. to our Laws, and the Kings Prerogative], I shall shew you with as much brevity as I can, what care hath been had by the State of England, over the Church and her priviledges for many hundred years past.

King Edgar about an hundred years before the Conquest, ordain'd That Churches should be imploy'd to no other use, then Divine Service; Docemus etiam, ut sacerdotes Ecclesias suas omni honorificentia custodiant in divinum Ministerium, purum (que) servitium, & in nihilum praeterea. Ncc illic hi permittant quid superflui, nec vel intro nec vel in proximo. Nullum illic vaniloquium, nihil factum indecorè: non hic inordinatae compotationis locus, nec vanita is unquam alicujus: nec Ecclesiae Coemiterium Canis intret, nec porcorum plures quam quis [i. e. custos as Spelman] possit regere. Canon. 26. circa. An 967. Spelman. Concil. pag. 451. and, that with all honour and respect, every thing to be done in all decency: all babling and such vain discourses to be banish'd thence, with all manner of bousing and tipling. Nay, that a Dog shall not be permitted to enter the Church-yard, or a Swine, if they can possibly be kept out. And many other Canons commanding reverence and respect to the Clergy and Church, may be seen in the same place.

Besides these, there is another ancient Order of the Church of England, wherein it is strictly forbidden to imploy the Vessels belonging to the Nullus sacerdotum seu laicus praesumat calicem aut patinan: aut quaelibet vasa sacra & divino cultui mancipata, ad alios usus retorquere. Nam quicun (que) de Calice Sacrato aliud bibit praeter Christi sanguinem, qui in Sacramento accipitur, & patinam ad aliud Officium habet quàm ad Altaris ministerium; deterrendus est exemplo Balthasar, qui dum vasa Domini in usus communes assumpsit, vitam pariter cum Regno amisit. Sect. 18. Spelm. Consil. pag. 594. Church, to any other use whatsoever then Divine Worship. In which Canon is also set before their eyes, as a warning-piece, Gods judgement upon Belshazzar, for carousing in the Vessels dedicated to God and the Church. And formerly the Kings of England were so careful of these things, that they have put heavy fines upon those who either rob'd God or his Quicun (que) res Dei vel Ecclesiae abstulerit, duodecima componat solutione, Episcopi res undecima solutione, &c. Spelm. Cons. p. 123. Church, as may appear by the Decrees of King Aethelbert above a thousand years ago; and several other English Councils, as the industrious Concil. pag. 398. 497. and learned Sir Henry Spelman will inform you. Nor have these Sacrilegious Verlets only escapt with a fine, but have been loaded with the severe and just Curse and Excommunication of the Church. Of which form, for example take this following; pronounced by Boniface [Page] Archbishop of Canterbury, assisted with other Bishops in their Pontificals, against all Church-spoilers and breakers of Church-liberties. By the Authority of Almighty God, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, Weaver's Fun. Mon. p. 48.—we Excommunicate, Accurse, and from the benefits of our holy Mother the Church, we sequester all those, who hereafter willingly, and maliciously, deprave or spoil the Church of her right. And all those that by any craft, or wiliness, do violate, break, diminish, or change the Church-Liberties and free Customs, contain'd in the Charters of the Common Liberties, &c. And, besides this, many other instances might be given of the heavy Imprecations laid upon the sacrilegious person, Auctuarium Addit. in Calce. Mat. Paris. p. 241, 242. Reyner. Dis cept. Histor. de Antiq. Benedict. in Anglia. Append. p. 49, 51. by authority of the Church. For few there are, which have been Founders or Benefactors, but, in their deed of gift, some heavy curse or other is denounced against those who shall either alienate or take away their charity and liberality.

Nor hath this Sacrilegious Villany been only fined, curst, or excommunicated; but as a reward for their wickedness, have suffer'd death by Law: amongst others, our Chronicles assure us of five, who suffer'd at one time, three of them being hang'd and burnt, and the Stow. p. 431. col. 2. other two prest to death: And to them may I add the hanging of William Mandevil, Baily of Abington, who under pretence of holiness had rais'd a Tumult, but especially against the Priests, whose heads he Id. p. 372. col. 1. vow'd to make as cheap as Sheep-heads, which were then, as some say, ten a peny. And how any man could think to escape without severe punishment, for alienating the Church-Lands, I know nor. Since former Parliaments (how wicked soever the latter have been) have been so careful of the Priviledges and Maintenance of the Clergy, 2 Hen. c. 1. 13. 50 Edw. 3. c. 1. 1 Rich. 2. cap 1. 8 Rich. 2. c. 1. 6 Rich. 2 c. 1. 32 Hen. 8. c. 12. 1 Phil. & Mar. cap. 9. 2 Mary. c. 8. 1 Eliz. c. 2. 1 Jac. c. 3. Speed. p. 888. that they have confirm'd them by many Statutes. But these men care no more for what the Laws of the Land say, then Oliver, who used to call Magna Charta, Magna Farta. For, if they had, they then, had never so Sacrilegiously and Trayterously violated the Statutes both of God and Man; yet, for all this, hath this wickedness been perpetrated by those who pretended the greatest ostentation and shew of holiness: as if to vilifie Gods House, were the only way to do him most service.

It is not, I suppose, unknown to any in Warwick, how sacrilegiously the Parliamentarians behaved themselves in St. Marie's Church, and the Chappel adjoyning to the Quire; beating down and defacing the ancient and curious Monuments of the Beauchamps. Nor can Colchester M. C. Relat. of the Expedition in Kent. p. 164. forget how inhumanly they used the Corps of Lady Lucas, and Lady Kelligrew, dismembring and disjoynting their Trunks, and wearing their hair in their Hats by way of Triumph. Never dreaming (for all their Saint-ships) how God doth punish the violaters of the Amos 2. 1, 2, 3. Dead.

How was the Church in Sudly Castle at the beginning of these Wars, profaned? Not only the Monuments of the Chandoises spoil'd, but one part of the Church converted to a Stable, whilst the other was little better than a Shambles, the Pulpit being made the chief [Page] stall where the meat was hung up, and the communion-table served for a board to joynt upon.

The Inhabitants of Weden-Pinkney in Northamptonshire cannot yet forget how Mr. Losse their Minister was abused, whilest he was officiating, by the souldiers, who rid into the Church and wounded the Minister because he would not go along with them, they refusing to tell him by what authority they commanded him. An action so wicked Quis homo est tanta confidentia, qui sacerdotem audeat violare? Plaut. in Rud. Act. 3. scen. 2. that the very heathens will rise up in judgment against them. And those of Chelmsford in Essex, need no remembrancer, how their Church-windows (having the History of Christ and the Scutchions of Bene factors painted in them) were batter'd down by the instigated rabble, who not content with this, layd violent hands on Dr. Michelson their Parson, and rent the Common Prayer Book with a great deal of joy. This reformed Merc. rust. pag. 26. town, as my Author saith, was govern'd by a Tinker, two Coblers, two Taylors, and two Pedlers.

How miserably was the ancient Cathedral Church at Winchester dealt withall, the famous Monuments of the Dead utterly defaced, the bones of Kings, Bishops, &c. thrown about the Church, the two famous Brazen Statues of King James and King Charles erected at the entrance into the Quire, pulled down, the Communion-Plate, books, hangings, cushions &c. seis'd upon and made away, the Church-vestments put on by the heathenish soldiers, riding in that posture in derision about the streets, some scornfully singing pieces of the Common-prayer whilst others tooted upon the broken pieces of Organs. The stories of the old and new Testament curiously beautified with colours, and cut out in carved work, they utterly destroy'd, against which wickednesse the Prophet David of old complained. Nor did the famous Organs Psalm. 74. 6. escape their fury, being pull'd to pieces and imployed to private uses. As one in York something advanced his houses (if my memory fail me not) with Organ and Church-wood, which if he had turn'd into Looms and Shuttles, had been more proper for his trade; And of the brasse torn from violated Monuments, might have been built a house as strong as the brazen Towers in some old Romances. And after this manner was the Cathedral of Exceter served, where the Commandements were defaced, the Common-Prayer Book burnt, the glassewindows, monuments, statues and organs broke; and the name of Jesus over the Communion table blotted out, as superstitious.

Nor can some honest people of London yet forget the intolerable Hist. Independ. par. 2. Sect. 216. actions of the saint-like soldiers at St. Peter's Pauls-wharf [sunday 9 Sept. 1649] who rode into the said Church with swords drawn and pistols spann'd, crying out, Knock the Rogues on the head, shoot them, kill them, which was accordingly done, an old woman being shot into the head, and above 40 more grievously wounded, and the Minister (Mr. Williams) hurried Prisoner to White-Hall. And all this, because the Common prayer establisht by the true Laws of the Land, was read: whence my Author observes, that these Hereticks, though they loudly cry up Liberty of Conscience, yet will allow none to others, but take all to [Page] themselves, the better to cloak their villanies with pretended Religion and reformation.

The Cathedral of Chichester was sufficiently violated, being robb'd of all her vestments and plate, and not so much as a Cushion left in the pulpit, the Organs and ten Commandements broke down and spoil'd, the Pictures of the Kings of England and Bishops of that See defaced, with the monuments, seats, stalls and painted walls. And after the same manner was the Cathedral of Peterborough used; and how Lichfield escaped is not unknown.

And their fury being once begun, no man can expect that the Metropolitan Dr. Paske's his Letter to the Earl of Holland, August 1642. Church of Canterbury could escape, where Coll. Sandys soldidiers barbarously overthrew the Communion-Table, tearing the velvet cloth from before it, defacing the goodly Screen, violating the monuments of the dead, spoiling the organs, breaking down the ancient rails and seats, with the brazen Eagle which supported the Bible, tearing the surplices, gowns, bibles, and Arras hanging in the Quire representing the whole story of our Saviour; wherein observing divers figures of Christ, one said that here is Christ and swore, that he would stab him, another said here is Christ and swore that he would rip up his Bowels, which they did accordingly, so farre as the figures were capable, and not content with this, finding another Statue of our Saviour in the Frontispiece of the south-gate shot about forty shots at it, tryumphing much when they had hit the head or face.

The ancient Cathedral of Durham can yet shew her ruines, and can tell with what unspeakable tyranny the Kings poor friends were used in it. And that of Carlisle deplores the want of a part of its body, being ruined to be imployed in wicked Warre, whilest it was intended a house of prayer and peace. Nor is it unknown how sacrilegiously that excellent structure of St. Pauls in London was abused, making of it an Exchange where things may be bought and sould, not only contrary to the Laws of God Mat, 21. 12, 13. Luk. 19. 45. Joh. 2. 14, 15. but also of man, and that not only of our own, but forraign Churches, as may appear by several Canons against such violations. The laws of our Nation expresly forbidding any Fair or Siquis apud ecclesiam mercaturam excerceat, legis violatae poena, esto. Leg. Presb. Northumb. Sect. 20. Spelm. concil. p, 497. Concil. Constantinop. can. 86. Francisc. ad Coriolano sum. Concil. pag. 602. market to be held in Church-yards, and by consequence not in the Church it self; so that a late writer said not amisse that one might well be amazed at the genius of this age, that suffered this goodly and venerable fabrick, to be built about, and converted into rascally ware-houses, and so sordidly abused and defaced, that an Argument of greater avarice, The great Abridgment, in the word Church-yard. malice, meanesse and deformity of mind, cannot possibly be exprest.—England is the sole spot in all the world, where amongst Christians their Churches are made jakes, and stables, markets and tipling houses, and where there were more need of Scorpions than Thongs to drive Charact. of Eng. p. 11, 12. Id. p. 13. out the Publicans and Money changers. And that St. Pauls, by the wicked reformers was converted into a stable is not unknown to it's Neighbours, which iniquities and such like occasioned the Saying, That we had now a thorough Reformation in England, since our horses also went to Church.

[Page] Yet some not content to have their horses in the Church, unlesse some other villanie were done: witnesse the damnable wickednesse of one Edwards Gangraen. part. 3. p. 17, 18. Captain Beamont who at Yakesly in Huntingtonshire [Anno. 1644.] having pist in the Font, fetched his bold horse from Mr. Finnemores stable, and in derision of Baptism sprinkled it on the horse, calling of him Ball Esau (because he was hairy), and in scorn to the Church of England crost him on the forehead; and to make their villany compleat, one Robert Rayner Corporal acted the part of the Minister, and would also have God-Fathers; one Bartly Ward, but nick-named Widdow Shropshire acting the part of a God-Mother. And thus did they also baptise a Pig, and were so farre from repenting at these villanies that they boasted they had done the same in many other places. This unheard of impiety would make Martinus de Olave dumb with astonishment, when many years ago he bitterly exclaimed against Annon merito cum Propheta [Psal. 74.] nunc exclamabimus, Quantum indignatus est inimicus in Sancto? Incenderunt sanctua ium Dei, polluerum Tabernaculum ejus? Nisi forte levius est aedes sacras in equorum ac ferarum, Religiosis viris ejectis, stabula convertisse. Orat. in Synod. Augustana. Crab. those who turn'd out the Reverend Divines, and kept the Church only to be stables for horses and such like Beasts.

Nor did Westminster under the very nose of the Parliament, escape scot-free. The souldiers breaking down the Organs, pawning the pipes of them for Ale, eating, drinking, smoaking Tobacco at the Communion Table, and easing themselves in most parts of the Church; Nor was this all, but keeping their whores in the Church, and lying with them upon the very Altar it self, if you will believe the learned Author of Mercurius rusticus, who pag. 237. will inform you more at large concerning some of the fore-mentioned passages. And here I shall not speak of the wicked selling of Church-lands by the Parliament who had no authority to do so.

And this is the happy Reformation begun and intended by the wicked long-Parliament, a pack of such impious Varlets, that they were forced to call themselves Saints, because their neighbours could not. Yet for all their Saint-ship, several of their Members were not only instigators but high Actors of this Sacriledge, who though not here named, yet I suppose are as conscious to themselves, as a great Lord was when the word Sectary was spoken by Arch-Bishop Land. Nor were the Members altogether devested of Sacriledge, when they acted and voted so furiously against the King, Church, and good of the Nation, in their house which was formerly St. Stephens Chappel.

And how well many of them have feather'd their nests in Bishops lands is not unknown. But goods thus got (as the Proverb saith) will Clem. Spelman's Epist. before his Fathers Book, De non temerand. Eccles. never prosper. Of which none of the least examples is King Henry the eighth, who although (besides the vast summe of Abby Lands, and the 5100000 l. left him by his father in ready mony) received more from his Subjects by loans, taxes, and subsidies, then all the Kings of England had in 500 years before, yet what King was ever prest with so much poverty (all things considered) as he was? who about the 36 year of his raign (as one observes) of all the Kings of England was forced to Id. coyn not only base Tinne and Copper, but leather monies. And it is [Page] observed (as the same Author saith) since the accession of Abbies and Impropriations to the Crown, even the Crown-lands (which formerly have been thought sufficient to support the ordinary charge of the Crown) are since so wasted (though I hope the Loyalty of our Parliaments will augment them) that they will scarce defray the ordinary charge of the Kings houshold.

Nor hath it happened otherwise with our wicked Long-Parliament, and their sacrilegious adherents, who could never keep their accounts straight: for though in the heat of the warre they demanded not much above 50000 l. a month to carry on their designes; yet in time of peace they could not observe just scores, though they had 90000 l. & 100000 l. per mensem; and sold all the Kings, and Bishops, and such like lands which amounted to a vast summe; besides taxes, excise, customes, and such like commings in. Nor was this all, but they had the composition moneys of (those they call'd) Delinquents, which consisted of many thousand Loyal Subjects, and to what a vast summe this came to, may somewhat be collected from this. If ten thousand men at two hundred The grand Account. 1647. pounds per annum, pay two years for Composition (for so the ordinance appointed) which amounts to two Millions, to what an incredible summe will it amount, when several of the Compounders estates were 2, 4, 6, 8, 10. (and some above) thousand pounds a year. But if this summe was great, what was the Decimation, Sequestration, and such like knacks of procuring monyes? And yet poverty still pleaded, so that their Armies and Navies could not be paid! till our Gracious Majesty did it for them: who though they hoorded up much monies, and lands to themselves, yet the ever blessed divine Providence, hath now brought them to give an account to the Loyall, Royall, and Rightful owners. And such or a worse Exit let there alwaies fall upon all sacrilegious persons. To whom as man hath appointed severe judgments, so will not the all seeing and ever-just Almighty be backward Photius Nomocon Tit. 2. fine Weavers Fun. Mon. p. 42. in requiting such prefidious and sacrilegious villains according to their iniquity: who, I hope, will swallow down the Ophiusian herb as fast as the Church patrimony, that the dread or terrour of their consciences shall either force them to restore the unjustly detain'd Lands and riches; Alex. ab Alex. lib. 3. cap, 5. or, Hoyl-like to swing their own requiem, for the better example and terror of posterity.

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CHAP. VI.

That some, through ignorance, and a credulous disposition, (prompting them to embrace their specious Pretences) might be charmed to side with the Parliament, though really they designed no damage either to the King's Person, nor Authority.

TO vindicate Rebellion (as hath been the unhappy mode of late) is the worst office that can be done to a Nation; yet to make all it's partakers of equal guilt, will be a token of no great share of charity. I am apt to believe, that hitherto there hath never been any war, but some men as well of honest intentions, as others knavishly-designed, have been of both sides. It is not all men that rightly understand the frame by which they are govern'd, either the Prerogative of the Supream, or their own Priviledges; and it is but few can see into the contriving hearts of their neighbours. A harmless woman may be deceived into the reality of the Actors, at the Hostel de Bourgogue in Paris, or an English Playhouse: and 'tis no difficult thing, under the specious vail of Religion, and Common good, to make many people believe, that actions which are really the most wicked, tend to the best; like the Physician in the Fable, who made his Patient think, that every Temper he was in, was still for his health. By these insinuations increaseth the number of Hereticks, and Rebels, many being rather misled, then acting out of design, being not so much used for any benefit to themselves, as ignorant instruments to promote their flattering Grandees to the desired Haven of Supremacy; and, this once obtain'd are either thrown by, as Day-labourers when the work is done, as needless, and impertinent; or as ingratefully rewarded as Trebellius King of Bulgaria was by the most unfortunate Grimston. Emp. Hist. pag. 360. 361. Emperour Justinian the second.

As I shew'd before, that the pretended squeamish stomacks of the Non-conformists, were, as Peter the Hermit, the first Trumpet to sound Alarum to this supposed holy war; setting the Lecturers up to teach Non-conformity; schism, and disobedience, the forerunners of Rebellion: so were the tongues, and pens of this Novel Covenanting fraternity, the main instruments that infused disloyalty into the peoples hearts: which the Parliament did not onely approve of, but also protect, (thereby gaining infinite Proselytes) as the Devil in the Northern Coasts doth his subjects, by making them invulnerable. And these they feed up, and nourish with strange fears, (more fantastical then Lazarellos, when he thought the dead man would be carried to his Master's house) strongly fomented, and agitated by unheard of Plots, set a foot to destroy Religion, and Nation; like the Roterdam-ship, which would kill the English under water, and all this upon worsegrounds, and reasons, then the influence of a Talisman.

[Page] Though nothing was more false, and impudent then these pretended dangers, yet what by the authority, and countenance of those Grandees, who patronized such rumours; and what by the power which the Tubthumping boute-feus had over the peoples inclinations, and judgments, (whereby the Pulpit became the worst thing in the Nation) many had not onely a bad opinion of the King, but thought very well of the Parliament, who in all their actions were far more sedulous then his Majesty; but most of all (as a hindg upon which themselves, and designs hung,) in sending forth their papers to abuse the people, by making the King's actions odious, and their own for the best. And of this they 4 Jun. 1642. took special care, not onely by appointing a Committee to consider of the most convenient way to disperse them, and to give an allowance to their Messengers, but also by taking care by Order, that every Petty Constable, or Tythingman throughout England, shall have one of every one 6 June 1642. of their Orders, Declarations, &c. and to read them publickly to their neighbours. And how these flattering papers, might work in the Country, where they commonly believe all that is in Print, is easily to be imagined; considering that most of them heard but the reasons of one Party, the Parliament taking a special care by Declaration, that nothing 4 July. which came from the King should be received, or permitted to be read. Whilst the Parliamentarian-papers flew plentiful about the Nation, [...]t popularis gratia, & secunda fama accederet, Prelis conductitiis, & scriptoribus dispositis, res corum omnes gestae miris efferuntur elogiis, Mercu riisque, hebdo matim, & triobolaribus Diariis, populo fabularum avido obtruduntur legenda, Elench Mot. pag 90. swoln with big praises of their worships, the better to captivate the ignoran [...] people to their Lure, who are naturally of themselves apt to gape after any novelty, or change; especially when any gain is like to be had by it; as there was in this undertaking, they knowing that Plundering would be permitted them; and the Parliament assuring them, that if they received any damage, it should be repai'd them out of the estates of their enemies.

By these ways, the Country was droled into an high conceit of the Parliament; and nothing stuck with those of the more wise, and honest sort, but the word Treason; which they knew they should incur, by assisting the Parliament against the King. But this doubt was presently wipt away in the opinion of many, by the Parliaments distinction betwixt the Ex coll. 727. Person, and Office of a King; as also by their daily protestations at the beginning of the Wars: That they fought not against the King, but against his wicked Council. Of which Protestations [in 1642.] I shall give you a tast, whereby you may the better distinguish between their tongues, and hearts.

And first, we shall give you the Vote by which the Army was first order'd to be rais'd; which was thus,

Resolved upon the Question, That an Army shall be forthwith raised, 12. July 1642. for the safety of the King's Person, defence of both houses of Parliament, and those who have obey'd their Orders, and Commands: and preserving of the true Religion, the Laws, Liberty, and Peace of the Kingdome.

And to confirm the people in their intentions for the preservation of the King, they thus profess, and protest.

[Page] —House of Commons your Loyal Subjects, who are ready to lay Proposit. 31. Dec. 1641. down their lives and fortunes, and spend the last drop of their bloud, to maintain your Crown, and Royal Person; and greatness, and glory.—

—And they pray your Majesty to rest assured, that they will always Decla. 16. Mar. 1641/2. be tender of your Honour, and Reputation with your good Subjects.—

—We seek nothing but your Majesties Honour, and Peace, and the Petit. 26. Mar. Prosperity of your Kingdomes.—

—Their earnest intentions, and endeavours, to advance your Majesties Ibid. Service, Honour, and Contentment, &c.

—Do resolve to preserve, and govern the Kingdome, by the Counsel Petit. 8. April. and Advice of the Parliament, for your Majesty, and your Posterity, according to our Allegiance, and the Law of the Land.

—As if there could be a greater care in them (the King's friends Declar. 28. Apr. at York) of his Majesties Royal Person, then in his Parliament.

—The services which we have been desirous to perform to our Soveraign Declaration on Remonstrance 19. May. Lord the King, and to his Church, and State; in proceeding for the publick peace, and prosperity of his Majesty, and all his Realmes: Within the presence of the same all-seeing Diety, we Protest to have been, and still to be, the enely end of all our counsels, and endeavours; wherein we have Resolved to continue freed, and enlarged from all private ☜ aimes, personal respects, or passion whatsoever.

—Who in all their Counsels, and Actions, have proposed no other Resol. 20. May. end unto themselves, but the care of the Kingdomes, and the performance of all Duty, and Loyalty to his Person.

—Your Majesties most humble, and faithful Subjects, the Lords Petit. 2. June. and Commons in Parliament, having nothing in their thoughts, and desires, more precious, and of higher esteem, (next to the honour, and immediate service of God) then the just and faithful performance of their duty to your Majesty, and this Kingdome.

—We the Lords, and Commons are resolved to expose our lives, and Declar. 1. Aug. fortunes for the defence, and maintenance of true Religion, the King's Person, Honour, and Estate.—

—Will really endeavour to make both his Majesty, and Posterity, as great, rich, and potent; as much beloved at home, and feared abroad, as Declarat. and Resolut. Aug. any Prince that ever sway'd this Scepter, which is their firm, and constant Resolution.

—And you shall declare unto all men, that it hath been, and still shall Advice and Direct. to Sir W. Brereton, 18. Aug. be, the care, and endeavour of both Houses of Parliament, to provide for his Majesties safety.

—Concerning the Allegations, that the Army rais'd, by the Parliament, is, to Murther, and depose the King; we hoped the Contrivers of that Declaration, or any that profest but the name of a Christian, could Declar. Octob. not have so little charity, as to raise such a scandal: especially when they must needs know the Protestation taken by every Member of both Houses, whereby they promise in the Presence of Almighty God to defend his Majesties Person. The Promise, and Protestation made by the Members of both[Page]Houses, upon the nomination of the Earl of Essex to be General, and to live, and dye with him; wherein is exprest that the Army was rais'd for the Defence of the King's Person.

—And we have always desired from our hearts, and souls, manifested in our Actions; and, in many humble Petitions, and Remonstrances Declar. 22. Oct. to his Majesty, profest our Loyalty, and Obedience to his Crown; readiness, and resolution to defend his person, and support his Estate, with our lives and fortunes, to the uttermost of our power.

—We call God to witness, that though our quarrel be against the Declar. 2. Nov. Malignant party, for his Majesties sake, yet not in that sense as is here affirmed, but out of our Loyalty, and affection to his Majesty:—Shall not the frequent protestations of both Houses of Parliament for his Majesties security, to the utmost power that the Law can give to them, or they unto the Law,—be sufficient to take away the pretence of danger to his Majesties Person?—To think they [i. e. the Militia or Army] would have followed us in any Act of dis-loyalty against his Majesty, if we should have been so wicked, as to have had them to do it.

Thus you see, what glorious protestatious are here for the preservation of the King, which, I dare boldly say, did ingage many honest men to joyn with the Parliament; really dreaming that those men, who have thus so solemnly vow'd before the Almighty to preserve the King, and Laws, must be men of publick honest spirits, and not to be drawn, though by chains of gold, the wealth of Peru, or East-Indies, to the magnifying of their own Interest, and the relinquishing of that publick Good to which they have tyed themselves by so many oaths. And after the same manner did the City of London declare themselves by Petition: Yet let their Promises, Vows, or Protestations be never so many, a French Poet sings not amiss,

S'il promen, & s'il rit de sa promesse faile,

Colletet. Epigra. pag. 118.

C'est qu'il en jure en Amant, ou qu'il parle en Poëte.

He that doth swear, and ne're means to do it,

Swears like a Lover, or sings like a Poet.

And really (if experience may be a rule) 'tis more then probable, that many of the Members had learn'd the Jesuit's rule, by them call'd The Direction of the Intention, whereby you may do any wickness, if you propose to your self a good intent.

And after this manner hath our former Rebels blanch'd over their designs: Wat Tyler, and his Companions, pretended onely to act against Stow. Chron. p. 292. col. 1. King Richards the seconds evil Counsel; but if they had once got to have been Masters, their intentions were to have kill'd the King, and Nobility. Jack Cade, and his rabble, under the colour of holy and good intents, rais'd a Rebellion against King Henry the sixth; and what Id. 381. col. 2. iniquities such rubbish of humanity would have acted, if they had been Masters, is not known. The Cornish rusticks, under the notion to deliver [Page] King Henry the seventh from evil Council, rais'd a Rebellion. And Bacons Hen. 7. pag. 164. The Tale of the Nonne preest. fol. 103. 8. the subtile Fox in Chaucer, profest he onely came to hear the Cock sing; but when by that craft he had once got hold of him, the case, and story was alter'd.

And after this deceitful manner acted the Parliament, if you will give any credit to one of the King's greatest enemies, who thus informs us,—So powerful, perswasive, and contentful, were their first Engagements, Papers, and Remonstances; so fraught with self-denying doctrines, England's New Chain. part. 2. pag. 2. tender regard to the peace of the Nation, and satisfaction to all Interests; as even lull'd all peaceable people into a sound sleep of security, casting all the care upon the General Council of the Army; as upon a people they thought, could never have the face to decline either these principles, or to neglect the performance of so many Engagements, Promises, and Protestations, made as in the presence of the All-seeing God; frequently calling upon him, the searcher of all hearts, to bear witness to their integrity, and sincerity therein: Insomuch that we (who always with some wissness observed them) many times denied our own understandings, rather then we would draw hasty conclusions, from evident testimonies of their defection. And this principle of believing, but especially their publick multiplyed affections for the preservation of the King, were the motions which led Major General Massey to joyn himself to the Parliament, His short Declarat. 1647. pag, 3. as himself declareth; and that they led many others, is more then probable.

We see by experience that Religion is rooted into some men, not so much by good, and true reason; as by birth, and education: the which, if after they change, is as oft for the worse as the contrary. 'Tis custome, and fashion that over-powers, or rather overthrows the rationality of all men. The Indian women of Tiembas, have always torn, and bloody Purchas Pilg. part. 4. p. 1349. faces; by which lacerating, they judge themselves most beautiful: The Goths gloried in a tall corpulent King; on the contrary, the Saracens liked none, unless he were little, and lean. Custome hath made it as natural to a Brittish Presbyterian (as it is to all Schismaticks) to babble up sedition, as to the Spaniard to court gravity, whilst their neighbouring French affect an active airyness: The Teneriff, or Pico, shall sooner shrink to Mole-hills, the name of the Escurial be forgot, and the great Tun at Heidleburgh fill'd with Renish-wine, but a mornings draught to a Pigmie, then a Non-conformist cease from being disobedient, or our Disciplinarians (as if they had been stuft with a Jo. Episcop. Gerundens Paralipom. Hisp. l. 2. cap. 7. Biscayners ignorance, and spirit) from hating, and persecuing our lawful government of Bishops; and how sedulous, and crafty they have been, to inveagle themselves into other mens affections, is not unknown.

Many who take exception at Government, can produce no other reason for their dissent, but because others do so too; so that to sin with company is thought by them rather a glory then shame. If a great man take distast at Majesty, he is confident to have most of his Relations, and Servants of his opinion; being apt to run as blindly into their Master's quarrel, as their own ruin. Nor is it a difficult thing among such variety [Page] of humours, to entise some into the greatest wickedness; some mens Pet. Borellus Hist. & observat. Cent, 3. Sect. 1. & 67. malice so far overclouding their reason, that like Le Faucheur, and Chauvinus, they destroy those spectacles which should give them a sight, and knowledge of truth, and reality of the business, by the malignity and wicked humours of their eyes and spirits. Other men, though their Grandeur of estate, or affection with the people, may after espouse them to be ring-leaders of the rabble; yet at first were rather entised themselves, then they the instruments of others wickedness. Juam de Padilla's fault was, that he was young, good natur'd, and so easily wrought Sandoval. l. 5. Sect. 16. upon by his haughty wife. Donna Maria Pacheco, to rebel against Charles the fifth. And many others have been led the same way. 'Tis observed that Dod Pedro Lasso's sweet disposition, love to justice, and publick good, engaged him in the same quarrel, being noted for one clearly Id. Sect. 23. without malice; but by the Inhabitants of Toledo hug'd into Treason: and what influence great Cities have upon the people, London knoweth too too well.

Many men through the hatred of some other person, by way of Revenge, (and what more sweet, and inticing?) may be drawn into Factions; and so to espouse a bad quarrel, to work their malice upon private enemies; as the Venavides and Caravajales, two noble familes in Castile; Id. l. 6. Sect. 7. or the Feuds, antiently in use in Scotland; and thus the Duke of Matalone, (the chief of the Caraffa's) falling out with the Prince of Sanza at Howel's Hist. Naples. Append. pag. 39, 40. a Ball, had like to have brought their private injuries into a publick hostility, to the trouble of the Kingdome of Naples: Thus the insupportable malice of private men may be a publick detriment; as, the breach between the English and French, was not a little widened by the hatred, and brags of the Lord Cordes, who us'd to say, that he could be content to Bacons Hen. 7. pag. 97. lye in Hell for seven years, so he might win Calice from the English. And to these I may add Don Pedro de Ayala, Earl of Salvatierra, who, through the enmity betwixt him and his Lady Margarita, whom the Court favour'd against him, and therefore by way of opposition, was invited to side with the Commonalty, against the Emperour. In which case the late Earl of Essex, by a favourable construction, was not much different: Sandoval. l. 8. Sect. 19. Yet far is it from me to vindicate these mens actions, but rather to mitigate some by considering the powerfulness of perswasion, it being natural for a man to run into errors, and mistakes; and if of his own Temper he be so prone to vice, how easy is it to draw him thither, when he is made more flexible by the subtle allurements of his seeming best friends.

Many men who have been most serviceable, and loyal, have, at first, through mistakes, slipt into some faults. De la Force run himself so much Howel's Hist. Lewis 13. p. 52. into the displeasure of Lewis the thirteenth King of France, that he was proclaimed Traytor; but afterwards did so recover his Reputation with his Majesty, that he received the Trunchion to be Marshal of France; and grew to be a great favorite. Sir Robert Clifford was a great adhearer to Bacon's Hist. Hen. 7. p. 132. Perkin Werbeck; but upon the sight of his error, became very advantageous to King Henry the seventh, in discovering the King's enemies. [Page] The Macedonian souldiers, did once muteny, and that in a furious manner Q. Curt. l. 10. Sect. 4. against Alexander; but when they had considered the greatness of their crime, they came weeping to him, and that in such an humble manner, confessing their faults, and desiring his favour, and pardon, that story will scarce allow such another president: And the King did not onely Alex. ab Alex. pag. 124. forgive them, but satisfied their former desires, by sending many of them home; where, by his special Command, they were honoured, not onely by having the chief places in Theaters, but with Crowns also. The Athenians would pardon him who confest his fault: And the Abbot Serapion conquer'd the Devil, by acknowledging the sin of Theft, frequent with him when young. If a woman by the true repentance of Marula, p. 297. Caesarius l. 2. c. 11. her most horrid iniquity, obtain'd the pardon of Pope Innocent; The King's grace, and favour will not be wanting to those, who by their timely repentance denote the reality, whilst those who stave off the acknowledgement of their offence to the last, can in reason expect no hopes of reconciliation, their repentance being so late, that it demonstrates rather a jugling, and time-serving humor; then a true, and genuine remorse. The Noble Earl of Montross, that Scotish Oak and regal Buckler of fidelity and valour; at first was as much peccant as the greatest Covenanter, yet none proved afterwards more faithful to his Majesty, and active against his former associates (because the King's enemies) then himself. The great Earl of Strafford, and Atturney General Noy, were look'd upon at first, great courters of the Commonalty, and dis-regarders of Prerogative, yet upon better insight became the greatest admirers of the King's Authority. And I have heard of those who have so far grieved for their former actions, that they have wish't themselves breathless, when they first drew sword for the Parliament.

It is repentance that doth please God himself; and Kings (who are truely call'd God's upon Earth) have received into favour their greatest enemies, upon remorse of their former villanies. Yet all mens intellectuals do not so sympathize as to perceive their errors at the same time. Some with Sir F. Fortescue, may know themselves erronious at the first onset, others (as we have too frequent examples) are so stiff neck't opinionated, that they will not be convinced of their guilt, till their appearance before the greatest, and last Tribunal. As for the first, they deserve pardon, and favour, because they deal ingenuously, and like men of reason, and nobleness; whilst the latter merit the severity of laws, and scorn. And as I cannot plead for these, so shall I never for those, who did not onely oppose all Treaties with the King; but those also, who, when any such thing was obtain'd, still shoved it off, by uncivil, impudent, and abominable Propositions; framed, either for the prolonging of war, and bloud-shed, or the reducing of his Majesty to be but a King of Clouts; and so under the obedience, and lash of their Schismatical Presbyterian Tyranny: from which scourge, I hope these three Kingdomes, and all good people, will for the future be delivered.

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THE HISTORY Of the Wicked PLOTS and CONSPIRACIES OF OUR Pretended Saints. BOOK III.

CHAP. I.

That the Presbyterians were not, willingly and actively, Instrumental for the uncapitulated restauration of his Majesty.

I Have often smiled at the Story of an old Knight, who, in the small space of one Battle, changed his opinion twice; and that with so much zeal, and vehemency, as to cry out [when his Clerk brought him news, that Prince Rupert had beat his enemies,] O the goodness of God! that will not suffer Traytors to prosper! Those who fight against their King; must expect to have God for their enemy, &c. And a Posset must be made too, to cherish up the wearied spirits of the Messenger. Yet scarce had finished his discourse against the wickedness of Rebellion; when, being truly assured of the mistake of his former information, and that the Parliament remained victorious, he alters his note, and bauls out, O the Gospel! the Gospel! the Gospel! Blessed be God, who hath thus put to shame the enemies of Reformation! O! had the Malignants got the better, we should have had Popery restored again: But, O the goodness of God, who hath thus dispersed the members, and raggs, of Antichrist! &c. And after this manner did Master Gawen Hamilton [Page] who at Edinbourgh, when the Victory seem'd to incline to the Queen Regent, Hist. Reformat. of Scotlond, pag. 203. abused those of the Kirk; but when the French were at last forced to retreat, turn'd his coat, and fought against the Queen Regent's party with all vehemency. Old Savill, in the Play, rather then lose his beloved bunch of Keys, would comply with any thing; and how far a Presbyterian would stretch his Conscience, rather then lose Authority, must be left to judgment: for I am apt to believe, that many of them, are not unlike Paulet the old Marquiss of Winchester, who would rather bow Ortus sum ex Salice non ex Quercu. then break, being always of the King's Religion.

