THE HISTORY OF POPISH TREASONS AND USURPATIONS.

THE HISTORY OF ROMISH Treasons & Usurpations: Together with A PARTICULAR ACCOUNT Of many gross CORRUPTIONS and IMPOSTURES In the CHURCH of ROME, Highly dishonourable and injurious to Christian Religion.

To which is Prefixt A Large PREFACE to the ROMANISTS.

Carefully Collected out of a great number of their own approved Authors, By HENRY FOƲLIS, B. D.

Late Fellow of Lincoln-Colledge in Oxford.

S. Joh. 18. 36. Jesus answered, My Kingdom is not of this world.
S. Luke 12. 14. Who made me a Ruler over you?

LONDON: Printed by J. C. for Richard Chiswell, at the two Angels and Crown in Little-Britain. 1671.

THE PREFACE.

Gentlemen,

I Am apt to fancy, that at the first sight of these Papers, I shall be loaded with your severest Censures, condemn'd as the worst of Hereticks, nay, and branded as the greatest of Lyers and Slanderers. And all this, because I onely tell you, what the Pope and his boldest Champi­ons would have you to believe; because I tell you what grand Authority his Ho­liness hath, what great power and juris­diction lyeth in your selves, what bloudy actions have been done to maintain these priviledges; and as a Preparative to all, have afforded you the Glories, Commendati­ons, and Prerogatives of your Religion, from Brutes and Blocks, Fools, and Devils themselves; with suchlike odd Arguments, as some of your Graver Wits have troubled themselves, confirm'd their Religion, and pleasured us with.

But, My Masters, I may assure my self of a mitigation of your Fury, when you have seriously considered, that here I say nothing but what is asserted and vindicated by your own Authors, ap­proved of by your own Authority, and agreeable to the Sentiments and Doctrine of the Pope himself. From whence will follow, that with what ill will or names you prosecute me for these Collecti­ons, you must do the same to his Holiness, and the greatest Asser­tors of his Religion; I being but the Compiler or Transcriber of their words and actions, which used to be your Patterns and Ex­amples to live by: and now to turn tail, to oppose and contradict the Pope and his Learned Doctors, not to believe in his infalli­ble Documents, might renew a Dispute about your disagree­ments, or that there might be two contradictory Truths; this may be true at Rome, and yet the quite contrary also true in England; as Father Coton and other Jesuits affirm'd at Paris. In short, thus to withstand the Pope, would shew your selves no good [Page] sons of his Church, though it might good subjects to your King; which is a great part of a good Christian.

But by way of Apology for my self, I must add, that your own Writers occasioned and provoked these Collections; that their slanders ingaged me to a Vindication, and this Retort: and I think Duty and Truth obligeth me to justifie my Mother the Church of England, as well as they theirs of Rome. And to deny us this favour, would be a Restraint beyond all Story: for if yours take upon them the liberty to oppose and defame our Church, it would be strange, if you would not allow us in England to vindicate her. And by the by, it had been well, if they had not so much trou­bled themselves in opposing our Oath of Allegiance, and clamouring against the Magistrates for requiring it (which yet is more talk'd of then done) seeing these Papers will shew, both from Principles and actions, that some mens Doctrines are so dangerous and per­nicious, that the strictest Oaths are scarce strong enough for them; and that this especially is favourable enough, considering the occasion of its making, and the seditious Principles of some people.

'Tis said, that those of ill names are half hang'd; and the poor woman that durst not kill her Landlords ill-lucky Dog, got her de­signe by crying out he was Mad, whereby the Neighbours present­ly knockt him on the head. And thus it fares with our Religion. Of all names, nothing more odious then a Traytor; and the Roma­nists will scarce have any to be such, but those of the Reform­ed Church; which Charge they lay so heavy upon us, and with such often Repetitions, that most of their Gentry (who in this and other things are apt to be Priest rid) now use it as the onely Argument to bespatter the Church of England; and I fan­cie, have got some Proselytes by the strength of these Re­proaches.

But I would have them to remember once for all, that every one in England is not of the Church of England [and for o­ther Churches, at this time, I shall not concern my self] and for ought that I know, our Presbyterian and Independant are as great enemies to our Church as the Romanist.

Certain I am, the Papists ought to be cautious in their Accu­sations against these mischievous Non-Conformists also, lest at the same time they do but condemn themselves: and I —Utinam eorum non­nulli qui rectissime damnant, non pessimè imi­tarentur, Bp. Sanderson de jurament. Prael. 7. § 3. wish there were no reason for such a supposition; yet it is too true, that at the same time that the former were Rebels against the King in England, the Romanist was as active in Ireland, despising and vilifying his Majesty through his Viceroy (then Marquess of Ormond) as much as those did the King in England. And though here the Presbyterians imprison'd the King, renounced him by their Non-Address, and by their other villanies set up the Scaf­fold; and the Independants, and other Phanaticks struck off the Head: yet will the Irish-Romanists gain small honour by this Ob­jection, seeing they did as much as lay in their power to act the same to their Viceroy, by fighting against him, excommunicating him, combining to take away his life, or to deliver him up to the Independant Army; by trayterously offering themselves and King­dom to the command of Forreigners, as Lorraine, the French, the Spaniard, nay the Pope himself. Not to insist here how grate­ful the Kings Murther was to several Romanists, and how [Page] formerly they have gloryed in the Murther of other Princes.

Yet will their Writers take the confidence to declare their in­nocencie and loyalty to the face of the whole world; and there­by not onely seem to quit and clear themselves, but at the same time bespatter and asperse, what in them lyeth, us wicked Here­ticks, as they are apt to call us.

Pedro de Ribadeneyra, a Jesuit of no small Sanctity and credit amongst them (being a Disciple and acquaintance of their Founder Ignatius) though as arrant a Railer as the best of them, would gladly perswade the world that Hoc [i. e. E­vangelium] mentiri do­cet, hoc peju­rare, hoc fin­gere, hoc dis­simulare, hoc adulare, hoc Hypocritas esse, hoc Principes ovinam pellem induere, & nihilominus laniare, occidere, sanguinem prosundere, & more lupo­rum gregem dominicum devotare. Quantas, Deus bone! seditiones, quantas turbas & tumultus novum hoc ve­strum Evangelium, ab eo tempore quo primum eme [...] sit, in mundo excitavit? Quot Civitates evertit, destruxit & solo adaequavit? quot Provincias vastavit, quot Regna depredatum est, quantum deni (que) innocentis sanguinis prosundere non dubitavit? dicat hoc Gallia, dicat Belgium, dicat Scotia, dicat etiam vestra haec Anglia: Siqui­dem omnis illa tyrannis, barbarics, crudelitas, & saevitia, quae hodie apud vos obtinet, aliud nihil sunt, quam ve­stri Evangelii fructu [...]. Quibus ita constitutis, Evangelium adhue vestrum, Deo attribuere, & ad illum reserre audetis? Potestne blasphemia major ista reperiri? Pet. Ribad. Appendix sive Lib. 4. ad Nicol. Sanders. de Schis­mate Angl. cap 17. You may see the same also in his Spanish Hist. Ecclesiastica del Schisma del Reyno de Ingla­terra, lib. 3. cap. 17. Lying, Perjury, Deceipt, Flat­tery, Hypocrisie, Tyranny, Sedition, Destruction, Murther, and what not? is nothing but the fruit and result of our Religion: upon which the man wonders how we dare intitle it to God or Christ; but never remembers the treasonable Principles of himself and his Brethren, with the Practices of his Church.

Jacobus Gretser, another of the same stamp, will have our Re­ligion not onely to be the off spring, but also the Sectam ve­stram Martis & Bellonae esse filiam & pa­rentem, cla­rius est quam ut sine impu­dentia negare possis: loqua­tur Gallia & utra (que) Germania, Anglia, Scotia, Jac. Grets. Apol. pro vita Ignat. Loyolae, lib. 3. pag. 475. Mother of War and Sedition; to deny which, he looketh upon as a grand piece of Impudence. And —Ubi (que) seditiones & tumultus praetextu Religionis movent, ubi (que) jugum Principum quantum possunt ex­cutiu [...]t, & sibi omnem gubernationem vindicant. Discussio Decreti Magni Concilii Lateran. pag. 129. Leonardus Lessius, of the same Or­der, but disguised under the false name of Guilielmus Singleto­nus, is much of the same opinion; and we need not doubt but these men speak the sentiment of their whole Order.

But to come neerer home. No sooner was King James setled in the Kingdom here, but the English Romanists drew up a 1604. pag. 7 Supplication to his Majesty and the Parliament, in which they do not a little vaunt of the loyalty of their Religion, in these words:—The Catholick Subject is (if any other) the Glory, strength and perpetuity of the Kingdom, because he principally seeking Hea­ven in this world (and will not for the world be diverted) cannot be treacherous or disloyal, or undutiful to your Highness; but in e­very service and distress occurring, valiant, resolute and most faith­ful: and all these fair words were to the same King and Parlia­ment, whose destruction they intended, and had at that time contrived it.

Towards the latter end of the said King James his Reign, Prince Charles was sent a wooing into Spain; at which time, the Romanists were fill'd with hopes (though upon no certain grounds) of the Conversion of the Prince, a Free Toleration of their Religi­on, or rather that the whole Kingdom would be at their Devotion. As a preparative to this grand Expectation, Father Pateson drew up a Book under the Title of Jerusalem and Babel, or The Image [Page] of both Churches (collected mostly out of the Answers to Anti-coton and Brerely.) This Treatise he dedicateth to the Prince; the main designe being to vindicate the Popish Loyalty, and to de­clare the Protestants to be absolute Rebels. For proof of which, he boldly affirms—Pag 347. E­ditionis Lond. 1653. Now it is manifest, that in the short space of her Reign, [viz. of Queen Mary of England] which was not much above five years, she had more open Rebellions and Insurre­ctions made ag [...]inst her, from such of her Subjects as were not well-affected unto her Religion, then Queen Elizabeth had from Catho­licks in full forty and five, &c. And to testifie farther what loyal people they were to Queen Elizaheth, let Pope, Spain, or any other confederate against her never so much, thus the same Penman taketh upon him the confidence to testifie,—Pag. 491. A­mong so many Priests as by that time there were both in England and beyond the Seas, and in so long a time as this pretended Con­federacie was in framing, when Spies and Intelligences were many, and well paid by the State; was there so much as one Priest nomi­nated and accused to have been so corrupted, or induced any way by these Princes or their Ministers, to practice ought to the pre­judice of their Country? was there any one apprehended or con­victed of such a Treason? was there ever any subject of England call'd in Question, for entertaining Priests that were sought after upon that account? In a word, when the Spanish Armado was un­der sail for England, was there so much as one Priest or Semina­ry-man found or known to be in it? Or at any time since disco­ver'd to have been imploy'd in that service? And lastly, thus the same man characters the two Religions: The—Pag. 560. Catholicks seek onely by way of Petition, Supplication, Prayer and humble Re­monstrating of their sufferances; the other, viz. Protestants, seek chiefly by Fire and Sword, and Cannon-Bullet, and by thundring of Ordnance.

With these Arguments or Weapons did Pateson endeavour to force the Prince from his Religion; but they were too weak and blunt against such a noble and knowing Champion: yet when he was in Spain, he is there assaulted again, and that by no less man then Zacharias Boverius, the old Cappuchine, who wrote a Folio Book, call'd Orthodoxa Consultatio, and dedicated it to the said Prince; where he endeavours by might and main to bring a dislike­ing in Prince Charles to the Church of England, by hinting to him the Divisions of it; as if, forsooth, the Romanists agreed in all things. He would also perswade him to turn Romanist; one of his encouragements being, that the Pope can Ortho. Co [...] ­sult. part 2. Reg. 6. p. 286. Depose Kings: a very excellent complementive Argument, to convert a man out of his Rights and Dominions. But this Caeterum si Reges [...]e oves esle aegre se­rent, ac lupo­rum more Ec­clesiasticum Potestatem invadant: sciant profecto eam potestatem Pontifici totius Ecclesiae Pastori à Christo esse collatam, quae ve [...]o P [...]stori adve [...]sus Lupos greg [...]s vastatores ipso naturali jure permissa est: nimitum ut Lupos à grege ar­ceant. Id enim postulat commissa sibi à Christo Dominici gregts cura, qua Ecclesiae conservationi sedulo invigi­lare debet, ut Lupos gregem invadences expellat, ac modis omnibus Ecclesiasticae Reipub. utilitati at (que) incolumi­tati consula [...]. Praestat. nam (que) Principem à grege expelli, quam gregem totum corruete. Zach. Bover. Demonstra­tiones Symbolorum verae & falsae Religionis, Tom. 2. Art. 5. pag. 150. Doctrine Boverius had taught in his former Writings; from which his Orthodoxa Consultatio (if a man may be a Plagiary to himself) is stoln for the nonce.

Dr. Benjamin Carier having plaid the Turn-coat, would gladly perswade King James to change too, undertaking to make him [Page] believe, that true Policie would really oblige his Majestie to it: thus—Letter to King James: vid. Dr. George Hakewell's Answer to it, pag. 94. B. C. The first reason of my hope that Catholick Religion should be most available for the honour and securitie of your Ma­jestie and your Children, is taken from the consideration of your Subjects, which can be kept in obedience to God and to their King by no other Religion, i. e. then Popery. But somewhat after he confesseth that there may be some few Romish Traytors, but with this difference—Ib. pag. 102, 103. It is certain there be Traytors against God and Man of all Religions; and Catholicks, as they are the best Sub­jects, so when they fall to it, they are the worst Traytors. But if we look upon Examples, or consider Reasons, the Catholick is the onelie Religion, which as it doth duely subordinate Kings unto God, so doth it effectually binde subjects to perform all lawful obedience unto their Kings.

Another Runaway, viz. Dr. Thomas Baily, is very zealous for the loyalty of the Romanists; and yet at the same time, bravely tells us, what good Subjects the Romanists were to Oliver Cromwell, whereas the other people of England were against him: but take his own words—D [...]. Baily's life of Bishop Fisher, p. 179. Where should a man finde better Subjects? [i e. then Romanists] and yet these are the men who have been tra­duced all along as inconsistant with politick Government. And why should the same loyaltie be suspected at any time still to remain within the same breasts; since that their Religion, Laws (both Ci­vil and Ecclesiastical) Custom, Provision for the future, present Practice, Oaths and Protestations all along, evermore obliging them to such Obedience: especiallie whereas at this present, all other Sorts and Sects of Christian Religion (excepting those who are for all Sorts and Sects) appear against this 1655. present Govern­ment, like Aries, Scorpio, Leo, Sagittarius, &c. as if they would all and everie one of them wound each part and member of this bodie politick; the Roman Catholicks, like Pisces (the emblem of the Fisherman) are contented to remain quiet under foot. A little after he renews the former comparison betwixt Queen Mary's and Queen Elizabeth's Reign, thus;—Id. pag. 183. 184. It is most notoriouslie e­vident, that there were more open Rebellions during the five years of her short Government, then during the four and fortie years of her late Majesties after Reign.