I have known some in these late times, seriously deny any difference betwixt the Ministry, and Laity; and yet upon this last change, have call'd those irrational, who questioned the jus divinum of Episcopacy. And how many of our Presbyterians have declared their perpetual adhearing to their Covenant against our present Church-government? yet, since the Change, have taken contrary preferments, with a pretty distinction, that they onely swore against the wickedness, accidentally happening to such forms. These Non-conformists, have been originally the main enemies (as far as sword would go) against the late King, and This present; yet now, that he is restored, none courts the rising Sun-more then they, and that, with thwacking Rodomantado's of their activity for his Restauration, and what danger, and jeopardy, they have incurr'd for his cause: which puts me in mind of the first Reformation in Scotland, Hist. Reformat. of Scotland, pag. 38. When the Scriptures were allowed to be read in English; then those who had ever scarce read ten sentences of it, would chop their acquaintances on the cheek with it, and say, This hath lain under my beds feet these ten years. Others would glory, O! how oft have I been in danger for this book! How secretly have I stoln from my wife at midnight, to read upon it? All which was done meerly to curry favour, the Governour being then held one of the most servent Protestants in Europe: And how far this story quadrates with our Presbyterian temper, may be seen by the sequel discourse.

I have seen some men in the Rump's time, when condemn'd to death for Felony, by the then Judges; earnestly plead their former siding with, and activity for the Parliament, thinking thereby to gain so much favour from the Judge, (who had been formerly brothers in one and the same iniquity) as the procurement of a Reprieve, if not a pardon: But now, the plea is so much alter'd, that the same Faction, pretends to hold forth some small favours to the present King, as a badge to denote the bearers so stuft with Loyalty, as to be capable of the greatest trust. When the Father was alive, then, they fought against him, to make him more glorious: And now that the Son's restored, they onely sent the Earl of Warwick to pelt him beyond seas, to learn humility, because Affliction, and Presbytery, are the best Tutors to that vertue: For, rather then He, or his Father, should suffer any real damage, or hurt, they would do—just nothing. Which cal [...]s to my remembrance the flatterer. Afranius, who swore to Caligula then sick, that he would willingly dye, so the Emperour might recover; who, upon Caligula's restoration to [Page] health, was by command slain, that he might not be for sworn. Whether Afranius meant really or no, I know not, but this I am confident of, That our Presbyterians, take little care of any oaths tending to the safety, and peace of King, and Country; and therefore take what liberty they please to protest, knowing his Majesties mercy is such, that he had rather give them time to repent, for their former wickedness, and perjury, then put a period to their beings by the mode of Trussing; as they had done formerly to many of his most faithful Subjects.

Americus Vespacian, the Florentine, had the confidence to denominate the best Continent of the West-Indies by his name, though, if he had not had the benefit of Colono, or Colombo, (of Genua) his observations, he might as soon (it's probable) have found out Nigra Rupis, or the certain Station of Ophir, as have seen that other world. And if the ever to be honour'd Duke of Albermarle, had not contrived, and, as I may say, of himself wrought out the happy Restauration of his Majesty; The Brethren, alas! would as soon have found out the ten tribes, as of themselves endeavoured the King's return; unless upon Tyrannical Conditions. So that if Virgil took it ill, that Bathyllus had robb'd him of the honour, but of one Distick; the Duke of Albermarle hath no reason to favour those people, who would pluck from him, the greatest glory, that in possibility could be thrown upon a Subject.

If the Presbyterians did any thing advance his Majesties Restauration, it must either be by Chance, or Industry.

As for the first, they cannot expect any thanks; since this event proceeded not from resolution, but rather contrary to their desire, or at least expectation. The Ape little thought, by putting on his Master's Cap to cure him of a Pluresy; and he who wrote to the Lord Monteagle, did not think thereby to discover the Gun-powder plot. The Surgion had no intention to destroy Charles II. King of Navarre, by burning the thread too carelesly; and what resolutions the Presbyterians had to restore our Charles II, I must yet plead ignorance, till better informed: but I am confident they would never willingly, have this way pleasured King Charles the first.

And that they, ever so much troubled their thoughts, with the King, as to make his Restauration a part of their business; is hitherto as far from my discovery, as the true situation of the old Towns in Ptolemy, or the Northern bounders of America. I hear not of any of their actions in England, when his Majesty was beyond seas, before his agreement with the Scots; I hear of none of their designs here, to assist the King, or their own Brethren for him, in Scotland. I know of no assistance that they afforded, or brought to the King, when he marched for Worcester; but have heard of some, who have then opposed him with all their might: Nor am I informed of their activeness, in any of the many Plots against Oliver; and if, in none of these things they have been stirring, their Grand Plea of Loyalty must fall to the ground; unless they did his Majesty good service, by being obedient, and faithfull subjects to the Rump, and Oliver, sworn enemies to the King: and in this case their [Page] plea cannot be so ingenious, as that of the immortal Poet John Cleaveland. Petition to Oliver. Jardin de Flores, Colloq. 3. pag. 29. I remember Antonio de Torquemeda tells a story of some men, and their horses, that were carried to Granada in Spain, by the advantage of one Cloak, though they thought they had onely been getting their dinners, not thinking of such a journey. And if the Presbytery did any service for the King, it was I suppose after this manner, when they never dreamed of it.

Nay I do not so much as hear the whispering of any relief [till the other day] of monies, or such like conveniencies, that they assisted the King with, or any of his distressed followers, Major General Massey, and Captain Titus excepted: and that but a poor pittance too, some 400l. between them, not for any design, but a supply of personal necessities. And the reason of this beggerly liberality, was not so much, because they were sufferers for the King, as that the former had done good services for the Presbyterian Parliament, as Master Love himself doth Narrative. more then hint; besides this, we will not forget the huge summe of 40l. to Coll. Bampfield, and his man.

Yet as a pretty token of their Loyalty, they keep a great deal of clutter, concerning the actions of Master Love, and a few of his associates, as if this were sufficient, to afford scraps of Loyalty to every particular Member of that Faction. But to this may be answered.

First, that if the story were, as absolute Royal as man could imagine, yet will it onely demonstrate that there were some three or four and twenty Presbyterians, which were active for the good of his Majesty, no more stirring in it, as Master Love himself doth confess, being utterly unknown to the rest of their party: professing upon the Scaffold that Narrat. p. 8. the saying the contrary, is onely a politick Engine to make the Presbyterian party odious; so that the actions of these men are nothing to Speech Sect. 11. the vindication of the rest. Besides, compleat Loyalty they looked upon as odious.

But secondly, the compleat honour of the story, may, upon very good grounds, in the main be questioned: For though they did sometimes meet at Master Love's house, yet their Consultations were rather for the misery, then benefit of King, Church, or Kingdome: The main of their contrivances, being to send to some about his Majesty; advising them by all means, to use their interests to Provoke Him [i. e. the King] to agree with the Scots, and to take the Covenant: as also to advise Narrat. p. 8. the Scots Commissioners, that, in their agreement with their King, they should have a special respect to the Interest of Religion, and Terms of the Covenant; and to this purpose they must tumble out their prayers, and send into Scotland to know whether they did maintain Religion, and Covenant Narrat. p. 9, 10. Interest. So that the Scots were not onely guilty of their after Covenanting Tyranny with their betters, but the English Brethren also by their thus thrusting on the design.

Hitherto, we see all the Loyalty, and affection by these men shew'd to their Soveraign, was meerly conditionally, and that upon a Covenantaccount; little beneficial to the King, or his Party, as may appear by [Page] the acknowledgement of one of their Patrons, viz. Mr. Love.

I do retain as vehement a detestation of Malignancy, whether in England, Narrat. p. 14. or in Scotland, as ever I did; and shall in my place and calling oppose such a Design and Interest with as much zeal and faithfulness, as ever.

Nor was his rancour towards the Kings best friends staid here; but, even upon the Scaffold, just before his death, as if thereby, he intended to proclaim them odious to Posterity, he thus endeavours to charm his Auditours.

I dye with my judgement set against Malignity, I do hate both name Speech. sect. 13. and thing, I shall retain as vehement a detestation of a Malignant Interest, as ever I did.

And, what he meant by a Malignant, himself shall declare, though 'tis well enough understood.

I do not count the godly party, our Covenanting Brethren in Scotland, Ib. I do not count them a Malignant Party. But who then? he presently thus tells you, My judgement then was, and still is, for bringing Id. sect. 14. Malignants, who did seduce him, [i. e. King Charles the first], and draw him from the Parliament, to condign punishment. And the best friends his Majesty had beyond-Sea with him, he calls desperate Malignants, Narrat p. 6, 7, and bad Council; so that I believe, little honour can be attributed to this Conventicle for what they did.

However, if through civility, though not any share of merit, we should grant, that this little meeting was of a greater consequence, for the benefit of the King, than it either was, or could be imagined, though Mr. Love doth protest, in the presence of God, the searcher of all Petition. 11. July. 1651. hearts, that he knoweth no Plot or Design against the present Government, [i. e. Rump]; nor is he privy in the least, to any preparations for, or intendments towards, any intestine Insurrections, or forraign Invasions; or to any Correspondencies now held with any in, or of, the Scottish Nation, or any other whatsoever: Though, I say, some credit were given to this Design, yet will it not advance the reputation of the contrivers, considering their after-submission to the Rump, calling them the Supream Authority, the Parliament of the Common-wealth of England, &c. Mr. Love professing, That he is unfaignedly sorry for his so acting; and promiseth never to plot, contrive, or design, any Petition. thing to the hurt of this present Government [Rump], and that he is sorrowful for his high crimes, and offences against the Parliament in his late and great miscarriages, and desires them to Narrat p. 13. pass by these sundry and great offences, and, at last, thus fairly concludes, That, I shall devote Narrat. p. 14. the remainder of my dayes, to the glory of God, and good of his people, the peace and safety of this Common-wealth, against all the Malignant Enemies and opposers thereof. Nor did he alone recant, but also Jenkins, Case, and others of the same Club.

Here we see a Company of Penitents, hanging down their heads, as if upon a Scottish-stool of Repentance, acknowledging their Iniquity and sins [for talking of the King] with a great deal of remorse and [Page] sorrow: faithfully promising for the future to live obedient subjects to their Rumpships, and al this to procure the favour and love, of those Usurping and King-killing Tyrants.

Yet, when Love saw, that all his whining and puleing would not work his Pardon, but that they were resolved to let him bloud; Then, forsooth, he thought it best, to put a good face upon the business; and, so being on the Scaffold, and perceiving no hopes of life, he plucks up his courage, and, for the credit of himself, and Brethren, he begins to [...]ant dapperly against the Rump: affirming, (for all his former repentance), That for the things I am condemn'd, neither God nor mine Speech. sect. 9. own Conscience condemn me;—and, I would not be look'd Id. sect. 15. upon as a man owning this present Government, I dye with my judgement against it: and, at last, calls himself a Id. sect. 25. Martyr. Though he had a little before acknowledged, Petition. himself guilty of the sentence of death, justly passed on him. And affirmed, that he was Narrat. p. 13. insnared into the business, and Petit. 2. that through unadvisedness and weakness: yet this complyance he boldly denyeth upon the Scaffold: I am accused to be an Apostate, to Speech. sect. 13. be a Turn-coat, to be this, to be that, to be any thing, but what I am; but, a long Sword, a bloudy Scaffold, hath not made me in the least to alter my Principles. The truth of which, I must leave to the Reader; only telling him, that the Margaiates in America, scorn to submit to their Jo. Lerius Navigat. in Brasil. cap. 15. Enemies, because they know; that it will not save their lives; though probably, if repentance would be an advantage, they might be as ready as others: If Mr. Love dyed a Martyr, it was as unwillingly as ever man did; it being the Rumps resolution, for example sake, not his constancy, that brought him to the Block.

In plain English, the man was of a hasty and violent spirit, which seldom hath a rational or sound foundation: and by many is accused to be the breaker up of the Uxbridge-Treaty, by his ranting Sermon, of which Relat. of the passages of the Treaty. sect. 27, 28, 29, 30. Preachment the Kings Commissioners complained, though to small purpose, as appears by the Answers: yet, I shall willingly quit him from this, knowing, that neither the Parliament, nor their Commissioners, would be guided by his pratling; and being fully satisfied, that the Parliament never really intended a Peace, unless they had thereby reduced the King to a Royal slave, or worse, and have got liberty for themselves to have acted Treason and Tyrannized over the poor Nation cum Privilegio; and this was the design of all their counterfeited Treaties. Yet I must needs acknowledge, that Mr. Love, did what in him lay to dissolve the Peace, as is palpable from the wicked and malicious assertions and admonitions laid down by him in that Sermon, concluding it—Whiles our Enemies go on in their wicked practises, and Chr. Love's Englands Distemper. p. 9. 42. whiles we keep our Principles, we may assoon make Fire and Water to agree, and (I had almost said) reconcile Heaven and Hell, as their spirits and ours; either they must grow better, or we must grow worse, before it is possible for us to agree. Words denoting such a malignant principle, that I am willing, to quit those, whom he and the rest of his gang are pleas'd to call so; by putting the Saddle on the right Horse, and attributing the Epithet to himself.

[Page] I might here also intimate some of his sacrilegious vapours, by discoursing upon his extravagant reproaches thrown upon the Church of England, which I am confident, might lawfully defend herself, by force of Arms, against the impious actions of her spurious Antagonists, if that be true which Mr. Love affirms, viz. That it is an hurtful Opinion England's Distemper. p. 17. to imagine, that the people might not do so against their Soveraign. I shall conclude with our supposed Martyr, by asserting, that he who had the ignorance, blind-zeal, and impudence, to tearm Episcopacy and the Common-Prayer-Book the two Plague-sores, several times in one Preachment, had need have set-Forms of Sermons enjoyned him, as well as Prayers; And the Presbyterian House of Commons, who cleared Mr. Love from any slander, for pratling such stuff, did plainly demonstrate, what little desire, they had for Peace, and thereby intimated their abominable hypocrisie to the whole world; since the Sermon (pardon the giving it so good a Title) seemed more like an Harangue, to encourage the People to a bloudy slaughter, [and it is not unknown, how oft he mentioned the necessity of drawing bloud] than the imbracement of a happy and setled Peace.

Having thus sufficiently proved Mr. Love to be no such Martyr, as his Fraternity flab out (though much more might be enlarged upon this Subject), and upon every discourse fly to him, as a sufficient Asylum, where they think they may handsomly secure a Reputation: I shall now say something to another Objection, whose main force lyeth upon the credit of the Covenant, and so may with its Dam sleep with ignominy, rather than be held forth as a badge of honesty.

In this plea, they boast much in their taking the Covenant, in which there is one clause, for the Preservation of the Kings Person; to which Crofton's Fastning of St. Peter's Fetters. pag. 146, 147. League, one of their Chieftains, brags, that above 600. Ministers did subscribe.

To which I shall answer, that if he glory in the number; 600. is but a poor Bed-role in respect of 10000. for about so many Ministers are there in England: But again, the taking of this Covenant, is no consequence of a good and loyal Subject, but rather the contrary, being against the Kings express command. But again, It is not the taking of an Oath, (provided it be a lawful one), but the keeping of it, that may demand commendations. And, when Subjects break Allegiance at pleasure, as they are a trouble to their King and Countrey; so are they wicked before God, and so merit no commendation; no good being entended either to King or Countrey, by this knack of Perjury.

What benefit was it for Ataulphus, Sigericus, Thurismundus, Theudesilus, Agila, and Luyba, those Goths in Spain; or, for Friola and Sancho, Kings of Leon, to confide in their people, and expect obedience, since they were slain by their own Subjects? What advantage was it for St. Wenceslaw, Jaromirus, and Wenceslaw the V. Dukes and Kings of Bohemia; or for Gotrick, and the three Eric's of Denmark to trust to the obedience, which Law and Nature might assure [Page] them of, since, contrary to all fidelity, they were murdered by their own People. Those of Swedland, cannot handsomly boast of their Loyalty by killing Ingevallus, Eric Aorsel [or Stanchil], and Swercherus their Kings: Nor could the Queen of the same Countrey expect Commendations, by affirming her subjection and love to her King and Husband Ingemarus, since she broak both, by hanging him in a Gold Chain; as Queen Fredegunde did hers, by procuring the murder of Chilperic King of France; as Fergusius III. and Malvinus, Kings of Scotland, were thus assassinated by their Queens. Will any man quit the Treasons of Zedechias, for saying, that he was sworn Physitian to the Emperour? or pardon Jaques Clement, Jean Chastel, or Francis Ravaillac, if they should say, Their Religion obliged them to obedience? since the first poysoned Charles le Chauve, the second stabbed Henry III. of France, Chastel assaulted Henry IV. and the last man murdered him. Would it not heighten the wickedness of Dowall, the three Donalds, and the two Fidlers, by pleading that they were Subjects, when they were so farr from observing their Allegiance, that they impiously murdered their Soveraigns, Nothatus, Ethodius I. Findocus, Fethelmacus, Conranus, or Goranus, and Duffus, Kings of Scotland; and to these, I may add the Assassinators of James I. of the same Nation. But to return home, (passing by the disobedience shewn to some of our own Kings of former ages) will it any way diminish the crimes of the Presbyterian Ministry, with the rest of the Schismaticks, if they should plead, that they formerly subscribed the Articles of the Church of England, but especially, the 36. Canon, when they took their Degrees, [as appears by their own hands in the two Universities; a Catalogue of which, might be produced, to the eternal ignomy and perjury of the Brotherhood] since they violently broke all their promises, to the destruction of our Church and State? Can any quit the long Parliament of Hypocrisie, when they affirm that they all took the Protestation for the Kings Preservation; and Ex. Coll. p. 657. therefore wonder'd, that he should think much at their actions, though they were in actual rebellion against him? Would it not be a pretty plea for the Kings Enemies to say, Alas! How could we intend any harm against him, since we all took the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy? Or can any man, give any credit, to the wicked Long-Parliament, when they affirm, that they never rejected the Common-Prayer-Book, Ex. Coll. p. 569. nor do intend; only to alter it? When the enmity of those then in the Houses against that Book, both before and after, is well enough known. But truth in those dayes, was not used to be spoken within those walls, neither out of them, by the Zealots then in Possession. Our late Grandees made many hundred Protestations, that all their actions were only for the Preservation of the Kings Person; yet they most wickedly murthered him, because he was a Defender of the true Faith; as the ancient Sweeds martyr'd their good King Eric Stenchil, Jo. Magnus, Hist. Goth. Suenonum (que) lib. Id. Hist. Metropol. Upsal. l. 1. p. 11. because he intended to bring the Christian Religion amongst them. And our Presbyterians swore in the Covenant to preserve the King, yet never did in the least assist him: but fought what they could against [Page] him, as appears by the series of the whole Warr. When the Parliament threw by their King and Oaths in the Votes for Non-Address, the Nation saw, that they were then contriving his ruine. And the Royalists knew, that their Soveraign must be saved then or never; for which purpose, in 1648. they seize upon Carlisle, Barwick, and Pontefrait in the North, whilst those of Kent grow numerous in the South.

Thus the Kings Party (though devested of Arms and Strength) bestirr themselves like faithful Subjects. But what did the Brethren do? Alas! they acted very high too, though the clean contrary way; The Parliament cursing the Royal design with Bell, Book, and Candle, contriving night and day how to bring them to distruction, whilst their Associates in the Countrey and Army furiously opposed, and, at last, (as the Devil was permitted to triumph over Job), proved victorious, to the ruine of the Kings best friends. Yet, had these Zealots, according to their Oaths, taken up their Weapons, probably the Kings murder, and other following mischiefs had been stopt. But God would not suffer such wicked perjured Wretches to be Authors of so much good: It being miraculous, (which are now ceased) that the madd Pet. de Natal. l. 6. c. 133. Jacob de Vorag. Hist. 94. Hispan. Bibliothec. Tom. 1. c. 1. pag. 12. Bulls of Spain should be so favourable to the Corps of St. James; And, that the Devil (that delighter in mischief) should wait upon a good Caesarius Hist. Mirac. lib. 5. cap. 36. Knight so faithfully, and be so beneficial to Christianity, as to pay for a Bell, that the people might with more facility be drawn to Church.

Thus did these people (for all their gude Covenant) suffer their King to be murdred before their faces, without moving one hand for a rescue; unless you will allow the Petitioning of a few, when it was too late to do any good by soft words; though it was more than could be expected from those, who had done him all the mischief, that Sword, Gun, or Malice could do; which puts me in mind of a passage in a Paper printed for Robert White, before the decollation of his Majesty. The well-known Gilb. Mabbot, being Imprimatur,—It's conceived, An Answer to the cheif heads and passages in the late Decl. call'd The Declar. of the Kingdom of Scotl. 1648. pag. 1. absurd and hypocritical, to swear the Preservation of the Kings Person, as a man; when at the same time a Warr is ingaged against him, and he known to be in the Field, subject to death, by the Bullet and Sword. And it is well known, that some of the Souldiers said, that they would kill the King, asson as another man: Though I do not say, that the Presbyterians were the men, that did actually murder him; yet we know, that the Rump was not free from some of that Faction, and so, whether any of that party consented to the stroak, or no, yet I am confident, that most, if not all, of that gang brought him to the Scaffold; concerning which, I shall borrow a Story, from an Ingenious Knight, [for I do not love, like some of late, to steal whole pages, and attribute their product to mine own Brain], and this, may very well reflect upon the whole Presbyterian Party. Some Robbers on Shooters-Hill assault an honest Gentleman, yet the Thieves among themselves are divided, some inclining only to bind him, and leave him helpless Lively Portrait, of our New-Cavaliers. pag. 4, 5. in the adjacent Woods: But others, for their greater security from pursuit, determin rather to murther him out-right: Now, I suppose, [Page] an honest Jury will find both Parties guilty of, and agreed in, the main Design, viz. Robbery. The Application is so true and plain, that any man will judge the Presbyterians as well guilty of High-Treason: For

1. Fighting against their King.

2. 20. May 1642. Voting all his Assisters to be Traytors, contrary to the 11 Hen. 7. cap. 1. Law.

3. Hanging and Beheading many gallant Gentlemen, only for their Loyalty.

4. Sequestrating the Orthodox, and ruining the Church, both against Law and King.

5. Calling his Majesty (through his Declarations) scandalous, impious, false, wicked, tyrannical, and what not?

6. Voting the Queen a Traytor, for assisting the King her Husband against Rebels.

7. Ordering such abominable Propositions, that a Peace could not be agitated, unless the Kings best Friends were delivered up to hop headless.

8. Forcing Oaths upon the People, contrary to the Kings Command, and the Law of the Land.

9. Confining his Majesty.

10. Pinding him up to such intolerable Rules and Covenants, or else they will have none of him.

11. Throwing him by, or rather disowning him to be their King, by their Votes for Non-Address.

12. Voting and Fighting against those, who in 1648. endeavoured to release him from his Imprisonment, and save him from the Block. With several other such like mad pranks as these, which, if not singly, (as most of them will) yet I am confident will make Accumulative Treason, which will either hang them, according to their own deeds, or else they murdered the Earl of Strafford; and murther is death, both by the Laws of God and Man. I say, an Indifferent Jury need never go from the Barr to consider, but at the first hearing, would freely find the Presbyterian Subjects, as well guilty of Treason against their Soveraign, as those, who would not add sin to sin, by Hypocrisie, but impiously declared their dislike to Monarchy, by a wicked Decollation.

Another refuge, and that the last that the Brethren have, is in the action of Sir George Booth. That some of them were well-wishers to it, I cannot [because my knowledge is not Omnipotent] deny; but, what assistance, and upon what conditions, they afforded to that design, I shall leave for them to demonstrate, I being unwilling to say what Lords, utter Enemies to Episcopacy, would not so much as Interest themselves in it, (if reports be true); or at least so cowardly, that they only advantaged the Kings Enemies. But enough of this, it being farr from my humour to be so malepert with some Nobles, as the Presbyterians are impudent with his Majesty. Though I am really of Opinion [Page] that, had that Design taken effect, we should have had our old warre renew'd again, the Puritans having been once armed, and imbodyed, would have fought down our legal Episcopal Government, and chained up his Majesty to some New-Castle or Isle of Wight-like conditions, or (if they had proved Maisters) sent the King beyond Sea again, or secured him; if not, yielded him up also to the Independants: for what wickednesse have they not undertaken, to bring about their ends? whether it be true or noe, that the Devils have had several conventions, for Art. a Monast. Martyrol. Franc. 3 January Sect 3, 4. the extirpating of the Franciscan Order, it matters not; though I am confident the Brethren seldome consult, but for the distruction of our Church: But if 8000 Fiends could no way endamage seven poor Fryers; I hope, nor they, nor Presbytery, will ever be able to do any mischief to the Church of England.

Yet as a descant upon the Objection of those, who plead their activity in Sir George Booth's businesse, I shall propose one Query.

Whether if the Presbyterians had supposed, that our present King, would have been so opposite to their Interests, as his glorious Father was, They would any way have bestirr'd themselves for his Restauration?

Here I would not be understood, of those who at the beginning of these troubles, had the misfortune to be of that Faction, yet since turn'd to the true Church, with an acknowledgment of their former errours, and this through conscience, not preferment; the once-flourishing Church, being then in a persecution: But I intend those whose frantick zeal yet binds them up to Schism, as well as those who are stuft with Presbytery in Sr. George's rising, and since of whom I believe, repentance is not yet impossible, because I read that the Devill himself Caesarii Hist. Illustr. Mirac. l. 3. cap. 26. hath humbly acknowledged and confessed his offences.

But to the Query, if they would not have endeavour'd his restorement, being so qualified, then must they needs have a large stock of confidence to demand thanks where none is due (but rather an halter) for their assistance in the businesse. But if they did desire the King again, and so qualyfied, then must they either declare, that they have been wicked Villains and Traytors against the late King; or that this present King, was help'd in by them, more through their goodness to him, than his own desert.

For my part I am apt to give credit to the negative, really thinking that if they had had as bad thoughts of this King as of his Father (who yet was better than the best of his enemies) they would have made it their businesse to have kept him out, (though, under favour, 'tis as much Treason to depose a Tyrant; as a good King.) And I am drawn to be of this perswasion by these following Motives.

That they looked upon his Fathers non-complyance with their peevish humours, as a monstrous wickednesse, is a truth not hitherto denyed. Narrative pag. 9. Wherefore else should Mr. Love pray, that God would redeem him [i. e. Charles II.] from the iniquity of his Fathers house: And not half an houre before his own death, to be so farre out of Charity with Speech Sect. 20. the oppressed and Martyr'd King, as to bluster out, For my part I have opposed the Tyranny of a King.

[Page] And with this Love, great in the eyes of the Presbyterians, doth the grand Patron of that Sect in Scotland, Mr. Robert Dowglas agree; who had the impudence [pardon that low expression, for language cannot reach the wickednesse of his pretended Sermon] to tell the King to his Pag. 7. 11, 13, 15, 16. 27, 30. 32, 36. face several times, of the sins of his Father and Family; Of which I shall give you some taste, and that in his own words.

It is earnestly wished that our Kings heart may be tender, and be truly humbled before the Lord, for the sins of his Fathers house.—Id. pag. 13. And for the many evils that are upon that Family. Again

—Our late King did build much mischief to Religion all the days of his Life. And again pag. 27.

Sir, there is too much iniquity upon the throne of your predecessors, who framed mischief by a Law; such Laws as have been destructive to Religion pag. 32. and grievous to the Lords people. And again

I may say freely, that a chief cause of the judgment upon the Kings house, hath been the Grand-fathers breach of Covenant with God, and pag. 36. the Fathers following his steps, in opposing the work of God and the Kirk within this Realm.

And since he holds the King to be so wicked, what must be done with him, himself doth intimate in these following words.

—This may serve to justifie the proceedings of this Kingdome against the late King, who, in an hostile way, set himself to overthrow Religion, pag. 15. Parliament, Laws, and Liberties.

If Elisha call'd judgment from Heaven, upon little Children for calling of him bald-head. What punishment do these Boute-feus deserve 2 Kings 2. 23, 24. for throwing such false and wicked slanders and reproaches upon a just and good King? If the Romans, according to their custome, broak the legs of the wicked accuser of Apollonius, because he could not prove Niceph. Cal lib. 4. cap. 26. his words; what tortures do those merit, who so falsly revile their innocent Ruler? And if Nerva would have servants slain as ungrateful wretches, who presumed to accuse their Masters; What death would he inflict upon those, who had the impudence thus to vilifie their Soveraign? Alex. ab Alex. l. 3. c. 20. fol. 159. a.

But it was not Dowglas alone who thought the late Rebellion against the King to be lawful and commendable, but others of them and those the chief too; nor indeed do I remember that any Presbyterian denyed it. Amongst its chief assertors, thus doth Love declare himself,

I did (it is true) oppose in my place and calling the forces of the late King, and were he alive again, and should I live longer, the cause being Speech Sect. 14. as then it was, I should oppose him longer.

And of the same Rebellious humour, is the much talked of Baxter, who several times professeth, that if he had not been on the Parliaments party, he had been guilty of High Treason against the Higher power, Holy Common wealth. pag. 477. 486. 488. which his hasty zeal, took to be the Parliament. But I shall leave him to the meditation of the Rebels plea, which if he do but seriously consider, I am confident he may have a sight of his sins; against which conversion, I believe the Brethren pray daily. And of this opinion concerning [Page] the lawfulnesse of the Warre, was old Hall of Kings-Norton, canting and recanting Jenkins of London; mad-pated Crofton, railing Vicars, Funeb. Flor. p. Petition. with the rest of the covenanting Diegoes: It being one Article in their League and Creed, that all Malignants that divided the King from his people, &c. contrary to the League and Covenant, be brought to publick Tryal and receive condigne punishment, and by whom this is meant needs Covenant. Art. 4. no Oedipus to unriddle: So that if the King offer to protect these eye-sores of theirs, they think themselves obliged by their Oath, to take Armes to punish the Kings best subjects; according to their pretty oath. And yet must these mens actions be held ever for the best, as if they had taken infallibility from the Papall Chair. Which puts me in mind of a Quaker, who not long since through ignorance, led a friend of mine above 4 miles out of his way going to Oxford, and when he perceived his error, greatly cryed up the good providence of God, which had brought them that way, because (as he said,) for ought he knew, they might have been rob'd had they gone the right road. And how many of the Puritans have hug'd themselves, because they have been in a wrong way against King and Church, may appear by many of their Thanks-giving Sermons and speeches.

And whether these men can be call'd good Subjects, who would thus shackle their King, extirpate and ruine his most faithful friends, I should willingly leave to the judgment of Cornelius Burges himself, if he would but throw by his malice, and those ill-got lands, which binds him to a perpetual partiality.

But because some may object, that this was but the fancy of some fiery Lecturers [though I think it would be difficult to nominate so much as one of this faction, (then of age) who did not actively acknowledge the legality of the Rebellion; and yet I hear of small repentance] we will see what they say, in their so much cryed up Representatives in Parliament: and this multitude we shall consider in two respects,

I. In their Actions from the beginning of the Warre, till the end of it.

II. In their Principles, (after their happy seclusion by the Independent Army) til the Restauration of his Majesty.

As for the first, It is as true as Penry [Martin marre Prelat] was hang'd, or Burton and Bastwicks eares cut off, that the members [and 'tis well known what they were] of the wicked Long Parliament remaining at Westminster, did declare the lawfulnesse of the War; and accordingly, by their wicked Counsels, carryed it on: which is as impossible to be denyed, as the fight of Lepanto, or 88.

As for the second, viz. the malevolent humours of the secluded Members, if their hearts may be known by their actions [and we have no other Index] they shall presently appear as bad as their Neighbours. For after that God had allowed them some ten or eleven years time of repentance, [Page] they still harden their own hearts, looking upon their former actions against their King, to be too honest, to require remorse, or sorrow, as if they had done God good service, by fighting against his Laws, and Anointed.

For no sooner were they restored by the now Duke of Albemarle, but they fell again to the adoring, and doing homage to, their long-forgotten Idol, the Holy-League; and, for it's greater honour, vomiting out this Order,

Ordered, that the Solemn League and Covenant, be printed and published, and set up, and forthwith read in every Church, and that 5. March 1659/60. also once every year, according to former Order of Parliament; and that the same Solemn League and Covenant, be also set up in this House.

And to shew themselves as pert blades against the King as ever, it was Ordered by their Worships, that no Commissioner, or Commissionated Officer, should exercise any power, or Authority, till he had acknowledged as followeth,

I do acknowledge, and declare, that the War undertaken by both Houses of Parliament, in their defence against the Forces, raised in the name of 12. March 1659/60. the late King, was just and lawful, &c.

Nor is this all, (though enough in conscience to make a Traytor, or else farewell Poulton); but, the better to make the insuing Parliament according to their Puritanical humours, thereby to bring the Nations again into slavery; They a little after the former Orders, Decree, that none shall be capable of being chosen a Member of Parliament, which hath any way assisted the King against their Worships, unless he had since recanted his former adhearing to the King.

Hitherto we see no sign of repentance for their former Rebellion, but rather a stubborn malepert zeal, swaying amongst this Faction, and prompting them to a readiness of their own justification, for their so doing. Though it is a certain truth, that they were the—Causa sine quâ non of the King's Murther; they putting the sword into the Independent hand, which gave the fatal stroke. And these who are thus so confident, to justifie their wickedness against the Father, will not be wanting to create the same jealousies, that they might have the same opportunity against the Son; as the multitude of scandalous, and seditious Pamphlets (and I wish many Lectures were not so too) yet daily flying abroad, doth somewhat intimate.

However, had their malice hurried them on to far more extravagant actions, (and who knows what they might have done, if their Carreer had not been stopt) yet had they done but like themselves: A Presbyteri an Parliament, being as far from doing Soveraignity any good, (for hitherto an instance cannot be cull'd out of any story) as the rest of the Puritans studious for the reall peace of the Church and Kingdome; against both which, such is their malice, that I could easily believe, that they Tutor up one another as Amilcar the Carthagenian did his young son Hannibal, by making him swear to persecute the Romans, with all fury [Page] imaginable. And we know that Beza perswaded his Brother hot-head John Knox, by all means to extirpate Episcopal Government out of Bez. Epist. 77. Scotland; though the being of it there, might cause peace and unity: And what mad pranks old Knox play'd in that Kingdome, their own stories can inform us. And the truth of it is, the old zealot, had been so well nurtured up at Geneva, by Beza and others, that no other could be expected from him; of whole factious humour, and doctrine, take this for a Tast. He maintained,—That Subjects may not onely Hist. Reformat. of Scotland. p. 392, 393. lawfully oppose themselves to their Kings, whensoever they do any thing, that expresly oppugnes Gods Commandement; but also that they may execute judgment upon them, according to Gods Law: so that if the King be a Murtherer, Adulterer, or an Idolater, he shall suffer according to God's Law, not as a King, but as an Offender.

Certainly Master John, was very well acquainted with the poor fellow of Collen, who bittingly distinguished betwixt the Prince Elector, and the Arch-bishop. And probably the Logicians in the long-winded Juncto, were beholden to these two cunning Pates, who could with aboundance of dapperness, squeeze out of their infected brains, the forgotten distinction, of the Person, and Office of a King, which is not unlike Ex Coll. pag. 727. some Pole-Axes, with a Gun, and tuck all in one piece: if one fail to distroy you, the other is certain of execution. The Proverb assureth us that it is good to have two strings to a bow: thus the Presbyterians, when they cannot hurt they King, they will punish the Offender; and rather then their malice in this must not take effect, they will sacrifice the lives of many thousands of Innocents. Though when all is sum'd up, all their specious pretenses, is far short of the value of one drop of bloud. The Roman Rebels under Catiline, could tell the people, that they fought Nos non imperium, neque divitias petimus—sed libertatem. Salust. pag. 20. Lu. Florus. lib. 4. c. 1. Salust. Bell. Cat. p. 15. not for Supremacy, or Riches, but meer Liberry: And how hath the air of Great Britain been putrified, with the hypocritical clamours of Religion, Reformation, and Priviledges! and that with such fury, as if our Puritans, like Catilines associates, had encouraged one another into a wicked conspiracy with the intoxicating healths of humane blood.