But Bailie need not talk much of Loyalty, either to Kings or Queens, since nothing liketh him so much as a Protector, whom he hopes (considering his vertuous actions) will be no small friend to the Loyal Romanists; and so alluding to Henry VIII his Crom­well, he goeth on and tells us of his hopeful Oliver— Id. pag. 260. And who knows but that it [i e. the Restoration of the Roman Reli­gion] may be effected by the same NAME? And then observing that the then Pope, Innocent X, had as part of his Arms a Dove with an Olive-branch in her mouth, he thus proceeds with his Worshipful hopes and comparisons between that Olive and his Oliver.

Id. pag. 260, 261. Oliva vera is not so hard to be Constru'd Oliverus, as that it may not be believed, that a Prophet, rather then a Herald, gave the Common Father of Christendom, the now Pope of Rome (In­nocent the Tenth) such Ensignes of his Nobilitie (viz. a Dove hold­ing an Olive-branch in her mouth) since it falls short in nothing of being both a Prophesie, and fulfilled, but onely his Oliver Cromwell. Highness running into her Arms, whose Emblem of Innocence bears him alrea­die in her mouth.

Thus you see his hopes of Cromwell: yet the same man can His end to Controversie, in his Epistle or Preface. tell the world, that the Beheading, Banishment, and other Miseries of our late Kings, was a just judgement of God upon them, because they were not of the Popes Religion. But a great deal more might be said of this man; but enough at this time, if not too much.

One tells us that the effects of Protestant Religion in all Coun­tries is W. W. The Catholick Doctrine of Transubsiant. pag 115. Licentious Libertie, Rebellion, and other horrid Vices; and this is argued to the Lady to have a care of our Religion, and to imbrace that of Rome, as if they were all good people, and never taught Rebellion: yet it may be he will not allow the de­posing of Kings to be Rebellion or Treason.

Another desiring of the bloudy and murdering Rump, or the Remnant of the wicked long Parliament, that the Papists might have a freedom or liberty for their Religion, amongst others is pleas'd to give this encouraging Reason.—The Chri­stian Modera­tor, part 2. p. 7 I am confident they will neither be such fools, as to forfeit their Libertie, nor so ungrateful to forget them that gave it; since out of all our Histo­ries not one Example can be assigned, that they ever offer'd to move the least sedition, in a time when they enjoyed but half the Liberties of Free born Englishmen. And it is a wonder to see how this man doth magnifie the Rump, and Id. p. 12, 29. declareth that most of the Romanists who seem'd to be of the old Kings side, onely fled to his Garrisons for shelter, and not to take up Arms to offend the Parliament. I shall here say no more of him, but that he calls the Rump the Id. pag. 38. Renowned Parliament, for delivering us from the Tyranny and Oppression of the Prelates. And indeed, our Re­verend Bishops and their Clergy were the onely men that the Romanists stood in aw of, the Ignorant Phanatick wanting Learn­ing to cope with such penmen.

But to come yet neerer our present time; since the happy Re­stauration of his Majesty, there came into the World a Book un­der the Title of Philanax Anglicus: who was the Author of it, I know not; but this I can tell the Reader, that be who he will, he was an arrant Plagiary, it being all stoln out of Pateson's Image of both Churches. The Publisher calls himself Thomas Bellamy, but upon enquiry there is no such man found; but Annal. anno 1586. Cambden will tell him of two of that name; Jerome Bellamy hang'd for Treason; and his Brother hang'd himself, to avoid publick Exe­cution.

This pretended Fair-friend would make the world believe that—Phil. Angl. pag. 71. It is plain that in the poor five years of her [viz. Queen Maries] Reign, there was de facto more open and violent Opposition and Rebellion made by her own Subjects, then Queen Elizabeth had in fortie five years, or any Prince before or since the Wickliffian Doctrine. Thus what one boldly affirmeth, others as ignorantly believe; which is too common with such people, whose designe is not so much to search out the truth, as to expose another party.

Well, the same Pamphleter proceedeth to tell us, that,—Id. pag. 93. If we mark well, we shall find that in this last Century of years, there hath been more Princes Deposed and Murthered for their Re­ligion by these Protestants of Integritie, then have been in all o­thers since Christ's time, by the Popes Excommunication, or the at­tempt and means of Roman Catholicks.Id. pag. 98. By all which it is [Page] plain that Rome is so far from being the Author and Fountain of these Rebel-Doctrines, that all Loyalty is in the Reputation of these Protestants of Integritie, Popery. For he would make you be­lieve of the Romanists, that they—Id. pag. 104. are to fight onely with Pray­ers; Arms against Princes have no warrant. Quis est Judex, si Rex transgreditur Conditiones Regni? solus Deus: Who is Judge if the King transgresseth the Conditions of his Kingdom? onely God. Navar. Cunerus, and all the Catholick Doctors that ever I have seen, agree perfectly in this same sentence.

But who so bold as blinde Bayard? And therefore whence must these Treasonable Doctrines, Opinions and Practices come? he will tell you, and hopeth you will as freely credit him.—Id. pag. 110. From Rome it cannot be, for its Doctrines with the Opinions and Practices of all its Doctors are—quite contrarie; and all that is said against that Church, in this particular, is meer Ca­lumnie.

And so much for this shameless Libel, which is since well An­swer'd by the Reverend Dr. Peter du Moulin, the Learned Son of a Learned Father.

T. C, or be who it will, that was the Author of Labyrinthus Cantuariensis, will by no means allow the Romanists to hold any disloyal Assertions. His words are—Preface. Neither doth Mr. Fi­sher, or any of his Profession allow or use any such nets as the Rela­tor [viz. Archbishop Laud] mentions; that is, they neither practice nor hold it lawful to dissolve Oaths of Allegiance, to depose and kill Kings, to blow up States for the establishing of Quod volumus, &c. But I would know of the Author, for what things they do allow them? And in another place he thus undertakes to Apo­logize for the Popes.—Labyrinth. Cant. p. 226. § 7. Nor did the Popes ever attempt, or so much as pretend to bring the Emperours under them in Civil Affairs; which is another aspersion the Bishop layeth upon them. Gregory VIII and Innocent III, were indeed very prudent men, and worthy Champions of the Church, to assert her just Liberties; but they never endeavour'd to subject the Emperour to themselves in Temporal matters.

And Mr. Serjeant, according to his usual way, will thus in a few Idle words vindicate the Popes—J. S. Answer to Dr. Pierce's Sermon, pag. 116. Nay but the Court of Rome trod upon Crowns and Scepters. An Hyperbole fetcht from the Horns of the Moon: When? where? what Crowns and Sce­pters?

Another who undertook to answer the said Sermon, would gladly thus cleer the Romanists.The Primi­tive Rule be­fore the Refor­mation, in the Afternoons Exhortation, pag. 18. We Catholicks declare Kings to be free from any Coercive power from their own Laws and Subjects, to which they are not bound civiliter, but naturaliter onely: for if once a Coactive power be allowed, Ex coactione sequitur saltem paritas & summitatis divisio, as the Civilian speaks: and Kings once compell'd by their Subjects, are no more Scripture-Kings, Gods Kings; Titular, Popular, Kings onely. For Gods Kings, saith Otho Frisigensis, being above all Laws, are reserved to the Divine judgement hereafter; they may not be punished by the secular Laws.—Id. pag. 20. As for Catholicks, and their fidelitie to Kings, none speak it more, none advise or practice it more, in all secular obediences, then the Roman Pastours, and the Catholicks in their Communion.Id. pag. 22, 23. Yea, so far is this Sea Apostolick from fre­quent practices of that nature upon Kings [viz. to depose them] [Page] of which the Reformed Churches are so guilty, that it is evident more Rebellions have been rais'd against Princes for Religion, onely in this last Reformed age, in a few Protestant Countries, then have been rais'd by Catholicks, for any cause whatever, in seven Ages before throughout all Christendom. And whereas this Indirect Power of the See Apostolick is so much traduced, as de­rogatorie from the Rights of Kings; the Histories of this last confused Age do manifest, that even this Power is and hath been rather a Fortress to Princes against their Rebellions Subjects. Yet Id. pag. 22. he is unwilling to speak too plain; and therefore tells us, that as for the Popes Indirect Power over Kings in Ordine ad Spiritualia, to Censure and Deprive Kings, I leave that Question to be decided by the two Supreme Powers [viz. Pope and King] when occasion shall be for it. And then probably our Author will declare for the Pope, as some Priests did in Queen Elizabeths time, anno 1582.

Lastly, for in these assertions a man might be endless, one in his A­nimadversions upon Dr. Bates and his Elenchus Motuum, in which the Doctor is sometimes partial or faulty; this Elenchus Elenchi, pag. 17, 20, 21. Animadver­tor, I say, will by all means have it to be an old and false Calumny to think that the Romanists were not always the best Subjects. But words are cheap; and why did he not Answer my positive proofs against it as well as make Id. pag. 26. use of my Book to shew the villany of our Non-conformists, and by them to insinuate a discredit of our Church of England to those beyond Seas, who through ignorance may suppose the Presbyterians to be true sons of our Church?

But what they cannot answer, some make it prudence to pass by with silence; and then the Gentile Romanist, who seldom troubles himself with reading any thing but what makes for him­self, faileth not to vapour that his Champion hath got the day; put­ting most of his confidence in the Title-page, seldom or never examining the honesty or exactness of the Writer. Thus self­interest perswades, and then assures him of the Conquest; so that with him, to write against the Church of England, is the same to confute and confound.

Thus we see how they would cunningly bear the people in hand, what peaceable men they are, what good subjects they are; and always make a noise of their Obedience and Loyalty, as a main Argument to perswade our Kings to embrace their Religion. But as for us of the Church of England, alas! we are nothing but Traytors and Rebels; Treachery and Sedition being the chief Articles of our Faith whilst at Rome nothing is taught but peace and loyalty. And if we must believe Father Parsons, we must thus know the difference of the two Religions: for with the Ro­manists out of England,Three Con­vers. of Engl. part 2. pag. 581, 582. All Modestie, Gravitie, Learning, Pietie, Devotion, Peace, Concord, Ʋnitie and Charitie was carryed away. And in the new Gospelling Ship, came in all the contrary vices; namely of Sedition, Division, Pride, Temerity, Curiosity, Novelties, Sensuality, Impiety and Atheism. But,

Quis tulerit Gracehos de seditione querentes?
Juv. Sat. 2.
—Who can with patience hear
A Guizard blame a Scotish Covenanteer?

The Ostrich, with great pains and ostentation of his Feathers, endeavours to make a great flight, yet cannot get an inch higher from the ground; like the lying Hypocrite, whose goodly shews and cheats will little avail him. The Jesuits tell us, that the Founder of their Order, Ignatius Loyola, imitated the Devil, using all his tricks, sleights, cheats and cunning, to convert Souls, Jo. Pet. Maf­feius, in vita Ignat. l. 3. c. 11 as the other did in perverting of them: And I wish some of his Disciples had not made use of Falsities to inveigle and abuse their Proselytes.

All is not Gold that glisters, nor all good Ware that is com­mended by a fair-Tongued Sales-man; and when you see a Re­ligious face, suspect a knavish heart. Our English Fugitives made the people at Rome believe, that in Queen Elizabeths days, there Sir Geo. Paul's life of Arch­bishop Whit­gift, p. 79. § 116. was no Church or Bishop standing in England, but that the peo­ple heard their Ministers in Woods and Fields amongst Trees and Brute Beasts. The Spaniards were made believe, that here they worshipt the Devil. When [1623. 5 of November, according to the Roman account] the Chamber fell at Black fryers, killing by its fall almost an hundred, with Father Drury the Jesuit their Preacher; some had the impudence to print beyond Seas, as if the story had been a judgement of God upon some Protestant Hereticks in Holborn. How oft have they printed the lye about the Nags-head Consecration; and belyed Bishop Morton, as if he acknowledged the truth of it in a Speech in Parliament? We need not tell what Tales they have publish'd of the Deaths of Beza, Calvin, Luther, Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth: nay, some had the confidence to give out, that King Vid Pur­chas Pilgri­mage, l. 9. c. 3. pag. 831. Edit. 1614. James was turn'd Ro­manist, and had sent to the Pope about it. And to conclude this, no less man then Monsieur de la Milletiere hath, without question, truely placed King Charles the Martyr in Heaven, but had a great deal of Assurance, when he could hint and insinuate to us, as if the said King dyed in the La victoire de la verité, Epist. au Roy de la Gr. Brit. p. 78, 79, 80. Roman Religion. And as for his affirming that none can go to Second Di­scourse Poli­tick, p. 37. Heaven but of the Roman Church, I believe it like the former stories, and so joyn it with them; and so he might have spared his pains in dedicating them to King Charles II.

But, Gentlemen, to take off these slanders from my Mother the Church of England (the freest from establish'd blemishes of any in the World) and as we say, to set the Saddle upon the right Horse, was this Treatise by way of a retort undertaken. And for my so doing, I need no other Apology, then the words of your own Protestants Apol. Preface to the Rea­der, § 7. Mr. John Brerely, or as some think Anderton; thus.

Being therefore thus provoked, or rather urged, it will not, I hope, seem offensive to the Discreet and Sober [Romanist] against whose confess'd loyalty I hereby intend nothing, if I but a little examine, not what I can, or am provoked to object, but what is by our Learned Adversaries themselves confess'd and reported on the contrary part. Wherein (courteous Reader) if much contrary to my disposition and thy liking, I do somewhat enlarge my self in more fully opening those things,—I am not without all hope of Par­don, especially considering that the foresaid Occasion, which com­pelleth me (so unwilling thereof) is in it self so provoking, uncha­ritable, and exceeding.

But here it may be objected by some Roman Catholicks, that in the following Assertions, and Histories of King-deposing, I do but belye and slander them, falsifie and corrupt mine Authors, and so cheat and abuse my Readers: For the Romanists (for­sooth) never taught disobedience to Magistrates, never allowed Kings to be deposed; nor could the Pope and Cardinals (the true Mar. de Al­teriis de Cen­suris Eccles. Tom 1. lib. 5. disp. 14. cap. 1. pag. 655. Representives of the Roman Church) being infallible, especi­ally in such solemn things as Bulls and Breves, publish such de­structive Doctrines.

In Answer to this Charge, I hope I shall return enough to clear my self, by affirming, first, that the Doctrine or words are none of mine, but their own, as appeareth by the Quotations of their Authors. Secondly, If in the multitude of these Citations, I have by haste or chance (not by designe) mistaken some, it no way contradicts the Doctrine it self, which is held so Universally by them, as will appear presently hereafter, by the Testimonies and Confessions of the Romanists themselves. Thirdly, That herein I do not intend all, that pretend to be the sons of the Roman Religion; there being both in England and France many Noble and worthy Persons of that Perswasion, who do detest and abhor this King-deposing Principle. But whether in so doing the Pope doth look upon them as true sons to him and his Church, I shall leave to the determination of the Romanists themselves: And if in this there be any doubt or dispute, we may suppose the Pope, Cardinals, and their chiefest Doctors about them, may best understand the meaning of their Roman Church, and so more capable to decide the Question; which is one reason that I all along use the word Romanists, as those adhering to the Church at Rome, or that which is taught there by the Pope as true Do­ctrine. Fourthly, For the better Confirmation of this Assertion, I have shew'd and proved these Treasonable Positions from a­bove two hundred of their own approved Authors. But if this number be not sufficient, Sexcentae doctorum & Pontificum My [...]ades, om­nibus Elo­quentiae ner­vis & [...]nixis­simè laborant persuadere à summis pendere Pontificibus usum Imperialis Gladii, & Regios sasces dare & adimi, Romani Praesulis arbitratu. Jul. Taboet. Ephemerid. Hist. Tom. 2. pag. 30. Julianus Taboetius, a French Civi­lian, doth assure us long ago, that there had been six hundred thousand famous Writers in behalf of the Pope's Authority to De­pose Kings and Emperors at his pleasure.