It is reported of Pope Boniface VIII that he entred like a Fox, ruled Intravit ut vulpes, vixit ut leo, mortuus est ut canis. Bal. Act. Pontif. like a Lyon, and dyed like a Dog. And I am confident our Puritans obstain'd more by hypocricy, then true piety; And having once made themselves Masters, it is not forgot, how they Tyrannized over the poor Nation; and the King's best friends; which hath brought, such an odium Moritur—hoc modo Bonifacius ille, qui Imperatoribus, Regibus, Principibus Nationibus, Populo, terrorem potius quam Religionem injicere conabatur. Platin. Hist. de vitis Pontif. Rom. upon them, in the Nostrils of all good men, that I believe their exit wil be as reproachful to themselves, as beneficial to the Nations; so that of them might be said, as Platina said of the same Pope; Thus expired these Bonte-feus, who rather endeavour'd to make themselves a terror to Kings, & Magistrates, then study the increase, and propagation of true Religion.

However, if after all this, we should grant (though I see small reason for so doing) that the Presbyterians did contribute something to his Majestie's restauration; yet will the credit (if rightly considered) be so little, that they have aboundance of confidence, who can boast of it. [Page] It being done (supposing that they were assisters) rather for their own ends, then any real love which they bore towards his Majesty. And what will not these men do for their own advantage? We need not tell here, of some Patrons of that Faction, who first subscribed to Episcopacy, then took the Covenant against it, then took the Engagement against Kingship, and since have embraced both King, and Episcopal Government: And certainly, most ignorant must that man be, who supposeth, that those who thus vary, do it really, by perswasion of the excellent goodness of that thing they then engage for, rather then a time-serving humour for a private benefit.

And what little thanks (much lesse reward) the Puritans merit, by their assistance, (supposing that they were advantagious) may be hinted at by these following parallel stories.

At that famous Siege of Ostend, a Frenchman, by disobeying his Serjeant, caus'd a Tumult, for which, he was condemned by a Councel of Vere's Commentaries. pag. 140. War to be Shot to Death: Yet, at the intercession of the French Captain, that renowned General Sir Francis Vere, granted him life, upon condition, he asked the Serjeant forgiveness, This he scorned, however had eight days allow'd him to consider; at the end of which, he seeming still obstinate, was Ordered to Execution, and accordingly was tyed to a Stake: But no sooner did the Monsieur see the Harquebusiers ready to discharge, but the fear of death falling upon him, he desired to be unbound, and so asked the Serjeant forgiveness. Our Brittish Presbyterians, by disobedience to their King, caused a most wicked war, to the ruin of many Noble families, and the King himself. The merciful King for the preservation of his Subjects bloud, sent to the Malefactors Post after Post, a full pardon, provided there might be a sure peace, and a perfect Amnesty. To these propositions they scorn to hearken, and by their Covenant swear to ruin all the King's friends; and in this manner, being confident in their own strength, they run on in obstinacy; and in this stubborn fashion did they continue many years, thinking themselves secure. But at last to their amazement, they beheld the Independent ready to cut their throats; this fear of a sudden destruction, brought such a terrour upon these zealots, that they were even at their wits ends: they look round about for relief, cast out many a sigh to obtain favour, but they perceive no safety, unless they would acknowledge themselves Subjects to their King. This they thought a hard lesson, and contradictory to their Christian Liberty, but taking it for a good rule, that of two Evils the lesse is to be chosen; they with a low voyce (not willing to be heard) mumble out, that Charles II. is their King, and so through his Majesties mercy were relieved from their bondage; though, innocent souls, they scorned to ask pardon, for their former villanies, in which they came short of the French mans ingenuity.

But to bring the Simile somewhat more pat, in respect of the relation betwixt a Soveraign, and a Subject. Above 300. years past, the Danes banished their King Christophorus II. and Imprisoned his eldest son Eric, Expold. Lindenbruch. Hist. Dan. Reg. p. 41. in the strong Castle of Hadersleben, [in the Dukedome of Schleswick.] [Page] These dissentions having weakened the Nation, those of Holstein endeavour'd to get Denmark under their subjection; which the Danes perceiving, were glad to re-call their King, and set free his Son. This story will unfold it self, in the application of the following Narrative, which is exactly to the business, and hath formerly been used by an Ingenious Gentleman in a speech at Nottngham, though in the relating I shall not only somewhat differ Mr. Whoaly's Speech. p. 9. from him, but also inlarge my self out of the Chronicles themselves.

James (I. King of Scotland) when, but Prince, and young, going into Hect. Boetius. lib. 16, 17. Jo. Lesloeus. lib. 7. Geo. Buchaa. l. 10. p. 331. Alex. Rosse Hist. of the World. p. 536. Will. Drummond's Hist. of Scotland, with Mr. Hall's Preface. France, was taken Prisoner by the English, [7. Henry IV. 1406.] where he was detain'd some 18. years. In the mean time, the Government of Scotland was usurped by Robert Steward, Duke of Albany, and Earl of Fyfe: after whose death, his Son Mordack [or Murdo] got the command never endeavouring the resettlement of his King, but lorded it over the Nation, wasting, and alientating the King's Revenue, and the Churches Patrimony, turning all things upside down, according to his Tyrannical humour. In the mean while, Mordac had three sons, Walter, Alexander, and James, [though Hist. Generale d'Angletterre. pag. 1051. André de Chesne, through brevity, taketh no notice of the latter] who grew very unruly, and imperious, obedient to no R. Hollingshead. laws, but their own wills, presumptiously destroying what their Father most delighted in, to his great grief, and discontent: And not being able to endure their sawciness, he resolved to free himself from their Tyrannical yoak; to which purpose, he told his eldest son [Walter, who Quoniam lu animo tuo imperare non potes, ut mihi pareas; ego alium accersam, cui obtemperare ambo cogemur. Buchan, Rerum Scot. Hist. lib. 10. p. 331. had just then snatch'd a Faulcon from his fathers hand, and wrong off her neck] that, since he would not be obedient to his government, and pleasure; he would procure one, who should rule them both. After which time, all his Counsels were for the restauration of King James, resolving, rather to be a Subject to a lawful King, then a slave to his own Children. For which purpose, he gets a Parliament call'd at Saint Johnstown, where (all being weary of the present Government, and Tyranny) it was unanimously concluded, to send for their own King home again, which accordingly was done, [1424.] and he presently restoreth both the Crown, and Church Revenues: And in a Parliament held at Sterling, Mordacus, with his two sons, were condemn'd as Traytors, and beheaded; his youngest son flying into Ireland, where he dyed.

The Application of this Story is obvious.

Our present King, when also but a young Prince, by the malignancy of self-ended Traytors, being secluded from his own, for the space also of eighteen years: The Government of the Nation was seised upon by the furious Presbyterians, who Tyrannize to the purpose over the distracted Country; getting the King's Lands, selling his Woods, loading the Nation with Excise and Taxes, ruining the Church, imprisoning and murthering the Bishops, and others of the Chief Gentry, whose estates they also put into their pockets; imposing wicked oaths upon the people, vilifying their King, murthering his Subjects, and in a word, violating all Laws. After this fashion did old Father Presbytery Tyrannize for some years; But at last Independency, Anabaptism, and the Fifth-Monarchy-men, (the three ungracious sons of Presbytery) began [Page] to perk up, grow headstrong, and so malepert, as to contemn, scorn, and deride their Father; spitting in his face, and throwing all reproaches they could upon him: and at last, fairly took the Old Knave by the beard, giving him a swing from the seat of Correction, to the utter discredit, and defilement of his short Lecturing Coat, and Sister-visiting black and white Caps, for

Two Caps he had, and turns up that within;

You'd think he wore a black Pot tip't with Tin.

The Religion of the Hypocritical Presbyterian. pag. 6.

These three younkers being now on Cock-horse, so tryumph'd over their old wicked Parent, that he durst scarce say, his soul was his own; not allowing him his will in any thing, and by a just judgment of God, paying him home in his own coyn, as the learned, and judicious Patron of Bishop Sandersons 20 Sermons, Preface. Sect. 10, 11. our Church observeth. For, as this old jugler, had impudently quiped the Reverend Church of England, with, what command, or example, have you for kneeling at the Communion? for wearing a Surplice, &c? for Lord Bishops? for a penned Liturgy? for keeping Holy-days, &c. So these three Mad-caps, thus retort upon their amazed Father, where are your Lay-Presbyters, your Classes, &c. to be found in Scripture? where your Steeple-houses? your National-Church? your Tithes, and Mortuaries? your Infant-sprinklings? nay where your Meeter-Psalms? your two Sacraments? your observing a weekly Sabbath?—Shew us, say they, a Command, or Example for them in Scripture.

Thus did these three hopefalls retort, tearming all the old Knaves actions, selvish, worldly, wicked, and onely of humany institution: which proceeding from his own Brats, so perplext old Father Schism, that (being naturally of a cholerick temper) he could no longer endure the injuries, and ingratefulness of these three Hot-spurs, who received life, and nourishment under the shadow of his fiery zeal; but that which touch'd his heart most, was their plucking from him all Rule, and Authority, so that his credit could scarce obtain a beast to trott it to the next Lecture. These affronts, sufficient to make the Father run horn-mad, (and the multitude of Conventicles may allow some Presbyterian Cockolds, or else, what would the Sister-hood do?) prompts him to a resolution to free himself from the lash of these his three boys, (who out strip'd him in new inlighten'd zeal) and being thus grown mad with dispair, and willing to submit to any thing, so he might be freed from this yoak, and having consulted his pillow, with aboundance of time and leasure, he saw no way to quel these his insulting Children, but the restauration of his Majesty. And because a late repentance is better then none, he hoped by thus working his own benefit, to obtain his own pardon, knowing the King's mercy to be as great, as the Presbyterian wickedness. Thus for his own advantage, to obtain the return of his Majesty, he procured a Parliament, which to the joy of the Nation recall'd the King, yet not according to the Presbyterian hopes, who expected not a free, but conditional return.

[Page] The truth of this Application must be left to the understanding Reader, who shall be minded of the Spanish Proverb,

Hagase el milagro, y hagalo Mahoma.

Let us but have our desires, though the Devil, or Turk, be our instruments, or Assistants.

And with this, I am pretty confident, the Brethren did not disagree, is appearing by their long compliance, (yet hatred to be kept under) that they did not care, so be that they were but relieved from the Independent slavery, though it were done by him, whom they always hated, and was the son of him, who they always held for the Common enemy; and whose friends, they had solemnly sworn to punish, and ruin.

What good wishes these people had for the King, was meerly for their own ends, as I am apt to credit; when I consider their high complying with Richard, one of their Chieftains, viz. Master Baxter applying himself several times to him by way of a faithful subject, and advising him how to behave himself the better to perpetuate his usurp'd authority, and seem'd very discontented at his deposing. And though many of them disliked Oliver, yet if you do but inquire of Doctor Manton, [for so he is now, for which he may thank the negligence of the Proposer] I suppose he can inform you, who it was, that, when Oliver was remade Protectour, [1657.] pray'd so heartily for him in Westminster Hall. 26. June. And for the Saints of the Committee of Safety; you would bless your self, to see, how the Brotherhood of Leicestershire accosted them, humbling, Representation. 1659. Sept. 8. themselves under the protection of those Lords of Wallingford house; declaring their utter dislike to the intentions of those, who, in Sir George Booths business, stir'd for the King. Nay, should I say, that some of this faction, were a part of the very Rump it self, I supposed the Brethren would be puzzel'd to prove the Contrary. Thus like Diogenes's Archer, do they hit every where, but the right mark; and this, through an innated spirit of wickedness, and inconstancy; which puts me in mind of a story. Robert King of Naples, having desired Giotto, Georg. Vasari. le vite de piu Excellenti Pittori. Part. 1. pag. 126. then famous in Italy, to paint him out his Kingdome; drew an Asse with a Saddle on his back, and smelling to another new Saddle, and upon each Saddle a Crown and a Scepter: the King demanding what he meant thereby, he replyed, Such is your Kingdome, and Subjects, for they desire new Lords daily. I am confident that the best Hieroglyphick of a Time-server, would be a fat-beneficed Presbyterian; yet, did that Faction but once grow powerful, they would be like Giotto's Asse, still smelling after new Governments; and Neapolitan Courser in Boccalini, Pietra del Parag. Politicó. always ready to cast his Rider. So that if one should ask many of them, Where was the binding force of their Covenant, in Oliver's, Richard's, the Rump's, and the Committee of Safety's time, there would be but a shuffling Answer return'd.

[Page] Thus I suppose the Query is sufficiently satisfied, information being particularly given of their Opinions, and Actions, all running cross-grain'd to the King, and his Interest; and therefore, I suppose, little beneficial to his restauration: A tast of which, you may see in these few instances.

I. The late war against the King, was lawful, and commendable.

II. It is lawful for Subjects to fight against their King; and so the oaths of Allegiance, and Supremacy, of small validity.

III. The King is not above the two Houses of Parliament, and so they not subject to him.

IV. They are bound to oppose all Arch-bishops, Bishops, Deans, Prebends, &c. having exactly sworn against them in the Covenant; and so against Church-government, appointed by the King, and the Laws.

V. They are by the same Oath obliged to bring to condign Punishment all Malignants, that is, all those who assisted the King, and were sufferers with him, here, or beyond-sea: so that, had these men been such a main stake in the King's restauration, they would, according to their Oaths, and Cruelty, either have stopt the King's friends (as the Scots did) from returning with him, or have proceeded against them as Malefactors, and Malignants, and so have butcher'd them out of this world, as they formerly did with the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, Sir Alexander Carew, Master Bowcher, Master Yeomans, Master Tomkins, Master Challoner, Sir George Lysle, Sir Charles Lucas, and several others; some by a dissembling method of judicature, and other by the quick and speedy mode of Abington.

VI. They never assisted any Plot in behalf of the King: Nay, suffered him to be Murthered without one stroke, not taking the Royalists part in his relief. Nay, when a little before his murther, the Royal party rose up in Armes for his rescue, the Presbyterians of the Parliament opposed their actions, by Voting, and Ordering, whilst those in the Country fought against them.

VII. If this present King be as bad as his Father, [that is, thwart their Schismatical humours as much] they are bound to fight against him, and so not to restore him freely, as he was. For if they be not obliged to oppose him so qualified, then was their late war against his Father unnecessary, and so by their own confession, themselves Traytors. If again, they are bound to oppose him so qualified, then must they confess that the restauration of the present King, (so qualified) was more through their own goodness, and hopes of his amendment, than any desert, or merit in himself. This shews, that they are for the King, onely when he is for their ends. And Conditional Subjects, in a Pure Monarchy, deserve a Halter, rather then Commendation.

VIII. None fit to be a Commission-Officer, that would not affirm the late Rebellion lawful, so that it is no hard matter to judge, what a pretty Militia they would have had again; and being once up, God knows how they would have imploy'd them.

[Page] IX. None is capable of being a Parliament-man that was ever on the Kings Party, unless he had recanted, and declared his sorrow therefore, by his after-adhering to the Parliament. So that the Faction of the Houses so qualified, would presently drive the King from White-Hall again, and, How would they then Tyrannize, having the Militia at their beck, as abovesaid?

X. They have quietly submitted to every Party and usurped Authority, yet grumble to live obedient to that commanded by the King and the Laws of the Land; so that it appears, that they have no great share of Love or Obedience to Charles II. as their King and Soveraign; but it may be only, because, he releas'd them from an Independent bondage, for which they deserve no store of thanks, their duty being rather bought, than freely bestowed.

How these Opinions and Actions can agree with honest and faithful Subjects, I cannot in the least conjecture; And therefore, I must think it very improbable, that those men should freely, and without any Conditions, restore the Son, and set him over them, whose Father they had fought against, imprisoned, vilified, and basely delivered up into the hands of his bloudy Executioners. Certainly, these Principles, can never quadrate with the free and uncapitulated Restauration of his Majesty; some being unwilling to have him ride in on Horse-back, and others looking as farr back as the Isle of Wight.

Mordake though Instrumental in the Restauration of King James I. of Scotland, yet he with two of his sons suffer'd death for their former Treasons, whilst the third fled into Ireland. And really, the Presbyterians do very badly (yet like themselves) requite his Majesty for his free Pardon of their Villanies by their refractory behaviour, and wicked Pamphlets, which prompts me to agree with an Ingenious Gentleman: That

Men possibly may repent of Presbytery, but Presbytery never yet repented Mr. Whaly's Civil Rights, &c. of Episcopacy, in his Speech at Notingham, p. 9. of any thing.

To be short: For any thing that I yet perceive, I may as well give credit to Sedulius his Apology, in behalf of Barthol. Pisa's Conformity of St. Francis with our Saviour, as to the high brags of our Presbyterians concerning their restoring the King: many men making high pretences, though without any ground or reason. Old Falstaff swore, that he fought a long hour by Shrewsbury Clock with stout Percy, and at last slew him; though, if you will believe the Comaedian, the sight of a drawn Sword, would be a sufficient purge to his Knightship. Nieremberg. Hist. Nat. pag. 429. 450. Jac. de Voragin. Hist. 51. Pet. de Natal. l. 3. c. 204. Our Legendaries affirm, that the reason of no venomous Creatures in Ireland is, because St. Patrick beat them away with his staff; which I believe to be as true as his causing the stoln Sheep to bleat in the Theifs belly, along time after it had been eaten. Declarar. of the Popish Impost. in casting out of Devils. c. 15. Our modern Exorcists, will tell you pretty Stories of their afrighting the Devil with some Priests Gloves and Shirts, Dibdale's Stockings, Campian's [Page] Girdle, and such like knick-knacks, though the truth of the business is undeniably false. Some Witches will relate fine tales of their travailing in divers shapes, hither and thither, though all that while they have not budged out of their Chambers, being deluded by a Trance. A late Printer hath boasted himself the Author of a modern Book, though the poor Soul (as they say) understands no Latin, a language often made use of in that Treatise. And the Indians confidently believe, and relate, that those little sandish Islands adjoyning to the Island Manare, were Nic. Pimenta Nova Histor. Relat. de India Orient. p. 33. miraculously done by the leaping and jumping of an Ape, call'd Hanimantus, (their chief God): and to these may I add, the whimsical boasts of the Presbyterians, of their activeness for his Majesties uncapitulated Restauration.

However, to pleasure these people, I shall freely confess, that they have done this King a great deal of good, by making themselves odious, his Parliaments obedient, himself by all confest to be Supream, and the People taught to beware of any more trusting to specious Pretences, since thereby, they are but cajoll'd to set up Usurpers in Authority, and ruine themselves; yet was all this not done by the consent of the Brethren, they having all this while fought against them, and therefore cannot expect any thanks.

To conclude, if the Presbyterians did not assist the Kings return, then are they perjured, as neglecters of their Allegiance; And, if they were the Restorers, then are they perjured too, as neglecters of their League and Covenant, [For, its Obligation Crofton, and others of that gang, maintain to be perpetual] which, they so solemnly swore to defend, because they did not bring to condign Punishment, the Malignants, (i. e. the Kings best friends) according to their Oath; all which they Voted Traytors. And how many of those persons of Quality, which return'd with his Majesty, were by the Presbyterian faction excepted from Pardon, may appear in 1646. 1647. 1648. Ex. Col. p. 633. Qualification in their Propositions to the King. That they all broak the Oath of Allegiance is palpable; that they have not fulfill'd their Covenant, is as true: the first they did freely, the latter by constraint, as appears by their yet whining after it: So they could not be actively Instrumental: And, the Independents, Anabaptists, and such like Phanaticks, may boast of a forced Passive Subjection, as well as they.

[Page]

CHAP. II.

The wickedness of our Presbyterians in throwing Aspersions upon his Majesty, and Instigating the People to Rebellion, by assuring them in the Lawfulness of Subjects Fighting against their Kings.

THe astonishment of the ancient Dionysius the Areopagite, at the grand Eclipse, cannot plead much superiority to mine, when I perceive the Learned Father of the Church St. Augustine the eloquent Lactantius, and others, startle at, and expresly deny, so grand a truth as the Antipodes; and Pope Zachary, and St. Boniface, [an English-man] Dr. Wilkins World in the Moon. Archbishop of Mentz, to be so ignorantly (or, as some think, maliciously) zealous, as to Excommunicate Virgilius [an Irish-man] Bishop of Saltzburg, for offering to affirm such opposite habitations. Morney's Myst. of Iniquity. pag. 150. If the more modern Americans were amazed at the sight of Columbus his Ships, well may I wonder at the notions of some learned men Corn. á lapide. Com. in Gen. Perer. in Gen. Tostat. in Gen. Sir Walt. Rawleigh's Hist. Biblia Maxima per de la Haye. Vol. 1. concerning the Garden of Eden, some affirming it to be above the Moon, others above the Air; some that it is the whole World, others only a part of the North; some thinking that it was no where, whilst others suppose it to be God, knows where in the West-Indies; and, for ought I know, Sir John Mandevile's story of it may be as true as any of them: And I do not the less believe it to have been on the Earth, because the Devil (the Father of lies) told Dr. Dee, and Edward Kelley, Relat. of Dr. Dee's actions with Spirits. pag. 156. that it was so.

And if I have cause to admire at the simplicity of any of these fancies, well may I be astonished at the easie-natured folly of some, who are yet so great adorers of the Presbyterian Cause, (if not Interest), as at this time, (when all their knavery is discovered) to ascribe, I do not know what Divinity to the Brotherhood. But it is the fortune of the greatest wickedness to have many followers, and as long as our Crafty Puritans can with the Roman Otho court the Rabble, they need Tacit. Hist. 1. c. 36. 4. never question the encrease of Proselytes: it being the humour of some men to caress Sedition and Schism, that they might with more ease embrace Rebellion: And, though at this time they cannot glory in any grand hopes of prosperity; yet Domitian, rather than destroy nothing, would kill Flyes; and it is the temper and constitution of these Disciplinarians to agree so farr with the Devil, as to play at small game rather than sit out.

So that considering the sedulity, and seditious temper of these Principiis obsistendum mali (que) nascentes radices evellendas. Adultam enim pestem exsecari difficillimum. Hier. Osor. de rebus Emmanuel. lib. 11. fol. 346. d. Schismaticks; a faithful Monitor (for all the Restauration of our happiness) cannot be ungrateful or unseasonable to Great Brittain, whereby its Ruin may be avoided, by being informed, that the Venemous Serpents, and Tyrannizing Monsters, are yet in the Highwayes, indeavouring to seize upon the people, who are willing (like honest and loyal Subjects) to embrace Obedience and Conformity, perceiving now [Page] plainly the wickednesse of their quondam Deluders. I remember a well stretch'd story of a German, who told his friend, that once in a wood Facet, Befellan. lib. 3. pag. 174 he seeing a Wild Boar blind with age, led along by another more young by holding the young ones tale in his mouth, he fairly shot of the conductors tail, so that the old one held still by one end, whilest the cunning German, took hold on the other, and so led the blind boar above twenty miles to Stutgart (the chief Town in the Dukedome of Wirtemberg). The truth of this story you may believe as you please; though you may be confident that many thousands of our ignorant people have been violently seduced and drawn from those who did really intend the good of their souls, and this by a company of hot spurr'd zealots, to the miserie and distruction of their blind and simple meaning followers. And if a great School Divine of Spain, quite lost his Jo. Huarte Exam. de ingenios cap. 8. pag. 107. Latin tongue by endeavouring to mend it from the eloquent Cicero; we have small hope to learn Obedience or honesty from our Presbytery, since Schism and Rebellion are their main Lectures, whilest Perjury, Sacriledge and Hypocrisie is the only Climax by which they ascend to greatnesse, of which at this day we need not go farre for examples.

Yet a man might suppose, that upon the happy Restoration of his Majesty; And his not only pardoning these seditious (to give no worse word) subjects, but his freely giving honour to some, preferment to others, paying the Arrears of his greatest enemies; that they should now study quietnesse, every man regarding his own businesse, and in retalliation of his Majesties mercy and favour, in all things endeavour the tranquillity and not the disturbance of the Kingdome. But in this we finde our selves to reckon without our hoste, being wholly deceived by a sort of men, who withstand all Supremacy, but what is propt up by their giddy fancy, and subject to the lash of their conditionally-covenanting fingers: And all this prest forward with so much violence, that fire and sword must obtain their desires, though it be to the binding of their Kings and Princes in Fetters, as if they borrowed their Religion from the Inhabitants of China, who will vilifie, contemn, spurn and beat their Idoll Gods, when they do not satisfie them in what they D'Avity les Estates, &c. de la Chine, Sect. 37. desire: or as if they learn'd their Courtship from William Malmesbur. de gestis Regum Anglorum. l. 2. cap. 5. Rollo of Normandy (or one of his Wilhelm. Gemiticensis de Ducibus Normannis. l. 2. c. 17. Knights,) that, when he should have done homage to King Charles III. of France, instead of kissing his foot took hold of it and threw him down.

'Tis true at present the Heard or Flock of Presbytery, is not so numerous, and strong as they were twenty years ago, by the dwindling of a great part of their gang into other Conventicles of separation, some of them being since turn'd Anabaptists, others Independents, some Quakers, others Fifth-Monarchy men, and others run themselves into such grosse absurdities, that there is scarce and Heresie in Prateolus, but some branches of this Disciplinarian Tree, doth embrace and shelter. Yet can it not be deny'd, but that amongst this wilde and ravenous Rout of Renagadoe's, some few with the prodigal Son, having seen the wickednesse of their former sins, Schism and Rebellion, have with repentance [Page] return'd to obedience, and at this day, live dutiful Sons of the Church and State. However though, as it is commonly affirm'd, fierce Rivers run through other waters without mixing, yet our violent Presbyterians (that is, in plain English all) when in time of necessity (as at this time I hope they are) can give a plausible compliance with all other sectaries, and can croud with them into a lump under the specious Titles of Godly men and persecuted saints, yet, as in the furious Sir Henry Blunts Voyage to the Levant. pag. 19. Danubius in the same place you may distinguish two sorts of waters, so may you safely perceive the several interests and sects combined together in this our hotch-potch club of Schismaticks: But if once they be tolerated to the use of their fury, then each Faction is prepared to cut one anothers throats, though upon restraint, as at present, they all shroud themselves under the protection and interest of their old Dam Presbytery: which calls to my mind their allusion to the American beast Tlaquetzin, whose young ones on a fair day, and when no danger appears, run sporting abroad, following their own fancies; but as soon as they perceive any hurt or damage approaching, or prompted to them by their own fears, they skud to their Dam with all speed, and secure themselves in the same paunch, whence they first proceeded. At this time, I dare boldly say that there is none pleads more in behalf and toleration of the Phanaticks, then their Presbyterian Mother doth, under the specious and whining pretence of Tender Conscience; though when they were on Cock-horse, none did more oppose that plea than themselves, as I shall shew hereafter. Which abominable jugling, with many others used by this Fraternity, prompts me to so much indignation, that I can scarce allow the Foundation of Presbytery so charitable a thought, as I do that poor miserable fellow, who being accused of Bestiality at his Arraignment William Drummonds Hist. of Scotland p. 256 confessed it, yet that it was not out of any evill intention he had done it, but only to procreate a Monster, with which (having nothing to sustain his life) he might win his bread by going about the Country to shew it.

These Puritans having formerly stirr'd up the Rabble by their seditious Pamphlets and Lectures to Rebellion, against King Charles the Father, are now driving the same way against the Son; as a preparative to which they are daily instilling into the peoples Noddles, Principles of disobedience, schisme, discontent and Rebellion, for they

—Still find it good

Dr. Lluel. Miracles, pag. 77.

To keep th' infection high ith' peoples blood.

For Active Treason must be doing still

Lest she unlearn her Art of doing ill.

I shall not tell the Londoners, how King Henry III and King Richard Otto Frisingens. de gestis Frideric. lib. 2. c. 18. Mart. Crusius, Annal. suev. part. 2. lib. 10. cap. 14. II used them: nor how Frederick Barbarossa the German Emperour clawd the Milanois and their City: but it will not be amisse, to hint to our factious Presbytery, how the same Emperour made Hermon the Elector Palatine, with his associates carry dogs upon their backs (then held a [Page] punishment and disgrace) for being disturbers of the peace: And were the same inflicted upon our Boute-feu's, Good God! what snarling would there be at Christ-Church in London, and the lecturing junctos? how zealously would the sister-hood meditate on the Temple-Barre Off-spring of Lay-Elders? how would it puzzle the tender-hearted souls to decide the grand controversies, which ears were longest, or, which animal best conditioned? Thus would the Pulpit be guarded like St. Malo: And our Non-conformists would have another plea against Tobit as Apocryphal, because not agreeable to their practise; his Dog running before, but these lugd behind. By this means, dogs would be used to smell out a Presbyter as the Italian Jo N.uclel. Chron. vol. 2. p. 549. dog could Fornicators and Adulterers; and, it may be, by this conjunction, the Brethren might smell Popery in Obedience and Decencie; as they do Idolatry in kneeling, and loyalty in opposing the King. For Hist & Observat. Medic. Cent. 3. Sect. 68. Monsieur Borel tells us of a man that by the biting of a dog, had his common smelling rais'd to the sagacity of a hound or spaniel. And possibly the presence of those crafty and cruel Nieremberg. Hist. Nat. l. 7, c. 43, 44. Hyena's might make the dogs as silent as those found in Africa, and the East-indies, or those in Purchas Pilgrim. vol. 4. p. 1696. Virginia, which cannot bark but howle: and since fair means and gentlenesse will not work upon the churlish humour of the men, they should blame themselves, if severity like a Wolfe, should appear to silence them: otherwaies, if the dog and man should be thus coupled together, our Curs at London and other places, would in time be brought to be as devout at Lectures and Conventicles, as the Lisboan dog Tudesco (so call'd I suppose in hatred to the Dutch, as a Lancashire Gentlewoman call'd her three Cats, having Nieremb. l. 9. c. 94. no ears, Pryn, Burton, and Bastwick) was serious and zealous for the Romish Church. But because they may grumble, and call this railing (though you see how merry I make my self at their Worships), I shall, since they will not give me leave to anger them, make them so odious to posterity, that a sign of Jack Presbyters head, would intice no Customers, but Fauxes, Ravilliacks, Olivers and such like detestable animals. And for these things, in this and the following Chapters, I shall go no higher than our late times, which may serve as part of a Supplement to the Reverend Bishop Bancroft.

But it may be said, To what purpose is all this, since they themselves do not deny it, and all the world knows it? 'Tis true: However a few hints will not be amiss, if it be only to tell the people, that these Blades are still of the same mettall: So that (I dare boldly affirm) that if this Loyall Parliament, or the Reverend Bishops would make these Incendiaries recant their former Rebellious and seditious speeches formerly affirm'd in Pulpit and Writings, it would be the greatest blow, that ever the enemies of Church, or State received, and the only way to make the simple people see how they have been misled and abused. If they refuse such Recantations it must either be through scorn and contempt, or that they are still of the same Rebellious humour, for both which the Laws provide punishment: and, I hope, their interest would not be so great as to stop This.

[Page] I need not tell you, who they were who Rebell'd lately against his Majesty; yet would I gladly have the Consistory to enform me in these three Quaeries.

First. Why the Non-conformists; and only the Non-conformists, did oppose, fight, and rebel against the King?

Secondly. Why the Episcopal part of the Lords and Commons, with the Judges, Lawyers, and others, who followed his Majesty, should not, did not, or could not, understand the Prerogative of the King, Priviledges of Parliament, and Liberty of the Subject, as well as the Puritanical party, which opposed his Majesty?

Thirdly. Why, since the Reformation, None of the Reformed Episcopal perswasion, have in Arms, Rebelled against their Soveraigns? Whereas ever now and anon, we are alarm'd with some Presbyterian Rebellion or other?

The Proverb assures us that There is no smoak without some fire. And why all these men should be seditious (as experience assureth us) I shall leave to the consideration of Dr. Burges, being one of the oldest amongst them.

But it may be some of them, in answer to these Quaeries, will say in the seditious Tenent of that Scotch-firebrand Mr. Robert Blair, who taught his Schollers in his Lectures upon Aristotle; That Monarchial Large Declar. pag. 324. Government was unlawful. And were not the blew-capt Covenanting Brethren, pretty birds, that could finde no fitter man to make Professor of Divinity in the University of St. Andrews, then this furious Orestes? Some it might be would affirm, that they only fought, to obtain the Id. pag. 404. desire of that Scotch Bully, who in his sermon thus stirr'd up his Auditors; Let us never give over 'till we have the King in our power, and then he shall see how good Subjects we are. Others, it might be, were weary of the Kings ruling over them, and so might act for England as others Mr. R. Watsons second fair warning. p. 39. belcht out concerning a neighbour-Kingdome, viz. That Scotland had been too long a Monarchy, and that they would never do well so long as one of the Stuarts was alive. And possibly some were so farre for liberty of subject and Conscience, that they hoped by their hands, that God would fulfill the desires of him, who prayd to Almighty God Id. pag. 120. in the Kirk of St. Andro, That He would carry through the good cause against all his Enemies, especially against Kings, Devils, and Parliaments. Are not these precious souls to promote the Holy League, or to put forward the cause of Muntzer, or John a Leyden?

Well, if you will have any more of this Caledonian doctrine; Then what do you think, Was not he a dapper Covenanter, that could thus Lysimach. Nican Epist Congrat. pag. 13. twit his late Majesty? We must not lose you and the Kingdome, by preferring[Page]your Fancies, and groundlesse affections, before sound reason; you should complain to the heart that the head is much distempered; The Lyon must be cured of the Kings Evill. Is not this a pretty reflection, fitting to prompt a Rumper, to do what he will against a King? But if this be not enough, Bradshaw may pick a small vindication from the Covenanters, who thus assure Kings, that—The people may be well enough without them, for there was NONE TILL Cains days. Happy souls, that have the sole power of understanding Scripture, and History! Nor is their knowledge stinted here only, but they can (as if they had a strange spirit of Divination) even know the hearts of their Id. pag. 43. betters: for thus one of their Grandees [R. B.] from the Pulpit could assure his Beloved, that the Lord hath forsaken our King, and given him over to be led by the Bishops, the blind brood of Anti-Christ, who are hot Beagles hunting for the blood of Gods Saints. Is not this fit stuff from the jaws of an hot-headed Covenanter? I can tell you also, that (when his Majesty, sufficiently provoked by these furious Rebells, went D. E. himself to reduce them to obedience) one of these Tub-Pratlers told his Hearers, that they of the Holy Covenant, were like Israel at the Red sea, and Pharaoh and his host comming upon them. And another [H. R.] was as forward as any of them, when he compared the King to a Wicked Italian, who delighted to kill men, both in soul and body. And was not the King highly beholden to these his gude Subjects? And had no the reason to thank Mr. Cant. for his good opinion of, and wishes for him, when in his Sermon at Glascow he could dapperly pray to God, To take away the Kings Idolatry? But words are but winde, and therefore deeds must do the feat; for obtaining of which they think themselves obliged, to vindicate any manner of murder or bloodshed. Thus one of their Zealots highly applauding John Id. pag. 57. Feltons stabbing the Duke of Buckingham; God hath chalked out the way unto you, God offer'd himself to guide you by the hand, in giving this first blow; will you not follow home? The sprinkling of the blood of the Wolfe, if we can follow the Lord in it, may prove a means to save us, &c. But because the life of a Subject is too small a recompence for their Revenge, the pouring out of Sacred Royall bloud would not be Id. pag. 59. 68. amisse, as appears by the words of a Covenanting Brother. Tell the Head it's sick, presse the people to Arms to strike the BASILIKE VEIN, since nothing but THAT, will cure the pleurisie of your Estate. And is not this a good way to plead for Zion? Is it not an hard case, that none but these blood-shot eyes can discern the Pattern in the Mount? Would not a man think King Charles the I by these Characters, to be a stranger Monster than ever Aldrovandus heard of? And can any man think, that these Kirkers spoke like subjects, when they publickly Id. pag. 2. declared that, We deserve and expect [a proper word to their betters] Approbation and Thanks from his Majesty. And all this only for Rebellion, according, to Mr. Andrew Ramsey Minister of Edenburgh Id. pag. 7. his Doctrine, viz. That it was Gods will that the primitive Church should confirm the Truth by suffering; and that now, the truth being [Page]confirm'd, It's his will that we defend the Truth by Action in Resisting TYRANTS. And what was meant by this word Tyrants, the Time when the word was spoke, doth sufficiently demonstrate. And so little respect have these Brethren to the Supream Powers, that a great Grandee, well known in England, if you say but Thomas Cartwright, did thus proudly give his judgement concerning this Question, Whether Id. p. 34. the King himself might be Excommunicated? That Excommunication should not be exercised upon Kings, I utterly mislike. And how exactly these Disciplinarians Quadrate with the Jesuites in Politicks, the learned Mr. Corbet, under the Name of Lysimachus Nicanor, hath Ingeniously discover'd; which Book so handsomly exposed the Zealots, that, [the Author being after, murthered by the Irish] Robert Bayly, that Review. p. 2. Scavinger of Presbytery, betwixt snarling and rejoycing, could not refrain from crying out, O the judgement of God!