Fifthly, You shall plainly see that it is not I, that lay these King-deposing Principles to your Charge, but your own selves or Brethren, the Chieftains of your Church. So if you deny the Point, do not say that I have slander'd you, but rather say, that your Popes, as Gregory VII, Boniface VIII, Sixtus V, Pius V, &c. rather say that your Cardinals, as Bellarmine, Baronius, Al­len, Rather say that your Saints, as Bo­ [...]aventure, A­ [...]inus. Perron, &c. rather say that these, with your other chiefest Doctors, Divines, School-men, Canonists, Lawyers, with your grat est Scholars and Writers, have belyed and slander'd you and your Religion; rather then I, who am onely the Instrument to convey to you the Words, sentiments and belief of these your grave Oracles; leaving at your own discretion, either to approve or reject them.

For if you doubt or question the truth of this Assertion,—According to the Church of Rome, Kings may justly and lawfully [Page] be deposed—[it being nothing to the purpose, which way, or by what knavish distinction]. The true-blew Romanists will po­sitively assure you, that it is a truth so certain, that not so much as any one do make any doubt of it. For, as saith Bellarmine,—It is agreed on by all:—Nor amongst the School-men is there any Controversie about it, nor can they shew one Catholick Au­thor against it. And to say that Kings may be deposed, is a gol­den sentence; and this is not a meer Opinion, but a certain truth a­mongst all Catholicks. And that this may be justly done, none but a Madman will deny.

Decianus saith that it is the true and common Opinion; so that Germonius affirmeth, that it is madness not to believe it: It is now evident and conspicuous to all, says Mancinus and Capistranus. Botero would have us believe that it is ridiculous to think other­wise; or as Gretser saith, to deny this King-deposing Doctrine, as the same to deny the Catholick faith: And this he repeats over and over again, that he might be the better believed; and offers at some reason for it too: which he need not have trou­bled himself with to have convinced King James, seeing his Majestie would easily believe him, if by the Catholick Faith, he meant the Roman Religion, as we need not question but that he did.

In behalf and vindication of Allegiance in King James his time, was here publish'd by Authority a little Book call'd God and the King. In opposition to this Tract, is another Dialogue printed by the Romanists beyond Seas, and also call'd Deus & Rex; wherein is affirm'd that this King-deposing Doctrine is doubtless the suffrage of all men.

Gregorius Nunnius Coronel telleth us, that if we should read all the Ancient and Modern Divines and Lawyers, we shall finde that they do unanimously affirm this Doctrine; and those who think o­therwise, are not onely far from truth, but madmen. If you ask Cardinal Perron of this thing, he will tell you, that it was always the judgement of the Roman Church, that all Magistrates and Di­vines maintain'd the same; and to believe the contrary, would make them Schismaticks and Hereticks, or else the Church must have fail'd, and so the Pope not to have been Christs Vicar, but a perfect Heretick and Antichrist. If you advise with Adolphus Schulckenius Vicar-General of Colen, he will plainly tell you, that it is the judgement of all their Divines, Lawyers, Councils, and Popes: that he is no good Catholick that denyeth it, which cannot be opposed without great rashness and blasphemy: and no less man then Cardinal Allen assureth the Catholicks, that by main­taining this Principle, they are no Traytors, nor hold Assertions Treasonable, false or undutiful. His friend Father Parsons saith that it is asserted and taught in all the Schools, both of their Di­vines and their Lawyers; and that the Doctrine is certain, and must be believed as an Article. And again, that it is the most cer­tain undoubted Common Judgement of all the learned Catholicks. And in another of his Books, thus he assures his good Romanists:—All Catholick Subjects also of other Countries do hold and ac­knowledge this Doctrine.

If this Doctrine be not true, Sanctarellus will have the Church to erre; and Suarez affirms that it is as certain, as it is certain that the Church cannot erre: That to believe otherwise, is against Ec­clesiastical [Page] Custom, the practice and agreement of the General Councils; against the opinion of all learned Catholicks, [...]nd against reason it self: Nay, in short, that to believe the contrary is downright and flat Heresie, as several of them tell us: Carerius calls it the very Heresie of Calvin, and suchlike Hereticks [mean­ing in not allowing the Pope to have power to depose Kings] and Solarzanus testifieth the same, with this addition, that it hath been formerly condemn'd as Heretical.

No less man then Leonardus Lessius (though under the dis­guise of Singletonus) tells us, that to think that Kings may not be depos'd, is expresly against the great Lateran Council: whence he makes these following Conclusions; and the same method and arguments are also used and approved of by Cardinal Bellar­mine.

I. If Kings may not be deposed, then of necessity must that General Council of Lateran have erred; and not onely this, but also that of Lyon, that of Vienna, that of Constance, &c. nay, that the very Council of Trent it self must also have erred; and also not onely these his General Councils, but also several Pro­vincial ones.

II. If this King-deposing Doctrine be not true, then must the Popes themselves also be fallible; for then must Gregory VII have erred, Ʋrban II have erred, and so must also Gregory IX.

III. If this Principle be not true, then must also the Church it self have erred for many Ages; nay farther, to have erred willingly or maliciously, with a designe or on purpose: And that Hell hath prevail'd against the Church; and so the Roman Church not to be a true Church, nor the Church of Christ.

IV. And if the Church, Councils, Popes, have erred in this, they may also erre in other Articles, as the Sacraments, Trinity, Incar­nation, &c. and that with greater ease and facility; whereby Christ must be a Deceiver; and so we may suspect the whole Chri­stian faith it self.

Thus you see the judgement of their so much cryed up holy Lessius, who farther assures us, that to deny this Doctrine, is the meer cunning and instigation of the Devil. Again, That there is scarce any Article in the Christian Religion, the denying of which is more dangerous to the Church, then this Doctrine. A­gain, That it is more pernicious and intolerable, then to erre con­cerning the Sacraments. And to conclude with him, he at last conjures all that call themselves Catholicks, upon their Salvation, to have a care how they deny this.

For as Coquaeus will tell you, this King-deposing Doctrine is a­greeable to the holy Scriptures, and the Rules of Christ. Ano­ther [Page] assures us, that to doubt of the truth of it, would seem not onely to oppugn the verity of the Christian Faith, but to savour of perfect Heathenism.

But not to trouble my self or Reader with their zeal and re­solution in defence of this King-deposing Doctrine (in which I might be endless) I shall tell you, that no less man then our Car­dinal Allen declares his judgement in these very words—God had not sufficiently provided for our Salvation, and the pre­servation of the Church and Holy Laws, if there were no way to deprive or restrain Apostata Princes. The foresaid Coquaeus saith, that otherwise Christ had not sufficiently provided for the safety, either of the Common-wealth, or of our Souls. And Petrus Ber­trandus positively declareth for the former Principle, that if such a deposing Authority had not been, that then Christ Je­sus had not shewn himself wise or discreet; or, as Father Parsons saith, Gods providence had been defectuous. And when Johannes Mariana, the so noted Spanish Jesuit, had in one of his Books so expresly maintain'd the lawfulness of killing bad Kings, up­on which the said Book was censured; I meet with an English Romanist, thus to vindicate or justifie the said Book—They are enemies to that holy Name [i. e. of Jesus] that condemn'd Ma­riana for any such Doctrine.

Nay, so zealous are some for this King-deposing Doctrine, that with De Politia & Immunitat. Eccles. part 4. cap. 50. Laurentius Ortiz de Iberrola, they will assure it the onely safety and preservation for Princes. But King James, who thought himself not a little concern'd; and therefore thus deliver'd his opinion to his Parliament:—Speech in Parliament 1605. Vid. his works, pag. 504. As on the one part many honest men seduced with some errors of Popery, may yet remain good and faithful Subjects: so on the other part, none of those that truely know and believe the whole grounds and School-conclusions of their Doctrines, can either prove good Christi­ans or good Subjects.

And yet, if for all these grand Testimonies, they should plead their Allegiance, and their respect to Princes; I could ask why all Books writ against this King-deposing Doctrine, are censured and prohibited by their Indices Expurgatorii; whilst on the con­trary, those who affirm it, are publish'd▪ with honour, as true and authentick: and if Agapetus above a thousand years ago, speak honourably of the Imperial Authority, the V. Biblio­theca Patrum. Expurgatorian Index must stifle it with some worshipful gloss or other. And if any should deny this to be the Doctrine of the Roman Church, I should gladly know, where is the judge? whether the Popes themselves, the Cardinals, their greatest and most famous Writers, as Bellarmine, Baronius', Perron, &c. do not understand what are the Tenents, and the meaning of the Roman Church, as well as some private Englishman here; and whether we are not to be­lieve the Popes Cardinals, and their learned Doctors, before the said private person.

Thus are the Romanists as stout and zealous for this King-de­posing Doctrine, as the Mart. Mar­tin. de bello Tartar. pag. 45, 107, 121, 157. Chineses were for their Beards; and do adore and worship this destructive Tenet, as the old Cainites did Cain, because he was the first man-killer; or the Ophitae, who worshipt the Serpent, because he was the first deceiver, and, as they say, the Author of good and evil.

Thus the Romanist may perceive what danger he runneth [Page] himself into, if he dare but offer to oppose this Treasonable Prin­ciple, seeing to deny it is madness, flat Heresie; nay Paganism, con­trary to the judgements of Popes, Councils, and the whole Church, nay, the Gospel of Christ; a more intolerable Heresie then to erre concerning some of the Sacraments; nay, so gross an one, that it doth destroy the very Church and Gospel it self: wherefore they perswade us, that all good and sound Catholicks must be­lieve that Kings may be deposed, seeing all who are truely Ro­manists, and Sons of that Church, do and must believe so.

Thus these men are like Polychronius, who would rather erre with Macarius, then be in the right with others; and this Doctrine must be the Shibboleth to distinguish them from other Christians. There is a Sect in Spain call'd Anton. de Torqu [...]meaa, Dia [...]og. 3 Saludadores, who are known by a knack of curing many Diseases, as a gift peculiarly belong­ing to them: those of the House of Luis Du-May Estate of the Empire, p. 73. Austria are known by their long chins, and thick lips; and, as they say, are particu­larly blest with other Graces, as to cure Wens by giving onely a Glass of Water, and to unloose the Tongue of him that cannot speak plain, onely by kissing. Thus the Monarchs of England do the Kings-Evil; and in Brecknockshire, within two Miles of Breck­nock, there is a Lake call'd Lhyn Savathan, or Linsavethan, or Brecknock mere; of which Itiner. Cambr. lib. 1. cap. 2. Giraldus Cambrensis tells us, that the birds there will sing at the desire of the Prince of Wales, but no man else; so that it is the best Rule to know the true Prince; of which matter Polychron. lib. 1. Ranulph Higden, Monk of Chester, thus Poetizeth.

Si Terrae Princeps venerit,
Aves cantare jusserit:
Statim deproment modulos
Nil concinunt ad caeteros.

Which I finde thus translated to my hand by John Trevisa, the old Vicar of Barkley, almost three hundred years ago.

Yf the Prynce of the Londe hoote,
Briddes singe well mery noot,
As merily as they can,
And singe for none other man.

And so this King-deposing Principle they will have to be the Characteristical note, whereby a through-paced or true Romanist ma [...] be known, who must answer to none but their Prince at Rome, and whose commands they must not disobey. And should any one now begin to teach them Allegiance, and the pernicious consequences of this Doctrine, which by length of time hath had such a sway with them; probably it might be as great a novelty and strange to them, as the (e) people, who after a long Inter­diction, d Sextus de Se [...]tent. Ex­cot [...]c. Alma Mater. Gloss. v. Insurgunt. were so unused to Devotion, that they laugh'd at the Priests when they came again to say Mass, and pray with them; for some will not leave an old Mumpsimus for a new, though bet­ter Sumpsimus.

As for the Romanist's distinctions (the better to maintain these Treasonable Assertions) of Directe, Indirecte, Propriè, Impro­prie, simpliciter, secundum Quid, Absolute, in Ordine ad Spiritu­alia, [Page] and suchlike whimsical Save-alls, they have not onely been derided by those of the Pet. Molin. de Monarch. Temporal. Pont. pag. 87. Jo. Buckeridge Episc. Roffens. lib. 2. cap. 5. Reformed Church, but also by se­veral Romanists themselves, especially of the Caron Re­monst. Hy­bern. p. 236, 237. latter stamp: and of such cheats as these, thus saith Father More ample accompt, pag. 28. Welsh—In Ordine ad Spiritualia, and the cheat of a verbal distinction, the trick of abusing two other words, Direct and Indirect, and these two very new, altogether unheard-of in this matter, till some Ca­prichious heads brought them unfortunately to the Schools, of meer designe to make people loose themselves in words, by con­founding right and wrong together, and the fignification of both—And so nothing need be said against such childish inventions, be­ing nothing to the true and real designe of the positive Doctrine of King-deposing, which is the thing we treat of, without any idle evasions: A knack or knavery, onely fit for those Romantick or Melancholy Don Quixot Virtuosi, who love to be call'd Schoolmen, whose Trade is onely to rack Divinity and Reason, and to smother up Truth with insignificant distinctions, and ne­ver think themselves knowing enough, till they can tell the co­lour, dimension, weight and contexture of all Vices, Vertues, or Actions; a sort of people that can be zealously grave upon empty nothings, and like the little Spirits in Mines, idly keep a great deal of clutter and toyl without any proficiencie; like Lib. de Mi­rabilibus. Aristotles madman, who took as much pleasure, and was as obser­vant in an empty Stage, as others at a real Act. But it may be these may take it ill to have their distempers corrected, like the fel­low in Epist. lib. 2. Epist. 2. Horace, who was angry at his friends for curing him of his Madness, protesting he had lost his life and greatest happi­ness: yet in some men, this study is convenient, because 'tis fit our enemies should be fought with at all their respective Weapons.

But why should we blame the good-natured Romanist for espousing this King-deposing Doctrine, seeing he hath such grand incouragements for his so doing; and hath such fine, pretty, sweet Rules laid down for his guide, that it is almost an impos­sibility for him to sin? and to make him the more bold and confi­dent in any daring Enterprize, they have invented two excellent Crutches to support the undertaker, and help every lame Dog over the Stile; and are call'd by their Masters in this Science,

The two Rules of
  • Directing the Intention.
  • Probable Opinion.

By which is taught (if we may credit either the Vid. les Pro­vinciales. Jansenist or Vid. Re­sponces aux Lettres Pro­vinciales, pag. 103, 104, 105, 108, 110, 111, 115, 116, 334. Jesuit) that if you mean well, though your actions and deeds be bad, all is safe; and that the judgement of one or two Doctors or Divines, is enough to make an Opinion to be proba­bly true; and that which is thus render'd a Probable Doctrine, may honestly without sin be followed and perpetrated; and the Priest and Confessor is obliged by his Office to absolve such an one, for his thus acting according to the probable opinion. And what wickedness may be committed under the protection of such deluding Salvo's, is no difficulty to conceive.

But suppose, that for all these Guards and Protections, it were [Page] possible for a Romanist to sin in any of these his undertakings, yet is there Pardon to be had Dog-cheap, according to the old and careful Custom of their Mother-Church of Rome; for it is but trudging thither, and they are cock-sure of Absolution: of which a few instances, for their greater comfort, take as followeth.

  • At St. Peters Church in the Vatican, from the Ascension of Christ, to the Calends of August, is every day granted pardon for 14 years.
  • At St. Pauls Church is every day granted pardon for 18 years.
  • Pope Silvester granted to any one that shall but enter such Churches at Rome, pardon for 47 years.
  • In the Church of St. Agnes are pardons for 46 years.
  • In the Church St. Maria Maggiore is every day granted pardons for 48 years.
  • In St. Pauls Church, upon every day of his Conversion, is granted pardon for 100 years.
  • In the Churches of St. Lucia, of St. Elizabeth, of St. Clara, are e­very day granted in each of them pardons for 100 years.
  • In the Church of St. Catherina are granted pardons for 200 years.
  • In St. Agnes Church, on his Feast-day, are also granted pardons for 200 years.
  • In St. Susanna's Church are pardons for 200 years.
  • In the Church Del S. Croce, upon every Sunday and Wednesday are granted pardons for 254 years.
  • In St. Sebastians Church there is a pit where the bodies of St. Pe­ter and St. Paul (as they say) lay hid an hundred years be­fore they were found; at this place pardons are granted for 300 years.
  • In St. Martins Church, where St. Silvester was buryed, are eve­ry day granted pardons for 300 years.

But because some may think, that these few hundreds are not enough to satisfie for the journey, their Indulgent Mother hath enlarged her bounty to thousands, as followeth.

  • In St. John's Church, in the Lateran, is a Chappel call'd Sancta Sanctorum, not far from which is an ascent of 33 steps; and how if a man shall ascend them, for every step he shall have 1000 years pardon, in all 33000 years.
  • In St. Peters Church, upon every Feast of St. Peter, St. Paul, and the Virgin Mary, and the Ascension of Christ, are pardons grant­ed for 1000 years.
  • In St. Sebastians Church, from Christs Ascension to the Calends of August, are every day granted pardons for 1000 years.
  • In St. Maria Maggiore, upon every Feast-days of St. Mary, the Birth and Resurrection of Christ, and St. Laurence his day, are par­dons for 1000 years.
  • In St. James his Church, they say, there is a stone upon which Christ stood, when he was presented in the Temple; and at it are granted pardons for 1000 years.
  • In St. Catherina's Church, upon her Festival, are pardons for 1000 years.
  • In St. Petronella's Church are pardons for 1000 years.
  • In St. Minerva's Church are pardons for 1000 years.
  • [Page]In the Church St. Maria Annunciata, for every day one shall vi­sit it, are granted pardons for 1040 years.
  • In the Church St. Maria del Popolo, are every day granted par­dons for 2800 years.
  • In a Cloyster adjoyning to St. Pauls Church, upon every Sun­day, and some other holy-days, are pardons granted for 3000 years.
  • To whomsoever that shall drink of the three fountains where St Paul was beheaded, whose head, when cut off, gave three leaps, and so made them; is granted from every Fountain a thousand years, in all 3000 years.
  • Whosoever shall but visit the Sepulchre of St. Stephen and St. Laurence, in St. Laurence's Church, to him is granted pardons for 7000 years.
  • In St. Pauls Church, upon the day of its Dedication, are pardons granted for 8000 years.
  • In St. Peters Church in the Vatican, in the high Altar, is the Hankirchief, which, they say, Christ wiped his face with, and since that bears his picture; which is some times [...]hew'd to the people; by vertue of which the Roman people have pardons granted for 7000 years.
  • Those that dwell out of Rome have 9000 years.
  • Those that live out of Italy, and come to see it, have pardons for 12000 years.
  • In short, in St. Sebastians Church, there is a vault wherein the Christians in old time of persecution used to hide them­selves; and to this Vault, they say, do belong so many par­dons and Indulgences, as none can number but onely God.

But what need we stand fiddle-fadling about the numbers of years, seeing the Church of Rome is so brisk, debonnaire, frank and free to her sons, that rather then to give them any disincouragement, she will venture all her interest and credit for their sake; and in this her stock is so great, that we cannot suppose her to be bank­rupt; for rather then fail, she will pardon them for ever and ever, as may appear in what followeth.

  • In the Church of St. John the Lateran, is a Chappel call'd Sancta Sanctorum, in which there is every day pardon and remissi­on for all sins, both from the punishment and the sin also.
  • In St. Peters Church in the Vatican, by the Font, is every day re­mission of all sins to be had.
  • Also in the same Church, upon St. Martins day, there is to be had full remission of all sins.
  • In St. Pauls Church in the Vatican, upon the XXIX of January, being the day when the Church was consecrated, there is then to be had remission of all sins.
  • In the Church of St. Croce, is a Chappel call'd Hierusalem, where is to be granted full remission of all sins, both à poena & à culpa.
  • In the Church St. Maria Maggiore, upon All-Saints day, there is granted full remission of all sins.
  • In the Church St. Maria Rotonda, upon the third of May and All-Saints day, are pardons for all sins to be had.
  • [Page]In the Church St. Maria del Popolo, on the day of Assumption of the Virgin Mary, are granted remission of all sins.
  • In the Church of St. Peters ad Vincula, are remission of all sins to be had.
  • In the Church call'd Ara Coeli, or St. Maria Ara Coeli, where, they say, is the first Altar that ever was made in the world; at which Altar there is every Sunday, and upon the Assumption of the B. Virgin, granted full pardon and Remission of all sins.

These and such other like Indulgences were formerly Fiscus Papa­lis, sive Cara­log is Indul­gentiarum, &c. pub­lish'd in England by Mr. Crashaw, from an old Manuscript which he had; and I have also seen an old MS. 196. K Digby in Bibl. Bodl. [...]xon. M [...]nuscript to the same purpose. But what need we trouble our selves with Manuscripts, seeing the same things may be seen in feveral Indulgentiae Eccl [...]siarum urbis Romane, Impressum Romae 1509. Le Cose maravigliose dell' Alma citta di Roma 1625. Onuphrius de ur­bis Romae Ecclesiis. Le Ste [...]r de Villamont ses voyages. Vid. Weave [...]s Funeral-Monuments, pag. 160, 161, 162, &c. Books, made, printed by them, and publish'd by their Authority, to procure the greater credit and belief for suchlike pardons as these.

This occasion'd so many Pilgrimages to Rome, to the great in­riching of that City, and the wonder of Johannes or Janus Panno­nius, the Hungarian Poet, and Bishop of Funfkirken, or Eute­gyhazae, in Latine Quinque Ecclesiae; who, though of the Roman Religion, yet could thus jest at the gadding of People from other Countries to Rome for Pardons at their Jubilees.

Hispani, Galli, Solavi, Teutones & Hunni
Delit. Poet. Hungar. p. 274.
Clavigeri petitis limina Sancta Petri:
Quo ruitis stulti Latios ditare penates,
Salvari in patria siccine nemo potest?
The Spaniard, French, Pole, German, and the Hun
Ʋnto St. Peters Chair for Heaven doth run:
Whither, O fools! to inrich the Popes do you gad?
As if salvation can't at home be had.

Yet Indulgences were also granted to particular places in other Countries: amongst the rest, England (being then free-handed to Rome) did not want such pretty Indearments, whereby the peo­ple were made as free from sin as Jo. Fox, vol. 3. pag 223. Nightingal the Priest in Queen Mary's days; and of them might be said, as was thus in an old Th [...]. Becon's Relicks of Rome, fol. 193. b. printed Pardon,

John or Joan, as free I make thee,
As heart may think, or eye may see.

And their Power and Prerogative is so great, forsooth, that they cannot onely pardon past sins, but sins to come, or what you will commit afterwards; of which King Meditation on the Lords Prayer. p. 58. James doth protest that he hath seen two Authentical Bulls with his own eyes: And of this the Gravam Germ. § 3. Princes of Germany at Nurnberg (1523) did publick­ly complain; and that your friends soul should skip out of Pur­gatory, when the cash ratled in the Bason. And how liberal they used to be with their Pardons, De Schism. lib. 1. cap. 68. Theodorick à Niem (who was [Page] Secretary to three Popes) hath of old hinted; and Dr. Manuducti­on to Divini­ty, pag. 64, 65, &c. Thomas James will refer you to some more abuses.

And though they are willing to be no loosers by these favours, yet their prices are cheap enough; which probably may the sooner ingage or oblige some trusty son to act any Villany, the rates of their Absolutions being so cheap; of which take this fol­lowing Taste, as I finde them set down in their Taxa S. Cancel­lariae Apostolicae.

Sect. III. Tit. 2.
  • ABsolution for him who lyeth with a Woman in the Church, and committed other crimes, is rated at 6
    The com­mon value of a grosso is a­bout 4 penny sarthing of English mo­ney; but some in this occasi­on will make it about 1 s. 6 d.
    grossos
  • He that keeps a Concubine, if a Priest, must pay for his Absolu­tion 7 gros.
  • If he be a Lay-man, he must pay 8 gros.
  • If a Lay-man commit Sacriledge by taking holy things out of holy places, he is well used, seeing he payeth no more for his Absolution then 7 gros.
  • If a man carnally lye with his Mother, Sister, or other Kinswo­man or God-mother, he shall have his Absolution, pay­ing 5 gros.
  • Absolution for him that deflowers a Virgin, is dog-cheap at 6 gros.
  • If a Priest commit Simony, he shall have his Absolution for pay­ing 7 gros.
  • Absolution for Perjury is but 6 gros.
Ib. Tit. 6.
  • If a Lay-man kill an Abbot, a Monk, a Clerk, or other Priest less then a Bishop, he shall onely pay for his Absolution (according to the Quality) 7, 8 or 9 gros.
  • But if a Lay-man onely kill a Lay-man, he shall then onely pay 5 gros.
  • If a Woman be with Childe, and she willingly and on purpose de­stroy the said Infant within her, she shall have an Absolution for 5 gros.
  • And if one kill his Father, Mother, Brother or Wife, he must pay for his Absolution 1 Ducat, and 5
    This is some­times valued at the same with a Grosso.
    Carlins.

This Book was publish'd by their own Authority, it may be the better to let the Romanists see what a kinde, loving, and indul­gent Mother they have: But how oft it hath been publish'd I can­not tell.

It was W. Craf [...]aw's Mittim [...]s to the Jubilee of Rome, Epist. to the Reader. first made and printed at Rome, in the time of Pope Leo X, and was after printed at Paris (1522) the Pet. Molin. de Monarch. Temp. Pont. pag. 355. Kings Privi­ledge, and the Popes Bull being joyned to it. 'Twas the next year (1523) printed at Laur. Banck. Taxa Epist. Colen; and afterwards in that Noble Col­lection, call'd Tractatus Illustrium virorum, printed by the King of France his Priviledge at Lyons 1549. This Taxa was also then pub­lish'd Tract. Illust. Tom. 16. amongst them. And though Claudius Espencaeus, the famous Sorbonne-Doctor, was so ashamed of this Book, to be thus by Authority so publickly printed and sold, that he solemnly [Page] Liber palam ac publicè hic Impressus ho­die (que) ut olim venalis. Cl. Espenc. Com. in Titum, cap. 1. Digres. 2. complaineth against it, yet he gain'd nothing by it, but the ill-will of the Grandees of the Roman Religion; those his Com­ments upon Titus, being call'd to an account by their Index Ex­purgatorius, and this passage against their Taxa commanded to be dasht out, lest, it may be, it should discredit their ware, and so spoil their Trade and Market. And afterwards when these fore­said Tractatus Illustrium were by the command of Pope Gre­gory XIII augmented, and by the care of Franciscus Zilettus pub­lish'd at Venice 1584, this Taxa was also Tom. 15. part 1. fol 368, &c. reprinted, and with the rest dedicated and presented to the said Pope.

These several Editions (and probably some others) of this Taxa publish'd by Authority of the Romanists themselves, take off all Replies, as if it might be a cheat: and to this may be added, that the Learned De Tyran. Papae, p. 544, 545, 546, 547. Laurentius Banck [who also of late reprint­ed this Taxa with his Notes upon it] doth assure us, that to his knowledge and eye-sight, the same pardons and abuses are at this day publickly practised at Rome. And it is not unworth the ob­servation, that though of late Pope Alexander VII hath in his Index Expurgatorius placed the Taxa, yet he excepts nothing a­gainst the foresaid Editions, or those printed by the Romanists, but onely against that lately put forth with Bancks his V. Taxa. Notes or Annotations, or which have been corrupted by V. Praxis. Here­ticks; though I think it would puzzle him to prove any such cor­ruptions.

Thus you see, you may name your sin, and pardon is to be had at a small rate; nay, they have been so kinde, that rather then want your custom, they have sold Pardons for Sixpence, a Groat or Twopence, a game at Tennis, a Cup of Ale; and with some kinde-natured Women they have made more pleasant bargains.

And here, for the honour of these Money pardons, a merry sto­ry or two should not be taken amiss. In the time of Leo X, Mart. Chemnit. [...] Con­cil. T [...]dent. part 4 de Indulg. O [...]h [...]. Miland. Joc [...]-seti [...], § 44. Tetzelius was sent into Germany with multitude of Pardons to advance money for the Pope (which were then first opposed by Luther). 'Tis said that this Tetzelius affirm'd that he could also pardon sins to come; whereupon a German Gentleman bought such an one of him, and afterwards rob'd the Dominican Pardoner: Tetzelius threatning him, the Gentleman pleads he had bought his Pardon for it, declaring that was the sin he determin'd to com­mit: to which Tetzelius could not reply.

About the same time, a Shooe-makers Wife buyeth a Pardon, in which was expresly indulged her, that her soul should fly to Hea­ven as soon as she was dead. At last the woman dyeth, and is buryed; but her Husband giveth nothing to the Priest to pray Wulph. Muscul. loci commu­nes, pag. 394. her soul out of Purgatory: Whereupon the Shooe-maker is ac­cused to the Magistrate, who chides him for having no care of his Wives soul: the fellow pleads that there is no need for any Mass for it, seeing her soul was in Heaven before she was buryed; for proof of which, he sheweth the Popes Pardon: a Testimony so Au­thentick, that they durst neither deny it, or the Pontifick Autho­rity; whereby the Cobler came off clear.

But another story I meet with, where the Judge being a party, he was not so honest in his determination; in short thus: A Ger­man Mat. Flav. I [...]leric. de S [...]ctis Pap. pag. 220. Gentleman, according to his Fathers will, paid yearly such a s [...]m to a Neighbouring Monastery, that the Monks therein should pray for the deliverance of his Fathers soul out of Purgatory. At [Page] last, the Gentleman understanding that they brag'd that they had Pardons which could deliver any soul, he buys one of them for his Fathers soul; which for more certainty was confirm'd by their Monasteries Seal, and subscrib'd by their General and themselves. Thus being cock-sure of the happiness of his Fathers soul, he re­fused afterwards to pay them the Annual Stipend he used for­merly to do: whereupon the Monks appeal to the Bishop, who gravely Decreeth, that the Gentleman must continue the payment, though his Fathers soul were quit from Purgatory by the former Pardon.