The Aethiopians paint the Devil white, and look upon our Europians as not beautiful, because not of their black and obscure Complexion: And our dark-souled Puritans censure all Vertue and Loyalty as abominable, because contrary to their Principles, which perswades them to espouse such Maxims as these;

I.

That it is lawful for Subjects to make a Covenant, and Combination Large Declar. pag. 409. without the King, and to enter into a Band of mutual defence against their King, and all persons whatsoever.

II.

After a Law is made, and confirmed, yet if the Subjects (or rather, as Id. p. 412. appears by practise, if onely a part of them) protest against such established Law, or Laws; Then, that doth void all obedience to those Laws, and the Protestors are discharged from any obligation to live under them; although the Protestations, and the validity of them, be not discussed before the competent Judges of them.

III.

A number of men, being the greater part of the Kingdome, (because Id. 413. they are the greater) may do any thing, what they themselves do conceive to be conducible to the glory of God, and the good of the Church, notwithstanding of any Laws standing in force to the contrary: And that these (especially, met in a Representative Assembly) may not onely without the Authority of the King, but against the express Commandement of the King, and his Council, and Judges, declaration of it to be against the Laws of the Land; sit, act, and determine of things concerning the Church and State; as if there were neither King, Council, or Judges in the Land: and several other such like dangerous positions as these, whereby they ruin, and destroy Kingdomes. Which can never be upon a sure foundation, as long as such Bonte-feu's are tolerated; Schism being the chief Conr. Brunus. de Haeret. l. [...]. cap. 16. overthrower of Nations.

[Page] Upon these Principles, our English Presbyterians rebell'd against their Soveraign; and upon the same account their Neighbours did in Scotland, and then trudg'd forwards to the assistance of their Southern associates: declaring the necessity of such a Rebellion,—Unless we Declarat. of Scot. concerning their Expedition into Eng. Aug. 10. p. 8, 9. will either Betray our Religion, Liberties, and Laws, and all that we, and ours do possess, into their hands; [i. e. The opposite, and malignant Party of Papists, Prelats, and others the sons of defection, and contention, their adherents] and suffer our selves to be cut off, and massacred, by such bloody, and barbarous cruelty, as they have executed this time past in Ireland, and England. There is a necessity of taking of Armes for mutual defence:—In this case it is most necessary, that every one against all doubting, be perswaded in his mind of the lawfulness of this undertaking, and of the goodness of the cause maintain'd by him.—To assist our Brethren in England, who are calling for our help, and are shedding their blood in defence of that Power; without which, Religion can neither be defended, nor reformed, nor unity of Religion with us, and other Reformed Kirks be attained:—To whom of old, and of late, we have made Promises of the real Declarations of all Christian duty, and thankfulness; and who upon our desires, and their endeavours for unity in Religion, have often warn'd us, that the Malignant Party would bend all their invention, and forces, to interrupt the work, and to ruin, and destroy them in the undertaking of it, which we see this day come to pass. The Question is no sooner rightly stated, but it is soon resolved: the Lord save us from the Curse of Meroz, who came not to help the Lord, to help the Lord against the mighty? when we look upon the cause which they maintain, the Prayers, Tears, and Blood which they have poured forth, and the insolencies, and the blasphemies of the enemies; we cannot doubt, but inlargement and deliverance shall arise unto England.—God forbid, and be it far from us to sit down at ease—on this side of Jordan; till our Brethren be possessed in the Liberties of the Kingdome of Christ.

And this Seditious canting-language, they second in another of their Declarations to the same purpose,—Unless we can (which God forbid) A short Declar. of their Expedit. into Engl. p. 4. blot out of our thoughts the sense of piety, and Religion toward God, of honour, and duty towards our Soveraign, and of gratitude toward the Parliament, and Kingdome of England, we can in no wise resist our present call to this Expedition. Very pretty! that their duty to their King should oblige them to fight against him, and his Authority! But the people of this Gang, are very much given to make Bulls, and Non-sense. This is not unlike to our Long-Parliament, who thus very gravely Ordered.—To the intent that his Majesties Revenue, might no more 21. Sept. 1643. be mis-applyed, and that the same may be imploy'd for the good of his Majesty, and the Common-wealth: The Lords and Commons, therefore, do Ordain,—That all his Majesties, the Queens, and Princes Revenue,—shall be seized upon.—But what if I should tell you that some of these Diegos can affirm for their excuse, that they were bound by the Oath of Allegiance to take the Parliaments part against the King; would you not think that the price of Oaths is faln very [Page] low? Well, if you will enquire of old Master Thomas Hall the Parson of Kings-Norton, he can tell you what is the opinion of him, and others, Funebr. Flor. p. 40. in this case: He is a notable Champion against May-poles, and will give you aboundance of arguments to prove that they are the Devils Anglerods, which being well baited with Holy-sisters, is the onely way to catch Puritans, as an old woman told a zealous Grandee: but enough of his precise, and simple Objections, of which I may say, as the famous Selden His Notes upon Drayton's Poly-Obb. Song. 3. p. 52. said of some old fashioned Rhimes, You may read them, and then laugh at them. If their Allegiance obliged them to fight against the King, they may well suppose, that by the Covenant they were bound to cut him off, by the Article of bringing Malignants to punishent; and what may be the sequel of such assertions, I hope our Superiours will consider.

And what do you think of another swash-buckler of this Tribe, who assures the world that the English had as much cause to rejoyce for their Joh. Vicar's Chron. part. 4. *⁎* 2. Conquests over his Majesty, as the Israelites for their deliverance from wicked Pharaoh, and his Egyptians? And this use of Exhortation, the better to advantage the memory of the whining Sisterhood, he coughs out in as good Dogril Rhime, as ever John Cotton, or Vavasor Powel were guilty of; a tast of whose hatred to the King's Party you may see in these following,

Sing praise, sing praise, unto Jehova high,

For he hath Tryumphed most gloriously,

O're all our foes: The Horse, and Rider He

Hath tumbled down to deepest misery.

Yea, all the rotten-rout of Romanists,

Papists, and Prelates, Atheists, Royallists,

And Mad-Malignants void of grace, or sence,

To whom God now hath made just recompence.

Why he should distinguish betwixt Royalists, and Malignants, I know not, though I might very well; and I am as ignorant what difference he finds betwixt a Romanist, and a Papist, unless all this be, with the fellow in the Play, to make up Meeter. And who must this boaster be, but the furious John Vicars? one that hated all people that loved obedience, as the Devil doth Holy water: and could out-scold the boldest face at Billings-gate, if Kings, Bishops, Organs, or May-pole, were to be the objects of their zealous indignation; of which I shall give you but one tast, to wit, against his Sacred Majesty.

—The King's Letter full indeed of much EVIL, and Demonstration Id. p. 438. of no Change of heart, from his former BLOODY, CRUEL, and UNKINGLY PRACTISES, of the RUINE of Himself, and His Kingdomes, as much as in Him lay.—

Is this fit to be Printed for the information of the people? and yet Ja. Cranford, thought it very fitting. Was is convenient to dedicate such stuff as this to Almighty God? yet the Author thought nothing [Page] more. Would any man call this a fair and famous History? yet Vicars himself could give it that Encomium. Or could any imagine, that such a Part. 3. p. 304. Rayler against the King and Church should (even the other day) deserve the Title of The Worthy Patriot of his Countrey; and yet so is he Dagon. demolish'd. honoured: but, by whom, Edward Thomas, Mr. Pryn's Bookseller, can better inform you than my self. The truth of it is, this man's Histories only look like a Company of Thanks-giving Sermons stitch'd up together, as Georgius Hornius well Characteriz'd them. Yet must I needs Sermones potius sacros, quales ad populum habeatur, quam Historias scripsit; cum maxima operis pars Theologica sit. G. Horn. Rerum Britan. ad Lectorem. say, that of all men, that pretended to deep Learning, and good History, this Hornius of Strangers is the most partial in his short Story of our late English Wars; which makes me somewhat mistrust the mans Principles: seeing at his being then in England, he might have more exactly informed himself, if Interest had not sway'd him; But, I hope, his History of the Scottish Rebellion, and the beginning of the English (when it is printed) will be more Ingenuous; or else I shall desire him to acquaint himself with his friend Monsieur de Parival, or the two Italians, Priorato, and Bisaccione, and other Forraigners, who are more impartial.

I need not tell you, how the Presbyterian mad-caps of the Long-Parliament, declared the legality and necessity of the Warr against their King. Nor how they they voted all his Loyal Subjects Traytors, because obedient to him: these things be as well known as their Prosperity, they driving all before them, being thrust on with a mischief, as if they had the command of Dame Fortune, as Ericus [Ventosi Pilei] Jo. Loccen. Hist. Suec. p. 12. King of Sweadland, had of the Windes, by the turning of his Cap. And whatsoever they did, their white-eyed Pulpiteers vindicated, and whined it out to their affected people with abundance of Ha's! Oh's! and O's! to be agreeable to Gods Secret Will; for alas, every puny of these Saints understood his Revealed, too well, to be Catechized in such things.

How pitifully these Schismatical Cushion-Thumpers abused the simple multitude into Rebellion, you may in part perceive, by one instance, out of their own Historian. After the Battel of Edge-Hill, the Earl of Vicar's. Chron. Part. 1. p. 212. Essex, with several of his Regiments went to London, [Novemb. 1642.] The Sabbath-day after their arrival to London, the Godly and well-affected Ministers, throughout the City, preached and prais'd the Lord publickly, for their so joyful and safe return home to their Parents, Masters, and Friends: Exhorting those young Souldiers of Christs Army-Royal, still to retain, and be forward and ready to show, their Courage and Zeal to the defence of Gods Cause, and their Countreys Well-fare: Shewing them the Plots of their Adversaries to have Introduced Popery and Tyranny into the Kingdom; and assuring them, that this Warr on their parts was waged and managed by Papists; An Army of Papists being raising by the Kings Command, contrary to his Vows and Protestations, and deep Asseverations to the contrary. And were not these sweet-souls to preach Peace and Repentance? Just as some forraign Priests by hearing Confession, instead of a rebuke, perswade the simple [Page] women to act the same sin over again with themselves. Nay, so farr had our rebellious. Thunderers proceeded, as to make the People believe, that those who sided with the King, were in a manner past hopes of any happiness in the World to come: concerning which, I shall tell you a Story upon the credit of honest Jack Taylor. One Francis Beal The Noble Cavalier caracterised. p. 5, 6. (dwelling in the Axe-Yard in Kings-street, Westminster), with his Wife, were throrow-paced for the Parliamentary-Cause; yet had a Son, who like an honest Subject, faithfully served the King in the Wars; which so troubled his zealous Mother, that she caus'd a Bill to be written to have him pray'd for in the Church, which Bill was delivered in Martins Church near Chearing-Cross, to the well-known Mr. Case the Lecturer there on Thursdays; the form of the Bill was as followeth.

These are to desire you to take into your Christian Considerations, the grief and sorrow of one Mistris Beal of Westminster, whose son Francis Beal is faln away from Grace, and serves the King in his Wars: Wherefore she most humbly beseecheth the Prayers of this Congregation, that He may Return and be Converted.

Is not this abominable Hypocrisie, as bad as the poor ignorant Irish, who when they went a stealing, pray'd to God for good Fortune; and, if accordingly, they got a good Booty, used to render God thanks for his assisting their Villany, and so lookt upon it as the gift of God.

Oh, what will men not dare, if thus they dare

Relig. of the Hypocrit. Presb. p. 20, 21, 22.

Be impudent to Heaven, and play with Prayer!

Play with that Fear, with that Religious awe

Which keeps men free, and yet is mans great Law:

What can they but the worst of Atheists be

Who, while they word it 'gainst Impietie,

Affront the Throne of God with their false deeds?

Alas! this, wonder in the Atheist breeds.

Are these the men that would the Age reform

That down with Superstition cry, and swarm

This painted Glass, that Sculpture to deface,

But worship Pride and Avarice in the place?

Religion they bawl out, yet know not what

Religion is, unless it be to prate.

Meekness they preach, but study to Controul;

Money they'd have, when they cry out the Soul.

And angry will not have Our Father said,

'Cause it prays not enough for dayly bread,

They meet in private, and cry Persecution,

When Faction is their end, and State-confusion;

These are the men that plague and over-run

Like Goths and Vandals all Religion.

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Vain foolish People, how are you deceived?

How many several sorts have you received

Of things call'd Truths, upon your backs laid on

Like Saddles for themselves to ride upon?

They ridd amain, and Hell and Satan drove,

While every Priest for his own profit strove.

They close with God, seem to obey his Laws,

They cry aloud for him, and for his Cause:

But while they do their strict Injunctions preach,

Deny in actions what their words do teach.

O what will men not dare, if thus they dare

Be Impudent with Heaven, and play with Prayer!

Besides, the many wicked Declarations of the Juncto of the Lords and Commons, and the seditious Pulpit-Talkativeness of their puny Muffti's, many Pamphlets were sent abroad to incite the people to Rebellion, and this by Authority too; a sight of which, I suppose, their zealous Journey-man Sam. Gellibrand would not deny a friend. Nay, they were gon so farr, as to think the Rebellion, so laudable and necessary, that they perswaded the people, that it was not lawful to suffer patiently, and with-draw themselves from its calamities, (contrary to the express command of our Saviour, who bids us fly from City to City, Mat. 10. 23. Case of Conscience concerning flying in Times of Trouble. 1643. pag. 7. rather than resist), to which purpose, one of their Beloved, [Mr. S. T.] put forth a small Treatise, in which he tells the World, That when a Parliamentary-State is ingaged for the repressing of Injuries, and maintenance of publick Liberties, and mens Estates, this—calls in all private thoughts of escape, to contribute them to the publick defence: and then furiously exasperates them against the King and his Loyal Subjects, by infusing into them strange things, of the dangerous distemper spread over all our Body, the discord in our own Bowels, an Abominable Army, Idolatrous Ensignes, the Romish Banner. And therefore, Things stand Id. p. 9. now in such posture, that God requires our deep Engagement, and that we should banish all thoughts of declining. In this great hazard, that Liberty, Laws, and Religion run; to leave our ground, were to leave Popery Mastery of the Field. And at last concludes, What comfort can this Id. p. 15. be, if we run away from a good Cause, as if we were afraid to own, or afraid to assist it, and unwilling to suffer and be lost with it? And who must be the promoter of Printing this Seditious Pamphlet, but Mr. Edm. Calamy, the famous hinter of Aldermanbury, London?

But it was not only Printing which they made use of to vindicate Rebellion, but also, and that a main one too, Pulpit-prating; for I dare not call such babling, Preaching: where nothing was yell'd out but Persecution! Persecution! O the cruelty and knavery of the King! O the Idolatry of the Queen! O the wickedness of the Malignant, Antichristian Army! and all this (forsooth) against the Cause of God, [Page] the souls of his true Saints, the peace of the Directory, and the happiness of the Elect, the true children of Grace: the poor people gaping all the while, really believing, no Devils to be in the World, but Cavaliers; not a word, proceeding from the lying Throats of these Pulpiteers, but fill'd the soft-brain'd Auditors with more indignation against the King and his Cause, than our Women are against Popery, at the sight of a flaming Picture in the Book of Martyrs. All their prittle-prattle was to shew the goodness of their Cause (and I wish some of the Presbyterian Churches beyond-Seas were not too much complying in this), the abominable wickedness of the Kings Party, and to perswade their friends never to make peace with such Malignants: Of which I shall afford you two or three Instances.

Mr. Herbert Palmer of Ashwell in Hertfordshire, made a long-winded 28. June. 1643. tittle-tattle, stuft with Rebellion and Sedition, before the House of Commons: at the latter end of which, he finds out a pretty device to have all the Cavaliers throats cut; and all this to be justified by Inspiration from God Almighty—I humbly entreat you to ask Gods Pag. 70. Consent first, whether he will spare such or such, or pardon them; and if he will not, you must not—Probably this Politician was very well acquainted with the subtle Robber of old time, who made the Countrey-Parson pray for Riches, and upon that account took all his Gold from him. Or it may be, Oliver used this Art to murder his Majesty; Elench. Mot. p. 120. for we are told, that he said, he pray'd to know Gods mind in that case, and he took the Answer Affirmatively. Thus our Red-Coats of Wallingford-House, after they had concluded upon any mischief, would, for a blind to the People, appoint a Day of Humiliation to enquire of God what should be done, though they were before resolved, that all the Prayers in the World should not alter their fore-going Determination. Whence it came to be a vulgar and true Observation, That whensoever those Saints had a Fast, they were then broaching some mischief or other. To be short, the greatest wickedness in the World may be perpetrated by this Rule of Palmer's, and so Religion prove but a piece of Policy; yet, was it very fitting for the Parliaments actions, which I suppose, was the cause, that they ordered Sir Oliver Luke to give him thanks for his Seditious Preachment, and to desire him to print it, the better to infect the People.

Another of these Bawlers, seldom thought of a Bishop, or the Kings Party, but with Indignation, and this must be Mr. Thomas Coleman, formerly of Blyton in Lincolnshire, but since, by the Schismaticks was put into St. Peters Cornhill, London, from which, they had not only wickedly Sequestred Dr. Fairfax, but Plunder'd and Imprison'd him in Ely-House, and in the Ships, and turn'd his Wife and Children out of doors: But to return to Coleman, who in one of his Sermons, thus rants against the Church of England, and violently perswades the Parliament 30. Aug. 1643. Pag. 39. to execute severe justice upon her Children.—Our Cathedrals? in great part of late become the Nest of Idle Drones, and the roosting place of Superstitious Formallists.—Our Formallists, [Page]and Government in the whole Hierarchy is become a fretting Gangrene, Pag. 24. a spreading Leprosie, an unsupportable Tyranny; Up with it, up with it to the bottom, Root and Branch, Hip and Thigh, Destroy these Amalekites, and let their place be no more found.—Throw away the Rubs, out with the Lords Enemies, and the Lands: Pag. 64. Vex the Midianites, abolish the Amalekites, or else they will vex you with their wiles, as they have done heretofore. Let Popery find no favour, because it is Treasonable; Prelacy as little, because it is Tyrannical.

This was rare stuff for the Blades at Westminster, and pleas'd admirable well; and therefore they strait order Sir Edward Aiscough, and Sir John Wray, to give the Zealot hearty thanks for his good directions, and to desire him, by all means, to print it; which accordingly he did, and in requital of thanks, Dedicates his fury to their Worships, where he fals to his old Trade again, very pretily by his Art of Rhetorick, calling the Kings Army, Partakers with Atheists, Epist. Dedicat. Infidels, Papists, &c. That it hath Popish Masses, superstitious Worships, cold Forms in the Service of God. That it is stored with Popish Priests. That it Persecutes Godly Ministers, painful Preachers. That it doth harbour all our drunken, debauched Clergy, our Idle, Non-Preaching, dumb Ministry, our Ambitious Tyrannical Prelacy, and the sinck and dregs of the Times; the receptacle of the filth of the present and former Ages, our spiritual-Courts-men. This mans rayling pleas'd the Commons so well, that they could think no man fitter to prate when their wicked League and Covenant was taken than He; which accordingly he did to the purpose, tickling their filthy Ears with the same strains of malice. Impudently affirming, That none but an 27. Sept. 1643. Pag. 23. Atheist, Papist, Oppressour, Rebel, or the guilty, desperate Cavaliers, and light and empty men can refuse the Covenant: and so concludes with a reflection upon the Kings Party, as Idolaters. And for this stuff, Colonel Long must be Ordered to give him thanks from the Pag. 27. House.

Another of these Parliamentary Furies [Mr. Arth. Salwey of Severnstoak 25. Octob. 1643. in Worcestershire], thus desires them to destroy the Kings friends.—Follow God (I beseech you) in the speedy and impartial Execution of Justice.——The hearts of your true Friends are Pag. 20. grieved, that so many Delinquents are in Prison, and yet but very few of them brought to their Tryal.——When Elijah had done execution upon Baals Priests, there was rain enough, (1 King. 18. 40, 41.) Who knows how soon the Lord may bless us with an holy Peace and blessed Reformation, if Justice were more fully executed. And this man must have thanks sent him too, from the Parliament by Mr. Rouse.

Another of their Thumpers, viz. Mr. George Walker, (of St. John Evangelists, London,) thus stirs up execution against Malignants.—Cut them down with the Sword of Justice, Root them out, and consume 29. Jan. 1644/5. them as with fire, that no root may spring again, let their mischief fall [Page]upon their own Heads, that the land may be eas'd, which hath a long time, and doth still groan under them as an heavy curse. And was not this a fit Sermon to be preacht just the day before the Treaty at Uxbridge, and then to be printed too by the Presbyterian Authority? Could these men desire peace, that thus countenanced men to rail against their betters, with whom they were to Treat?

But this is short of Mr. Christopher Love's malice (let one of their witts sing out his Commendations as he pleaseth) he at the very day of the Treaty must needs thunder it at the place it self: perswading the people by all means not to treat with the Royalists, as I have in part before insisted on: but besides that which I told you then, he could thus also animate his friends against peace.—

—'Tis the sword (not disputes nor Treaties) that must end this Controversie; Chr. Love's Englands distemper. pag 7. Wherefore turn your plow-shares into swords, and your pruning hooks into spears, to fight the Lords battels, to avenge the blood of Saints, which hath been spilt; It must be avenged either by us, or upon us,——I have sometimes feard, alwaies praid, that too much pag. 26. mercy and pitty in our State Physitians [i. e. the Parliament] might not retard the healing of this land: Men who have deserted their trust, falsified Would not the Presbyterians think much, if one should now retort? but a good purse can raise envy upon any man that dare speak truth: It may be Mr. R. L'estrange can think it. their Covenants; how soon are they received into favour, enjoy their Estates, as if they were never enemies! Oh! how are Neutralists and Malignants spared?—I have often thought that too much mercy towards Malignants, hath made more Delinquents than ever justice hath punish'd: mercy should not weigh down justice; in God they are both equall, why should it not be so in man? Pitty to the bad, hath proved cruelty to the good; the sparing of Offenders hath made many worse, few or none better. To them that have shewd no mercy, let judgment be shewd without mercy. Guilt hath been contracted, much innocent blood hath been spilt, which must either be aveng'd on us or by us.—

—Oh, there are many Malignant humours to be purged out of many of pag. 32. the Nobles, and Gentry, in this Kingdome before we can be healed.—The Lord heals a Land by cutting off these distemper'd members, that endangers pag. 37. the health of the Land. 'Twas the Lord troubled. Achan and cut him off, because he troubled Israel: O that in this, our State-physitians [i. e. the Parliament] would resemble God, to cut off those from the Land who have distemper'd it. Melius est ut pereat unus quám unitas.—Men who lye under the guilt of much innocent blood are not meet persons to be at peace with, till all the guilt of blood be expiated and avenged, either by the With what face then can the Presbyterians expect mercy, & favour, till the blood of Lucas, Lisle, Bouchier Yeomans, Arch. Laud, E. of Strafford, E. Montross, Mar. of Huntley. Hathill, Gordon, Spotswood, and many other persons of quality by them murdered, be avenged? sword of the Law, or Law of the sword, else a peace can never be safe nor just. And then at the last tells you, that the Parliaments cause and men are so good, but the Malignants so abominably wicked, that Heaven▪ and Hell may almost as soon meet, as these two make a peace. I might also tell you, how he hints upon the perfidiousnesse of Princes, upon the deaths of King James and Prince Henry, upon the losse of Rochell, and the Irish Rebellion; but I shall leave such false dirty slanders, to be swallowed down by those Puritans who first spewed them forth; yet did Ja: Cranford, think this houre of Rebellion very worth printing, the better pag. 42. pag. 5, 6, 23. [Page] to perswade the people to embrace such wickednesse. Which calls to my memory one expression then utter'd by Love, That it was a very pag. 17. hurtful opinion, that people must not defend themselves by force of Arms against their King. What wickednesse this rebellious barrangue boaded I shall not say, only desire you to observe, that his Sacred Majesty was murther'd the same day four years that this blood-thirsty doctrine was vomited out by Love; and the same day that Love dyed on, was also honourd with the death of that bloody Tyrant Richard III.

What do you think of another of these Champions, viz. Mr. Samuel 25 June 1645 Rutherford? No lesse man then Professor of Divinity at St. Andrews, who thus yell'd out his malice against the Kings friends.

—Bloody men who defend a cursed cause.—O enemies of the Gospel! pag. 11. O Malignants and haters of the Lord and his Saints!—Malignants are but drawing blood of Christs heele in these bloody Warres. pag. 20.——He (God) suffereth Malignants to ride over his people, that he may perfume the work of Hell in the enemies, who are as it pag. 25. were skullions to purge the vessels of mercy and to humble them.—Malignants plow the Church, and sow blood in the three Kingdomes.——The wicked of these Kingdomes, malignants, bloody-Irish pag. 40 rotten-hearted men; such back-sliders and perjured Apostates, as are in Scotland delivered to Satan, and Excommunicated.——And The Earl of Montrosse and his loyal party after this, speaking concerning the reasons of Gods judgments upon the Nation, he thus delivers himself.——

—Others say, Rebellion against the King is the cause: but rather, the not timous rising to help the Lord, and his oppressed people, against the mighty, is the cause. The defection of both Kingdomes to Altar-worship, pag. 44. Imagery, Idolatry, Popish and Arminian doctrine, &c. And a little after this, throws more dirt upon the King and his party, than half his enemies pag. 64. 65. had done before. Yet was all this very pleasing to the Lords house then at Westminster; who like true English Barons (who should neither suffer their King, nor their Peers to be abused) the next day, having consulted with their Pillows, like themselves, Order thanks to be given to Rutherfurd, with desires also that he print his gudly geere.

I could also tell you how Samuel Anneley [L. L. D. and Preacher at 26 July. 1648. Cliffe in Kent] very manfully perswaded the Parliament to do pag. 11, 13, 16. 24. 28. justice upon the King, and not to treat with him any more, yet highly extols and affirms the obligation of the pag. 12. Covenant, so that some can cut off the Kings head by authority of the Covenant; for which pretty salvo, it may be the Commons ordered Mr. Boys to give the Dr. thanks, where also they desire him to print this Queer come off.

I would also tell you of Mr. Matthew Barker [formerly of James Garlick hithe, London, whence Mr. Freeman was wrongfully sequestred and plundred, and his Curate Mr. Anthony turn'd out] then of Mortlake in Surrey, 25 Octob. 1648 who earnestly in the pulpit perswaded the Parliament to pag. 29, 30. 33, 34, 35, 36. continue in the wicked ways they had begun. And that they do by all means execute pag. 39, 40. 48. p. 43. 50. justice. And not to have any more Treaties: and this man must have their thanks too, from the mouth of Collonel Harvy.

[Page] I would also tell you how Mr. Tho. Brooks (of Thomas Apostles, whence Mr. Cooper was sequestred, plundred, and sent Prisoner to 26 Decemb. 1648. pag. 14. &c. 46. Leeds Castle in Kent) furiously stirr'd up the Rumpers to do justice, but because this was after the seclusion, I shall neither speak of him, or his being thankd by Sir John Bourchier.

The plain truth is, should I give you a Bead-role of all the Treasonable, rebellious, and seditious expressions only utter'd from the Pulpit before the Parliament it self, from the beginning of these warres till the Kings murther, (as I could soon do, did I think it worth the while) a Stranger might well suppose our English Pulpits not to be unlike that dreadful passage in Sir John Mandevile, where so many Devills cunningly acted their parts to intise passengers to their perpetual ruine: and well might he judge every Presbyterian black coat, a Cataline, whose only businesse is to promote Rebellion and Bloodshed: yet was none of them ever checkt by, but had the hearty thanks from, the Parliament for so doing; which shall stand as a perpetual in famy to the Presbyterians in the house, whether secluded, or a Rumper. For, had they any respect to his Majesty, they would never have suffered him to have been so abused: or, had they had ever any reall intentions of peace, they would never have permitted these Roysters to have widened the breach, by their perpetual prating against Treaties. But both of them were well agreed against peace, especially the Parliament hated a personal Treaty by all means, lest any of them should be convinced of his error, as a former Earl of Ormond was. He was a Fryer of St. Francis Order; call'd Vincent, and through mis-information thought our King Henry V to have been the most wicked man in the world, and so thought his Titus Livius de Frunlonisis life of King Henry the V. M. S. in the Bodl. library. pag. 61, 62. Warre unjust in France; but after a little discourse with the King himself he was so satisfied on the contrary, that he thus bespake the Kings Army.

My Lords and Masters all, see ye that ye do to the King your Master diligent and true service, as you have till now well done; For in your so doing, you shall well please God. This morning before I came hither, I believed that the King your Maister, had been the greatest Tyrant among all other Princes Christian: but now I perceive the contrary; for I assure you, He is the most acceptable unto God, of all them that be here present this day; and his Quarrel is so just and true, that undoubtedly God is and shall be his Aide in all these Warres.

And this is not much unlike the Reply of that great sufferer the Noble Bayly's Worcesters Apothegms. 15. p. 21. Marquesse of Worcester to the Maior of Bala in Merioneth-shire, who came to excuse himself and Town, for his Lordships bad Lodging.—Lord! what a thing is this misunderstanding! I warrant you, might but the King and Parliament conserre together as you and I have done, there might be as right an understanding[Page]as betwixt you and I. Some body hath told the Parliament that the King was an Enemy, and their believing of him is such, hath wrought all the jealousies which are come to these distractions. The Parliament being now in such a case as I my self am in, having The Parlour where the Marquesse lay, was a soft and loose ground wherein you might sink up to the Ancles. The top of the house was tharcht with ill-thresht straw, and the corn that was left in the straw, wherewith the house was thatcht, grew and was then all as green as grafse. green Eares over their Heads, and false Ground under their Feet.

Had the Presbyterians been content with the concessions, granted them by his Majesty farre above their desert or cause, they might have enjoyed peace and liberty and the government to boot; but their resolutions to have all, was the cause of their losing all, by the intervening of the Independents. Not unlike the Clown, to whom St. Bernard promis'd his Mule, whereon he then rode, if he could say the Lords Prayer without the interposition of any vain thoughts. The fellow, very Alonso de Villegas, flos sanctorum. 20. August. glad of the bargain, falls a saying Pater Noster, &c. but before he had said half, there came an idle thought into his head whether St. Bernard would give him the Bridle and Saddle too, which making him faulter, and confesse the truth, he lost all.

I shall not here trouble my self, to rake up all the sedition of that Scotch fire-brand Mr. Robert Bailey, but only tell you, that he greatly Bailys Review pap. 83. wonders that the Reverend Lord Bishop of London-Derry, should deny so grand a Presbyterian Maxime, viz. That it is altogether lawfull for the Parliament to take up arms for the defence of the liberties or any other imaginable cause, against any party countenanced by the Kings presence against his Laws. And of all this who must be judge but themselves. But I shall tell you the passages of one or two great men now alive, and great Bustlers in London against our true Church.

Mr. George Cockain of Pancras Soperlane, London, whence Mr. Eccop was sequestred, plundred, forced to fly, and his Wife and Children turn'd out of doors. This Cockain held forth before the Commons, 29 Novemb. 1648. and whether or no he did not presse them to murther his Sacred Majesty, let any man judge by these his following words.

Think not to save your selves by an unrighteous saving of them, who are pag. 26. the Lords and the peoples known enemies. You may not Imagine to obtain the favour of those amongst whom you will not do justice; For certainly if you act not like Gods in this particular against men truly obnoxious to justice, they will be like Devils against you. Observe that place, 1 Kings 22. 31. compared with chap. 20. It is said in chap. 20. That the King of Syria came against Israel, and, by the mighty power of God, he and his Army were overthrown, and the King was taken Prisoner. Now the mind of God was (which he then discovered, only by that present providence) that justice should have been executed upon him, but it was not: whereupon the Prophet comes with Ashes on his face, and waited for the King of Israel ch. 20. v. 42. [Page] in the way where he should return: and as the King passed by, he cryed unto him, thus saith the Lord, Because thou hast let go a man, whom I appointed for destruction, therefore thy life shall go for his Life. Now see how the King of Syria, after this answers Ahab's love: About three years after, Israel and Syria engage in a new Warre, And the King of c. 22. v. 31. Syria gives command unto his Souldiers, that they should fight neither against small nor great, but against the King of Israel. Benhadad's life was once in Ahabs hands, and he ventured Gods displeasure to let him go; but see how Benhadad rewards him for it, Fight neither against small nor great but against the King of Israel. Honourable and worthy, if God Is not this well applyed? do not lead you to do justice upon those that have been the great Actors in shedding innocent blood, never think to gain their love by sparing of them; For they will, if opportunnity be ever offerd, return again upon you and then they will not fight against the poor and mean ones, but against those Yet was it Order'd, that Col. Wilson do give him thanks from the Presbyterian Commons. that have been the Fountain of that Authority and Power which have been improved against them. Was not this spoke in very good time? viz. Just upon the breaking off the Isle of Wight-Treaty, and when the Great ones were consulting about the Kings Tryall, which may serve for a Comment upon the Author.

If you shake your head at Cockain, I make no question, but you will bite your nailes, when you hear the plain dealing of one of their Chiefrains: his words I shall give you upon the honesty and ingenuity State-divinity. pag. 17. of Mr. Roger L'estrange, for I have not the Sermon by me. This spruce piece of Rebellion, in one of his Preachments before one of Oliver's Parliaments; like a zealous Covenanter thus delivered himself. 24. Sept. 1656. pag. 23.

Worthy Patriots, You that are our Rulers in this Parliament, 'tis often said, we live in times, wherein we may be as good as we please: Wherein we enjoy in purity and plenty the Ordinances of Jesus Christ. Prais'd be God for this, even that God, who hath delivered as from the imposition of prelatical Innovations, Altar-genuflections and cringings, with crossings, and all that Popish Trash and Trampery. And truly (I speak no more then what I have often thought and said.) The removal of these insupportable Burdens, ☜ countervails for the blood and treasure, shed and spent in these late distractions. Nor did I as yet ever hear of any godly men that desired (wert it possible) to purchase their ☜ FRIENDS or money again at so dear a rate, as with the return of these, to have those soul-burdening, Anti-Christian yokes re-imposed upon us: And if any such there be, I am sure that desire is no part of their Godlinesse, and I professe my self in that to be none of the number.

Would not this man be a fit Chaplain to an Army of Cannabals, whose delight is to devoure one another? Well, I shall desire to ask Mr. William one or two Questions, which will be worth his answering.

I.

Is Episcopacy such a devilish Government, and Presbytery so good and necessary, that the first ought to be null'd, and the latter set up; though the doing of it, will cost an hundred thousand mens lives, and the destruction of three Kingdoms, and the King to boot?

[Page]

II.

Had not the King some friends, that were truly Godly, who wisht the Restauration of his Life, Crown, Throne, Authority, Supremacy, and Prerogative, and the Episcopal Church-Government too? Or, could no man, that was Godly, desire these things? If not, then

III.

Would the Brethren wish this King upon the Scaffold too, provided, that would free them from our Episcopacy? Or do they think it fitting or lawful, to rebell again, and destroy so many families for the rooting out of our Bishops?

Though Mr. L'estrange will not shame the man, by concealing his name; Yet because I am pretty confident of, no alteration in his judgment, unlesse it be according to his custome from worse to worse: I shall tell thee where thou maist find him out. After thou hast put on a mortified countenance, and obtain'd the art of a counterfeited cough, but muster all the wickednesse thou canst hear of into thine heart; foot it demurely to Mr. William Jenkin's house, I mean the very same man of Christ Church, London, the very same man that petitioned and recanted with a breath, and if thou canst meet with him, he may tell thee who was the utterer of that Sermon.

But not to trouble you any longer with particular instances. I shall give you the Vote of a whole Club of London Levites; where you may see what good opinion they had of the King—The wofull miscarriages of the King himself (which we cannot but acknowledge to Vindication of the London-Ministers p. 6, 7. 1648. be many, and very great) in his Government, that have cost the three Kingdomes so dear; and cast him down from his Excellency into an horrid Pit of misery, almost beyond example.—Pray that God would give him effectual Repentance.—For subjects to give such a Character upon their Soveraign, is the highest piece of impudence but for them to throw such aspersions upon the most vertuous of men; is a malitious slander not to be found in Christians. Yet was this piece of falshood, approved of and subscribed to, by 59 Presbyterian cushion-dusters about London; all which in the same paper acknowledge the legality of the Rebellion.

If the King be such a wicked man as these Brethren make of him, what must then be done with him? Some of them say, 'tis no great matter if execution be done upon him. However, it may be, most of them will agree with their Champion, Mr. Baxter, who decrees, that he must be deposed; Nor are the subjects afterwards to trouble themselves for Holy Common-wealth. Thes. 136. 137. 145, 146, 147. 149. 374, 375. his Restauration; Nor is the Injured Prince himself to seek his re-settlement, if the Common Wealth may prosper without him, and so he is obliged to resigne his Government. And thus the people being free from any obedience to him, may choose another King. Or if a Common-Wealth be pitcht upon; it is not at all displeasing to Baxter [Page] who is not fond (that is his word) of any one Government above another, Preface, pag. 15, & 14. only his desire is that the Parliaments may be Holy, and this Note, that when, as abovesaid, he affirm'd that the species of the Government, was not to be alter'd, but another King to be chosen, that his special friend Rich. Cromwell was Protector. But when he now writes this for the sole Government of Parliaments, the Rump was then restored, and Triumphant. ascertained from Generation, to Generation, by such a necessary Regulation of Elections, as I have after here at large described; and that all those, that by Tis worth knowing, whether he means not Royalists and Episcopal men, by those who have forfeited their liberties by Wickednesse. wickednesse have † forfeited their † liberties, may neither choose nor be chosen. But I shall leave Mr. Baxter to his own Repentance: only I would put him in mind, that once he thus magnied a Government of Traytors, which were his Majesties profest Enemies. If that Nation that is most happy of any upon Earth in a Government pag. 455. suited to the highest Interest, and to Gods description (Rom. 3. 3.) should yet murmure and despise that Government, It would be a most hainous sin, and a terrible Prognostick, especially to the guilty souls.

These men must be brave Subjects that make it their whole business to study Rebellion; and where they cannot execute the King, will imprison and spit upon the face of the person; like those beyond Seas, that hang the Effigies when they cannot ruine the life. Of which Presbyterian wickednesse and policy, thus a good Poet.

By this, self-pregnant sin improves to rh' full,

Monumentum regale. p. 16, 17.

Affront at London, Treason growes at Hull:

A bold Repulse succeeds perplext abode,

Despis'd at home, thrives to refus'd abroad:

Place tutors Place, on Cities Cities call,

He may not here be safe, nor there at all.

When lo the spreading mischief not content

To force up breaches in One Element,

Invades his Navy, doth insulting stand

O're the joint-Trophies both of Sea and Land.

To gild this Rapine for the Vulgar eies,

They chase him through all His Capacities:

Shift lights and distances, untill they see

Another self in him, which is not He.

Vex Stills and Crucibles, the Furnace ply,

To soft and drain a Chymick Majesty.

At last their careful sweats, auspicious howr,

Drops him apart, distinguisht from his Power.

I cannot but smile, when I see the Independent girding at the Presbyterians, and vindicate their own actions by the Disciplinarian Principles, proving them to be as great enemies to the King as those who cut off his head, as the laws of the land makes the Trespass as great, felloniously to lop off the noble branches, as to root up the whole body of the Royall Oak. To which purpose one of the Presbyterian seconds [Page] though at last, their Interest were differently bottom'd) thus twits the Brethren.—If by the Covenant we were indispensably obliged The Bounds and Bonds. p. 45. to preserve his Person, (i. e. the Kings), How comes it to pass, that we were oblig'd by the same Covenant to wage Warr against him? I have heard of a distinction betwixt his Power and his Person; but never of any betwixt his Person and Himself. So that if the Covenant would have dispenc'd, any Souldier of England or Scotland to kill his Person, by an accident of Wars (as his life was oft in danger, before he came to the Scaffold) his death had been violent, and the Obligation to preserve him had ended; and yet according to this Argument, the Covenant had not been broken; Why then should these men think the World so dull, as not to understand plainly enough, that The Covenant provided for his Death more ways than one?

Though this Objection may sound harsh in a Presbyterians ear, (who do not love to hear of their Iniquities), yet that famous Geneva Bull (Stephen Marshall), can out-rore this, though its clamours were as His Letter. pag. 19. loud as the Nilan Thunderings of Catadupa: Noysing it out to the World, that if he had been so slain, it had been none of the Parliaments fault; for he might have kept himself farther off, if he pleas'd. These men rail against the Pope as Antichrist, and the Whore of Babylon, (and their wording is all, for they never yet proved it): but, whether they do not both tread in the same way, (both taking upon them to depose Kings) let those who are skill'd in Story, judge: yet, for my part, I think, that one of our Countrey-men was not amiss in this:—

They depose Kings by force; by force you'll do't,

But first use fair means to perswade them to't.

A Satyre. The Puritan and the Papist. pag. 6.

They dare kill Kings: now 'twixt you here's the strife,

You dare shoot at the King to save his life.

And what's the difference (pray) whether they fall,

By the Popes Bull, or your Oxe-General?

Three Kingdoms you have striv'd to make your own,

And like the Pope usurp a Triple-Crown.

But somewhat more to this purpose, the former Writer thus reasoneth.—If—in matter of Supream Command, we of the People Bounds and Bonds. p. 20. may not obey any but the Husband, or the King, Why then did the Presbyterian Party for so many years oppose, and not totally submit to their now supposed Husband? Why did they Commissionate so many thousand men, who by accident of Warr had the power, though not the Chance, to kill him? Nay, in the Parliaments Case, it was alwayes conjoyntly argued by them, that it was he the Husband, that would have kill'd them the supposed Wife; for which reason the Kirk of Scotland, long ago sent him a Bill of Divorce, unless he satisfied for the bloud of three Kingdoms.

Which of the two Parties it was, that at last kill'd him, belongs not much to the satisfaction of us the people, though here questioned: because[Page]those Parties, as to that Act, differ'd no more,—than Diminutio and Obtruncatio Capitis do; for they who after a long Warr, and by long Imprisonment dispoil'd him of that Regal power—did, according to the Term of the Civil Law, Diminuere Caput Regis; and they who in Consequence of his Civil death, took away his Natural life, did Obtruncare Caput Regis. If he had been kill'd in an Action of Warr before, should the Souldier, or he who gave the Souldier Commission, have answer'd for his life?

For the more clearing of this, I shall desire Jack Presbyter to resolve me these two Quaeries.

First, Whether he doth approve of Cook's Appeal, or Vindication of the King's Tryal? (except where he demands Justice, though I need not except it). If he doth, take him Jaylor, and Lord have mercy upon him. But if he doth not, then

Secondly, Whether he can shew me any thing in that Hellish piece of Treason, [except when Cook doth vindicate his Majesty from some slanders], but I can show the same wickedness, in Books publish'd by the Authority of Presbyterians, or made and printed by people of that Faction? For a piece of Parallel, I shall, at present, point you to one or two Instances. See

The Mystery of Iniquity, yet working in the Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Printed for Sam. Gellibrand, 1643.

Declaration of the Commons of England, concerning no farther Address or Application to be made to the King, 1647.

A Remonstrance of the General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, to his Majesty, 1645. Mr. Robert Douglas being Moderator, whose Sermon at Scoon, 1651. you may also read.

John Vicars his several lying and scandalous Pamphlets.

And the several Presbyterian Books, and expressions mentioned in this Book; needless now to be repeated.

And to this purpose, thus saith the learned Mr. Rich. Watson.—Second fair warning. p. 12. in Epist. Whosoever will take the pains to compare the particulars in the Scottish Remonstrance which they brought in their hands, when they came in upon the Covenant, with those, in the accursed Court, proceeding against his late Royal Majesty, may be able to do Dorislaw, Steel, Cook, &c. some little courtesie in their credit, and plead for them, that they drew not up, but only Transcrib'd a Charge, brought long since from Edenburgh to London.

Thus both Parties think the King alike guilty, (though it was the Presbyterian that first perswaded the Independent to think him so): Then here must be all the difference. The first declares him abominably wicked; the latter, being credulous, believes the Declaration. One part [Page] cowardly deliver him up (I shall not hint upon the word selling) to Execution, and the other being more hardy, strike the stroak: Not that, by this, I lessen the wickedness of a Rumper, as I cannot excuse that of a secluded Member; since the latter, knowingly destroy'd and kill'd the King, 1642. the other, under the notion of a private man murther'd Charles Stuart six years after. The Laws of the Land, not only in Killing, but also in Fighting, against the Kings Command, making it Treason.

How to that Heaven did this Pilot Steer

Monument. Regalc. p. 25.

'Twixt th' Independent, and the Presbyter,

Plac'd in the Confines of two shipwracks? thus

The Greeks are seated 'twixt the Turks and Ʋs.

Whom did Bizantium free, Rome would condemn,

And freed from Rome, they are enslav'd by Them.

So plac'd betwixt a Precipice and Wolf,

There the Aegean, here the Venice-gulf,

What with the rising and the setting Sun,

By these th' are hated, and by those undone.

Thus Vertue's hemm'd with Vices, and though either

Solicites her Consent, she yields to neither.

Nay, thus our Saviour, to enhance his grief,

Was hung betwixt a Murderer and a Thief.

What the Powder-plot intended, the Independent acted, and I am confident, the Presbyterians acted more mischief than Faux, or his Complices; Both of them were stopt in their designs and actions: Only we know how farr the Romanists would have gone, but we cannot understand what would have been the conclusion of the Puritans Villanies. As we have a fifth of November in memory of one, so shall we never think of the third of November, but in detestation of the other two.

If the Presbyter would repent his former Vindications of the late Rebellion against their King. It would convert the Act of Indempnity, into one of Oblivion; and people, instead of dashing them in the teeth with their Iniquities, would pitty their former blindness. But, when at this day, they still continue in the same faults, 'tis not a sign of infirmity, but real malice and enmity to that which is good. Still we hear them perswade the people to the legality of the late Warr; and that, by consequence, the same may be lawful against the Son, which was against the Father; and, that upon such petit jealousies as their factious brains can possess the poor people with all, whose easie natures are accustomed to take Pique against any thing, that their hot-spurr'd Parson doth call Antichristian, Popish, or Arminian, though two to one, that neither the Prater nor Hearer, understand what really, those words signifie. Yet the Nation is come to that pass, that the ignorant zeal of our Furies hath made the later drown the noyse of the [Page] other two; That if the word Arminian be but named, How do the poor people startle, and bogle themselves into a sweat? looking as distractedly, as if they had been rid with the Night-mare; a name, that gets a man more envy than the title of Turk, or Infidel: the people in part knowing what these signifie; but for the Arminian, their ignorance of what he is, puts them into such a fright, that they think themselves never secure, till they get the destruction of these strange creatures, for they do not know what things they are. Not unlike those simple people Facet. Bebel. lib. 3. p. 184. of Munding (in Schwaben), who having by chance found a Crab, which none of them had ever seen before; by toling the Bell, as if their Enemies had been upon them, they all hurryed together, and did seriously consult, what sort of Animal it should be; its creeping backwards putting a terrour into them all. At last, they enquired of a poor fellow amongst them, because, for his livelyhood, he had been farther from home than any of them, who said it must be a Stag, or Pigeon: but this not satisfying, and they not knowing how to be resolved; lest it should do them some mischief, standing a good way off, they, for the safety of themselves and Town, very valiantly shot this Monster; and lest any of themselves, or Cattle, should be poysoned or venom'd by it, they very carefully fortifi'd it about with a strong fence. Thus ignorance musters up all the jealousies and fears that can be, and when these are once a Cock-Horse, they can never want stuff to kindle up their hatred.

I need not trouble the Reader, by telling him, how Mr. John Corbet, Interest of Engl. Sect. 14. the other day partly whisper'd out the lawfulness of the Warr. Nor how another of the Brethren (a great servant and adorer of the Murtherous Animad. upou the Bishop of Worcester's Letter. p. 10. Bradshaw), told the people, that it was those with the King, that began the Warr, and not the Presbyterians; nor how the same man threatens the probability of another Rebellion, unless the Saints have liberty of Conventicling allowed them. Nor need I trouble you, by relating the wicked humour of Baxter, who protests, that if the Warr were to begin again, he would take the Parliaments part, his reason is, because, If I should do otherwise, I should be guilty of Treason or Disloyalty Holy-Com. p. 486. against the Soveraign Power of the Land,—for—I knew not how to resist and disobey them without violation of the command of Id. p. 477. God, (Rom. 13.) Let every soul be subject to the Higher Powers, &c. and without encurring the danger of the Condemnation there threatned to Resisters. Nor is it needful to repeat to you, how the whole body of the Presbyterian secluded Members, vindicated, not long since, the Rebellion, by their Authority: Since all these particulars are to small purpose; I never yet hearing through all mine enquiry, as I can remember, of any one Presbyterian, but held forth the lawfulness of the late Rebellion.

Thus we find the Puritans more raging than fat Ʋrsula in Bartholomew-Fair, and certainly Bedlam will be full of Mad-Boys, when the Master thereof is Rampant. We may well expect extravagant Principles from these Disciplinarians, when those who are held most moderate, [Page] and the chief amongst them, cannot hold from prating Treason. People are apt to go beyond their Commission, but when such Chief-tains amongst them as Baxter, (whose zeal cannot be perswaded from Bishop of Worcester's Letter. pag. 7. Preaching Sedition (to say no worse word) even since the happy restauration of his Majesty) with a Club of Presbyterian-secluded Members, and others of that Faction, can declare, write, and Vote the late Rebellion against the King to be lawful; others of that perswasion may think it no breach of Conscience, to take the other step, and justifie the securing of his Person: and when a King is once imprisoned by his unruly Subjects, 'tis time for him to prepare himself, for a journey to the other World.

Doubtful Oracles, are alwayes interpreted to the desires of the Interested Faction. That dubious Letter.

Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est.

To kill Edward do not fear is a good thing.

was so well understood by Sir Thomas Gurney, and Sir John Maltravers, that the horrid Murther of Edward II. was its result. Our Puritans well understand their Teachers, when they mince Loyalty; and, though they carry nothing else away with them, they are sure to keep that close, and at last put it into practise. When from the Pulpit, Authority is tainted with abominable wickedness, and Texts of Scripture wrested, to prove the necessity of destroying Tyrants and Idolaters: The ignorantly zealous Auditors, may think they do God and the Cause good service, by doing what they can to bring such a Malefactor to the block; and will at all times be ready to Warragainst the Son, against whose good Father they have been thus instigated to take Arms; and, thus at last, their bewitching sin of Treason will dwindle to a Commendation amongst these Zealots.

But well-fare Mr. Baxter, that hath found out two pretty Salvo's for Bishop of Worcester's Letter. pag. 8. his former wickedness.

First, That he is pardoned by the Act of Indempnity. And is not he a very thankful man, that in requital of the Kings mercy, hath since that preach'd seditiously? but he and the rest of his fraternity, are resolv'd to confirm the character, given them by the Emperour Ferdinand, and Scrin. Sacr. p. 123. Bas. Dor. l. 2. King James, as afore related.

Secondly, That now the Parliament had declared, where the Soveraign Power was, he should acknowledge it, and submit to it. As if the Soveraign Power did not lye in the King before this Parliament; and yet the Gentleman could be very well perswaded to Richard's Supremacy. But a man that is altogether ignorant of our Laws, is the fittest to make the Nation a Common-wealth, and yet none is so blind as him that will not see; nor none so wicked as him, whose Interest alwayes prompts him to take the staff by the wrong end.

[Page] The best excuse that I know for them, is; Their being drunk with Zeal, created in them a strange spirit of Prejudice, which fancy'd the Nation to be in such a distracted condition, that all things were running to distruction: And these good souls, thinking to free themselves, and the Kingdom, from such miseries, busled into a body to expel those evils, which their debauch'd fury thought might give ease to the Nation, and quietness to themselves. Like those guzling Companions upon Howel's Germ, Dyet. p. 37. the Texel's side in Amsterdam, who tippled so long, looking out of a Casement, that really thinking they were at Sea in a Tempest, to lighten their Ship, began to throw Tables and Stools with other luggage out of the windows, thinking they were in danger of Shipwrack. But if these men have the liberty to create jealousies and fears, they will also tell the people, that they are obliged to right themselves, which is the only way to set up the Stage, that the Tragedy may be acted over again: But I hope the Lecturers and Pamphleters will forget their Parts, and then the People will be more unwilling and unfit for Action.

CHAP. III.

The small, or rather no, Authority or Power that the Presbyterians allow the King to have over them.

TO lessen Authority, is the only way to null it; and 'tis as true, that those who desire, and act the first, do it meerly to make it subservient to the latter. People will not declare their designs at first; a plausible pretence, being half a Conquest, which may be spoil'd by too much haste: For

—A'voli troppo alti, e repentini

Tasso, Cant. 2.

Sogliono i precipitii esser vicini.

Those men who too too high and hasty go,

Do take the course to their own over-throw.

The Turks will shew you friendship, but thereby to make you embrace P. Dan. Hist. de Barbarie. p. 308, 309, 310, 111. their Faith. Zopirus made a fair Relation to the Babylonians, but quite different from his Intentions: Warr is in vain, if not maintain'd by stratagems as well as force: Towns have been taken by shew of Friendship; as many men, with Darius, have been ruin'd by those, who promis'd to be their defence. Our Parliament at first declar'd, their Intentions were only to relieve the King from his wicked Council: But having once done that, (as they supposed), they not only afforded him no better, but took away his Authority, clapt him up in Prison, and there kept him secure, till his Cut-throats convey'd him to the Scaffold.

[Page] And, which was an augmentation to their wickednes, they did not do this only to make themselves Supream, but looking upon themselves as the highest Authority, they thought they might thereby lawfully do this and farr more; fancying the King to be as subject to their wills, as a Gally-slave to his Captain. For proof of which, 'tis in vain to quote practice, or the multitude of their Declarations, each of them pen'd to prove the legality of their actions. Only it will not be amiss, to give you the opinion (concerning this point) of a noted Presbyterian Writer, yet making a noyse in his Fetters, who would gladly perswade the people, that they are bound to obey the Parliament and their Orders, though against the Kings express command.—The Z. Crofton's Fastning of St. Peter's Fetters. p. 67. Id. 118. Parliament—ever retain'd a Jurisdiction in themselves over both Church and Crown. Of which in another place, he speaks more plain, thus;—The Votes, Orders, and Ordinances, of the Lords and Commons in Parliament, even without, or against, the Kings Personal Command, is to be obey'd and observed.

But it is not only the Parliament, but the People too (forsooth), that must be hail fellow well mett, with, or rather above the King. And they know, that this familiarity with Majesty is the only way to bring it into contempt; which Crofton thinks a good Card for him to play, and therefore he thus very pertly be-speaks the People:—Is not Berith. Anti-Baal. p. 42. the meanest Subject interested in the Kings Oath, and capacitated humbly to demand performance? Do not Royal Acts fall under the consideration of Casuists, resolving Conscience? Are not Kings Objects of Ministerial admonition? How bold soever it may seem, none but a proud Pashur, and shameless Semaiah, could count it odious in Jeremiah, to say to the King, Keep the Oath and thou shalt be delivered, from that distress which may too late engage his Majesty to send to his faithful Monitor to Pray For Him. Doth not the last clause speak little Crofton a pert blade? who with Calvin, Knox, and others of that gang, would make brave Modlers for a New Utopia, by making the Parliament as bounders and controllers over the King, and allow the People over the Parliament, and then should we have a brave World, the King and Three Estates lying at the mercy of the People; and the bold Presbyterian Tub-tatler allow'd to infuse into the Rabble, what Principles are most agreeable to the sense of their Classes; but, I hope, this Plot is too visible to take effect.

Yet thus did the Scots with King Charls I. by appealing from him and his Council to a General Assembly in these words:

And because we did in our former Protestation Appeal from the Lords K. large Declarat. p. 171. of his Majesties Council; so do we now, by these, renew our solemn Appeal, with all Solemnities requisite, unto the next Free General Assembly Yet they would allow none to be, but what would be for their Covenanting humours, as is visible in their own Stories, however they were certain to have the Assembly on their side, and then would they Protest against all that agreed not with them. and Parliament, as the only Supream National Judicatories, competent to judge of National causes and proceedings.

[Page] Which way of Appealing, is High-Treason by the Law of Scotland, Id. pag. 181. as they knew very well by a good Token: For when their Ministers held an Assembly at Aberdene, after it was Prorogued by King James, they were cited to appear before the Lords of the Council, to answer that high contempt; but they, denying the Authority, and appealing to a General Assembly, were therefore arraigned and found guilty of High-Treason, and had received the sentence accordingly, if King James, out of his mercy, had not reprieved them before sentence, and only inflicted upon them perpetual banishment, which they under-went. But, that they may know themselves the better for the future, I shall transcribe them a Copy of the Scotch Statute, that they may learn how to avoid Treason. ‘The eighth Parliament current holden at Edenburgh, the 22. of May, in the year of God 1584. by the Right Excellent, Right High and Mighty Prince James the sixt, by the Grace of God, King of Scots; and Three Estates, of this Realm.’

An Act for Confirming the Kings Majesties Royal Power over all Estates and Subjects within this Realm.

FOR AS MUCH as some persons, being lately call'd before the Kings Majesty and his Secret Council, to answer upon certain Points, to have been enquired of them, concerning some Treasonable, Seditions and Contumelious Speeches uttered by them in Pulpits, Schools, and other wayes, to the disdain and reproach of His Highness, his Progenitors, and present Council; contemptuously declined the judgement of his Highness and his said Council in that behalf, to the evil example of others to do the like, if timely remedy be not provided: Therefore our Soveraign Lord and his Three Estates assembled in this present Parliament, ratifieth and approveth, and perpetually confirmeth the Royal Power and Authority over all Estates, as well Spiritual as Temporal, within this Realm, in the Person of the Kings Majesty our Soveraign Lord, his Heirs and Successors: And also statuteth and ordaineth, That his Highness, his Heirs and Successors, by themselves and their Councils, are and in time to come shall be Judges competent to all persons his Highness Subjects, of what Estate, [Page] Degree, Function, or Condition, soever they be of, Spiritual, or Temporal, in all matters wherein they or any of them shall be apprehended, summoned, or charged to answer to such things, as shall be enquired of them, by our said Soveraign Lord and his Council. And, that none of them which shall happen to be apprehended, called, or summoned, to the effect aforesaid, presume to take in hand to decline the judgement of his Highness, his Heirs and Successors, or their Council, in the Premises under the pain of Treason.

To make this way of Appealing more plausible to the People, they are very willing to make a separation betwixt the two words, Sacred and Majesty, sticking close to Calvin, who calls it blasphemy to yield Calvin in Amos 7. 13. p. 282. 2. Paper at Newcast. the King a Supremacy in the Church under God and Christ; to which purpose, thus the Zealot Henderson delivered himself to his Majesty. Such an Headship as the Kings of England have claimed, and such a Supremacy as the Houses of Parliament crave, with Appeals from the Supream Ecclesiastical Judicature, to them as set over the Church, in the same line of subordination, I do utterly disclaim, upon such reasons as give my self satisfaction. And to this purpose, against the Kings Sermon. 28. May, 1645. p. 12. 16. & Epist. Supremacy in Church affairs, he ranted before the House of Lords, the year before. Yet, when he was Moderator of the Assembly of Glasgow, in one of his Speeches there, he attributed very much to the Kings Power in Ecclesiastical Causes and Assemblies, and at last affirm'd; That the King was Universal Bishop over all his Kingdom. A Large Declar. pag 280. Copy of this Speech, his Majesties Commissioner, [James, then Marquess of Hamilton] used means to obtain, but could not get it presently, because those expressions had offended the Covenanters; yet at last, a Copy was sent him, but with all those Expressions left out, which were spoak in favour of the Kings Power in Ecclesiastical businesses: by which one may guess at their jugling. Another of these Brethren is Preface to Knox's Hist. g. 3. h. very furious against the giving these Titles to the King, and must call it Blasphemy too: But this man is not only against this, but also against the attributing any such Epithets as Vertuous, Pious, or Religious, to our Superiours; as if he had borrowed his breeding from Buchanan, who Praesat. de jure Regni ap. Scotos. rants against those who give the Titles of Majesty, Lordship, Illustrious, &c. And these two, also agree very well together, in slaundering those who will not fight against their Kings, since they say, Dame Nature knows no such distinction. And this is agreeable to our Long-Parliament-Worthies, who gravely declared it—a fit Foundation for all Tyranny, Declar. of Reasons for no more Address. pag. 12. and a most distructive Maxim or Principle, for the King to avow, That He oweth an account of his Actions to none, but God alone: And, that the Houses of Parliament, joynt, or separate, have no power either to make or declare any Law. And this power over the King, Henderson [Page] doth not only give to the Representatives, but also to the People over 2. Paper at Newcastle. both them and the King; especially in Reforming: and so by consequence must make them also judges too; and then shall we have a mad world my Masters.—If the Prince or Supreme Magistrate be unwilling, then may the Inferiour Magistrate, and the People, being before rightly inform'd in the grounds of Religion, lawfully reform, within their own sphere; and if the light shine upon all, or the major part, they may after all other means assayed, make a publick Reformation. And a few lines after, thus to the same purpose,—It is not to be deny'd, but the prime Reforming Power is in Kings and Princes, quibus—deficientibus, it comes to the Inferior Magistrate; quibus deficientibus, it descends to the body of the People;—And this you must suppose to be a pretty Rule, to make the People believe that no Religion can be true, but the Presbyterians, and the Covenanters; and so a necessity of Reforming to their Directory. For if not, how will they answer the common Quaere, How came they then, or how durst they alter the Church Government, against his Majesties express command?

Well, necessity or no necessity, the English Presbyterians will swear that they have power to Reforme, and in that the King signifyeth but a Cypher. For, Could not they null Episcopacy against the Kings command? Could not they devide their Lands amongst themselves against the Kings command? Could not they Ruine the Common-Prayer-Book against the Kings command? Could not they call a Pye-bald Assembly against his command? Could they not swear a wicked Covenant against his command? Could they not set up the Directory against his command? Could they not set up Classical, Provincial, and National Assemblies, against his command? Could they not Murther and begger an Archbishop, and others of the Orthodox, and Loyal Clergy, against his command? Could they not destroy Cathedrals against his command? Could they not make Perjury lawful against his command? Could they not commit Sacriledge against his command? Could they not turn the Kings Loyal Subjects, out of both the Universities, against his command? Could they not make Schismatical Presbyterian Ordinations against his command? Could they not make what they pleased to be Idolatry and Superstition, against his command? Could they not make Treason a Rule of Christianity against his command? Nay, could they not do any thing, but make a man a woman, and a woman a man? according to Pembrokes oath and judgement.

For those who vote Loyalty, Treason; and cloak Rebellion with high Commendations, and Religion; will fancy a Legal Power into themselves, obliging them to oppose their Prince. And puft on with this perswasion, a Puritanical Committee of our long Parliament, order this to be Printed and Dispers'd, in behalf of their Associates—They Political Catechism, 1643. p. 12 have only used that Legal Power which was in them for the punishment of Delinquents, and for the prevention and restraint of the Power of Tyranny; of all which they are the legal Judges, and all the Subjects [Page]of this Kingdom are bound by the Laws to obey them herein.—And this Opinion, might be the reason why Prinne and his Fellows, were so angry against that Murther'd Archbishop Laud, for not suffering such seditious expressions as these to be used to the people in their Sermons.—It is lawful for the Inferior and subordinate Magistrates Canterburies Doom, p. 290, 291, 302, 303. to defend the Church and Common-wealth, when the Supreme Magistrate degenerates, and falleth into Tyranny or Idolatry; for—Kings are subject to their Common-wealths. And that Subjects may lawfully take up Armes against their Kings command, and in their Sermons revile the Kings Court, with Pride, Avarice, Idleness, Flattery, Folly, Wickedness, and such like: Yet had a man in London, but hinted half so much against the Parliament, he had been claw'd for it to the purpose.

But it is not the English Puritans alone, that would thus trample upon their Kings: Nay, the Scots too will be as wicked as them, or else they could not handsomely call one another Brethren. And this is especially practised by their zealous Hinters, who deny the King to have no more to do in or with their Assemblies, than the meanest Cobler amongst them; whilst they thus Impudently told his Majesties Commissioner, That if the King himself were amongst them, he should Large Declar. pag. 245. have but one voice, and that not Negative neither, nor more affirmative than any one Member of their Assembly had. Nor will they allow the Civil Authority, to have any thing to do with them, or any of their Kirk-actions; as I have formerly shew'd in their continual practise; and for an assurance, take one of their Declared Maxims.

—As the Assembly cannot make Civill Laws, nor repeal K. Large. Decl. pag. 349. them, nor impede the Parliament from making or repealing Civil Laws; No more can the By this word they signifie all Civill Power, The King as well as the Three Estates. Parliament make Ecclesiastical Laws Originally, nor repeal, or hinder the Lawful Assemblies to repeal the same. For albeit, Acts of the Assembly are, and may be, ratifyed in Parliament; that is only that the Civil Sanction may concur with the Ecclesiastical Constitution: But will not stop the Assembly to recal their Own Act, which being annull'd by them, the Civil Ratification falls ex Consequenti. Good Doctrine for the Puritans, when uppermost, but at this time nothing more distructive to them. For, to maintain that the Kirk may not repeal her own Acts, ratified once in Parliament, is so derogatory to Christs Prerogative and Ordinance, to the Liberty of the Kirk, and Freedom of the Assembly, to the nature, and reason of all Ecclesiastical jurisdiction (as we have more largely declared in the Protestation 22 September last) that we believe few or none will be of that Opinion.

Nor will they allow the King to Dissolve any of their Juntos, with which Impudent humour, King Charles I. was sufficiently troubled. For having by Proclamation Dissolved their Assembly at Glasgow [1638] They publickly deny his Authority for so doing, declaring, that

—It was most unlawful in it self, and prejudicial to those Id. p. 298. Priviledges, which Christ in his word hath left to his Church; to dissolve or break up the Assembly of this Church, or to stop and stay their Proceedings [Page] in Constitution of Acts for the welfare of the Church, or execution of Discipline against Offenders; and so to make it appear, that Religion and Church Government should depend absolutely upon the pleasure of the Prince.

And after this they very solemnly protest against the departure of the Pag. 300. Kings Commissioner, 'till their humours be satisfyed; a sufficient sign of their Presumption, to be so malepert with one that represented the Kings Person and Authority; but they go on in their boldnesse.

—We again and again do by these presents cite and summon Pag. 301. them, and every one of The Bishops and others, who protested against, and declined this jugled-up Assembly. them, to compeer before this present General Assembly, to answer to the premises, and to give in their Reasons, Defences, and Answers, against the Complaints given in, or to be given against them; and to hear Probation sed, and Sentence pronounced against them, and conform to our former Citations, and according to Justice, with certification of affairs: Like as by these presents we summon, and cite all those of his Majesties Council, or any other who have procured, consented, subscribed, or ratified this present Proclamation, to be responsable to his Majesty and Three Estates of Parliament, for their Counsels given them in this Matter; so highly importing his Majesty, and the whole Realm, conform to the 12 Act, King James IV. Parliament II. In which Act there is not one word that intimates as these Covenanters would in this place, but rather in behalf of the Privy Councellors, p. 310. and protest for remedy of Law against them, and every one of them.

Having thus begun to thunder, they fall to work, though they had no power to act, being Dissolved by the Kings Command; yet, to it they fall, in a furious Zeal, not stopping at any thing which was once propounded; so that in one hour, they declar'd six General Assemblies to be null and void. In another hour, they condemn'd (not confuted) Armianism. In another hour, they deprived the Archbishop of St. Andrews, and two other Bishops, viz. Galloway, and Brechen; as at other times of that Kirk-Rump, all the rest of the Bishops. In another hour, they declared Episcopal Government to be inconsistent with the Laws of that Church and Kingdom, and so abolished it. And thus in all haste, without fear or wit, in a very few dayes, they had made almost an hundred Acts; sometimes three or four at one time, and sometimes more; to the utter discredit of their Brethren of our English Assembly, who sat hum-druming several years, and after all expectations, brought forth nothing worth a Mouse. But the one was shackled, and the other at liberty; the one was over-rul'd and aw'd, by a Parliamentary Nod; but the other would neither be govern'd by God nor Man: Though, no question, had that at London been their own Masters, they would have been as hasty as their Brethren: An English Covenanter, being as good wildfire, as any Kirker in Scotland. But by this you may guess how deliberate our Northern Seers are, how rationall they are, that, without Archimedes his Engine, can skrew up a Government in a moment; like those in the Arsenal in Venice, who in less than two hours time, can make and lanch a compleat Gally.

[Page] But enough of their denying the Kings Authority over them in Large Declar. p. 284. their Assemblies. I shall only give you one of their private Instructions, by them carefully sent to some Ministers in every Presbytery, in whom they put most special trust.

Private Instructions, Aug. 27. 1638.

That the ablest man in every Presbytery be provided to dispute De Potestate Supremi Magistratûs in Ecclesiasticis, praesertim in Convocandis Conciliis, de Senioribus, de Episcopatu, de Juramento, de Liturgia & corruptelis ejusdem.

How the Saints held these Questions, need not be ask'd; nor how partially they would go about them, (for I cannot well say, study them). When people once dispute Authority, practice assures us that they are resolv'd for the Negative; and, when such questions as these are on purpose propos'd by a byass'd Zealot, the Intention is only to confirm people in Opposition. The Brethren long before this, had found the benefit of such Discourses, which made them now trudge in the same way: For their seditious Predecessors, in the University of St. Andrews, insteed of Divinity, had thrust up these Politick Questions.

Whether the Election or Succession of Kings, were the better form of Government?

How farr the Royal Power extended?

Whether Kings might be censured for abusing the same, and depos'd by the Estates of the Kingdom?

But besides those who expresly deny and fight against the Kings Supremacy, his Majesty hath other Enemies to his Authority, which are as dangerous amongst the People as any other: And these are those who commend his Enemies, and so approve their Actions; not, but that a wicked man in some things, might be highly commended for other qualities. Thus of one hand, I find the great Gustavus Adolphus, Salust. Germ. pag. 231. Martin's Chron. p. 422. highly applauded, but that he was a Protestant; and on the other, our Queen Elizabeth's Sister, Queen Mary, as greatly commended, but that she was a Roman-Catholick; yet, for either of these simply, aspersions are not to be cast upon Magistrates, or others, more inferiour. However, this hits not our case, but the magnifying of those who are really wicked, which Epithet (let them take offence that will) I shall freely bestow upon our Long-Parliament, as being the Kings greatest Enemies, the only cause of his ruine, and the murtherers of many innocent Loyal Gentlemen.

By these Commendations, the People are made to believe that they are all Saints, thereby inticing the Countrey to choose them for their future Representees, that, under their protection, the Non-conformists might have more work to do: or else by having a good opinion of them, may stick close to them upon all occasions: and pitty, that the Cause these [Page] good men undertook, had no better success, but the discredit and ignominy of the Contrivers; not forgetting the large sums of Money and Lands, they cheated the King, Church, and State of.

If Rebellion, Murther, Sacriledge, Schism, Perjury, Knavery, and such like sins, can make a man wicked, (and 'tis well known where all these, and many more, vices were met together), the Epithet will keep its ground secure, against the fume and range of all the Schismaticks in England, or Scotland: Yet, even since the King came in, have they had many good wishes, not unknown to the whole Nation; and therefore I shall give you but one Instance, and, that of one old enough to know what they were, but, that he spake through a Covenanting. Interest; and these commendations of them are, as they were (1644.) when all those who were Loyal and good, had left the House and followed his Majesty; his Encomium is this,——A House full Mr. Hall's Funebr. Flor. pag. 25. and free, and these the best that ever England had, for Piety towards God, and Loyalty to their Soveraign,—A Parliament of Lords and Commons, so pious, so prudent, so loyal, and faithful, to God and their King.