But because some may be unwilling to trudge as far as Rome for Pardons, or to go any whither else upon suchlike Pilgrimages; and others, either through poverty or covetousness, may grudge to give any thing for their Absolutions, which they suppose should be given them freely: therefore the Popes (good souls) not willing to give the least discontent to any of their Children have, out of their good nature, and fulness of Authority, afforded them Pardon and Heaven at as easie and lazie a rate as heart could wish; and they need not question the Authority of their Popes, seeing 'tis a sure Rule, that when his Holyness giveth Plenary Absolu­tion, Quando Papa concedit plenariam Absolutio­nem, intelligitur, quod absolvit tam à culpa quam à poena quoad omnia peccata quantum (que) enormissima. Vid. Domin. Card. Tusch. Practicarum Conclusionum juris, Tom. 4. v. Indulgent. § 6. It is to be understood, that he absolveth as well from the Punishment, as the sin, be the sin never so great or abominable.

And as for these so frankly and freely bestowed Indulgences, for the honour and comfort of the English-Romanist, I shall go no farther for them then the ‘Horae Beatae Virginis Mariae.

And this according as it was used at Salisbury: and in this I shall onely follow the Edition of Paris 1527, because the greatest cost and care hath been taken in that Impression, both for Pictures and Ornaments, of any I have yet seen. And now bless your eyes, and behold the Popes Treasure open'd.

Pardon for days.
Vid. Fol. 165. a.
  • Pope John XXII hath granted to them that shall say this Prayer, Ave
    Fol. 73. a.
    caro, Christi caro, &c. at the Elevation, pardon for 100 days.
  • Pope Celestine hath granted to them that shall say in honour of
    Fol. 58. a.
    the B. Virgin this Prayer, Ave mundi spes Maria, &c. pardon for 300 days.
  • Pope John XXII hath granted them that shall say this Prayer,
    Fol. 61. b.
    Stabat Mater dolorosa, &c. pardon for 300 days.
  • Pope Anastasius hath granted to them that say this prayer, Domine
    Fol. 84. a.
    Jesu Christe, &c. pardon for 500 days.
  • Pope John XXII hath granted them that say this prayer, Anima
    Fol. 72. b.
    Christi Sanctifica me, &c. after the Elevation, pardon for 3000 days.
  • Pope John hath granted to them who shall say this prayer, Precor
    Fol. 76. a.
    te amantissime Domine, &c. before a Crucifix, as many days of pardon as there were wounds in Christs body at his Passion, which the Rubrick saith were 5465.

But another Edition [viz at Paris 1534.] tells us thus:

  • Pope Benedict XII, made this prayer (Gratias ago tibi Domine,
    Fol. 40. b.
    &c.) and gave to all them that devoutly said it, as many days of pardon as our Lord had wounds, that is 6646 days.
  • So here you must take your choice, but consult first, which of the two Popes is to be believed.
  • Pope Innocent II hath granted to them that shall say this Prayer,
    Fol. 86. a.
    Ave vulnus lateris, &c. pardon for 4000 days.
  • Pope John hath granted to them who shall say this prayer, Mi­serere
    Fol. 165. a.
    Domine animabus, &c. as many days of pardon as there are Christian bodies buryed.
Pardon for years.
  • Pope Innocent hath granted to them that shall say this prayer,
    Fol. 73. b.
    Salve lux mundi, &c. at the Elevation, pardon for 7 years.
  • Pope Boniface hath granted to them that shall say this prayer,
    Fol. 61. b.
    Stabat Mater dolorosa, &c. pardon for 7 years and 40 Lents.
  • Pope Gregory hath granted to them that shall say these five little
    Fol. 79. a.
    prayers, Ave manus dextra Christi, &c. with five Pater Nosters, five Ave Maria's, and a Credo, pardon for 500 years
  • Pope Boniface VI hath granted to them that shall say this prayer,
    Fol. 72, 73.
    Domine Jesu Christe, &c. pardon for 10000 years.
  • Pope Alexander VI hath granted to them that say this prayer,
    Fol. 92.
    Ave Maria gratia plena, &c. pardon for 10000 years.
  • Pope Sixtus IV hath granted to them that say this prayer, Ave
    Fol. 56. b.
    Sanctissima Maria, &c. before the Image of our Lady, pardon for 11000 years.
  • Pope John XXII hath granted to them that shall say these three
    Fol. 80. b.
    prayers, Domine Jesu Christe, &c. pardon for 1000000 years.

And though this last pardon be for a pretty number of years, viz. ten hundred thousand, yet they will go a little farther, and assure the Romanists, that whosoever of them shall say a prayer, Fol. 77. a. beginning O Deus Propitius esto mihi, &c. that his soul shall not Fol. 86. enter into Hell. And they will give you another prayer, at the saying of which you shall be past both Hell and Purgatory. And of late days the English have been very careful to procure such Pardons and Absolutions, as appears by some of them publish'd by Mr. New Shreds, p. 77, 78, &c. Gee, to whom I shall refer the Reader.

But as for Purgatory, whose particular description of every hole and cranny in it, and what pretty sport the Devils have there, you have at large described to you by Matthew Paris, Philip Osul­levan, and others; and of the particular cheat of St. Patricks lit­tle hole, Bishop Jones hath given a sufficient Narrative. I say, as for Purgatory, there need no great care or trouble to be taken, seeing that Mass is not worth a rush that cannot deliver a soul thence, especially if said by the Monks of Cluny Abby; in the time of whose Abbot See their Le­gendaries, 1 Jan. and 2 Novemb. Odilo, the place and intrigues of this tormenting Cavern were fully discover'd to mankinde: And it was an unlucky observation of a German, that if there be a Pur­gatory, [Page] souls could not stay long there: of which take the story thus in short.

This merry fellow of Antwerp was accused to the Inquisitors, L [...]d. Lavater. de Spect [...]is, part 2. c. 13. M. Fl. Illyrie. defectis Pap. pag. 219. for saying amongst his companions, that there was no Purgatory; and in behalf of himself thus pleaded,—That according to the Sermons he us'd to hear, there was either no Purgatory, or no souls in it; for we are taught that Turks, Jews, Pagans, Hereticks, and the wicked go forthwith to Hell, and none goeth to Purgatory but Penitent Christians; of which there is no great number, as you daily lament and complain. We are also taught that every Mass delivers one soul out of Purgatory; and besides, multitude of souls are deliver'd by Pardons and Indulgences; and it is plain that there are more Masses said then Penitent Christians dye; whereby it fol­loweth, that there is either no Purgatory, or that it is empty.—At which, the Inquisitors knowing this used daily to be preach'd, let the Wag go, but chid him for medling with that which did not belong to him.

According to this, Purgatory is no such Bug-bear; so that no­thing is now left to deter a Romanist from committing what he pleaseth, but the fear of Hell it self: Yet the bold Roman need not cool or stagger his resolution for this, seeing the Pope hath such an Interest and Authority in Hell also, that even thence he can deliver the tormented soul, as some D. Damascen. Serm. de de­sunctis. Jo. Diac. vit. Greg. apud Surium. Vin­cent. Bellua­cens. Spec. Hist. l. 10. c. 68. Antonin. Chron. part 2. Tit. 12. c. 3. § 8. B. Bri­gittae Revelat. lib. 4. c. 13. Abulens. 4 Regum, c. 4. q. 57. Barth. Medina in 3. D. Thom. q. 52. art. 6. Ric. de Media villa in 4. sent. dist. 45. art. 2. q 1. Sigebert. Gembl. Chron. an. 592. Go [...]frid. Viterbie [...]s. Panth. part 15. Sixtus Senens. Biblioth. lib. 6. Annot. 47. Fil. Be [...]gamo. Chron. fol 284. Zac. Lippello. 12 Mart [...]i. Romanists affirm; else why should they tell us that Pope Gregory the Great re­deem'd the Emperour Trajan's soul, and St. Tecla did Falaonilla's? and in Vindication of the former, no less man then Alphonsus Ciaconius hath publish'd a particular Book, where you may see more: and if they can do thus for Pagans, what may they not do for the sons of their own Church? And no question but that his Holiness will venture much of his credit to redeem a soul of one of his sons from Hell, when he would allow his friends to make use of the Devil for the amendment of their bodies, as it is said Pope (c) Nicholas V once indulged an intimate friend of his. Vid. Sennert. lib. 6. part 9. cap. 8.

The Predestinarian Turks, under the notion of having their Fortune writ on their Foreheads, joyfully venture their beings upon the greatest hazards: and it hath (c) formerly been observed, a His merci­um nundi [...] ­tionibus si­mul & spo­liato est aere Germania & Christi pietas extincta, quan­do quilibet [...], quod in has merces expenderat, modo peccandi impunitatem sibi pollicebatur: hinc Stupra, Incestus, Adulteria, Perjuria, Homicidia, Furta, Rapinae, Foenera, ac tota malorum Lerna semel ori­ginem sibi traxerunt. Quod enim malorum amplius jam horrebunt mortales, quando sibi peccandi licentiam ac impunitatem nedum in vita, sed & post obitum (aere licet immodico), comparari posse à Nundinatoribus illis Indulgentiarlis, semel persuasum habent?—Verum si quis unde numeret, habeat; jam nedum Prae­sentes Indulgentur harum constitutionum transgressiones, sed & in futurum impune, ut eas ipsas transgredi liceat, indulto permittitur. Quo fit ut ansam inde accip [...]ant ii, cum quibus ita dispensatum est, Pejerandi, Homicidia, Adulteria, & similia flagitia perpetrandi, quando quilibet ex Sacerdotum vulgo, Absolutionem emptitiam virtute indulti his impartiri potest. Gravam. German. § 3, 6. that the true Romanist would boldly commit any villany, under the security or shadow of these Pardons or Indulgences, which he by Tradition supposed to be Protection enough both to himself and sins.

But what need we talk of guilt or sins, or trouble our heads about procuring Indulgences or Pardons? as if he that is obedient [Page] to the commands of the Pope, and a through-paced son of the Roman Church, could in his so doing, either commit the one, or stand in need of the other.

As for the Church of Rome, to which this grand All-obedience is due, 'tis nothing else but the Cardinales cum Papa constituunt Ecclesiam Rom—Quare Episc. jurans fidelitatem Ecclesiae Rom. & Papae & successioribus ejus, obligat se non tantum ipsi Papae, sed Collegio Cardinali­um. Mar. Altercus. disput. de Censuris Eccles. Tom. 1. lib. 5. disp. 14. cap. 1. pag. 655. Pope and his Cardinals, as some say; or, as others will have it, by the Church there is nothing else to be understood but the Jacob. Gretser defens. Card. Bellarmin. lib. 3. cap. 10. col. 1450. Pope, whose almighty Infal­libility is not to be call'd in question.

Therefore if there be any doubt of any thing, the Holy Scri­ptures, Andr. du Val de Ecclesiasti­ca & Politica potestate, pag. 88, 89. and other such means must be thrown aside, as being doubtful, and like the Lesbian or Leaden Rule, may be bended this way or that way, and so may serve for any mansturn; they must therefore not be credited or trusted to. And so none is to be judge but the Pope, who in his determinations cannot erre, neither of right, or matter of fact: for which we need go no farther then the positive sentiment and judgement of their grand Masters the Je­suits of their Colledge of Clermont, in their publick Theses, publish'd by themselves to be held, vindicated, and maintained against all the World; and that of very late days, as appears by part of it as followeth.

XIX Christum nos ita caput agnoscimus, ut illius Regimen dum in Coelos abiit, primum Pe­tro, tum deinde Successoribus commiserit, & EANDEM QƲAM HABƲIT IPSE INFALLIBILITATEM concesserit, quoties ex Cathedra loquerentur.

XX Datur ergo in E. R Con­troversiarum fidei Judex Infal­libilis, ETIAM EXTRA CONCILIƲM GENE­RALE, tum in Questionibus Juris, tum FACTI, &c.

Propugnabuntur, Deo Duce & auspice Virgine, in Aula Collegii Claromontani, So­cietatis Jesu, die XII De­cembris 1661.

We acknowledge Christ so to be the Head (of the Church) that during his absence in Heaven, he hath given the Government thereof, first to Peter, and then to his Successors; and bestowed unto the Popes his Successors THE VERY SELF-SAME IN­FALLIBILITY WHICH HE HIMSELF HAD, as often as they speak e Cathedra.

There is therefore Constitu­ted in the Church of Rome an Infallible Judge [i. e. the Pope] of Faith, and that even without a General Council, as well in questions appertaining to Right, as in matters of Fact.

These shall be defended, by the assistance of God, and the favour of the Virgin, in the Hall of the Colledge of Clermont, belonging to the Society of Jesus, the XII day of December 1661.

And by their Canon-law, 'tis as plain as a Pike-staff, that the Popes Dist. 19. c. Si Romanorum. Decretory Letters, not onely carry Authority along [Page] with them, and what he Ib. c. E­nimvero. commands to be obey'd, and are to be received as if they were the very words of Ib. c. Sic O­mnes. St. Peter; but they are also to be reckon'd and esteem'd as authentick as the Word of God, or Ib. c. In Ca­nonicis. Holy Scriptures themselves.

Therefore, they say, 'tis Dist. 40. c. Non nos Gloss. Quis enim Sacriledge to question the Popes actions, and downright Dist. 81. c. Si qui sunt. Paganism not to to obey him: and he is 25 q. 1. c. Generali de­creto. curst of God who violates the Popes Censures; so we must be Extra. Com. l. 1. Tit. 8. c. unam Sanctam.—Si quid quod oculis nostris apparet al­bum nigrum illa esse defi­nierit, debe­mus itidem, quod nigrum fit, pronunciare. Ignat. Exercitia Spiritualia apud finem, Regulae aliquot servandae ut cum Or­thodoxa Ecclesia verè sentiamus. Reg. 13. obedient to him upon peril of our Souls.

And no less man then their late great Saint, Ignatius Loyola, layeth this down for a certain and perpetual Rule of Obe­dience:

If the Church affirm that to be black, which our own eyes judge to be white, we ought also then to declare that it is black.

And we are not to question the Truth and Authority of this Rule, being so strongly confirm'd, commended and ratified by the 1548. Bull of Pope Paul III, as every thing also is, which is con­tain'd in the said Exercitia Spiritualia: and how can any thing be amiss in it, if it was, as some say, by Inspiration from Heaven dictated to Ignatius?

And now who dares call himself a son of the Roman Church, and not be of the same Religion with the Pope? be of the same Opinion? Obey his commands and dictates, seeing there is no difference between the sentiment and judgement of the Sententia Papae & sen­tentia Dei u­na est senten­tia. August. de Ancona, Q. 6. art. 2. Pope, and that of God: and what a grand Power and Authori­ty the Pope hath, for diversion sake take them thus in verse, out of Andrew Melvin, from their own Writers.