These Commendations are but like Libanius the Sophister's applauding and praising Julian the Apostate, who amongst the many moral vertues that there are, might possibly have a tincture of some. What goodness these people had, I know not, yet can I guess at a large portion of their mischief. Only one shall be mine instance, viz. That they were the first Contrivers of these Wars, they consulted the Rebellion, they broach'd it, and gave it life by their Votes and Declarations, whereby they cunningly inveagled others into their sin; yet, (being degrees in wickedness), the worst of their Souldiers, was not the tenth part so bad as these Members: the first being knavishly inticed to act the others Command; they contriv'd and plotted the Rebellion, and drol'd on the Countrey to be obedient to their Orders, under the specious shew of Reformation and Religion, knowing the consequence of the old Rule never fails:

—Quoties vis fallere Plebem,

Finge Deum.—

They cannot be good Subjects to King Charles I. that commend his Enemies; and, they deserve no thanks from King Charles II. who praise those, who did, and voted and declared it lawful to fight against his Father, thereby proclaiming to the World the legality of acting the same (if they could get occasion) against the Son.

'Tis needless to tell you, how they violently made it their business, to clip and pare the Kings Prerogative, and Authority; and amongst many other, frivolously plucking away the Militia, allowing the King through civility, to carry a Sword by his side, because he's a Gentleman, but not, upon any occasion whatsoever, to draw it, that being forsooth, the office and priviledge of their hands; by which, hanging [Page] a lock at his hilt, but they keeping the Keys; using him as they used their children, giving them Gold in a Box, which they must not finger, only please themselves with its ratling; by which means, they will make themselves a Negative Vote in Peace and Warr. And after this fashion did their Covenanting Brethren of Scotland abuse their King, taking all power of Arms into their own hands: their reason being, because The Kings Castles and Strengths are the Keys of the Realm; and Large Declar. p. 379, 380. they knew no reason to the contrary, but that they might keep their own Keys.

Thus would they make their King meerly Titular, and a perfect Slave and Captive to their Wills. Not unlike Sancho Panco, who for sport-sake was made Governour of the Islands, but had no Authority; nay, scarce liberty to eat his Victuals. The rustick Biscayners cry up Jo. de Laet. Hispan. p. 90. their priviledges so much, that the King of Spain dare not go amongst them but well armed and guarded: And good reason, for they think their King to have so small Authority over them, that he must bare Mr. Heylin's Geogr. one of his legs, when he cometh upon the Frontiers of their Countrey; and, though they meet him as their King, with what bravery they can; and proffer him some few Maravidi's, [small brass-pieces, each of them about the value of a Scotch Turner, or Bodel, somewhat less than our English farthing] in a Leathern Bag, hung at the end of a Lance; yet, for all this shew of great kindness, they fairly tell him, that he must not take them.

This Nation hath long enough felt the smart of crying, Priviledges! and Majesty it self hath been dar'd by that specious pretence. Though they give him the Name of King, yet they take all its Attributes to themselves; though they call themselves Subjects, yet like the Scots, they do not Petition, but with their Swords in their hands; at the first denyal sounding an Alarum, and at the second run themselves so farr into Rebellion, that if something be not granted them, they will destroy all: As if they had swallowed up their Obedience, with that ravenous Whirl-pool in Pentland Frith, (in the North of Scotland) with which, if either Ship or Boat shall happen to encroach, they must quickly Lithgow's Travels. p. 505. either throw over something into it, as a Barrel, a piece of Timber, and such like, or that fatal Euripus shall then suddenly become their swallowing Sepulcher. Thus the Presbyterians make their Obedience a Bargain, and, if Interest out-bid the King, He need not trouble himself by being a customer to these men: who allow him no power, but what they suppose he derived from them, and which they can take to themselves again, when they see occasion, or please.

[Page]

CHAP. IV.

That the Presbyterians are but Conditional Subjects; no longer obedient to their King, or acknowledging Him, than he serves their turn, and is subservient to their fancies.

A Conditional Subject is the worst Animal in a Kingdom, being the first Creature that shrinks from Government, and always ready to destroy the Peace of the Nation: for which, and other things, he will never want a reason grateful to the Rabble, as long as he can cry out, that his Subjection is but Conditional; and the Magistrate having broke his part, he's no more oblig'd to his duty: And this the people believing to be each mans case, will make themselves Judges, by which means the Authority of a single Person, will ever be out-voted, or over-worded.

That the King of England is Supream, is certain; That the greatest wickedness in the World cannot un-King him, is as true. The Law of the Land obligeth us to submit, and makes it Treason to resist; and the Scriptures bids us Obey, but never Rebel, for Conscience sake. Every man is born with the Oath of Allegiance, and is as much obliged to its observance before, as after his taking it. Though the Prince were Turk, or Heathen, yet would he be as much King, and have as much right to the Crown, and Rule, as if he were Presbyterian. 'Tis not the Religion of the Magistrate, but that in me (be what it will) that I do call Religion, or Conscience, which obligeth my obedience to him. The Roman-Catholick had as much Reason and Law for their Gun-Powder Treason, as the Scotch and English Puritans for their many Rebellions; and may, as to themselves, as much rejoyce, for their delivery from the Presbyterian Tyranny, as they from the others intended cruelty; but in this they may both shake hands, and cry quits Brother: which hath made me smile as often as I hear a Disciplinarian rail against the Romanists, for that wicked design, since themselves have been as guilty; only some difference in the method, one putting their confidence in Fire, and the other in the Sword.

The many Rebellions of these People, and their resolutions never to lay down their Swords, till the King would satisfie them in what they pleas'd, is a sufficient manifestation of their Conditional Obedience; and, that they are not farther Subject to that Authority, than the King is obedient to their Wills; examples of which are yet fresh in every mans memory.

At the very beginning of their Rebellion, they having declar'd those who adhear'd to the King to be Traytors, and He had done the same to the Earl of Essex: His Majesty unwilling to have the bloud of his Subjects shed, and delighting in Peace, sent to the Parliament to [Page] call in their Declarations against his Party, and he would call in all his against them and their Associates; and, that both the Armies might be disbanded, an Act of Oblivion to be pass'd, and a perfect Peace compos'd: And, What could be more gracious then this? yet this they deny: Nor will they hearken to any Overtures of a Treaty with him, unless he first call in all his Declarations against them, Disband his Army, yield himself to them, and permit those who were with him to be proceeded against, and suffer as Delinquents.

Thus will they have none of him, unless he submit to them, and permit his best Friends to be ruined: And, yet these men must think themselves so good Subjects, that they deserve his Majesties thanks for their so acting, and in so doing think themselves Obedient enough in all Conscience. But, if this be their duty, I wish they would tell me, what they think disobedience to be.

This rejecting their Soveraign, is sufficient to stop the mouths of these men from railing against Pope Gregory VII. [call'd Hildebrand] who having excommunicated the Emperour Henry IV. would not absolve Platina. p. 178. Genebrard. Chron. Anno 1073. him, nor receive him into favour, till, throwing off all his Princely attire, he had waited three several dayes in the coldest time of Winter, bare-footed at the walls of Vercelli, (in Piemonte in Italy, where the Pope then was), to beg audience and forgiveness.

Phaëton had no reason to question his birth-right, unless Phoebus would allow him the command of his flaming Chariot, to the ruin of Ovid. Met. l. 2. the Youth and a great part of the World: And 'tis strange Logick, and impudence in our Puritans, to deny themselves to be Subjects, unless they command as Supream. A pretty mode to trample upon Authority, as if they had set for their pattern Pope Alexander III. who insteed See Morney's Hist. of Papacy. pag. 336. of offering his Toe to be kist by Frederick Barbarossa, set his foot upon the Emperours neck.

If at the beginning of the Warr, they were so stubborn, as not to receive their King into their favour, unless he yield to their mercy, and suffer his friends to be distroy'd: he must expect stranger Conditions when they are heightned with bloud and villany. For then must he ask them Pardon, give them satisfaction, and carry nothing about him, but the bare Title, or else he shall be none of their King. To which purpose, a whole Club of them having sufficiently rail'd against H [...]m, after all their lies, scandals, and hellish forgeries, thus conclude their malice and obedience.

These are some few of the many reasons, Why we cannot repose any Declarat. for Non-Address. p. 37. 1647. more trust in him, [i. e. King Charles I.] and have made those former resolutions; yet we shall use our utmost endeavour to settle the present Government, as may best stand with the Peace and Happiness of this Kingdom.

Here they quite renounce any more Obedience to him; nay, make it, by Vote both of their Lords and Commons, to be High-Treason for any to make any Application or Address to him: And, if these be good Subjects, without all question, 'tis Treason to be obedient. And, what [Page] they meant by their utmost endeavours I know not, only this I am certain of having thus thrown away the Father, they never apply'd themselves to the Son, unlesse it were the motion of some of them to proclaim him Traytor, and the conclusion of them all was to send the Earl of Warwick to fight him.

How long before they had been resolved to renounce their King and In his Speech to the King at New-Castle. August. 1646. his Government I know not, yet the Earl of Loudoun, then Lord Chancellor of Scotland, a pretty while before this, gave the King notice of their intentions, telling him that—Some are so afraid, others so unwilling, to submit themselves to your Majesties Government, as they desire not you nor any of your Race longer to raign over them.——If your Majesty refuse to assent to the Propositions, you will lose all your Friends, lose the City, and all the Country; and all England will join against you as one man, and (when all hope of Reconciliation is past) it is to be feard, They will processe and depose you, and sett up another Government. They will charge us to deliver your Majesty to It seems Lowdoun and they agreed very well together in their Counsells, and Designes, this speech being spoak, a quarter of a year before the English and Scotch made such agreement at New-Castle; & it may be his Lordship could also then tell of the 300000. pound. them, and to render the Northern Garrisons, and to remove our Army out of England. And upon your Majesties refusing the Propositions, both Kingdomes will be constrain'd to agree and settle Religion and Peace without you, which will ruine your Majesty and your Posterity. And if your Majesty reject our faithful advice, and lose England by your wilfulnesse, your Majesty will not be permitted to come and ruine Scotland.

And at the beginning of the same year, when his Majesty from Oxford, earnestly desired them, that there might be a personal Treaty; The Lords and Commons of the English Parliament and the Commissioners of the Scotch Parliament, after they had impudently hinted at his Majesty as a most wicked person, they expresly deny any such means for peace, untill he had given them satisfaction and security. And this was still their custome with his Majesty; first must he satisfie them before they will hear any thing from him. In the same year the Committee of Scotland, tell his Majesty at New Castle—We hope you come 13 Jan. 1645/6 with intentions and full resolutions to give all just satisfaction to the jointdesires of both your Kingdomes, And two daies after assure him, that 13 May. 1646. —If your Majesty shal delay the present performing thereof, we shal be necessitated 15 May. for our own exoneration to acquaint the Committee of both Kingd. at London: that a course might be taken by the joint advice of both Kingdomes for attaining the just ends exprest in the Solemn League and Covenant. And to the same purpose (but with abundance of railing against the Remonstrance, February 1644/5 King) the year before did the General Assembly of the Scotish Kirk (Mr. Robert Dowglass being Moderator) expresse themselves to his Majesty.

And in this humour of conditional and malepert capitulating Subjects they continue, nay even when people might perceive the Army Humble Representation of the Commissioners of the Gen. Assembly to the Honourable Estates of Parliament 1648. 28 April. pag. 6 bent against Monarchy, or at least the Royal Family of the Stuarts. For thus they endeavour to make people believe, that the King cannot be truly King indeed, unlesse he humbly give satisfaction to his covenanting people.—We leave it to be pondered by your Lordships, whether they that obstruct and hinder the requiring of satisfaction, and security, from his Majesty in point of Religion before his Restitution to the [Page]exercise of his Royal Power, do not upon the matter and consequence obstruct and hinder his Majesties deliverance and restitution; whereof such security and assurance had from his Majesty might be a powerful and effectual means. And a little after more fully declare themselves thus.—This Restitution of his Majesty to the exercise of his Royall Pag. 12. Power, before security had from Him for setling Religion, your Lordships know by our eight desires, and otherwaies, is conceived by us to be inconsistent with the safety and security of Religion.—the bringing of his Majesty to some of his houses in or neer London, before satisfaction and security had from him in point of Religion, and in such other things as are necessary for the safety of the Kingdomes, could not (as we conceive) but be an exceeding great discouragement and offence to the Presbyterianins England, who will conceive that the Remedy is worse then the disease.—seeing your Lordships are obliged by the third Article of the Covenant, to defend his Majesties person, and authority in the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdomes: We conceive your Lordships should not demand from, nor presse Here's a plain confession from the Scots themselves, who best knew the meaning of the Covenant, that this League bindes its Takers only to a conditional subjection, of which they themselves must be judges too. Pag. 13. upon the Kingdome of England, his Majesties Restitution with freedome and honour, and safety, except with that qualification in the Covenant, and with a subordination to Religion and the Liberties of the Kingdomes.

And if all these things should come to passe, then the Kirkers cry out that all is undone, and so they leave it to judgment, Whether his Majesty shall not be restored to his honour before Jesus Christ be restored to his honour, and set upon his Throne of Government in his Church? Whether his Majesty shall not be in a condition of liberty, before the Ordinances of Christ have a free course—And is this to endeavour the setling of Religion before all worldly interests? Or rather to make it come after the Kings interest?—And If his Majesty may be restored with honour, freedome, and safety, before such satisfaction had from Him, we fear it shall lye as a great scandal upon this Kingdome. And a little after; they plainly subject his Pag. 21, 22. Majesty to their wills, in the interpretation of the Covenant.—And is nothing for the glory of God but Presbytery? Nothing good but the Covenant? And must no body be judge of these things but themselves? Well, their meaning must be—To their self-ended Interests. Review, p. 39. Justification of Mr. Tho. Chaloners Speech. 1646 pag. 12, 13. Whatsoever we owe to the King in civill matters distinct from the cause of Religion, sure all these other duties are with a subordination to the glory of God, and the good of Religion: And we are very confident that it was and will be farre from the thoughts of the General Assembly, under colour of his Majesties Honour, to concurre with him, or any in his Name, in a cause which is hurtful and prejudicial to the good of Religion and to the other ends of the Solemn League and Covenant. Yet this way of diffience and standing off with their Soveraign, Mr. Robert Beyley wonders that any body should call a Fault. As if these men have the priviledg to secure the person of the King when they please, and then deny him either Authority or Liberty till he ask them forgiveness and give them satisfaction, for his thinking much to be made a slave to their fancies.

Upon such like expressions as these a Parliamentarian makes this observation.—If the Scots Commissioners did plainly affirm to the Committees of both Houses at the Conference, that they could not admit[Page]of the Kings presence in Scotland, because of the divisions and troubles of that Kingdome, which he might make such use of, as to raise forces both against them and us. What could this imply, but that, notwithstanding his person might be in safety in Scotland, yet Scotland could not be in safety, whilst his person was there. And if they positively affirm it on their part, may not we make a question of it on ours? Thus both parties catch at what pretences they can, to exclude the King from both his Kingdomes.

As they did with the Father, so did they continue to act villany with the Son, concerning which I shall give you the words of that great Mattyr of Loyalty, the Noble and Valiant Marquesse of Montross.

And so little are these Godly and Religious men toucht with any sense Declaration 1649. p. 3. of what mischieves they have already done, That they begin afresh with his Majesty Our now Gracious Soveraign upon the same score, where they left with his Father of ever blessed memory. They declare him indeed to be their King, but with such conditions and provisoes, as robb him of all Right and Power. For while they pretend to give him a little, which he must accept as from them; they spoil him of all that Power and Authority, which the Law of God, of Nature, and of the Land hath invested him with by so long continued descent from his famous Predecessors. They press him to join with those who by a Sacrilegious Covenant have confederated all his dominions in Rebellion, and laid all Royall Power in the Dust. Which in effect were nothing better then that he himself should asperse with Insamy the sacred memory of his ever Glorious Father, that he should with his own hands destroy himself and ruine all such, who have still been Loyall to him in his three Kingdoms. These are the men who first entring England sollicited those of their faction to rise in that desperate Rebellion (as a Prologue to the ensuing Tragedie which they meant to act.) These are they who were the chief, and main Instruments of all the Battails, Slaughters, and Bloody occasions within that of their own Kingdome; These are they who sold their Soveraign to a bloody and infamous Death; yea these are they who still digg in his Grave, and who are more pernitiously hatching the Destruction of his present Majesty by the same bare, old, antiquated Treacheries, then ever they did that of his most excellent, and most innocent Father.

Except he would subscribe to their fancies, they would not allow him to be their King, nor come amongst them, which is confess'd by the Estates of Scotland themselves—Scotland is desirous to imbrace Their Declarat. against Montross 1650 him, upon grant of their just desires—and are most willing upon just satisfaction given to our desires.—And after this fashion doth the General Assembly bid their King stand off, wondring that any one should be against their keeping out the King till their Provisoes Their Declarat. against Montross. 2 Jan. 1650. be submitted to by him. And their reason is, because, should his Majesty be put in power, before he did ingage himself to submit to them, then no obligation would be upon him.

Well, having jugled him into Scotland they use him worse than a [Page] Gally-slave, threatning destruction to Him and all his Friends, unless he will dance after their humours, and declare according to their malicious and Hell-contrived dictates. Of which, thus take the words of their proud beggarly Assembly.—They will not own him, nor See the Answer of the Parl. of Engl. to the Kings Declar. 1650. pag. 18. his Interest, otherwise then with a subordination to God, and in so farr as he owns and prosecutes the Cause of God, and disclaims his and his Fathers Opposition to the Work of God, and to the Covenant, and all the Enemies thereof.—And this piece of Impudence was seconded by the Committee of Estates, and the Covenanting Swash-bucklers of the Scotch Army.

But, that you might the better see, that their Obedience to the King, was no longer than he served their turns and Interests, I shall give you a piece of a Letter from their Great Minister of State, the Earl of Loudoun, Chancellor of Scotland, which he wrote to his present Sacred Majesty.—

Since your Majesty refuseth to do what is necessary for the good of All the world knoweth the villany of this way of canting. The Heathen call'd stocks and stones true Religion; as here you have mischief, murther and perjury, call'd Gods Interest. Religion, and Gods Interest; They will look to the safety and good of Religion, and to their own safety, and emit a Declaration, how willing they are to hazard their lives for your Majesties Interest, if ye had been for Religion. But, that being deny'd, they will separate the preservation of Religion from Your Interest, and so to the safety of this Kingdom. And, if there be a difference and separation upon those grounds, there will never, in human appearance, be such a Conjunction: And Your Enemies (who will grant any thing which may destroy your Majesty) will win their ends.

This last clause doth in part vindicate the report, of the Intention of some of the Scots to deliver his Majesty to Cromwell, or the Rump, if they had not forced their ends.

Besides these of more publick imployment, I shall afford you one passage out of a private English thorough paced Presbyterian, who thus speaks his own and the rest of his associates Intentions.—They Vid. Bounds & Bonds. pag. 55. 1650. who are now for the right of the Son, and continuance of the Government, are as much against the vices in and about him, as about the Father. And should He do as his Father had done, they who are Another Instance that the Covenant binds only to Conditional Obedience. now for the performance of this Oath and Covenant, would as truly joyn against him, as against the Father.

This is home and pat to the purpose, and may sufficiently inform his present Majesty, what small Obedience and Loyalty he can expect from these people. 'Tis storyed of Pope Julius II. that being angry against Lewis XII. King of France, and marching out with an Army against the French, took St. Peter's Keys and hurl'd them into the River Quia clavis Sancti Petri, non amplius valet, valeat gladius Sancti Pauli. Jo. Baleus. l. 7. Tiber with this furious Bravado: Since St. Peter's Keys will not quell mine Enemies, I'le try what St. Paul's Sword will do. These men take the same course, but upon different scores: The first two being Princes, standing upon their own bottoms; and, for ought that I know, neither bound to one another by way of such an Obedience. The second almost of as much difference as betwixt Heaven and Earth; one party within [Page] his own Dominions, above all that's mortal, and superiour to the Law it self; the other of so an inferiour Allay, that by all the obligations Human and Divine, he is so farr bound to a real Obedience, that the least Opposition is not only Perjury, but Treason.

'Tis a pretty piece of Policy the People had got, first seditiously to swear a wicked Oath, and then to declare that it is so farr binding, That they cannot in Conscience admit their lawful King to reign over them, unless he will swear and forswear as fast as they do. Should we swear to root out Presbytery root and branch, they would call it wicked, and no way obligatory; and, yet I am confident, we have as much right (if not more) to do so, than they had for the extirpation of Episcopacy. The Arch-Duchess swore never to put off her smock, and the Arch-Duke, that he would not eat, till Ostend should be taken; but Sir Francis Vere, was not to be courted with such babbles, but made them know the folly of such rashness, by the necessity of their nullity; and had he yielded upon the foppery of preserving them from perjury, it's probable Queen Elizabeth, or the States of Holland, would have rewarded him with an halter; but he was too wise to be catch'd with such chaffe.

'Tis true, Richard I. being at dinner at Westminster, and hearing that Speed's Chron. Rich. 1. sect. 58. Philip of France had besieged Verneüil in Normandy, swore that he would not turn his face till he had gotten thither with his Army, whereupon he caus'd the wall to be cut through, (that he might save his Oath by not turning his back) and never rested till with an hundred Ships, he had crost the Seas from Portsmouth into Normandy, where the only rumour of his approach, made the French King raise his siege, and without stroke or sight of his magnanimous Enemy quit the Field. Yet this is no example to us, he being his own Master, and the action in vindication of his right: whereas we are but Subjects, obliged to obey our King, not to make Covenants and Oaths of our own heads against him, his Authority, and the Laws of the Land.

But it is not so much the validity of an Oath which these people are guided by, [for if so, then they would not have broken those Oaths and Promises which they had formerly taken of Allegiance, Supremacy, Canonical Obedience, University Oaths, and Subscriptions], but self-ended Interest is the Card they steer by, and have all along been so earnest for. What is advantagious to their humours, that they are for; if you be against the Covenant, they are sworn to be your Enemies; but, if you Worship that Idol, you need no more Christianity, you are then qualified for any thing, but if otherwise, you are only fit company for the wicked; which hypocritical partiality mindes me of a passage in their Assembly at Glasgow, [1638.]

The University of Aberdene sent none of their Professors to that Large Declar. pag. 244. Assembly, not daring to trust themselves upon the way, having been so much threatned with the loss of their lives, for writing against the Covenant. Only they sent one of their number, no Divine, but a Professor of Humanity, to excuse their absence: His Commission being read, [Page] gave him only power to be there, and did constitute him their Agent in any thing which might concern their University, requiring him to continue there, and from time to time to give them advertisement of all that passed. The Moderator [Mr. Alex. Henderson, well known in both Kingdoms for a rigid Covenanter], did justly affirm, that it was no Commission, the party having no power by it to give any voyce in the Assembly, and so there was no more to be said to it. But immediately something being transmitted by whispering from ear to ear, until it came to the Moderators ear; The Moderator began presently to Recant, and perusing his Letter of Credence, said, He perceived that there was only want of Formality in the draught, which they might easily pass over. And so they allowed that for a Commission which was none, and admitted him to have a voyce in the Assembly, though the University gave him no such power; nor would they have sent any Commissioner but a Divine. At this sudden change of the Moderator, made in him by a whisper, many began to smile, and to lay wagers, that the party admitted was a Covenanter, which the Moderator did not expect from that University, and that this secretly-eonvey'd Intelligence of it had changed him. And accordingly it proved to be.

Thus kissing goeth by favour among these people: As a man might as well have been a Devil as a Gibelline for any favour he might expect from Pope Boniface VIII. so strictly and partially did he bind himself with those of the Guelphian Interest.

But their hypocrisie is not only visible in these byass'd actions, but in the whole series of their lives, in which their jugling is not to be parallel'd. What counterfeited Zeal! What pretended gifts of the Spirit! What seeming Sanctity! What long-winded Prayer-affections! What contrived Sighs and Groans not to be utter'd! What demure Carriage! What Eye-humility! What pretended Self-denyal! And yet what real Wickedness and Roguery are acted under these Vizards! Whilest they are under, they would be thought all humility; but having once got their ends and Supremacy, their actions bespeak them the worst of Tyrants: Which calls to my memory that Monck, that by his dejected carriage alwayes looking down with his Eyes, was by his Neighbours taken for a real Saint: but being by hypocritical carriage chosen Abbot, lived in the height of open wickedness; affirming, that at first, he was but Quaerebam claves Monasterii, quibus inventis jam rectus incedo, & clavibus pro libito utor. Ph. Lonicer. Theat Hist. p. 539. & vid. Oth. Meland. Joco-seria. Sect. 254. p. 272, 273. Le Tombeau de la Melancholie. pag. 171. seeking for the Keys of the Monastery, but having now found them, and got what he look'd for, would live according to his own pleasure. Thus it is storyed of Pope Sixtus, (how true, I know not) that before he arrived to that honour, eat and drank nothing but Bread and Water: saying

Panis & Aqua

Vita Beata.

But having once setled himself in the Porphyry Chair, he refused to stoop to such coorse fare when it was offer'd him, having his reason from the contrary Position of the words,

Aqua & Panis.

Est vita Canis.

[Page] After this fashion another threw away his Net when he came to the Pontifical Dignity, knowing, that he had then catch'd the Fish. Thus at the beginning of the Warrs a publick Monethly Fast was appointed, for the last Wednesday of every Moneth; but no sooner had they got the King upon the Scaffold, and the Nation fully secured into the Rumps Interest; but then they thought it needless to abuse or gull the People with multitude of Prayers and Sermons, they having got what they long expected, and, as they thought, had so strongly secured themselves; that it was all one, whether the beslaved People thought them to be Saints or no: and so by a particular Act of their Worships, null'd the 23. Apr. 1649. Proclamation for the Observation of the former; all which, verifieth the old Verse:

The Devil was sick, the Devil a Monck would be,

The Devil was well, the Devil a Monck was he.

Thus you see the true reason of this new Order of Sanctity, and how easie it is to deceive the world with a counterfeit Holiness. Like the old Wife at Venice, who caus'd two great Books to be made, both of Bee-hive of the Rom. Church. sol. 23. equal bigness and like fashion, whereof the one was a real Bible, but the other hollow within, like a Chest, made in all points like a Book with Clasps and all; which she fill'd with flat Bottels of Malmsey, and with good fine Marchpanes, which she her self made of the Brawn of Capons and Partridges, with Sugar and Almonds, and then with-drew her self into a pretty Cell with these two Books, and there sat prunking and tarrying all alone in her devout Contemplations, sometimes five or six dayes together, Praying and Reading full devoutly till the Bible was quite empty, not eating or drinking any thing else all that while. And after this manner did Ant. Panormit a Parallela Alfonsina. l. 2. c 9. p. 33. Antonius Piceus get a name of Sanctity by his hypocritical fasting 40. dayes; and whether Alex. Rosse Continuat. of Raleigh. p. 574. John Scot did his Miracles this way, or by the help of the Virgin Mary, is not worth enquiry at this time. Though I am confident, that the Presbyterians gain more by jugling than by fair play.

How seeming honest are many of their Writings and Protestations! yet, when well look'd into, are either never kept, or of themselves signifie nothing; but like a meer Complement, full of courtesie, full of craft; of which many examples might be given, but one at this time may satisfie, seeing it was done by the chief of that Gang, and that too, since his Majesties return. At a General Meeting of the Covenanting Presbyterians in and about the City of London, a Petition was drawn up by them to be presented to the King, which thus concludes;

—Beseech your Majesty, Z. Crofton's Berith. Anti-Baal. Epist. to the Reader.

That the things of God and Religion, which have been so Solemnly Covenanted for, may be owned and confirmed by your Royal Authority; which notwithstanding, we do sincerely profess our readiness to accommodate with our Godly and Orthodox Brethren dissenting from us, so farr as may consist with our Consciences, and Covenant.

[Page] Is not this a very gratious Petition and Condescention? Can any man desire the Society of more peaceable Brethren? Who only desire, that their Covenant [made against all Laws and Authority, yet they hold its Obligation to be perpetual] might be confirm'd; yet, if it be not, for Peace-sake, they are very willing to agree with the Episcopal Party according to the Covenant. O these are loving souls, and hate Dissention as a Beggar doth a liberal Alms; and truly the Episcopal Clergy is as much beholden to them as Montross was. Had the Independents at their first return from America and Holland, made a solemn Engagement for the extirpation of Presbytery. And in 1644. or 45. had Petitioned the Parliament, that their Engagement might be confirm'd by their Authority all England over, yet in conclusion, would profess, that they would willingly agree with Presbytery so farr as their Engagement allow'd them: Would not all the Brethren in England, and Scotland, exclaim against it for a meer juggle, and cry out, Gra-mercy Horse? Yet had this Engagement been farr more rational and lawful than the Covenant. But—Awaa! Whiggs awaa!—This Covenanting Sophism is but a demonstration of your Hellish Knavery: and he that puts any trust in any of your Protestations and seeming kindnesses, may thank himself for his own distruction; not a man of you, but like Pope Sixtus IV. if the Poet hit right,Morney's Myst. of Iniquity. pag. 604.

—Fraudis (que) doli (que) Magister,

Et sola tantum proditione potens.

—A Master of frauds and deceits,

And only powerful in Treacherous feats.

So stubborn and perverse are these People in their Iniquities, that the King & Church must either submit to their whimsies, or else neither shall have Peace: For if ever the Common-Prayer-Book be imposed again, against the Authority ofthese seditious Caterpillers, they plainly tell the present King, that there will inevitably follow sad Divisions, and widening Two Proposals. pag. 7. of the Breaches, which your Majesty is endeavouring to heal. And in their second Paper to his Majesty, they thus swagger, Should we Id. p. 11. lose the opportunity of our desired Reconciliation and That is, the subjection of all people to the Covenant, otherwise there can be no Union with them. Union, It astonisheth us to fore-see what doleful effects our Divisions should produce; which we will not so much as mention in particular, lest we should be mis-understood. And in another place they threaten the King with what great Calamities Humble Petit. pag. 6. Grand debate. pag. 103. will fall upon the People in his Raign, if Episcopacy be fully setled: And in another of their Pamphlets, talks of the Worlds running into Confusion; yet, a little after, assures the Bishops, how patiently they will undergo this Persecution; [for such is Obedience in the Opinion Id. p. 118. of these men]. But, how improbable it is, that these men should continue in this Resolution, shall be left to experience, though any man [Page] may imagine that their words were farr from their intentions, when they shall hear the same People tell the very same Bishops, that they must make loud complaint of their Persecutions in their Sermons, Prayers, and other Discourses. To which purpose, thus take their own words.

It is easie to fore-see, how those expressions in mens Sermons, or Prayers, Petition for Peace. p. 16. or familiar Conference, which seem to any mis-understanding. or suspicious or malicious Hearers, to Intimate any sense of Sufferings, will be carryed to the Ears of Rulers, and represented as a Crime. And Nature have planted in all men an Unwillingness to suffer, and deny'd to all men a love of Calamity, and necessitated men to feel when they are hurt, and made the Tongue and Countenance the Index of our Sense. These Effects will be unavoidable, while such Impositions are continued; And while a fear of sinning will not suffer men to swallow and digest them.—

These are the expressions, not of private, but the publick, and chief, persons of their Faction; not singly neither, for not a word of these past, but with the approbation and consent of their wisest Grandees; which may be, for ought I know, a Representative of their whole Body. Yet here you see, the Foundations of another Warr laid, if their desires be not satisfied: and, if this do not signifie their Obedience to be no longer, than the King and Bishops comply with their humours, I will submit to be chain'd for a punishment to Jenkin's or Calamy's Pulpit for a twelve-month, to learn the meaning of the Covenanters Gibbridge.

When they expresly declare, that unless the King satisfie their desires, there shall be Divisions, Breaches, aoleful Effects, great Calamities, Confusions, and that they, for their parts, shall not hold their peace: I must take it for granted, that they are willing (nay resolv'd, if they can get opportunity again) to renew their Rebellion; and all this wickedness to retrive that hellish Imp their Covenant, burnt by the Hang-mans hand by publick Authority. And those who will thus out-face King, Church, Law, and Authority, must be as farr from being good Subjects, as Ravaillac was when he stab'd his Soveraign.

[Page]

CHAP. V.

I. The wicked Reproaches the Presbyterians cast upon the present Episcopal Church.

II. What small reason they have to desire Toleration from the King and Episcopal Party, since they deny the same to them: with their scandals upon the Church as Popish, which are wiped off.

III. Their slanders upon the late King, and his vindication from his own Enemies.

IV. Their endeavours to begger the Episcopal Church.

V. Their stories of Gods judgments retorted.

THere is a Tale of Bajazet the first, that he had an Ethiope born in I. J. Howels Ger. Diet p. 67. Part. 1. India, about him; and having, upon a march one day, his Tent pitch'd near an high Tree, He call'd the Ethiope and said; Dre Areb, if thou lov'st me, go up to the top of that Tree. The Indian scambled up presently, so the Emperour sent presently for some to hew down the Tree, the poor Ethiop begging his life all the while, and that his Counsellors would intercede for him: but nothing prevailing, the Ethiop pull'd down his Breeches and with his Excrements and Urine did so bewray the hewers, that they gave over work, and in the interim the Ethiop gets down, telling the Turks Counsellors, Would all such privy Counsellors as you, were so bewray'd, whose Counsell cannot do as much good as mine Excrements.

There is nothing in this story that I do entend to be applicatory, but to one piece of policy of the Presbyterians, who at this time, when all means else fail them, make it one of their best Asylum's and last refuge, to bespatter and vilifie those whom they take for their enemies: And in this art they are so dexterous as to charme the simple people Alaric. on Rome Vaincur, l. 6. p. 197. 198. into a belief of their words; each of their Lecturers being as active for England as the spirit Rigilde in Mounsieur de Scudery's Master-piece was for to perswade the Spaniards into Tumults and Uproars.

And they are not ignorant how credulous the vulgar are: A poor German was easily perswaded, that a fellow was burnt at Auspurg for Facit. Bebel. l. 2. p. 125. a Cheat, by placing snow before an hot furnace, and there to remain till it was hardened with the heat, and then to have sold it for salt. A priest once made some people so firmly believe, that the Storks were men of a farre Country, but only in winter Transfigured; That they Id. l. 3. p. 220. did all seriously profess for the future, to have a greater respect and honour for those Birds. If many men of good literature are apt to credit the stories in Gononus, Metaphrastes, Surius, Dauroultius, Nider, Marulus, Cantipratanus, Lippeloo, Caesarius, and such like Sacred Romancies, [Page] we may well suppose the Faith of the unlearned to be more easily wrought upon.

This makes them at this time throw about their dirt to the purpose, perswading the people that nothing but wickedness and Sathan rules and over-spreads the whole Land: To which purpose thus they send their Mercuries, about and old Hall of Kings-Norton rants bravely.

—I do verily believe there hath been a greater flood of open profanesse Funebr. Flor. pag. 3. in ten weeks past, than in ten years before.—Which is a pretty information to the people of, what mischief the Kings return hath brought upon the Kingdome. And to this purpose also Crofton, Berith Antibaal pag. 67. when he tells us of the—Suppressing pious, painful Preachers thrust out, and prophane, drunken, deboist, canonical, Common-Prayer-Book men forced in, wheresoever a Bishops power can reach.—And this is seconded by his Brother in malice, that hocus pocus and jugler in Divinity and Policy, Dick Baxter—Too many Congregations Mischiefs of self-ignornce Epist. to his friends at Kiderminster. have none but insufficient or scandalous Teachers, or no preaching Ministers at all. And then bravely bids his friends at Kiderminster never to join themselves with the Episcopal Government, but to stick close to those destructive and seditious rules he taught them.—Let none draw you from Catholick unity to a Faction, though the declaming against Faction and Schism, should be the device, by which they should accomplish it.—

Is not the world well mended, when Episcopacy must be call'd Faction and Schism; and Presbytery only held to be Catholick? But this is just like the other actions of the same man, who used to call Rebellion Loyalty, and Loyalty Rebellion; with such fury doth his distempered zeal, make him continually run counter.

Nor is this all, but they impudently tell the Bishops to their very faces of their cruelty, pride, and covetousnesse, uncharitable censoriousnesse, unmerciful opposition, and such like.Grand debate p 96. 108. 109. 118. And then declare to the world of strange Persecution, Petit. for peace pag. 18. of many hundred worthy men laid by, and that conformity is the means to strip these Nations of the glory in which they have excell'd all the rest of the world,Grand debate pag. 58, 59.even a learned, able, holy Ministry; and a people sincere, and serious, and understanding in matters of their salvation,—And also that the readiest way to bring the Gospel into contempt in the World, and cause all Religion to dwindle Id. p. 60. away into Formality first, and then to barbarism, and brutishnesse, is to let in an ignorant, idle, vitious Ministry.—Thus do they vilifie all that are not of their Gang, really making it their businesse to make the people believe, that none can be good but a Presbyterian, though I hope in this Book that their knavery is sufficiently made visible.