Quod Paepa Romanus vult, norma est juris & aequi;
Delit. Poet. Scot. vol. 2. pag. 150.
Quod Papa cum (que) facit, ratum habet Deus aethere in alto;
Posse Papam quodcun (que) Deus; par, aequa potestas
Cum (que) Deo Christo (que) Papae commune Tribunal.
Est major Paulo Papa: major foedere prisco.
Contra Evangelium statuit Papa, Scripta (que) Pauli,
Articulos fidei condens, Oecomenicum (que)
Concilium cogens, decreta (que) sancta reformans.
Si currus plenos animarum ad Tartara trudat
Secum ipse, haud quisquam potis est contendere contra,
Dicere cur facis hoc? Stat pro ratione voluntas.
The Papal Fiat of all right is the guide;
What he doth here, in Heaven is Ratifi'd:
He acts as God, their Powers so equal are,
And God, Christ, Pope, have but one judgement-chair.
Then Paul or th' Old-law, he's more great and true;
He can command 'gainst Paul and Gospel too.
[Page]
Can frame new Rules of Faith, the old Casheer;
And over General Councils domineer.
If he to Hell millions of Souls should draw,
40 Dist. c. Si Papa.
Yet none must ask him why? His will is Law.

Nor need this seem strange to those who are assured by good Authority, that some have held the Pope for no less then a —Aestimant Papam esse unum Deum, qui habet po­testatem omnem in Coelo & Terra. Johan. Gerson. Tom. 2. Resolut. circa materiam Excommunicationum & Irregularitat. Consid. 11. God, and accordingly could command all both in Heaven and Earth.

Tindal disputing with one thought a Learned Doctor, drave him to that issue, that he burst out,—We had better be with­out Gods Laws then the Popes.—Tho. Fuller's Abel Redivivus, pag. 127.

Thus you see the more then Hogan Mogan Authority (of which you shall hear more hereafter) of your Infallible Lord; whereby you cannot do amiss, as long as you obey his hests and commands, be it against King, Country or Parents; for against all these 'tis said that he hath a jurisdiction to hound you. And for a farther incouragement, he maketh no small use of the word Heretick; and all must be such, who do not swear, right or wrong, to him or his Church. And if a Governour be not of the Roman Church, and so by their consequence be an Heretick, this following Treatise will tell you what is to be done with him: and their Bulla Coenae Domini, publish'd every year at Rome and other places on Maundy-Thursday [the Thursday be­fore Easter] will tell you how they are Curs'd and Excommu­nicated to the purpose. And according to the Non enim e [...]s homicidas arbitramur, q [...]os adversus Excommuni­catos Zelo Catholicae matris ardentes aliquos eorum trucidasse contigeret. 23. q. 5. cap 147. Excommunicatorum. Canon-law, he that kills an Excommunicated person, in meer Zeal for the Roman Church, doth not incur the crime of Homicide.

Amongst other things, this Bull damns to the Pit of Hell all those who shall assist or carry Arms to any Hereticks: upon which (c) Marius Alterius starts this Quaere: a De C [...]n­su [...]is Eccle­siasticis, lib 5. Disput 8 cap. 2. pag. 527. [...] postula­bit quis.

If such prohibited things be convey'd to the subjects of a Prince expresly by the Papal sentence declared an Heretick; whether then, the Conveyers are by this Bull Excommunicated?

To which the said de Alteriis giveth this doughty and Roman Answer:

If the Subjects (under the Heretical Prince) to whom the Arms are carryed, be of the Roman Religion, hate their Prince, and de­sire (if they have ability) to free themselves from his Tyranny or Government; and to that end, do secretly seek Arms, to imploy them at the first opportunity for the destruction of the said Here­tical Prince; then, as this great Doctor thinketh, the Aiders or As­sisters do no ways incur Excommunication.

Thus would they intrude upon us a pretty Salvo for Treason, [Page] and no small incouragement for Rebellion, if to Depose Kings may be titled such.

Again, the Popes Infallibility, being by some so highly cry'd up, it is no hard matter to make a good-meaning Romanist be­lieve, that it is his best and safest way to obey the Pope in eve­ry thing he commandeth, though it were against his King and Country; of which this following History will afford many in­stances: and this King-deposing Doctrine being so stifly maintain'd as a grand Article, by their most Authentick Papal Writers, the inferiour Romanist will think himself obliged to credit it, and his great Judge the Pope, who if he did erre in this point, how can they rest assured that he did not erre in other points of Faith? to retort Joh. Clare The convert­ed Jew, part 3. pag. 17, Michaeas his Rule.

But concerning Infallibility, I finde a war amongst themselves; and our English men, when it cometh to a pinch, are as unsetled as they think their Neighbours are.

Father Controver­sie-Logick, pag. 212, 213. White (one of very desperate Principles as to Go­vernment) doth in the name of the Romanists, flatly deny that the Pope is Infallible, affirming the contrary to be Injuriously im­pos'd upon them by Sectaries: And Father Remonstr. Hibernorum, part 5. cap. 28. p. 85, 86, &c. Caron (of bet­ter Tenents then the former) is of Opinion that the Pope with any other assistance whatever (unless a General Council) may erre; and this of late he undertakes to prove at large. And far­ther, White confesseth, that it is not yet known where this Infal­libility lyeth: For, saith he,—Controvers. Log. p. 96. some place it in the Pope, some in a General Council, some in both, some in the whole Church. And a later Writer, grants several Infallibilities.Labyrinth. Cantuarien­sis, pag. 177. The Infallibility of the Church▪ Councils and Tradition, depend so ne­cessarily upon each other (that) whatever Authorities prove the In­fallibility of any one, do in effect, and by good consequence prove the same of all the rest.

But methinks we need not stand so resolutely upon Religion or Church, since the Author of Fiat Lux assures us, that Time will alter any Religion.—Fiat Lux, pag. 73, 74. A Religion once establish'd, be it true or false (when it is once received, it is then taken for true;) in the space of some succeeding ages is reformed anew by other Teachers or Interpreters, who in time lead men out of the former way into their own; sometimes slowly, gradually and insensibly, that they are brought into another Religion before they be aware: sometimes by open hostility to the former, which whether by Covin or violence, yeilds at last to the Ingress of a new one.

If thus Religion it self will vary and alter in time, there needs not be such a confidence placed in their Infallibility: and yet 'tis pretty to observe, that this their grand Rule, which on all occasions they call to their assistance, they do not know where to fix or finde; and that which must judge the rest, is of it self unsetled and uncertain. And they grant that a Church that is S. W. Schism. disarmed, pag. 22, 26, 28. fallible may lawfully be forsaken. But this by the by, and I shall confess nothing to the purpose, as being besides my designe, and so the less careful in its hasty scribling.

As for this King-deposing Doctrine, though it be positively taught and believed at Rome, by Pope, Cardinals, their greatest Doctors, and every where by those whom his Holiness looks upon as through-paced sons to him and his Church; and those who absolutely deny this Article (as Widdrington, Caron, Barckley, [Page] &c.) are with their books censured and prohibited, as rotten, un­found and false ware: yet in Countries far enough from Rome, when this point cometh to a pinch and a serious debate, then we shall see some of them, like Coton, and the other French Je­suits, to have two Consciences, one at Rome, and another at home.

As when any mischief is done, the Childe cryeth Nobody did it, thereby thinking to secure it self: so now, when some Kings and Princes have look'd upon this King-deposing Doctrine as wicked and dangerous; we have some of the secular Priests, and some French of a freer humour, will throw all the fault upon the Je­suit, and would gladly make the world believe that all other Roman Catholicks are innocent as to these accusations, being true Subjects to their Prince, and Enemies to Treason or Sedition; and that the contrary Principles are onely taught by the Jesuits: to which Order, many other Catholicks having no good will, make it their business to expose them, as much as they can; and this Quarrel is now grown to such an height, that there ap­pears no signes of a Reconciliation; which every day weakens the Papal Authority, and may in time squeez that jurisdiction within its own narrow limits.

The truth is, some other Orders think the Jesuits carry too high an hand, and others suppose them too busie and active in State-affairs, and have been the Fomenters of many troubles and Wars in Europe; to which purpose I meet with this biting Character.

Martem norunt animare
Et Tumultus suscitare
Inter Reges & sedare.
Tanquam sancti adorantur,
Tanquam Reges dominantur,
Tanquam Fures depraedantur.
Dominantur temporale,
Dominantur spirituale,
Dominantur omnia male.
Hos igitur Jesuitas
Nebulones Hypocritas
Fuge si Coelica quaeras.
Vita nam (que) Christianv
Abhorret ab hoc doctrina
Tanquam ficta & Insana.

Another will offer these Anagrams upon the word JE­SUITA,

ES VITIA, and
SEVITIA.
I, non es vita at VITIA ES & mortis Imago,
Et Saevitia dans vim tibi nomen erit.

But this following, for its brevity and pithiness, may carry away the Bell:

Seductor Sueco: Gallo Sicarius: Anglo
Proditor: Imperio Explorator: Davus Ibero:
Italo adulator: dixi teres ore,—Suitam.

Nay, the very Spaniards, though great admirers of the Papal Prerogative, and might have some respect for this Order, their Founder Ignatius being their Countryman; yet have some pique against them, as appears by this Libel, found in the Spanish Court, by way of the Jesuits Ten Commandments.

Los Mandamientes de los Teatinos
Mas humanos son que Divinos.
  • 1. Adquirir mucho dinero.
  • 2. Sugetar todo el mundo.
  • 3. Buen Capon, y buen Carnero.
  • 4. Comprar Barato, y vender caro.
  • 5. Con el blanco aguar el tinto.
  • 6. Tener siempre el lomo en siesto.
  • 7. Guardarse bien del sereno.
  • 8. Obrar lo suyo y lo ageno.
  • 9. Hazar del Penetente esclavo.
  • 10. Mesclarse en casas d'estado.
Estos diez Mandamientes se encierran en dos:
Todo para mi, y nada para vos.
The Ten Commandments the Jesuits signe,
Are far more Humane then they are Divine.
  • 1. Great Riches see you do procure.
  • 2. Bring the whole world to your lure.
  • 3. Eat fat Capons, and the best cheer.
  • 4. Buy but cheap, yet sell full dear.
  • 5. Water your red wine with white.
  • 6. Lye with ease, and warmth at night.
  • 7. Keep you from th' ill evening ayres.
  • 8. Do your own and others affairs.
  • 9. Make slaves of your Penitents.
  • 10. Plot in State-deeds and Events.
These Ten Commandments are thus made two;
All for my self, nothing at all for you.

But too much of this Learned Order, whose exact or Blinde Obedience (as their Founder words it) is maligned by some others, Caeca Obedi­entia. who have faults enough of their own; and make a clamour a­gainst these Fathers, not that the other are of sounder principles, but thereby to turn people eyes upon another Object, that their own faults might not be take notice of.

But though Clark and Watson, the two secular Priests, ranted [Page] dapperly against the Jesuits, as the onely Teachers and Instructors of Sedition and Treason; yet scarce was a year turn'd round, but these pretended good Subjects were taken napping in Re­bellion, and accordingly had their reward. And as for the Te­nents of the Jesuits, I finde the Fathers Reply to that Objection, that On dira tousiours que Bellarmine, Gretserus & les Pe [...]es Jesuites en corps & en particulier, ne croyent & ne croyront, n' enseignent & n' enseigneront autre chose que ce qu' en croit l'Eglise. Responce Apologeti (que) à l'Anticoron. pag. 90. neither Bellarmine, Gretserus, nor any other particu­lar Jesuit whatsoever, do teach any thing but what is held for a truth, and believed by the Church it self.

What they mean by the Church of Rome, we have told you from themselves formerly; and 'tis certain that according to History, the Pope hath been so active in maintaining this King­deposing Doctrine, and so furious and active with his Sword, that even honest Pasquin thought himself obliged to keep to the Proverb, Whilst thou art at Rome, do as they do. And thus to A­pologize H [...]nr. Estten. [...]pol. pour Hered. p. 382. for the Pope, and answer all Objections.

Quum tibi non aetas habilis sit Caeraphe bello,
Et castris habeas cognita claustra magis:
Quum desit miles belli (que) pecunia uervus,
Quis te praecipitem cogit ad arma furor?
Infirmis humeris damnata quid induis arma?
Quae tibi cum libeat ponere, non liceat?
Cur respirantem & curantem vulnera mundum,
Concutis & Martem solus ad arma cies?
Da miseris requiem & spatium concede malorum,
Si nobis Pater es, si tua cura sumus.
Conde senex gladium, & Christi reminiscere berbi;
Quod dixit Petro, dixit & ille tibi.

To this, Pasquino, (one would think a doughty Romanist) thus returns an answer in behalf of his Holiness.

Quod dixit Petro Christus, nolim esse putetis
Dictum (Pontificum pace Petri (que)) mihi.
Nam ne (que) sum Petri successor, nec quo (que) talem
Agnoscit bona pars Christicolorum hodie.
Pauli ego (successu coeptis meliore deinceps
Dii faveant) sumpsi nomen & arma simul:
Et Christi verbi memor intrepidus (que) minister,
NON VENI PACEM MITTERE, SED GLADIƲM.

And now Gentlemen, though at the beginning I gave you (I hope) good Reasons for this my undertaking; yet because the other discourses intervening might possibly dash them out of your memories, give me leave to reminde you of them, with this previso, that I think my Mother the Church of England a good Church, and the King our Soveraign a true and lawful K [...]ng.

And therefore (in short) when I finde a compact amongst your (b) Jesuits, never to give over their attempts, till they have [...]t [...]er ruin'd themselves, or reduced England to their Romish obe­dence.

When I finde S. W. Schism. disarmed, pag. 181. you declare that our Kings have for­feited the claim to the Title of the Defender of the Faith.

When I finde you refuse the Oath of Allegiance, one reason being, because it will not allow the Pope to have a true right and authority to depose Kings, and to absolve subjects of their Oaths of Allegiance.

When I finde you in your very Image of both Chur­ches, pag. 171, 172. Apologies for your selves, confess the Romanists to be but conditional Subjects, i. e. onely to one of your own perswasion in Religion; as is farther proved all along in this History, that Heretical Kings may be de­pos'd.

When I finde you in your late Vid. The Roman Clergy of Irelands Remonstr. before P. Welsh's more ample Ac­count. Remonstrance and Petition to his present sacred Majesty King Charles II. come off so bluntly in relation to his Majesties life, and your own loyalty, in these really insignificant, yet too much significant words.—And we do hold it impious, and against the Word of God, to maintain that ANY PRIVATE SUBJECT MAY KILL or MURTHER the ANOYNTED of God, HIS PRINCE, though of a different belief and Religion.

And what will they have to be the meaning of these idle words? though they will not have a Ravaillac to kill a King, will they allow of an English Rump, or a French League to order the same? though they will not allow a private person, will they think it legal, if done by a Representative, a Popular Conventi­on, or the three Estates? But a word is enough to the wise; and 'tis dangerous sometimes to speak too plain.

When I finde your selves confess that even since the happy Re­stauration of his Majestie,—P. Welsh more ample Accompt, pag. 32. Some of you have given suffici­ent demonstrations of their failing in the duty of good Subjects; and that some of your Tenents have been Id. p. 43, 44. inconsistent, and injurious to good Government.

And yet for all this, to take upon you the confidence of de­claring to the world your innocencie and loyalty, and that Trea­son and Sedition are onely the Principles of us English Hereticks (the Puritan and Phanatick, I grant, are as wicked as your heart could wish) for so you are pleas'd to nominate all those who are true sons of the Church of England: Upon these slanders, in respect of this Church, I could not but think my self obliged to shew to the world where, as to this case, the truth is; and in so do­ing, shew my self a dutiful son in vindicating his Mother.