In another of their ridiculous Pamphlets they perswade the Nation again to believe strange things that—some hundreds of able, holy, Petit. for peace pag. 2. faithful ministers are of late cast out, and not only very many of their families in great distresse, but—aboundance of Congregations in England, Ireland, and Wales, are overspread with lamentable ignorance, and [Page]are destitute of able faithful Teachers—Thousands of the Servants of the Lord, that are either deprived of their Faithful Teachers Pag. 3. or in fears of losing them.—And that there are few Nations under the Heavens of God, as farre as we can learn, that have more able, holy, faithful, laborious and truly peaceable Preachers of the Pag. 4. Gospell (proportionably) than those are, that are now cast out in England, and are like in England Scotland and Ireland to be cast out, if the old conformity be urg'd.—

—This course of unmerciful opposition, is the greatest wrong to it, that you can easily be drawn to, unawares: while so many truly fearing Pag. 18. God are cast or trodden down, and tempted to think ill of that which themselves and the Church thus suffer by. And when so many of the worst befriend this way, because it gratifieth them, it tends to make your cause judged of, according to the quality of its friends and adversaries.—Well said self-conceipt! And in another place hints to the world, that if the Presbyterians be turnd out, there will not be honest men enough in Pag. 8. the Nation to supply their places.

And having thus told the Bishops the wickednesse of their party, and the honesty and goodnesse of a Puritan, they boldly appeal to the King, and after a great many good morrows, thus pittifully conclude;—And shall wait in hope, that so great a Calamity of your people Humble Petiti. pag. 6. as will follow the losse of so many able, faithful Ministers, as the rigorous imposition would cast out, should never be recorded in the History of your Raign.—

Thus these simpring Brethren are highly against liberty of conscience in others, yet would they have it themselves. Though they will so farr II. comply, as not to be against Thoph. Timorcus Epist. Dedicat. Sect. 25. an unimpos'd Liturgy; yet are they expresly against our Common-Prayer Book. Nay, were it alter'd according to their own desires, yet would they not be obliged by the Laws to use it. Though in Queen Elizabeths time, they amongst themselves having compos'd A Book of the form of Common Prayer, &c. they presented See back, Book 1. chap. 9 pag. 62. it to the Parliament, earnestly desiring, that by Act of Parliament, that Book might be confirm'd and used all the Kingdome over. Yet about 1585. four Presbyterian Classes made complaint to the Lord Burleigh against the Liturgy, though they would not have it all taken away: his Dr. Hammond's view of the new Directory cap. 1. Sect. 3. pag. 3, 4. Lordship bid them make a better; upon which the first Classis fram'd a new one, somewhat neer the Geneva mode; but this the second Classis dislik'd, and alter'd in 600 particulars; that again, had the fate to be quarrel'd at by the III Classis; and what the third resolved upon, the fourth would not.

Thus would these men have somewhat, but they cannot agree amongst themselves; a sufficient sign of their inconstancy, altering this way and that according to the weather: sometimes they will have a form impos'd, anon they will have it at liberty; and another time they will have none at all: of whom I shall say with a late Characterizer, That they are bold Gentlemen, that cannot speak to man without notes, and yet prate to God ex tempore.

[Page] The African Scipio conquerd the wild and heathenish Spaniards by his courtesie. St. Francis (if you will believe the Legend) brought a H. Estiene. l. Apol pour. Hed [...]do [...]. pag. 367. Id. p. 433, 434. mad Wolfe to such civility, that he could behave himself a la mode and live friendly with his Neighbours. A furious Buck and a pack of Hounds were miraculously brought to devotion, by worshipping a Sea-toss'd Relique; And an Elephant at Adsmeer in Indostain in the height of Tyrris Voyage to the East-indies. p. 148. his fury, remembred the courtesie receiv'd from an Herb-woman; as St. Hieromes Lyon requited the cure of his foot, by the keeping of his Masters Asse, which being lost by his negligence, the meek Lyon did penance Jac. de Vorag. Hist. 141. by bearing home the wood. 'Tis said that a Wolfe at the command of St. Blase, restored the hogg which it had taken from a poor woman; Nor would the birds depart from the same man, till he had Id Hist. 41. laid his hands on them and blest them: A sheep is storyed to have bleated in the Thief's belly at the command of St. Patrick; and the stones to have said Amen to St. Bedes Preachment; as the Marble yielded to St. James body, and an high Tower at the command of the same St. Id. Hist. 94. bowd down its Top equal to the ground, to let a Merchant escape; Thus monsters and stocks and stones (if you believe the Legends) can obey, but no courtesie can win over these Non-conforming men; still they will be opposite, still seditious, never complying to Authority, unlesse that submitt to them first; and as men neer drowning still catching hold of any thing for a pretence to cover their obstinacy.

When the Parliament and Queen inact conformity they deny obedience to that law: when King James by Proclamation order the same they deny its obligation: when King Charles I desires any thing by order then they refuse also, affirming that such things cannot stop the force of Laws. Yet when his present Majesty by Proclamation gratiously giveth a kind of toleration, then they take hold of it, and will stand by it, let the Act of Conformity say what it will to the contrary. And indeed his Majesty is greatly beholden to them thus to testifie their Obedience; It being the first time that ever they comply'd with King or Command in matters of Religion. Nor is their present obedience upon any vertue or stress of the Command, but that it is agreeable to their wills. Balthassar Cossa and other Cardinals being at Bologna to Morney Myst. of Iniq. p. 519. choose a Pope, several they named, but none could content Cossa: wherefore they desired him to nominate whom he would, whereupon he declared that he would be Pope himself, and so was chosen and nominated John XXIII.

After this manner do our Presbyterians, no King, Law, Councill, Convocation, or any thing else, can please them, but what is of their own election, or beneficial to their own designes. When themselves make a Covenant, then they will swear for uniformity, and the ruine of those who do not agree with them. But if the King and laws demand unity, then they are for liberty of Conscience: yet if the Anabaptists, Independents &c. being then in supremacy, plead and allow that liberty, then they cry out, that the Church is undone for want of Government: Though now being not Lords and Maisters, [Page] they are against such a settlement and stick to that license granted by the Kings Declaration: which though but temporary, yet will they never quit its Freedome till they be come Conquerors again by Rebellion, let King and Parliament act what they will to the contrary; and in this I am confirm'd, by an expression in one of their Grandees.

—We doubt not but his Majesty will appoint such persons to review Theoph. Timorc. pag. 84. our Liturgy as will agree in one, which shall not be liable to just Exceptions. TILL THAT TIME, HIS MAJESTY GRANTS A LIBERTY.

What arguments these Resolute hot-spurrs will make out of, just exceptions, and the last words, till that time, his Majesty grants a liberty, may very easily be suspected; and I am confident the event will shew to be most seditious; pleading the Kings Declaration against their Future Conformity, though the King, Parliament, and Convocation agree on the contrary. Thus will they act like the Bitch in Justine, which desired Hist. lib. 43. p. 43. p. 345. the benefit of a place to whelp in, which being granted, begs of the Shepherd liberty also to bring up her young there; this being performed too, then confidently demands for the future a propriety in that Kennell: But these men might know; that Agesilaus the great King of the Lacedemonians us'd to condiscend to the pleasuring of his Son when Alex. ab Alex. fol. 161. b. a Child, by riding with him on an Hobby-horse: and what liberty our King grants to consciences that are truly tender, cannot handsomly be laid hold on by these wicked Incendiaries, whose abominable actions proclaim them to have no Conscience, unlesse it be to commit mischief.

If these men will not allow liberty to the Episcopal Clergy, I know no reason they should have it themselves; as for the first 'tis plain, of which take some examples.

Where you have the kneeling at the Sacrament call'd an horrible stumbling block, and that the kneeler is a Thief; and in the same place tells The Tryal of the Engl. Liturgy. pag. 27. the people, that if none would communicate with the Ring-leaders and Introducers, they would be forced to desist, and had desisted long ago for shame. Nay he goeth farther and tells them, that though they receive much good and comfort by the Common-prayer, yet they sin if they go to it. And fairly assures us that we are bound to oppose the Pag. 30. Liturgy; for otherwise the Superiours will be embolden'd to sin, whilst they think that to be lawfully imposed, which is by us received and Pag. 26. obeyd.

Mr. Matthew Newcomen now a great man amongst them and an old Smecty M Nuan, when the Presbyterians were top and top gallant, if 1646. Feb. I mistake not, preach'd a Sermon against Toleration. And one of their great Pulpit-teers of Scotland, publickly told our House of Lords that S. Rutherford's Sermon 25 June 1645. pag. 33. Liberty of Conscience is no remedy, but Physick worse then the Disease. And in the same temper were this mans Country men, when they cry'd out—God defend all those who will defend Gods cause, and God confound the Service-Book and all the maintainers of it. And this was the Large Decl. pag. 37. heat of the Scotch people at the beginning of their Covenant, turning [Page] out all those that would not subscribe it, though contrary to the Kings command. They presently expell'd two Regents from the Colledge of Pag. 73. Edinburgh for not taking it: In Fyfe they order'd a Communion throughout Pag. 203, 205. 199, 118. their Churches, at which they made every one to swear, not to subscribe any thing but their Covenant. Nor were there few Ministers in that Kingdom, not subscribers of their Covenant, whom they did not presently process and cite before their several Presbyteries, and others were kept from their Priviledges.

Nor was this all. One of their Ministers refused to pray for Sir William Id. p. 104, 105. Nesbett, late Provost of Edinburgh, when he was lying upon his Death-bed, only because he had not subscribed their Covenant; Another pray'd God to scatter them all in Israel, and to divide them in Jacob, who had counsell'd the King to require the Confession of Faith, to be subscribed by His Authority. Many would not admit to the Communion those who had not subscribed their Covenant; Others would not suffer children to be baptized in the Churches of those Ministers, who were out of the Covenant, though they were their own Parish-Churches, but carryed them sometimes many miles, to be baptized by Covenanting-Ministers. One preach'd, That all the Non-subscribers of the Covenant were Atheists, and so concluded, that, All the Lords of the Kings Council, and all the Lords of the Session were such, because none of them had subscrib'd it. Another preach'd, That as the wrath of God never was diverted from his people, until the seven Sons of Saul were hang'd up before the Lord in Gibeon; so the wrath of God would never depart from Scotland, till the twice seven Prelates [the number of the Bishops in that Kingdom] were hang'd up before the Lord there. Another preach'd, That though there were never so many Acts of Parliament against the Covenant, yet it ought to be maintain'd against them all. Another deliver'd in his Sermon, That the bloudiest and sharpest Warr was rather to be endured, than the least Error in Doctrine and Discipline. And another of these Bloud-Hounds in his Pulpit thus furiously wished; That he and all the Bishops in that Kingdom; were in a bottomless Boat at Sea together, for he could be well content to lose his life, so they might lose theirs. And what do you think of another of these Furies, who affirm'd, that, Every man ought to be excommunicated that took not the Covenant, and then any man might lawfully kill him, who would put himself to so much trouble as to do it.

But we need not trouble our selves much by a recital of their words: since their actions all along in that Kingdom were furiously hurryed on against Episcopacy, or the Toleration of any thing that did thwart their Covenant.

And after this manner have we in England proceeded, the Brethren thinking it impossible for any thing to thrive, unless Episcopacy be pluck'd up root and branch; of which take the words of Crofton,—I'le stand by it; It [i. e. Episcopacy] must be extirpated, if King Berith. Anti-Baal, p. 23. and Kingdom, or Peace and Glory must be preserved from Gods angry [Page]extirpation.—It it not unknown to any that is conversant in their Writings and Sermons, How for many years together they thundred before their Parliament the ruine of Episcopal Government, pronouncing sad woes and judgements if any such things were tolerated, which highly stir'd up the people of both Houses to act so fiercely against all Law and Reason, for the maintenance of their wicked Covenant and Presbytery, allowing no more mercy to the Orthodox Clergy than a Jew, who sometimes might breathe amongst them, but not do any thing in satisfaction of their Consciences. These men being then Supream, being against neutrality in Religion as well as Warr; concerning which, thus their Chieftains of both Kingdoms declare,—We give now publick warning to such Persons, to rest no longer upon their Declar. of both Kingdoms. 1643. pag. 6. Neutrality, or to please themselves with the naughty and slothful pretext of Indifferency: But, that they address themselves speedily to take the Covenant, and joyn with all their power in the defence of this Cause against the common Enemy, and by their zeal and forwardness hereafter, to make up what hath been wanting through their luke-warmness. This they shall finde to be their greatest wisdom and safety: Otherwise, we do declare them to be publick Enemies to the Religion and Countrey, and that they are to be censured and punished as profess'd Adversaries and Malignants—.

Nor had they only the Solemn League, but another Covenant as full See John Vicar's God in the Mount. pag. 364, 365. of Treason and Wickedness as ever was invented by Satan, and the refusers of this [and none could take it but such wretches as themselves], they Ordered to be dealt withall as Conspirators and Enemies, and their Estates disposed of accordingly. And besides this, their Lords and Id. part. 3. p. 24. Commons put forth another Oath stuft with non-sense, for the preservation of themselves and their City, with the power granted to seize upon the persons of all such as refused the said Oath. Thus had these Puritans several gins laid to ruine the Orthodox and Loyal Subjects.

I might here tell of their giving Sir William Brereton, and his Cheshire 26. March, 1644. Associates, Authority, to turn out all the Ministers and School-Masters of that County, who were for the King. I might tell, how they order'd every man upon his peril, to submit to the destruction of Fonts, Surplisses, Organs, painted Glass-windows, &c. I can also tell you, how their Lords and Commons Ordain'd,—That if any Person or 9. May, 1644. Persons—shall use, or caus'd to be used the Common-Prayer-Book,—That then every such person so offending therein, shall for the first offence 23. Aug. 1645. forfeit and pay the sum of five pounds:—For the second offence the sum of ten pound, and for the third offence shall suffer one whole years Imprisonment, without Bail or Main-prize.

And it is further Ordain'd, That every Minister, which shall not hence-forth pursue and observe the Directory for publick Worship, according to the true intent and meaning thereof, in all Exercises of the Publick Worship of God,—shall for every time that he shall so offend, lose and forfeit the sum of forty shillings.—And that[Page]what person soever shall, with intent to bring the said Directory into contempt, and neglect, or to raise opposition against it, Preach, Write, Print, or cause to be written or printed any thing in the derogation or depraving of the said Book, or any thing therein contain'd, or any part thereof, shall lose and forfeit for every such offence, such a sum of Money, as shall at the time of his Conviction, be thought fit to be imposed upon him, by those before whom he shall have his Tryal: provided, that it be not less than five pounds, nor exceeding the sum of fifty pounds. I could also tell you, how they turn'd out the learned and loyal Clergy, and put into their places a company of Rebellious, Schismatical Tub-thumpers, such people being most advantagious for their turns; and how they Order'd, that if any of the Loyal Clergy endeavour'd to get their own again, 23. Aug. 1647. they should with all their friends and assisters be Imprisoned, whereby many of them were forced to beg for their livings. And many such like actions as these might be shewn, whereby their malice appear'd visibly against the Episcopal Party, and against the Toleration of any thing but their Rebellious Covenant and Schismatical Presbytery. One of them tells us, that—This very Toleration hath been the Discolliminium, or, a Reply to Bounds and Bonds, p. 29, 30. principal cause of all our late Innovations, Dislocations, and Conflagrations—And—That no Orthodox sincere Christian can, or dare, cordially Ingage, or bid God speed, to the proceedings of Supream Power, so long as they intend to allow a General Toleration of Errors and false Opinions.

How many Petitions were there yearly put up in behalf of the Covenant, and that nothing should be allow'd, but according to that League, endeavouring what in them lay, to raze out the very thoughts of Episcopacy? And, yet these men are now angry, that they have not publick allowance for their sins.

If the Episcopal Clergy, desire that they may have priviledge of Conscience, according to the Laws of the Land, Baxter blesseth himself, and wonders they can have the confidence to ask such a favour; and tells them, that this denyal is so farr from being a Persecution, Grotian Relig. p. 112, 113, 114. that it is rather done for their greatest honour and accommodation. For, if you of the Episcopal Clergy should have liberty, it would be the greatest blow that ever was given to your Government;—and the reason is, because, You would have a small Clergy, and none of the best, and the People in most Parishes, that are most ignorant, drunken, profane, unruly.—For, the cause of their love to Episcopacy, is, because it was a shadow (if not a shelter) to the profane heretofore.—so that a Prelatical Church would in the common account be near kin to an Alehouse or Tavern (to say no worse), where some honest men may be; and, yet it is taken for the note of an honest sober man to be as little in them as may be.

'Twas the fashion of Andreas Ordogna, that famous Painter of Florence, to paint all his Enemies in Hell: And what less malice Baxter and his Associates have against the Episcopal Clergy, may in part be seen by their actions and railing; and, what reason they have now (besides [Page] their Impudence) to expect and demand a Toleration, since they so violently deny'd it to others, I must plead ignorance; especially, the zealous Mr. Richard having been one of the greatest Enemies both to King and Church in all the Kingdoms.

Yet would they now gladly perswade the Bishops, That, there may be Grand debate. pag. 10. either a total abolition of Ceremonies, or at least such a liberty, that those who are unsatisfied concerning their lawfulness or expediency, may not be compell'd to the practise of them, or subscription to them. Then they run to his Majesty, and desire him,—That no Oaths Two Proposals. p. 6. or Promises of Obedience to the Bishops; nor any unnecessary Subscriptions or Engagements be made necessary to Ordination, Institution or Induction, Ministration, Communion, or Immunities of Ministers.——And—That there be no Law or Canon for or against them, Pag. 21. commanding, recommending, or prohibiting them.—And—That your Majesty will endeavour the repealing of all Laws and Canons Pag. 23. by which these Ceremonies are imposed, that they may be left at full liberty.

Thus are they now for a perfect Toleration, knowing in time, that they and the other Sectaries, by such a connivence may destroy all again, either by a Presbyterian Parliament, or another Rebellion; by this liberty they having the conveniency to multiply their number both with the Great ones and Inferiour; as a means for which, they would have the Universities, and Cathedrals too, receptacles for their Faction, which will be the only means to ruin both places, by a continual Feud and Faction.—We further humbly beseech your Majesty, That this liberty Pag. 22. of forbearing the Surplice, may extend to Colledges and Cathedrals also, that it drive not thence all those that scruple it, and make those places receptive only for a Party. And, that the Youth of the Nation may have just liberty as well as the Elder. If they be ingaged in the Universities, and their Liberties there cut off in their beginning, they cannot afterwards be free; and many hopeful persons will be else diverted from the service of the Church.

Here you may see their violence against Laws and the Church; their furiousness for a publick Toleration, the Mother of Confusion; and their strange and sottish complaints to the People of unheard of Persecution against their Saintships; never remembring, that, when they were Lords and Masters of Mis-Rule, how many able Divines they turn'd out of their Livings, and begger'd meerly for their Loyalty; and yet these men would now be favour'd for their Schism and Rebellion.

They thought it very fit for their Friends of the Long-Parliament, to turn above an hundred Ministers out of London, and the neighbouring Churches, and as many Scholars out of the University of Oxford under the notion of a Visitation, with a great many out of Cambridge. Nor was any thing their fault, but their loyalty and opposition to the Covenant, let that profest lyer, Robert Bailey, write what he will to the contrary, Review. p. 80. who is sufficiently confuted by the learned Mr. Watson, by his [Page] own sad experience, and Querela Cantabrigiensis, will farther evince. Second Fair Warning. p. 180. Dr. Pierce's New Discoverer, p. 140. See also p. 141, 142, 143, 144. But it is needless to talk of hundreds and scores, when that great Persecutor John White (well known to the Presbyterian London-Printers) made it his boast, that he and his had ejected eight thousand Church-men in four or five years: yet was there none more ready and nimble to come into those sequestred places, than the Covenanting Presbyterian, let the honest ejected Royalist and his family beg or sterve, Jack Zealot must have no charity to the wicked.

Are not the Brethren pert blades, that can thus boldly demand Toleration of the King, against whose Father and Himself they were such furious Enemies, by rebelling against them, and murthering their best friends? Are they not confident Younkers, that can expect such favours from the Bishops (without ever repenting of their former Villanies) whom formerly they so violently persecuted, illegally imprison'd; whose Lands they bought and sold, murdred one of them, and made it their business to extirpate and ruin all the rest? Which are sufficient signs of the wicked disposition and uncharitableness of a Schismatick, who thinks it an unjust Rule of our Saviour, that they should do as they would be Mat. 7. 12. done to. But alas! the Puritans were framed up at the Council of Constance, and so not to keep Faith with Hereticks. They are the old Rogatiani newly vampt up, and so believe no true Church but amongst themselves.

But as some London-Beggers use to stand,

Dr. Lluet Poems. p. 78.

In Graecians Coats with Papers in their hand,

Who are (as them in diff'rent parts we meet)

English at home, but solemn Greeks i'th' street;

Of whom uncloath'd, and when the Truth is heard,

Constantinople only knows the Beard:

So this sly Masker, lay its Tinsel by,

Is only Painted Zeal and Pageantry.

But,

Go lay your Vizard by, your Masking stuff,

Pag. 83.

The Devil is tyred, and Hell hath laugh'd enough:

The World descryes the Chest, 'tis quickly known

They no Faith hate who have Resolv'd on none.

'Tis an easie thing to cast reproach upon the best of men amongst the Vulgar: The Arians falsly accus'd Eustathius the Bishop of Antioch Niceph. l. 8. c. 45, 48, &c. of Adultery, the famous Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria of many other crimes, meerly to make them odious to the World, and throw them from their Bishopricks: And the rabble of Tours falsly imputed Jo. Chena Archiepisc. & Episc. Gall. Chron. p. 110. strange wickedness to their Bishop Briccius. Thus did our English Puritans scandalize Archbishop Laud of Popery, though none writ more bravely against them; Thus did they vilifie Dr. Cozin's (now Bishop of Durham), though none opposed them more stifly beyond Seas. Thus was Chillingsworth slander'd, though none repuls'd them more by Reason; [Page] Archbishop Bancroft, and Bishop Bromhall, must lye under the lash of these abuses, though they manifested their Innocency; nor can Bishop Wren, Bishop Pierce, Bishop Taylor, nay nor Bishop Usher himself, escape the malignity of such detractors; neither must that great Grotius, (a man of more learning than all his Enemies in the World) in this shun the dirt and envy of a root of snarling Pigmies.

And, when they can find no vice in the Person, then will they make the Order and Office to be a sin, worthy all manner of misery and persecution: Though all their Reasons for so doing, being well examin'd, seem but like so many Cypress Trees, which grow tall, seem fair and glorious, yet barren from all manner of fruit. Nor do they any thing else but renew their old complaints, having nothing to say, but what was alleadg'd (and abundantly confuted) many years ago; their present Arguments being not unlike the Ficus Indica, whose boughs take root again in so multiplyed a fashion, that you would almost suppose them to be a considerable Wood, and yet 'tis but all one and the same Tree, growing originally from one Root: yet, with these, they make a great Bravado and Cry, though it be but like the sheering of Hoggs, without the gaining of any Wool, which is sufficient to nauseate any man from their Refutation; the undertaking of it, being to as small purpose, as those Athenians, who thought to gain great store of gold by conquering the Emmets of Hymettus: For nothing can be gain'd by their Writings, unless Malice and Ignorance may go for precious Jewels.

To be short: Those who pretend to be such Zealots for the Reformed Bishop Juel against Harding. Bishop Usher's Answer to the Jesuits Challenge. Fisher catch'd in his own net. p. 3, 7, 9, 10, 20. Church, should not endeavour its discredit, by asserting her novelty. If that be true, which the most learned of the Protestants have maintain'd, viz. that, that, which we call the Popish Religion, had no firm foundation by a publick acknowledgement, till about six hundred years after our Saviour's birth; Then were the Ceremonies now of the Church of England, used and generally receiv'd long before Papistry had its being, as is palpable from Church-History and the Fathers; So that, we might as well call Churches, Bells, Pulpits, Hower-Glasses, written-Sermons, &c. Popish, as well as Forms of Prayer, Ministerial habits, and such like. And I am apt to believe, that, if our Church should bring in the Wafer, (as there is neither harm in form nor matter) that many of our Zealots, would refuse the Communion, though they are in use at Geneva; yet the grand Disciple and adorer of that Knox his Admonit. p. 52. City and Government, doth call it The Round clipped God; which shews, that the Masters and Scholars cannot alwayes agree in all things.

Nay, these men are so farr from agreement amongst themselves, that, for ought that I know, their mindes may alter with the Times and Seasons, of which (amongst many) take but this one example.

One of their chief Generals, viz. Master Baxter, a little before Baxter's five Disputations of Church-Government. p. 358, 359, 409, 410, 411, 412, 416, 417, 418. the King came in, doth publickly declare,—That a stinted Liturgy is in it self lawful, nay, in some things necessary. And that, if the Magistrate, should impose (and he could not otherwise be dispensed withall) the Surplice, though it were made a teaching sign, the whiteness [Page] of it being to signifie Purity; or should he also appoint kneeling at the Sacrament, he would observe both. And as for the Ring in Marriage, the name and form of an Altar, and Organs, or other Instruments of Musick, were they so enjoyn'd, he should find no reason to scruple them. Nor would he be wanting to the observation of our Church Holy-dayes. Nor dare he peremptorily say, that it is unlawful to use the Crosse in Baptism. Nor will he condemn the Ancients and Moderns that use it; nor will he make any disturbance in the Church about it.

Clinias and Demetas in Sydney, protested to fight like Hectors, and gave out as terrible Bravado's against each other, as the stoutest Champion in the world, each confiding in the cowardice of his Adversary, like Sir Ambros de la Foole, and Sir John in the Play: And after this manner doth Baxter shew himself. When there was no sign of Episcopall Government, and he hoped that neither King, Law, nor It, would ever be in force and authority again; Then who but Baxter? O how conformable would he be, if the Ceremonies were but setled! What great things would he do, if these things were but up again! But words are meer winde, though they signifie something with an honest man. Now that the King's come over, and the Church resetled, none more against it than Baxter, none more opposeth the peace of the Church than he; none more violent against Authority; not is there any man opposeth Decency more than this Proteus: yet is this like the rest of his Faction, who swear Allegiance, and think they satisfie and fulfill their Oath by Rebellion.

As for these mens desire of Toleration, I shall propose some Quaeries to them.

I.

Whether (supposing them to be Supreme) they would allow the same Priviledge to the Episcopal Party? If not, Then

II.

With what face they can desire or demand it, from the Superiours now in being, to whom they will not grant the like favours? If they say they would, Then

III.

Why did they in 1642, 1643, &c. preach against, oppose, and deny such liberty to be given to the Episcopal and Royall Clergy? If they say, That they are since satisfy'd in the Contrary, and that their opinions are grown more moderate, Then

IV.

What reason have we to believe their Moderation to be reall? since they all stand stifly for the Obligation of their Covenant, in which they swear, to extirpate Episcopacy, which Opinion is still maintain'd by Berith Anti Baal, pag. 23. Crofton and others of that gang.

[Page] The truth is, give once liberty to a Presbyterian, and give it also to the Independent, Anabaptist, Quaker, and the rest of the Sectaries, for ought that I know, one being as good English Christian, as the other; and this Liberty once granted, in a few years, 'twill be an hard case to tell which is the Church of England, neither party being subordinate to one another; only here will be the difference, The Episcopal party will be bound to be obedient to the Law and Canon; but the other, above both: by which Supremacy, the Authority of the Loyal Clergy will be null'd, whilest the other by their Power and Liberty, will have the best advantage to gain Proselytes; and then 'tis easily imagin'd, what brave Elections there will be for Future Parliaments through the whole Kingdom. But I suppose, his Majesty having been sufficiently plagu'd by a Presbyterian Parliament, will desire no more such Representatives: which is impossible to be hinder'd, if a Toleration once be granted; for, if from a very small beginning, these sedulous Non-Conformists grew so head-strong, numerous, and powerful in a few years, as not only to have a great party, but even a Majority in Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's dayes, we must needs expect their Faction and Authority now daily to encrease (if Tolerated) being already so numerous, and having setled themselves in the Affections, Families, Churches, and Interests, not only in multitude of Gentry, and other people of the Nation; but of the Great ones too, who have not only Power and Riches, but, it may be, Will too, to do mischief by propagating a Presbyterian Interest; which in time may act as wickedly against the Son (as in part they have already) as they did formerly against his Royall Father.

'Tis not unknown, how these Slanderers scandalize the Church of III. England with high Popery, which for ought that I know they may by the by, throw upon his Majesty too as a Favorite; for thus 'tis well known, they abus'd his Royal Father, of which at this time take but one example, and this from the Heads both of the Laity and Ministry of this Gang. The Assembly of Divines (for so were they call'd) at Bibliotheca Reg. p. 64. Westminster and the Commissioners of the Kirk of Scotland, drew up a Letter, which was sent by Order of their Commons to the Belgick, French, Helvetian, and other Reformed Churches beyond sea, in which they do assure them [brave, that Subjects should complain to strangers of their King, and nothing but slanders too] that the King made it his sole business to root out the Protestant Religion, and us'd all means possibly to reduce the whole Nation to Popery, &c. O the height of Puritanical Malice! were I a Caesar Vaninus, I would call Presbytery the Father of Lies. His enemies the Independents are farr more Civil, in this, than these Brethren, of which I shall give you one or two Instances enough to cleer his Majesty from this Presbyterian slander.

John Cook then of Grays-Inn, Barrister, his Immortal foe, when it was his purpose to cast all the filth that he could upon the King, with [Page] an intention to make him odious to Eternity, yet even then doth cleer him of this—I do not think that the King was a Papist, or that Cook's Appeal, pag. 30. he design'd to introduce the Popes Supremacy in spiritual things, into this Kingdome.—Nor that I think he did believe Transubstantiation, Pag. 31. God forbid I should wrong the dead. And another of his profest Enemies, viz. Will. Lilly, thus vindicates the King,—He was no Monarchy or no Mon. p. 83. Papist, or favour'd any of their Tenents.

And because an Enemies Commendation is held Authentick, you shall see what a good King he was, according to their own Opinions. Of him, thus saith the aforesaid Cook, (who yet demanded Justice against him, for which Treason he since felt the Law)—He was well Appeal, pag. 35. known to be a great student in his younger dayes.—He had more learning and dexterity in State affairs, undoubtedly, then all the Kings in Christendome.—

And thus farther saith Lilly—He was an excellent Horsman, Monarchy or no Mon. p. 75. would shoot well at a Mark, had singular skill in Limming and Pictures, A good Mathematitian, not unskilful in Musick, well read in Divinity, excellently in History, and no lesse in the Laws and Statutes of this Nation. He had a quick and sharp Conception, would write his mind singularly well, and in good language and style, only he loved long Parentheses. He would apprehend a matter in Difference betwixt party and party with great readiness, and methodize a long matter, and Contract it in few lines: Insomuch that I have heard Sir Robert Holdorne oft say, He had a quicker Conception, and would sooner understand a Case in Law, or with more sharpness drive the matter unto a head, than any of his Privy Council; Insomuch that when the King was not at the Council Table, Sir Robert never car'd to be there. He had also amongst others his special gifts, the gift of patience; Insomuch that if any offer'd him a long Discourse or Speech, he would with much Patience, and without any Interruption or Distaste hear their Story or Speech out at length.—He did not much court the Ladies.—Pag. 79. He had exquisite judgement by the Eye and Physiognomy to discover the virtuous from the wanton, he honour'd the virtuous.—He was Pag. 82. nothing at all given to Luxury, was extreme sober both in his Food and Apparel.—He could argue Logically, and frame his Arguments Artificially.—

If these qualities (confest by an enemy) do not make a good man, Jack Presbyter can have small hopes to be so, who hated him because he was too vertuous for them, as the Devill envies honesty.

Amongst all the Plots and Designes these men have to overthrow IV. the Church of England; 'tis none of the least to ruine its Glory, by making it contemptible by Poverty. For which purpose they endeavour to get all the Bishops Lands alienated or sold; Dr. Burgess being their Champion; and they will never question Law, as long as Prynne hath any malice, who toils and writes what he can, to get the Lands confirm'd, as they were sold by his Associates, those Sacrilegious [Page] —of the wicked long Parliament who impiously sold the Church Revenues to maintain their Rebellion against God and their King. Had they been the Doners, they might have had a more plausible Plea for their Alienation; but since these Lands were given by other Pious and Noble Benefactors, it shews their Devillish Avarice and Malice to meddle with, or pocket up, that, which they had no claime to, nor power over, being but a Rump of two Houses actually in Rebellion against their King; and so had no more Authority to conclude and act in such an high Concern, without, and against, the consent of the King, than the Pope hath to give away this or that Kingdom upon his form of Excommunication to any of his Favorites that can win it and wear it; or poor Simnell had to the Crown in King Henry VII. time. Yet to have this wickedness confirm'd, Burges and his Associats, will offer severall hundred thousand pounds to his Majesty, by way of gift, thereby to hook him in to be pertakers of their sins; a Presbyterian being like a Common Drunkard, who is not satisfy'd with his own Excess, but makes it his business that all his Neighbours too, should be partners with him in his wickedness and debauchery. But his Majesty is too Sacred and good to be toll'd away by such Miscreants; it shews their abominable Impudence to imagine, to perswade the Son to be an Enemy to the Church, whose Father was a Glorious Martyr for it; as if they would shew him a better way and Rule, than the Example and Footsteps of his holy Parent.

To me it seems a strange piece of malicious Ignorance, in them, who will allow some knavish Lawyers to get by their prating, some ignorant Physitians by distruction, some cousening Trades-men by false dealing, and some murthering Souldiers by plundring [for some such there are in all faculties, though their callings be lawfull and commendable] two, three, or four Thousand pounds a year: and yet think it an hard case or unlawful, for a Reverend Bishop or Clergy-man [who hath spent many years, and all his own means in hard study, and is held the most honourable preferment, as much as the Soul excels the Body] to possess that which other good charitable men have freely given him: since such a deed of gift is so farr from endamaging our Presbyterian Grumblers, that it is a main encouragement for their studies and preferment. If they say, as I have heard, that these Benefactorships were given not to the men, but the Diocesses; by this retort they malepertly reflect upon the Kings discretion, whose wisdom thinks such men fit for, and capable of, such Places. But by this they may as well reason against Colledge and Hospital Lands, and the Commons belonging to Corporations; and when they have once taken these away, they will eat up one another through avarice. But enough of this, only there was some ground for the observation, that the only way to preferment, was to be a busling Non-conformist.

[Page] Besides these and others, they have another way to shake the foundation V. of Episcopacy and the peace of the Nation. They know full well that nothing seems more formidable to the vulgar, then a story of Gods strange judgments upon this or that: And if they question the verball Narrative, shew it them in print and 'tis sufficient; they having not confidence enough to deny that which cometh from the Press. The story of a Spirit will fright these people out of their little witts, and the relation of such a terrible accident (though false) will force the poor souls to a blessing of themselves, from such people against whom God hath such an enmity.

Thus at the beginning of the Warres, John Vicars afrighted many of the weaker sort, from having any agreement with the Kings party, by fobbing into their heads strange stories of Gods wrath against Cavaliers. And thus they now set themselves awork again by abusing the vulgar with such fopperies. What strange judgments do they threaten to these Nations, if Episcopacy and Common-prayer book be not taken away! And what sad Revolutions do they denounce, if they be not remov'd! To which purpose Mr. Ed. Bagshaw (one now well known amongst the Brethren) hath lately put forth a Sermon, enough to make a whole Country distracted.

And to carry on this great work, the dropping Anabaptist and Millenary, make a great noise; in which Throng H. Jessey holding up his ridiculous Pamphlet, The Lords loud Call to England, which is seconded by another forging zealot under the title of Mirabilis Annus, both which are as free from truth as Tom. Scot from chastity: here you may be as long finding a true story, as Diogenes an honest man in Athens; Sutcliffs threefold Answer p. 109. In both which books to my own knowledge and eye-sight, are some most abominable lies and forgeries, that, were but St. Quintin now alive to pull them by their Noses, those parts would soon fall off, and leave the Sectaries mark'd for lyers. Not unlike one Harris a Gold-smith, who in the straits of Magellan going to blow his Nose, instead Purchas Pilg. part. 4. p. 1204, 1205. of the snot, threw the nose into the fire, so violent was the cold: and so Antony Knivet drew his benumm'd toes off with his frozen stockens. But I hope Jessey and the rest of his Sectarian Associates, will have no more influence upon the people, than He, Knolls, and others of his Club, had over the old blind woman neer Algate in London; who by Edwards Gangr. part. 3. p. 19. Wier de Priaestig. l. 4. c. 22. Lud. Lavater. de Spectris. part. 1. c. 8. their anointing with oil thought to restore her to sight: But alas: these Dreamers can do no miracles, unlesse like the two Priests of Orleance by deceipt and cunning.

But of these things I could pay them in their own coin, if I thought it worth the while. I could tell them of a great Lord, a mortall enemy to Bishops and Cathedrals, who March 1640. told some other Lords—I hope one of us shall live to see no one stone left upon another of that Building, meaning St. Pauls. And after going to storm Lichfield-Close, being all compleatly armed, was in March 1643. shot in the left eye by a Gent. that was both dumb and deaf; and, which is also observeable, [Page] he was thus slain upon St. Ceddes day, who is the Patron of that Cathedral. I could also tell them of Col. Hambdens being slain in that very place where he first took up Arms against the King. I could also tell them of Mr. Tho. Hoyle, Alderman of York and a Parliament man, who hang'd himself in his own House at Westminster, upon the same day and hour, twelve-month, that the King was murdered. I could also tell them the rumours of Essex's death, the storys of Pyms eating-disease, and how the Lord Gray welterd in his own blood. I could tell them of Mr. Hall of St. Needs in Huntingtonshire Vicars Dag. Dim. pag. 7. 9. who hang'd himself: of Sr. Tho. Martin of Cambridg-shire, who said, that he had rather wash his hands in the blood of the young King of Scots then in the Deer then slain, and the same day brake his skull and shoulders of which he died. I could tell them of one adventuring to J. Taylers Noble Caval. p. 5. climb up to pull down Cheap-side Cross, slipt his hold, and falling with his ribbs upon the Iron pikes wounded himself to death. I could tell of another that endeavouring to tear down the Organs at Worcester fell down upon the Pavement, broke his bones and dyed. I could tell of another, who had his hand shiver'd to pieces by the breaking and splitting of his gun, as he endeavour'd to shoot at the similitude of Christ over All-souls Coll. gate in Oxford: and of another who thinking to do the same at Martin Colledge had one of his eies blown out, and the other Edwards Oangr. part. 3. pag. 31. 105. little better. I could tell the Anabaptists of one Anne Martin, and another woman, who got their deaths by the new mode of dipping. And I could tell the Quaker how Lieutenant Thomas lately poyson'd Querers and Quakers cause pag. 36. himself, and of a woman of his Tribe, endeavouring to do miracles fell presently mad. And as for the Presbyterians, I could tell them a story of a great Preacher of their Faction, viz. Mr. Barker of Pitchley in Dr. Pierce's New Discov. pag. 120. Northamptonshire and was by them held a godly man, who was publickly hang'd for incest and murder, who defil'd his Niece and had the child murdred which he had by her: And let them consider the temperature of Dr. Cheynell. But 'tis a mark upon all this Fraternity to be hot-headed, which doth make good the Description of a Puritan, made long since by Dr. Butler of Cambridge, viz. A Puritan is a Protestant Hanop. c. conf. pag. 38. frayd out of his witts.

I shall say nothing of Mary Gadbury, a great Follower of Mr. Sedgwick Mr. Ellis's Pseudo-christ. pag. 8. and Mr. Case, then of Goodwin and Jessey; nor what pretty pranks she plaid to prove her self to be the Virgin Mary, nor of Mr. Woodward Minister and his Wife great actors in that story: yet it will not be amisse if I tell you one Covenanting passage.

On the same day that Mr. Joseph Caryll preach'd to exhort the people Mr. Caryls sermon. 6. Octob. 1643. p. 28. to the taking of the Covenant, This following Bill was given to him to be read and praid for.

One that through much passion oftentimes grievously offends the Majesty of God by cursing and swearing, And that since his late TAKING THE COVENANT, desires the Prayers of this Congregation, that his Offence may be pardoned, and that he may be enabled to overcome that temptation from hence forwards.

[Page] Let Mr. Caryl make what interpretation he pleaseth, the Reader must have as much power to judge as he.

Should I be as impertinent as these men, I could give them story for story, as long as they would; and yet it may be scarce a true judgment of either side, though highly fancyed so to be by the people: Like the Country fellow who thought that the Astronomer taking the height of something with his Jacobs staffe, had shot down the starre, which by chance then fell, as we usually say. Tom Coryat tells a story of a fellow Crudities, pag. 187. that mending a Clock in Venice, and being very busie about the Bell, at the same time one of the great men of Brasse that us'd to strike the Quarters of the hours, with his great brazen hammer gave him such a violent blow, that he knock'd him dead on the place; should I tell the Brethren that this man was a Roman Catholick, they would cry out a great judgment of God upon a Member of Anti-christ. But 'tis ridiculous to make every accident a judgment, and 'tis unchristian to question, that God doth not sometimes manifestly revenge himself and cause, upon the wicked.

CHAP. VI.

Some short Observations upon their Covenant.

AN understanding Gentleman assures us, that A league [amongst Drummond's Hist. of Scotl. pag. 54. Subjects] giveth law to a King, breaks all bonds of Soveraignty; and invites a people to seek for a New Maister. And this, dear-bought experience hath prov'd true, to both Nations; yet, were the events of these Agreements more mischievous, they would be courted by the seditious, thinking such pieces of Perjury, to be the best works of their Holy-days.

Since the reformation this mode of swearing against Authority, hath been commonly practis'd in Scotland. In their first Covenant [3 Decemb. 1557.] An Earl of Argile was the first subscriber and chief promoter; and how active an Earl of Argile hath been in our days, about such wickednesse, need not here be related, but I hope, as the other was the first, so this shall be the last.

Yet in this way, hath the English been as faulty as the worst of them, Watsons second fair warming pag. 178. though I believe at first drol'd in by their Neighbours. For when at the beginning of the Warres, the English Commissioners went from the Parliament into Scotland to desire their assistance against the King; and having addres'd themselvs to the Scotch Assembly delivering them a letter subscribed by some Presbyterian Ministers, in which they complaind that their blood was shed like water upon the grouud, for defence of the Protestant Religion, they receiv'd a negative answer. The Assembly telling them amongst other things, That—you cannot say you fight for the Reform'd Religion, since you have not begun to reform your Church; ye [Page]had thriven better if you had don as we did; Begun at the Church, and thereafter striven to have gotten the civil sanction to what ye had don in the Church. A few days after Sir W. Ermin, Mr. Hamden, and the rest of the Commissioners, were invited by some of their friends to make a new Address to the Assembly, which they did the second time desiring a gracious Answer. Upon this request, the Assembly propounded to them this, Will ye join in Covenant with us to reform Doctrine and Discipline, conform to this of Scotland, and ye shall have a better Answer? Sir W. Ermin and the rest answered, that they had not that in their Instructions, but thank'd the Assembly, and said, they would represent it to the Parliament of England: The Assembly replyd, that there would be much time loosed, ere they could go to the Parliament for their resolutions, and thereafter to return to Scotland to draw up a Solemn League and COVENANT; The danger was great and they were not able to resist the King; But we shall draw up the Covenant here, and send up with you some Noble men, Gentlemen, and Ministers that shall see it subscrib'd; which accordingly was don, only two or three words altered.

Thus was this spurious Wretch illegally begotten, and brought forth by unlawful Parents, by the Scots worship'd and ador'd as the only Idol, fit to bless their undertakings; and by their Brothers in mischief, the English Long Parliament, embraced; who peremptorily enjoyn all people to swear Allegiance to it, as their only supream Law, and authentick Shibuleth to distinguish Treason from Loyalty. Though what authority they had to impose such an Oath, (being against the Command both of King and Law) must be left for Mr. Prynne to discover in some Terra incognita, since we have no such custome amongst us. Yet for all this Mr. Simeon Ash had the confidence in the Pulpit to wonder His Fast Serm. 23 Febr. 1647. pag. 15. that any man should think that the Covenant was made here, only to bring in the Scots when the Presbyterian Parliament and party was low in England.

Having thus seen the Birth of this Monster, it might quickly be desected, and the poison and mischief lodg'd in it might evidently be manifested to the whole world; but that it hath formerly been don by more able pens.

However it cannot but seem strange to any that these men should swear to extirpate the Government of the Church by Archbishops, Bishops, &c. which have been confirmd by 32 Acts of Parliament: And they could never yet tell who made them Rulers over Israel, and gave Dr. Pierce's New discoverer pag. 222. them power to such actions, quite contrary to Magna Charta, the laws of the Land, and the Kings express command. The first two are known to any one who hath heard any thing of the laws of the land, and the latter is as true. Yet because I have heard some deny, and others question its truth, I shall give you his Majesties own Proclamation against it, 1643.

[Page]

By the KING. His Majesties Proclamation forbidding the Tendering, or taking of a late Covenant, called a Solemn League and Covenant, for Reformation, &c.

WHEREAS there is a Printed paper intituled a Solemn League and Covenant, for Reformation and Defence of Religin, The honour and happinesse of the King, and the peace and safety of the three Kingdomes of England, Scotland, and Ireland, pretended to be Ordered by the Commons in Parliament on the twenty first day of September last to be Printed and published. Which Covenant though it seems to make specious expressions of Piety, and Religion, is in Truth nothing else but a Traiterous and Seditious Combination against us, and against the Established Religion and Laws of this Kingdome, in pursuance of a Traiterous Design, and endeavour to bring in Forraign Force to invade this Kingdome. We do therefore straightly Charge and Command all Our Loving Subjects of what Degree of Quality soever, Upon their Allegiance, That they presume not to take the said Seditious and Traiterous Covenant. And We do likewise hereby Forbid and Inhibit all Our Subjects to Impose, Administer, or Tender the said Covenant; as they and every one of them, will answer to the Contrary, at their Utmost and Extremest Perils.

Given at our Court at Oxford this Ninth day of October in the Nineteenth year of our Raign.

GOD SAVE THE KING.

[Page] Than this what could be more plain and authentick? yet a furious Jo. Vicar's Gods Ark. p. 91. Presbyterian is pleas'd to tearm this action of the King, Satanical slander, and abuse; a most impious and audacious Paper, Atheistical boldness, Impious and Platonical pleasure, &c.

Besides the unlawfulness of its making and Imposition; the qualities and conditions of the Brat were so impious, that an honest man could never take it for several reasons: amongst many other, take these two or three.

1. §. They swear to extirpate When the Covenant was taken, they thought the King to be a Papist, which makes the Oath more abominable, because those who thought so, swore to extirpate him. Popery without respect of persons. In which they might be ask'd, What they would do with the Queen? If they forced her Religion, 'twas Treason; If they did not, they are perjur'd.

2. §. This Oath makes them to be but Conditional Subjects, swearing to preserve the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament, and the Liberties of the Kingdom, before the King or his Authority: few of the takers, understanding any of these things; by which means, they swore they knew not what: And, that this Oath obligeth them to be but conditional Subjects, is plain, they swearing—To preserve and defend the Kings Majesties Person and Authority, In the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms. In which cases too, themselves will be Judges; so that the meaning is this, (as hath been proved before by several examples), If the King will not obey the Covenant, they are sworn, not to obey nor defend the King.

3. §. By this Oath they commit absolute High Treason, by nulling several Acts of Parliament made for the Preservation of the King and his friends. For here they swear to bring to Publick Tryal, to receive Condign Punishment, the Kings best Subjects and Friends, under the notion of Malignants, whom they thus describe;—Evil Instruments, by hindering the Reformation of Religion, Dividing the King from his People, or one of the Kingdoms from another, or making any Faction or Parties amongst the People, contrary to this League and Covenant.—And that justice may be done upon the wilful Opposers thereof.—By this, they quite overthrow all Government, making Loyalty, Treason; and Rebellion, the only sign of a good Subject. And how severe they stick to this murthering Article, you shall see by one passage.

In the year 1646. the Parliament remaining Conquerours, many of the Loyal Party thought it fit to compound for their Estates; better to have something than nothing. Amongst those, in the County of Chester, who were put to this hardship, were Mr. Richard Brereton of Ashley, Mr. John Wilson, and others: This highly perplext the Committee then at Chester, who therefore wrote several Letters to the Youths at Goldsmiths-Hall, desiring them never to take such friends to the King, into Composition; and one of their great sticklers at Chester, [Mr. S. C.] thus delivers the Opinion of himself and his friends about this business,—The Gentlemen here conceive, they are bound in Conscience, and [Page]by their late National Covenant, to do their duty in their place to bring Delinquents to condign punishment.—Here they will have no mercy, but stick close to their wicked Principles. And this Oath must receive no Interpretation: For, if we endeavour but to mitigate it, then some strange curse or other will tumble upon the Nation, as Crofton Berith anti-Baal. pag. 63. K. not long since affirm'd—His Sacred Majesty and the Kingdom must submit to the plain and literal sense thereof, though it seem as sower Grapes; unless we will by Gods wrath set our own and childrens Teeth on edge.

4. §. The Covenant (if it were in force) would be the cause and maintainer of Rebellion for ever, for in it they also swear to—assist and defend all those that enter into this League and Covenant in the maintaining and pursuing thereof; by which means they oblige themselves to all acts of hostility in its behalf, though the King and Parliament (as is now done) should find reason for its nullity; and 'tis well known, how oft they deny'd and defied their King upon this score.

O the Obedience and Charity of a Covenanter? who, like the wicked Jews combine together by Oath, to kill those more holy than themselves; Act. 23. 12, 13, 14. needs must the malice of these men be so violent, that they may be excus'd from saying the Lords-Prayer; the very clause of forgiving their Enemies, being enough to fright them into Dispair, I wish I could say, Repentance; but, that is a thing, their zealous fury will not give them so much as leave to think on: all of them hurryed on with that bloody rage, as to cry out with that Levite in the Poet;

—Blood, Blood, Blood, destroy O Lord!

The Religion of the Hypocritical Presb. pag. 7. Their Vindication. 1648. pag. 5. Two Papers of Proposals. pag. 12.

The Covenant-Breaker with a two-edg'd Sword.

Yet this Imp of wickedness the Brethren will not cast off, The London-Ministers professing, all the power on Earth cannot absolve them from it. And Zach. Crofton keeps a great deal of clutter, publickly affirming, that it doth not only bind those who took it, but Fastning of St. Peter's Fetters. p. 134, 145. those also who did not, and that the Obligation of this Oath is for ever binding, from Generation to Generation. And in another of his flaunting Pamphlets, he assureth the Reader, That he doth (and cannot but do it) now contest for and assert the Solemn League and Covenant, in that Religious part which must be promoted with out-most Zeal, by all who wish Berith Anti-Baal, Epist, to the Reader. pag. ult. well to the King and Kingdom; though the Devil and his Instruments do endeavour to damp, deaden, and divert, the discharge of duty. And then afterwards tells them, that Gods wrath will fall upon the King and Kingdom, if Episcopacy be not extirpated, and the Covenant observed Pag. 23. 63. K. to its literal sense and plain meaning. And, as they would thus continue it in fury, so did they begin it, as I have shew'd you before; however, I shall afford you one other piece of Canting confidence. Mr. Andrew Cant the Father (for the Son is now as bad,) in one of his Sermons at Glasgow, told the Scots concerning their Covenant, That he [Page]was sent to them with a Commission from Christ to bid them subscribe Lysim. Nican. Epist. Congrat. p. 49. the Covenant, which was Christ's contract; and, that he himself, was come a Wooer to them for the Bridegroom; and call'd upon them, to come to be hand-fasted, by subscribing that Contract. And told them plainly, That he would not depart the Town till he got the names of all, who should refuse to subscribe that Contract, of whom he promis'd to complain to his Master, i. e. Christ.

As for the Obligation of the Covenant, they themselves are sometimes forced to deny it, unless they will make it a particular exception against all General Rules. When the Scots in 1639. were a little troubled that Large Declar. p. 347. Episcopacy was not absolutely abjured in their former Oaths, which many thought binding to them; The Covenanters thinking to take away that rub, that all men might with more freeness embrace their Covenant, declare publickly to the World, that the swearer is neither obliged to the meaning of the prescriber of the Oath, nor his own meaning, but as the Authority shall afterwards interpret it; and then, by this Heathenish rule, what will become of the binding force of the Covenant at this time? Which is void also in the opinion of a great Presbyterian under the name of Theophilus Timorcus, who thus shews himself,—Suppose, that upon mature deliberation, the Ministers The Covenant-Plea. Ch. 7. Sect. 14. that subscribed and took the Oath of Canonical Obedience, find that it was an unlawful Oath, or Subscription,—They are in such case only obliged to be humbled for their rash subscription and taking of that Oath, and their second Oath against them will hold valid.—Now if they think, this a sufficient salvo, I shall only insert these four words, Holy League and Covenant instead of the fore-mentioned four words Oath of Canonical Obedience, and think the Absolution sufficient according to their own Argument.

Mr. Crofton tells us, that the Oath which the King taketh at his Coronation for the defence of Bishops, is of small validity, because limited Fastning of St. Pet. Fett. pag. 100. to the Laws of the Land. But will this subordinate it to the Covenant? Or will he make a little scribble-scrabble of a few perjured Rebels to be the Law of the Land? If the Kings Oath, and other mens Oaths, must submit to the Laws of the Land; I know no reason, but the Covenant should too, being expresly against them: So, that either the Covenant must null the Laws, or the Laws the Covenant; If the first, then farewell Poulton, since the swearing of Presbytery can make those Statutes useless; if the latter, then adieu Covenant and Presbytery, not forgetting the League, and since that, the names of the Parliament-men subscribers in Parchment, (a great sign of the Loyalty and good Religion of the present Commons, (who in this have excell'd all other Parliaments, for many Generations past; let others commend themselves for me) that were burnt by the hands of the Hangman in London, by Authority of Parliament, a Supream Power to that which made and forced it.

But, that you may see the folly of some Oaths, and how the Swearers are sometimes even necessitated to smooth them over with a gentle [Page] Interpretation, and a slender performance; I shall tell you one story, Jo. Dubravius Hist. Boiemica. l. 7. p. 57. Bretislaus [or Bisetislaus] Son to Udalricus Duke of Bohemia, fell in love, meerly by report, (for, as then, he had not seen her) with Jutha, Daughter to the Emperour Otho II call'd Ruffo. To obtain her, he Aen. Sylvius. Hist. Boem. c. 18. goeth under the shew of Religion, to Ratisbone, [or Regenspurg] where she was in a Monastery, and after some contrivances, gets her on The same, word for word in Seb. Munsteri Geogr. p. 804. Horseback, and gallops away with her to his Father, and by her own consent marryed her. The Emperour enraged at this, raiseth an Army, and solemnly swears a mischief to Bohemia, and never to return with his Army, till he had placed his Throne in the midst of that Countrey. Against him, Bretislaus and his Father raise Forces, the Son also swearing, to carry fire into the middle of Germany; and, that so near the Imperial Court, that Caesar himself, should be constrain'd to shut his eyes, for the greatness of the light and splendour of those flames. The Armies drawing near together, and preparing for battel; The Lady Gutta grieved that so much blood should be shed for her sake, tearing her hair and face, exposed her self to all danger, by running betwixt the two Armies, and, over-whelm'd with sorrow, having found out the Emperour, earnestly pleads in behalf of her husband; the strength of Love, the Child within her, &c. With which, Caesar was so moved to compassion, that with tears he told her of his willingness to Peace, but that his Oath obliged him to the contrary: She told him, that her husband had sworn too; but, that he should consider Et maritus meus jurejurando astrictus est Teutoniam armis lacescere: sed vana Religio, quae sceleri locum facit; vim criminibus Sacramenta non addunt, &c. Aen. Sylv. Seb. Munst. the vanity of that Religion which alloweth of and giveth place to wickedness, since Oaths should not strengthen the foundation of sin and mischief. Well, Peace is made, they having found out, as they thought, a way to keep them both from Perjury, the Emperour going to Boleslau, then held to be the middle of Bohemia, where a Throne being made with a few stones, he sits him down as Conquerour. And Bizetislaus (for so some also call him) to save his Oath, went into Germany, and the Emperour being by, set fire to a few Cottages, and spoil'd two or three little Fields, for which damages he presently satisfied, paying the value.

The Brethren think, they have got another salvo for their honesty, when they would make people have a good opinion of the Covenant, because several of the Royalists took it; and in this accusation Crofton is impudent to a Wonder, especially, to his Betters. But is it any honour to the Independent Engagement against King, &c. nay, the Covenant too; because some great Presbyterians took it?

The truth is, the Presbyterians, by the fortune of Warr, becoming Masters, seiz'd upon the Revenues of those who had been faithful to his Majesty, not suffering many of them to Compound, but upon abominable terms, for their Estates; unless they would take the Covenant to boot: which shews the implacable malice of the Puritans; who in this, like the Italian, made it their business to destroy the soul too. And this may serve to shew what small reason they have to demand Toleration [Page] of those, whose Consciences they formerly so wickedly forced. Which horrid act will remain as a mark of Ignominy upon this Faction to Eternity. And in behalf of the Royalist, I shall afford you another Story, which will apply it self.

Emuanuel, King of Portugal, with-held from a Bishop his Revenues. Propos. Memorables. p. 18. The Bishop complains to the Pope, who sends a Legat either to perswade the King to Restitution, or Excommunicate him, and upon the Kings refusal the latter was denounced; and so the Legat departs towards Rome again. The King enraged at this Sentence, mounted on Horse-back to follow the Legat, and having over-taken him; drew out his Sword, threatning to kill him, unless he would absolve him, which was done, and the King return'd to his Court. The Legat being got to Rome, and told the Story of his Journey: The Pope was very angry, and sharply checkt him for absolving the King; to whom the Legat reply'd, Most holy Father, had you been in danger of your life as I was, you would have given the King absolution double and treble.

No People rails more against the Pope and a Jesuite than a Puritan, and yet in their destructive Principles of Government none agrees more with them. Tell them but of the Pope's Excommunicating of Kings, and disingaging their Subjects from any more obedience to them, and you shall hear nothing but roaring against Antichrist and Babylon, and stories of the Whore, Beast, Horns, and enough to fright Children out of their Wits. Yet, if you tell them, that they are guilty of Utinam eorum nonnulli, qui rectssime damnant, non pessime imitarentur. Bishop Sanderson. de jurament. Praelect. 7. Sect. 3. the same, by dispensing with the Peoples Oaths to their Kings and Bishops; then will they call it the Cause of God, the Interest of Jesus Christ, and a good sign that they are the true Saints of God, and the sureness of their Election: thus (though seeming mortal Enemies) are they united to destroy the Civil Power.

If the latter Oath (especially when wickedly and villainously impos'd) cannot take away the Obligation of the former, and that agreeable to the cause [as the Reverend and Learned Patron of the Bishop Sanderson. de juram. Prael. II. Sect. 11. and III. Sect. 11. Church saith, whose single testimony is of more worth than the opinion of a whole Assembly of Covenanters] I cannot conceive, how a company of Noddles (being but a piece of a Parliament) pratling at Westminster, and in active Rebellion against their King, can quit honest men [for Knaves can ease themselves] from their Oaths and Subscriptions to Kingly and Episcopal Obedience, by an after-Imposition of a contradictory and Id. Prael. II. Sect. 13. wicked Oath.

But, it may be, they may suppose; that if Plin. l. 9. c. 55. Hortensius shed tears for the death of a Lamprey: If Macarius Abbot of Alexandria, penitentially tormented himself in Bryars and Thorns Pet. de Natal. l. 2. c. 47. six Moneths, or H. Steph. Apol. pour Herod. pag. 367. seven years, for the death of a Flea: If the Wotton's State of Christend. p. 147, 148. Aetolians and Arcadians Warr'd together for a wild Boar: If the Carthaginians, and the People of Piraca, for a Sea-Rovers ship. If the Scots and Picts for a few Dogs. If Charles Duke of Burgondy and the Switzers, [Page] for a Cart-load of Sheeps-skins; And if the Car. Garcia Antipat. de los Franc. y Espanoles. cap. 17. Epit. of all the French Kings. p. 280. Antipathy betwixt the French and Spaniards began upon so slight occasion, (if you believe mine Authours), as because the French were not so gloriously clad, as the other, at an Interview betwixt Lewis XI. and the King of Castile: If all this trouble and bloudshed for such trifles, why may they not stand stoutly to their Covenant: But, if they be so stiff for that Oath against all Laws and honesty, why may not the Orthodox stick to their King, Laws and Church-government by Bishops, since the swarving from these things is High-Treason and Schism.

But enough of this perjur'd and condemn'd Traytor, since the judicious Reasons of the famous University of Oxford, and that miracle of Learning (too untimely snatch'd away) the Reverend Dr. Langbaine; have put it and its part-takers to a perpetual confusion; against whom (though, I think, none of them ever yet durst undertake the Doctor; nor could the other be answer'd but with Treason, of which enquire more of Mr. Crofton,) their scribling will not be unlike the Pigmies fighting against Hercules; and their crying Victoria, to as little purpose as Falstaf's vapouring of his own valour at Gads-Hill. Yet, since they stand so stifly to the literal sense of this Brat, I shall leave one or two Quaeries to their consideration.

I.

Whether those who took the Covenant, and there sware to extirpate all Schism, do not thereby engage to be (like Hoyle) their own Executioners?

II.

Whether when they sware to preserve and defend the Kings Majesties Person and Authority, and not to diminish his just power and greatness; they did keep their Oaths by Voting no more Address to him; the Scots by selling him, the English by buying him, hurrying him from Prison to Prison, Imposing upon him strange Conditions, contrary to his Prerogative, taking from him the Militia, acting all without and against his Commands, &c.

If they say, they did according to the Covenant: Then

III.

Whether such a wicked Oath is to be allow'd in a Kingdom, which permitteth, nay, I may say, commandeth such affronts to be done to Majesty, contrary to all the Laws of the Land? And, if these Actions were against the Covenant, then are they perjur'd.

But it may be, I have gone too farr against these People, who in their Scotch Assembly at Glasgow, by Act, forbad any to write or speak against their Covenant. And the same did the English Leaguers, and what danger it may be to write against their Laws, (since our own cannot be in force,) I know not. And since a man must [Page] not speak ill of the dead, whose flaming exspiration was a Type of the Reward befitting to the Imposers. [This I retort upon Antifloralis in verses commending Mr. Hall's Funeb. Florae. that Presbyterian who would have all May-Pole dancers hang'd]. I shall leave this wicked Covenant, only tell them, that the Lord Ravenstein, under pretence of the binding of his Oath, ran into a great Bacon's Hist. Hen. VII. p. 77. Rebellion against his Masters, the Emperour Frederick and Maximilian, as our Zealots have against their King. To conclude, the words of James II. King of Scotland, are worth your reading——Could there be any greater surety for you, than to rely on Drummand's Hist. of Scotl. pag. 55, 56. the Laws of the Common-wealth and Countrey? especially in a Countrey where Laws and not Faction rule, and where a mans own goodness is able to preserve him: But such men as you are, raise these Factions to the subversion of all Laws and Authority. And for Subjects to make an Offensive and Defensive League against all Persons, is to disclaim all Government, and do what they please without controlement, commit Treason in the highest degree, and make your own Swords and Power justifie your proceedings; which, though you first use against mean persons, and conceal the progress of your Actions, (for there are degrees in evil, and wicked men begin at that which seems the least of evils, or not an evil at all at the first) your last aim is likely to be, the Robbing upon the Crown. Consider, you are born under a Monarchy, which admitteth of no Soveraignty but it self; and it is natural to Princes, to hold it in highest esteem, and in no case to suffer it to be shaken by their Subjects. Take your Prince for your best protection, and an Innocent life; Renounce that Union and League,—and let it not be heard any longer, that ever such an unjust Confederation was; and so, wonted Clemency shall be prefer'd before deserved Justice. But 'twas the wickedness of this action, which made the Zealots love it, and therefore order'd, that in the Prayers after every Sermon, the Minister should give God thanks The Directory. for the Covenant: like John Becold a Taylor of Leyden (better known by the Name of John of Leyden,) who having cruelly cut off the head of one of his Wives, made others with himself prayse God and rejoyce for such wickedness.

The Brethren having thus laid their ground-work for a further Rebellion, earnestly exhorts the people to stick close to their former seditious Principles, and to be resolute in them. Then they advise their Associates in the Parliament to be valiant for their Cause, and to endeavour what in them lyeth, to oppose and overthrow any thing whatsoever, Sacred or Civil, which thwarts their Principles. And, for the better carrying on this Rebellion, they engage their Ministry to use what Interest they can with their Parishioners, for the affecting of their designs: concerning which, you shall hear Mr. Crofton himself Fastning of St. Pet. Fett. pag. 137. speak,—If private men and individual persons, who have sworn the Covenant, will make Conscience of the Oath of God upon them, there can be no probability of a Return, and Re-establishment within [Page]the compasse of this age, of the evils we have sworn to extirpate, They being lock'd under a moral impossibility of re-admission or continuance, by that publick Parliamentary capacity into which many, who have sworn the Covenant, are at this time If they be not Crofton lyeth; and if they be, we may well expect Treason & Rebellion. resolved; and in which they cannot but know themselves bonnd to endeavour in their places and callings, with all sincerity and reality and constancy to extirpate the same, and for that others, and those not a few, as Ministers of the Gospel, are bound to the same in their Capacity. I am sure the Ministerial rebukes, and confutations of the one, and publick Parliamentary Debates of the other, will lay a very great Remora unto their return.—

Here we have a Peter the Hermit blowing a Trumpet to his Holywarre. And that in such an hasty and resolute fashion, that our Presbytery seem to stand upon the very brink of Rabicon, only wanting some ill spirit or other to head them, and lead them over into a Warr against their own King and Countrymen: so prone are they to distruction, as if they were again turnd to Heathenism, and worship'd the spears Just. Hist. lib. 43. [those primitive Instruments of Warre] as their only God.

And the Reverend Church of England hath little reason to expect peace at these mens hands, now that they cannot obtain their ends when they protest that if they had been fully satisfied, yet they had been oblig'd to publish what Pamphlets they could in vindication of the Covenant, and so in derision of the Episcopal Clergy: to which purpose take one of their own his words—We must professe, that if his most excellent Majesties gracious Declaration, had in every tittle fully answer'd Theoph. Timorc. pag. 85. the utmost of our Desires; we should have yet seen a need of some such discourses as these are.

I am really perswaded, that were our Presbyterians but once again Masters of misrule, they would act the same Tragedies that they did formerly; Then should we have the King kept at swords point, all his Authority taken from him, and himself secured in some Prison or other unlesse he would dance after their Covenant. Then should we have the Arch-Bishops and Bishops murdred and Tower'd up: The Clergy sent a begging, or it may be for a more cleanly conveiance, clapt under ships hatches (as they were formerly don withall) that they might stifle one another. Then would the Brethren cry, The day is ours, Rejoyce and sing as the Roman Catholicks did in Scotland above an hundred years Knox Hist. of Scotl. pag. 84. ago, two words being alter'd.

Leaguers content you now, Leaguers content you now,

The Bishops and their Company, have fill'd the Gallies fow.

But I hope our Government by King, and Bishops, (maugre the Devil and all his Assistants) will be like the Iland Est cetle Isle de telle condition, que presonne du Monde ne l'oseroit approcher pour aucum mal y faire: Car qui y essayeroit il periroit. Jeh. Froissart Chron. vol. 4 fol. 52. a. Chifolignie, against which no man shall attempt any mischief, but to his own distruction. And nothing have we visibly attempting, the breaking of this Union; but an upstart Presbytery, [Page] which like the Heathenish opinion of dogs and stones, mainly endeavours to run betwixt and divide these two. But of this they have small August de Doctrin. lib. 2. 6. 20. hopes, unlesse a Toleration be granted to their Villanies: which can never be don through reall policy; And I hope England is not now like Omnia Romae venalia esse. sallust. Bel. jug. p. 55. old Rome where all things were vendible: And those who grant favour to these people will ruine themselves by too much pity.

Such a spirit of contradiction are these Puritans possest with, that Dissention seems to be their meat and drink; as if they were related to the old Hereticks the Cainani or Caiani who thought Cain a worthy man for killing his brother Abel, and Judas a Saint for betraying our Pratcol. p. 110. Saviour. As if all wickednesse might be perpetrated, whole Countries ruin'd, the innocent blood of many thousand Souls spil'd upon the ground and all this to good purpose, so their Discipline and Covenant be thereby erected: whereby methinks, they court that wicked Idol, as Lucan did the Tyrant Nero.

Quod si non aliam venturo fata Neroni

Lib. 1.

Invenêre viam—

Iam nihil, O superi, querimur; scelera ipsa, nefasque

Hac mercede placent: diros Pharsalia Campos

Impleat, & Poeni saturentur sanguine manes,

Ʋltima funesta concurrant praelia Munda,

His, Caesar, Perusina fames, Mutinaeque labores

Accedant fatis, & quas premit aspera Classes

Leucas et ardenti servilia bella sub Aetna.

Multum Roma tamen debet civilibus armis,

Quod tibires acta est—

Which, with Lucans favour, I shall make more appliable to England and our purpose.

If that no other means can be found out

To bring our Presbyterian whims about:

Ha! we are well content! mischief and warre

Doth please our souls, since so rewarded are.

Let Edghill swell with bloud, and Marston plain

Groan with the masse of souls that there were slain:

Let thousands dye at Naseby, and let's tell,

Of Carlile Famine, or who at Gloster fell:

Let Warwick too (Allegiance is but pelfe)

Charge the ship-guns against the Prince himself:

Yet gain we by these Woes; if that thereby,

We do but set up our Presbytery.

Yet if all their pretensions equall the life of one man I shall have a less value of humane blood, than I have had.

Queen Elizabeth had the best way of teaching these people obedience, [Page] the terror of a Rope, being a main stay to their proceedings: If the fellow thought snails fish, and so eatable in Lent, yet was he bid by Lou is Garonle chasse ennuy. Cent. 1. Hist. 27. the Priest to beware of the horns. When the Brethren thus thunder up the lawfulnesse of Rebellion, they should seriously think of its Reward, and what a joyful sight it is to look towards Padington, and not think it an hard case that they should suffer for their Villanies. And we see by experience that the pardoning of one fault, maketh them more bold to commit another, and yet grumble and think much to be stopt in their mischief, as if (forsooth) they Rebell'd by Predestination, making themselves only instruments, but God (pardon the expression) the seducer, drawer, commander, inciter and infuser of such wickednesse into them, as Pet. Martyr and See Dr. Pierce's Divine Philanth. c. 3. Sect. 34. R. Smith. Coll. Doctrin. Cathol. cap. 1. others blasphemously assert.

To conclude, If all things according to the Poets grow worse & worse; to what stupendious wickedness will the Presbyterians come? If Caligula suck'd blood when a Child, they might suppose him to be a cruel Monster when a man. If the Puritans at first rebell against and imprison their King, murder and clap up the Bishops, seise upon their lands and those of the Loyall Gentry, bloodily destroy the best subjects and caress the wicked; If at their beginning of Rule, they multiply'd Religion into so many Heresies, that every house seem'd like that Family at the Hague in Holland compos'd of Io. Gee's New Shreds. p. 44. seven several Religions: If when they were inferiors they durst proclaim the Queen a Traytor, call the Kings actions scandalous, impudent, false, wicked, Tyrannical, &c. Impose wicked Oaths upon the Nations and violate all Laws; Good God! What as yet unheard of villany and impiety will there be invented and found out to please these Disciplinarian palats, if ever they should obtain superiority, or have the least sway in these Kingdomes! Which no honest man can desire, all good men are bound to oppose, and pray they may never have hopes of such favour and authority.

FINIS.

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Title statement

The history of the wicked plots and conspiracies of our pretended saints representing the beginning, constitution, and designs of the Jesuite : with the conspiracies, rebellions, schisms, hypocrisie, perjury, sacriledge, seditions, and vilefying humour of some Presbyterians, proved by a series of authentick examples, as they have been acted in Great Brittain, from the beginning of that faction to this time / by Henry Foulis ...

Foulis, Henry, ca. 1635-1669.

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1662

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2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

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A40040

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Wing F1642

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ESTC R4811

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12415753

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61643

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A40040)

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— The history of the wicked plots and conspiracies of our pretended saints representing the beginning, constitution, and designs of the Jesuite : with the conspiracies, rebellions, schisms, hypocrisie, perjury, sacriledge, seditions, and vilefying humour of some Presbyterians, proved by a series of authentick examples, as they have been acted in Great Brittain, from the beginning of that faction to this time / by Henry Foulis ..., Foulis, Henry, ca. 1635-1669..

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[17], 247 p.

Printed by E. Cotes, for A. Seile ...,. London :: 1662.. (Reproduction of original in Yale University Library.) (Marginal notes.)

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