A Church famous for her Loyalty and Sufferings; not one of her Constitutions intrenching upon the Crown, nor any of her sons faithless or rebellious to his Prince: whereas that of Rome, by her Popes, Bulls, Constitutions, Pen-men and Sword-men, have destroy'd Nations, harras'd Kingdoms, Dethron'd Emperours, De­pos'd and Murdred Princes, trampled upon Crowns and Scepters: In a word, hath declared —Illos quod bella ci­vilia abhor­rerent, à no­bis & Imperio deficere nol­lent, crimen laesae Maje­statis, scelus perfidiae admittere recusarent;—Haeresios nota inussit. Jo. Aventi [...]. Annal. Boiorum, lib. 7. pag. 613. Loyalty a Crime, Treason a signe of true Roman Religion; look'd upon her self as the Supreme Judge of the world in all cases; usurp'd a power to dispose of all Dominions, to dethrone Monarchs, and absolve Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance.

Some may fancie Surata 76. Edit. lat. 1550. or Surat. 66. Mahomet in his Alcoran, the first absol­ver of Oaths; and that Pope Zachary presently after put it in practice against Childeric King of France.

But letting this pass, we have it from good Authority, that there were formerly a Sect amongst the Turks call'd Assasini [whence we say to Assassinate;] they lived in the Mountains of Phoeni­cia towards Tyre: their Government and chiefest Laws were Mat. Paris pag. 83. Hen. Spelman glossa [...]ium, § Assasini. these.

Their Governour or Master was not Hereditary, but Ele­ctive.

He under the Notion of Humility, as if he would be onely the ser­vant of servants, refused all lofty Titles, being onely call'd the Old man of the Mountains.

Was honour'd and worship'd as Vicar to Mahomet, and so their Fa­ther and Prophet.

They pretended to be such exact Observers of their Turkish or Mahometan Laws, that all other seem'd but as meer cheats, or Non-conformists in respect of them.

They were led with that Blinde Obedience, that they never que­stion'd their Masters command: be the action never so dange­rous, difficult or wicked, they never left off till it was finish'd.

Any Prince whom they either hated, or thought to be no friend to them or their party, upon the least hint they would Mur­ther, though they were sure to suffer for it.

Whosoever murther'd a Prince, that was not of their Religion, they believed him to have the second place next to Mahomet in Paradise.

For they also believed that the Old man, their Head and Pro­phet, could also dispose of Paradise.

'Tis said that this Sect was long ago destroy'd by the Tartars; and whether any who call themselves Christians have espous'd their Tenents, I shall not say.

But to return. As for the Pope, though the Pagan King of Peru might call him a Hier. Benzo Hist. Nov or­bis, l [...]b. 3. cap. 3 great impudent fool; though the great Turk might call him the Jo. Gerhard. loc. Theolog. Tom. 5. de Ec­clesia, § 294. King of Fools; or though Marbizan the Mahometan might term Pius Il's Bulls onely Hist im­pressa ante Alcoran. Edit. lat. 1550. p. 99. Epigrams: yet it may seem to go hard, when those he pretends to be his own sons should shew no more respect to him; as when Philip King of France call'd him Your Foolishness; and the Emperour Maximilian I, should say he was onely Discours d'un Bour­geois de Pa­ris sur les Pouvoirs de Cardinal Chigi legat en France, p. 80. King of Fools. But methinks Sancho, Brother to the King of Arragon (if my Author mistake not, another onely saith Spain) was most ingeniously even with his Holiness; and bit the closer, by seeming to do him L [...]uys Garan le chasse Ennuy-Cent. 2. § 3. the greater honour: the story in brief thus.

Pope Adrian IV supposing he had Authority to dispose of all Kingdoms in the world, gave to the former Sanctius the Land of Aegypt, then in Possession of the Sarazens; yet he should have it, if he would take but the small pains to conquer it; and accord­ingly at Rome proclaims him King of Egypt: so bountiful and no­ble was this English Breakspear. Sancho informed of this, would not be behinde-hand with his Holiness in courtesie, and so very gravely proclaimed the Pope to be Caliph of Bandas, [Page] which he might also conquer and possess if he pleas'd.

Yet others there are (as may be seen in this following Treatise) who are more wide on the other side, and will be satisfied with nothing, but I know not what strange Almighty Faculties, Au­thorities and Blessings adhering to the Pope. As if they were re­lated to George the Suffragan of Erfordt, who was so zealous in Oth. Meland. pag. 521. § 428. his commendations of Boniface Dorneman, the little Priest of Hallandorp, that he told his Auditors that he was more learned then St. Paul, more holy then the Angels, and more chaste then the Virgin Mary: Or like the German Boor, who at Marpurg in Hessia, thus saluted and desired the assistance and favour of Judge Burck­hard.—O Eternal and Omnipotent Lord Vicegerent, I have heard Id. § 572. that you are the very Devil and all in this Court, therefore for Gods sake put an end to my Tryal.

But now some Princes begin to see their own Rights and Pre­rogatives, are sensible how unworthy their Predecessors have been abused, and begin to understand that their Power is Independent; neither receiving their Rights from Rome, or her Popes, but that their Crowns were given them from Heaven; and that rather, the Popes have been like that Bird in the Fable, and made use of of old by the Franciscan Fryar Jehan de Rochetaillade [by some Jehan Frois­sard. Chron. Tom. 2. fol. 182, 183. Edit. 1530. call'd de Rupescissa] which Bird being born without Feathers, was through Charity relieved and made gay by other Birds; and thus perk'd up, despis'd her Benefactors; who at last not able any longer to suffer her pride and tyranny, every Bird pluckt back again their own Feathers, leaving her as naked as she was at first. And the truth is, the Popes have done with the Empire, as the Snake in the Fable did with the Husbandman, who finding it almost frozen to death, in pitty brought it to the fire-side, where by the warmth having recover'd strength and vigor, all the thanks it return'd was the stinging of the Goodmans Chil­dren.

And for these ungrateful actions, many have undertaken to foretel strange Judgements and Calamities to happen upon the Popes. But though for mine own part, I am no great admirer of our later Prophets, and trouble my self with their odd Predi­ctions no farther then for recreation; yet seeing the Romanists have put such a strange confidence in those Relations of their Swedish St. Brigit [or Birgit] as to declare that they were all im­mediately inspired by God himself; and not onely canoniz'd the Lady, but by several Bulls and Authorities so confirm'd the truth of her Book, that it must not be contradicted: yet if they will but seriously look into her Revelations, they will finde little reason to boast so much of them, seeing they will finde few so Revelat. S. Brigit, lib. 1. cap. 41. Zealous as this Saint against the Pope and his Assistants, prophe­sying with bitterness their ruine and destruction.

That his assumed grand Authority hath of late sensibly de­cay'd and lost ground, is manifest; and this Conquest hath been not so much by the Sword as the Pen: so that as Adeodate Seba for­merly Delit. Poet. Gall. Tom. 3. pag. 678. writ of Luther (one against whom many lyes have been publish'd, as other men having his passions and failings) may also be said of many other learned Pen-men.

[Page]
Roma Orbem domuit, Romam sibi Papa subegit;
Viribus illa suis, fraudibus iste suis.
Quantò isto major Lutherus, major & illa,
Illum, illam (que) uno qui domuit calamo.
I nunc, Alcidem memorato Graecia mendax,
Lutheri ad Calamum ferrea clava nihil.
Rome tam'd the World; the Pope, Rome Conquer'd, tyes;
She by her force, He by deceipts and lyes.
How greater far then they was Luther, when
Both him and her, he conquer'd with one Pen!
Go lying Greece, vaunt thine Alcides; tho'
His Club compared with Luthers Pen's a straw.

But amongst these Learned Worthies, I have nothing to do: And am apt to think that all this time hath been bestow'd to little purpose, either because of mine own insufficiencie, or the too much resoluteness of some other people. However, I might have made better use of my time, in regar'd of mine own advan­tage, had I soon enough call'd to minde Juvenal's observation.

Vester porro labor foecundior Historiarum
S [...]t. 7.
Scriptores, petit hic plus temporis at (que) olei plus,
*****
Quae tamen inde seges? terrae quis fructus apertae?
Quis dabit Historico, quantum daret act a legenti?
Do you Historians more then Poets get?
Although more time and charge your works befit;
No, no, what gain you by your toyl? where's he
Will give th' Historians an Atturnie Fee?

In the compiling of this History (such as it is) I have not dealt with the Romanists as the Hot-headed Puritans us'd to do, whose strength of Arguments lye chiefly in canting, misapply­ing Scripture, confidence and railing; and if they can but make a noise with the Whore of Babylon, Antichrist, the Beasts Horns, &c. they suppose the Pope is confuted sure enough, at least the good Wives and Children are frighted out of their little wits, and take him to be the strangest Monster in the World, with so many Heads and Horns; insomuch, that Pope Ʋrban VIII did not amiss, when he desired some English Gentlemen to do him onely one courtesie, viz. to assure their Country-men, that he was a man as much as themselves.

And had he said a better Christian then the Puritan, I should not therein have troubled my self to contradict his Infallibility: for I think them to be the worst people of all mankinde. A Sect that will agree with you in the Fundamentals of Religion, but will take mi [...], and destroy all for a trifle; and rather then submit to an innocen [...] Ceremony, though impos'd by lawful Authority, will ruine Kingdoms, Murther Bishops, Rebel against their Soveraig [...] Banish Queens, declare them Traytors, Imprison and depose then Kings, and make the way as plain as can be for their mur [...]. A Sect that will cry down Bishops, to possess their lands; [...] [Page] the Kings Great-seal, imprison him, renounce his Authority, and murther his best Subjects; and yet cry out they cannot com­mit Treason: In short, a Sect that would hate Christ, but that he said he came not to bring peace but war.

As for the Roman Catholick, I must needs have a greater kindeness for him, then the former fire-brands, as being an Adver­sary more Learned, and so to be expected more Civil and Gen­tile; and wherein they differ from us, they look upon as Fun­damental, and so have a greater reason for their dissent then our Phanatical Presbyterians, a people not capable of a Com­mendation, nor to be obliged by any Favours; their very Consti­tution being ingratitude, as Histories do testifie, and King James himself doth acknowledge as much.

In this Treatise, I hope I have behaved my self civilly with the Romanists, having forborn all bitterness and railing; though the many bloudy and unwarrantable actions that I here meet with, might prompt a milder man then my self to some indignation; which may somewhat Apologize for me, if by chance any do either meet with, or fancie a stricture or retort tending to dislike. And yet I dare boldly say, that they shall not finde any such heavy Censures and Severities, as some Romanists are apt to throw upon the Reformed Churches.

Mr. Confut. of the Apologie. Harding will allow us to be nothing else but—Fol. 114. b. wicked Chams brood;—that we—follow the steps of Pro­ph [...]ne Hell-hounds;—are—121. b. Cursed Canaanites,131. b. Re­bellious sons—d [...]spisers of God222. b. Apostates, Renegates, Epi [...]ures, Turkish H [...]gueno [...]s, and Hereticks who be worse then Devils. A [...]other of his acquaintance assures the world that we—Tho. Hide's Consolatory-Epistle, G. 1111. have no Church no Bishop, no Priest, no Altar, no Sacrifice, and consequently no God. Another breaks out in these words,—Myles Hug­gard display­ing of Prote­stants, fol. 114. O wicked men! worse then the Devil your father, of whose progeny you are lineally descended. Another of our Country­men, Calvino-Turcism. pag. 806, 854. William Reynolds (brother to the Learned John) is very favourable to us, when he alloweth us to be as good as Pagans or Turks; his main business being to make the world believe that a Turk is more capable of Heaven then the Protestants, And the same harsh Censure is used by his friend and Publisher In Argu­mento prae­fix. Calvino-Turcismo. Dr. Gifford, affirming that our Gospel is in nothing better, but in ma­ny things worse then the Alcoran.

Nay, so severe are they, that they will not allow us to be ci­vil one to another; all commendatory expressions being forbid­den; their Indices Expurgatorii using no other Complement but this,—Author Damnatus. Nay, we must not so much as keep one anothers picture, though privately, not excepting either our Friends, Parents, or the King himself; onely one exception Institut. Moral. part 1. lib. 8. cap. 16. § ult. Quae­ritur. Azorius grants (thanks to him for his courtesie) viz. the Pi­ctures of such Protestants may be kept and looked on, if they be drawn by way of scorn and derision; as for instance, saith he, if Luther be painted burning in Hell, O then, that may be lawfully preserved and gazed on.

For there it is they will have us all to be: Motives, Mot. 36. Bristow's words are these—Whosoever in this new faith and service hath end­ed his life, is in Hell most certainly. The Jesuit Gretser is of the same opinion, viz. Apolog. pro Ignat. Loyol. lib. 1. pag. 183, 184. that no Protestants go to Heaven: and others of them are so particular, that they will hold it impossi­ble [Page] for Queen B. D de Cle­ [...]imond An­swer to King James his Proclamation, pag. 140. Elizabeth to be in Heaven. Nor is this any such wonder with them, who have the sole keeping of Heaven-Gates, and will let none in but themselves: Whereby they un­charitably exclude many a good Christian, King Charles our late holy Martyr, and some of his good Subjects, who suffer'd But­chery onely for their loyalty, which might have some interest in merit, if the grand Champions of it would assume some Charity. A vertue which the Italian Proverb will not allow any man, such a general disease will it have Envy to be. For,

Se l'Invidia fosse una Febre,
Tut' il mundo morirebbe.
Had Envy been a Feaver, then
Ere this, had fail'd the Race of men
Long since.

'Tis said, that the Jews are obliged to rail three times a day a­gainst [...] Sene [...] ­sis [...]. Sanct lib. 2. § de Tra­ditione, de Talmad. all Christians, whom they are to account no otherwise then Brutes or Beasts; to pray for the destruction of their Princes, and to do them what mischief they can. But I wish better from the Romanists towards their fellow Christians, though in all things they do not jump. And whilst they think they are too sure of their own Salvation, they might reflect upon the doubts of some of th [...] In [...]a [...]lible Heads: As Manu men­sam percut [...] ­ens, divit, Non video, quomodo q [...] locum hunc al [...]ish­mum tenet, [...]va [...]i possint [...] vi­t [...] [...] pag [...]. Marcellus II, who seriously protested, that he could not conceive how a Pope could be saved. And Pius V. could say—When I was in Orders, I had pretty hopes of my Salvation; when I was made Cardinal, I had less; but since I came to be Pope, I almost despair of it. Not that I am such a peevish zealot, or a positive Gabriel Powel, but can easily think, that Jesus Christ dyed also for Popes, as for other peo­ple, who may accordingly be partakers of his bloud and merits, i [...] they lay hold on them.

In choice of mine Authors I have been diligent, not willing to let any Historian slip me; yet making use of those, who have been generally received as the best: and to do the Romanist a pleasure, I have very seldom made use of a Protestant. Where I finde a Faction, I consult the Writers and Reasons on both sides, and hope have been so luckie, as to set the Saddle on the right Horse. But if it be objected, that any of my Authors are partial, as favouring the Emperours more then the Popes; Father Remonstr. [...], [...] 2. p. 178. Caron hath lately answered for me, by affirming that the same may be retorted upon those who inclined to the Roman Prelates. And if it be again said, that any of them are Schis­maticks, because supposed to oppose the Pope, the said [...]. pag. 177, 178. Ro­manist replyeth, that by the same Rule, we must sometimes af­firm all Germany, all France, the greatest part of Italy, and so the Princes, Bishops, Councils, Provinces, Clergy, people of Eu­rope, and by consequence the better part of the Church to have been also Schismaticks.

I am far from the cheating humour of some Modern Writers, who the better to conceal their theft and Plagiary, cry out that it is Pedantick and Ungentile, to tell what Books they made use of; as if they were of the Rosycrucian whimsie, who, forsooth, is not Jo. Heydon's Harmony of the World, in the P [...]stscript. bound to give any man so much satisfaction: For he that [Page] taketh upon him to scribble so slightly and cheap, intends to im­pose upon, and so to abuse and cheat his Reader. I have therefore been exact and punctual in my Quotations: and to give the Reader the more satisfaction, where any thing of moment or a stress happens, I have in the Margin [as the most proper place] given the Authors own words, whereby the Reader may [...]udge the more conveniently, whether I have abused him and the Author. And as I resolved at first not to take any thing upon trust [a cheat too commonly practis'd] but to view the Writers my self: so can I not remember that I have broak the Rule; not but that other Writers have prompted me to many Citations.

If any think, they could put a more moderate Interpretation on some Writers, and so render their opinions less wicked and treasonable then I have; I might here in my defence, justly de­mand the same priviledge and favour that Father Image of both Chur­ches, pag. 72, 73. Pateson the Jesuit desires in the same case, viz.—Nor do we insist so much here, what studyed or strange sense may possibly perhaps be put upon his words; but how they sound outwardly, and how they are apt to be understood by the Common people; who do not usually Vid. Father Parsons three conversions of Engl. part 3. pag. 306. stand much pondering about words, but take them a [...] they sound; especially when they sound liberty, or any thing agreeable to their corrupt passions and humours, as these do.—And this I thought not amiss to minde the Caviller of, that he may note, that we have a trusty Romanist thus to befriend us in some things; which favour, if he think it not fitting for me to desire, let him judge the same also of Pateson, and I am satisfied, seeing I may ex­pect as much priviledge as he.

And some slips may happen to the most careful Writer; there­fore I dare not plead my self free from such, considering the va­riety of Histories, Countries, Matter, Authors and Tongues I was obliged to make use of, and in too short a time requisite to ga­ther up so many materials, and that without any assistance; not so much as acquainting any with my designe [obliged thereto in vindication of the Church of England from some slanders, by way of retort] till I had almost brought the story to its Conclusion. And in my way of scribling, 'tis against my patience and idle­ness to write one thing twice over, or stand pumping for fine fantastical or new-fangled words, neither befitting an English man or History, nor any but those who are ashamed of their own Country and her Language, as many of our shatter-nodled Gal­lants are, who think to better the English Tongue, either by beating out her Native words, and placing forreigners in their stead, or by a Court-mincing; yet this must be call'd the best English, as if one should call the Modern Italian the purest La­tine. But 'tis the French Tongue, that must now with us do­mineer, as the Juvenal. Sat. 3. & 6. Greek of old did at Rome: though 'tis fit we should borrow from others, what our own Language can­not express.

However it happens, as for my self, I can freely protest, that Si voluntatem mentiendi non habent, nec homines fallunt, nisi ab hominibus human [...] infir­mitate sallun­tur. August. Epist. 131. as I neither intended to abuse my Reader or the Truth, neither to my knowledge have I, unless through Humane frailty I have been deceived by other Testimonies: And shall be so far from disgusting any mans shewing me my faults, privately or publickly, that I shall take it for a favour, that thereby truth may be discover'd, and shall accordingly acknowledge them. [Page] Pietro Poalo Vergerio once a very zealous Romanist, and imploy'd in many honourable Embassies in behalf of that Church; yet whilst he set himself most earnestly to confute Luther, in the ve­ry undertaking was himself converted: and if any Roman Catho­lick should have the same designe against these Papers, I wish they might have the same effect; which I would not despair of, if he would first swallow the Despovillez vous de tout affection. French Doctors Pill, viz. not to be guided by interest. Not that I here concern my self with the mul­titude of their other Articles, but onely that they will grant so much, that no Authority whatever, be it Pope or other, can le­gally and of right depose the King of Great Britain, or absolve his subjects from their Allegiance; or that his subjects ought to obey either, without the Kings free and voluntary Concession, no force, Yet I am an e­nemy to Flat­terers. Vid. Jo. Filesac. de Idolat. Politica, pag. 28, 53. Vid. Hieron. Osorium, contra Haddon. fol. 27. b. restraint, or any violence or opposition before had or offer'd to him.

Yet if any Romanist think himself obliged to Reply to these Papers, I shall desire and expect these Conditions from him.

That he do not Picquere here and there at the weakest places, some of which possibly are not material; but charge boldly through the whole body.

That he answer in order as I write, not at random, but Chapter after Chapter, and Section after Section.

That those Chapters and Places he doth not answer to, he will grant to be true on my side.

That his Answers be short and positive, not stuft up with idle words and impertinences, nothing to the business in hand.

That he answer not me onely, but the Romanish Authors, and the very places which I quote, and shew how in the respective Citations they are mistaken.

That the Authors he bringeth against mine, being Romanists, be such as himself will stand to, and declare to be of more credit then mine.

That his Quotations be as exact and punctual as mine, by some letter or mark directing to the named Author; and th [...]n setting down the Book, Chapter, Page, Year, or Para­graph, as I have done.

That he either set down my words which he excepteth against, or at least quote the place where they are.

We are told of some Germans who used to speak one way and think another; used to confess that in the Abb. Ʋ [...]sperg. P [...]lip. an. 1518. p. 448. Schools, and pub­lickly they us'd to maintain such a Doctrine, but believed the quite contrary. As the great Lawyer Digest. in Proem. § 14. Bartholus thought it his wisest way to affirm Constantines Donation, because he was in the Papal Territories; like Father Coton and his Jesuits, who would believe one thing in France, but the quite contrary at Rome. But I would not have our English Romanists to use double dealing or a double conscience, like these men, lest they might be somewhat akin to those Islanders, mentioned [Page] by De Gentium motibus, lib. 3. cap. 26. Johannes Boernus, whose Tongues are so cloven, that they can speak to two men at the same time. Let them assert what they really think is the Doctrine and Sentiments of those at Rome, and let them affirm nothing but what they will avouch to be publickly maintain'd there. For if, whilst they oppose me, they do also confute the Pope and his Church at Rome; they shew themselves to be none of his through-pac'd sons; cast a doubt upon their Church, and may want the blessing of his Holy­ness.

In short, I shall intreat him with —Proinde quisquis haec legit, ubi pa­riter certus, est pergat mecum; ubi pariter haesi­tat, quaerat mecum; ubi errorem suum cognoscit, redeat at me; ubi meum, revocet me. Ita ingrediamur simul charitatis viam, tendentes ad cum, de quo dictum est Quaerite faciam ejus semper. August. de Trinitate, lib. 6. cap. 3. St. Augustine, to agree with me where he findes the Truth, to consult me where he is doubtful; to confess his fault, and acknowledge me where he seeth his Error, and where he findes me straying, to lead me in­to the right Way and Truth.

H. F.

THE HISTORY OF Romish Treasons AND USURPATIONS.

BOOK I.

CHAP. I. Their vain-glorious and impious Commendations of their Saints and Orders, as S. Francis, S. Dominick, Ignatius Loyola, and the Jesuites; with the Trinitarians, the Carmelites, &c.

MAny of the ancient Heathens, as Caligula, Commodus, Helio­gabalus, nay the Physitian Menecrates, prided themselves not a little, in being held and accounted to be Gods by the people, and so to be sacrificed to: Hence the Empe­rour Domitian used to Stile himself Dominus & Deus noster sic fieri jubet. Sue­ton in Domit. Sect. 13. Lord and God: to which L. 5. Epigr. 8. Martial alludes;

Edictum Domini Dei (que) nostri.

Alexander would be worship'd with divine Honour, and thought him­self the better man, for being call'd the Son of Q. Curt. l. 4. Sect. 7. Jupiter: fit Deities to be attended upon by such Priests as Caligula's Pazel. Mel­lif. Hist. part. 2. p. 142. horse.

This Caligula used to threaten the Air if it rained upon his sports, as Xerxes [Page 2] would have the Seas whipt, because not presently calm at his command; as if they were related to the King of Catona, who swears at his Coronation, that during his Reign, it shall not rain unseasonably, neither shall there be Pestilence or Famine. Nay, even of late days the Epist. Indicae, pag. 121. Persians worship'd their Emperour Xoa as a God; and the water wherewith he washed his feet, they accounted as holy, and a certain Cure to all Diseases.

'Tis pretty to observe with what Thundring and Impertinent Titles▪ some of the petit Kings in Asia and other places do attribute to themselves, as if they were Lords of the Sun and Moon, terrible to those who never heard of them; & though their Dominions be but of small extent, yet would grudge not to be thought Gods, and Conquerours of the whole world: like the great Edw. Terry's voyage, p. 367, 368. Mogol, that sleighted and despised Mercator, for allow­ing him in his Maps no greater Share in the world, of which he thought himself the Supream, and all other Princes but to truckle under him.

At these and such like extravagances we are apt to smile, and to censure not onely as foolish but profane, and pitty the ignorance and credulity of such Pagan Fondlings; and yet in the mean time, those who account them­selves the onely Christians are too guilty of the same folly.

'Twould make a man bless himself, to hear the strange Encomiums that the Minorites give to their Patron St. Francis, whom they fancy to have been as it were like Batth. de Pisis lib. con­form. Epitomi­zed in several Languages; and here I follow the French and Latine, most common to be had, and cald L'Alcoran des Cordeliers, p. 137. Adam in his Innocency, and to have observed and kept the Id. pag. [...]. & 160. & pag. 45, 46. Gospel exactly to a Letter, not breaking so much as a Tittle or jot of it: and for miracles, they would have you believe that he far out did our Saviour; for if we do but peruse Bartholomeus de Pisis, we may easily perceive how short they make Christ to come of him for number in every sort: And in other Qualities they would not have you to suspect that there was any difference.

As for his body, they say there was no disagreement, he having exactly the Id. p. 4, 5. 299. Villegas. Octob. 4. Guil. Gazet. To. 2. p. 513. wounds bestowed and imprinted upon him by Christ, which the Leo [...]. Coqua­us Antimorn. To 2. p. 245. Coest [...]tean p. 1117. Pope by Bulls commands every Christian to believe. And farther, St. Francis must not be onely like Christ in these wounds and passion, but in L' Alcoran, part. 2. pag 62. Life also; for our Saviour (if you will believe their Legends) had made him like to himself in Id. lib. 1. p. 18. all things, and a Roll from Heaven de­clared him to be the Hic est gra­tia Dei. Ib. Grace of God: Nay, that all might agree, they entitle him Id. l. 1. p. 268. Jesus of Nazareth King of the Jews. Thus would they make our Saviour and him so like one another, as if the difference lay onely in the Cloaths: to which purpose Horatius Tursellinus the eloquent Roman Jesuit thus compares them:

Vid. Ant. Possevin. Bib­lioth Select Tom. 2. l. 17. c. 19. pag. 295.
Exue Franciscum tunica lacero (que) cucullo;
Qui Franciscus erat, jam tibi Christus erit:
Francisci exuviis (si qua licet) indue Christum,
Jam Franciscus erit, qui modo Christus erat.

Which I finde thus Translated by Doctor White:

Strip Francis from his Coat and Cowl, all nak'd, and you shall see
He that even now St. Francis was, to Christ will turned be:
Again, put Francis Coat and Cowlon Christ (and mark the Lyar)
He that even now was Jesus Christ, will Francis be the Fryar.

And another Italian Jesuit Fran Benc. Ca [...]m [...]um, lib. 4 pag 203. Tho. Boz [...]us de si [...]s Eccl [...]s. Tom. 2. lib. 15. cap. 3. Franciscus Bencius, noted amongst the Romans for his Oratory and Poetry, thus also sings the comparison.

Sancte Patrum, spirans Christi expirantis imago,
Tempore quam nullo deleat ulla dies.
[Page 3]
Quas etenim fers ipse manus, fers ipse pedes (que)
Has tulit ille manus, hos tulit ille pedes.
Nec minus & tali transfixum cuspide pectus,
Quale tibi patulo pectore vulnus hiat.
Cuncta estis similes; illum qui forte verentur
Reddere, te saltem cur imitentur habent.

Which the former Doctor White thus renders:

O Holy Francis that of Christ dying upon the Tree
The very breathing image art, for ever so to be:
What hands thou bear'st, what feet thou hast, such hands, such feet had he,
And such a wound wide in his breast, as in thy breast we see.
In all things you were both alike, that he which is ashamed
Him t'imitate, may follow thee at least, and not be blamed.

This Carm. l. 4. pag. 202, 203. Bencius hath also another Copy of Verses upon the Picture of St. Francis, much to the same purpose, as if Christ and he were so alike, that he could scarce tell whose it was.

Besides these, with them St. Francis is of such concern, that they will tell you that there is scarce a Book in the Bible, but hath several Prophecies of him. Thus they tell us that the Angel in the 7 [...]2. Revelations having the Seal of the living God, was this L'Alcaran, l. 1. p. 27. 269. lib. 2. p. 43. Francis: that St. Paul, meant Id. l. 1. p. 27. him, when he said Gal. 6. 17. I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus. That Id. lib. 1. p. 269. he was that Man in 9. 4. Ezekiel which by Gods appointment set marks upon the fore-heads of them that sigh, and that cry for all the Abominations, &c. That he had the Id. pag. 35. wounds, according to this saying of Christ Joh 8. 56. Abraham saw my days and was glad; and is not this an excellent Catholick Exposition? That in the Preacher 'tis said of Id. lib. 1. p. 11. and 160. him (though the Text nameth Abra­ham) Eccles. 44. 19, 20. In glory there was none like unto him; who kept the Law of the most High. That Gen. 1. 26. Let us make man after our likeness, was meant Id. pag. 12, 13. St. Francis; in which place Pisanus hath many other fooleries.

To proceed, they Id. l. 1. p. 203. tell us, that as by Adams fall all Creatures re­beld; so to St. Francis are they subject, because he kept and fulfild the Laws of God: so that it pleased God that all things should obey this Fryar: hence they affirm that he might deservedly say, All things are given to me of my Father. Farther, that this Saint was Lib. 1. p. 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, &c. figured out to us, by Joseph, Isaias, Jonas, Isaac, Samuel, Job, Abraham, Salomon, Moses, David, &c. the Cherubins, Angels, Arch-angels, Powers, Dominions, &c. all the Apo­stles, &c. That Christ himself Prophesied of his L'Alc. l. 2. pag. 43. Order when he said, Luk. 12. 32. Fear not little Flock, for it is your Fathers good pleasure to give you a King­dom. And that he also meant these Minorite Fryars, when he said, Matt. 25. 40. In as much as you have done it to one of the least of these, you have done it unto me. A ridiculous allusion from the Latine word Minores.

'Tis said of Gab. Prateol. Elench. Haeres. l. 5. Sect. 19. pag. 168. Eunomius, that he taught that all who believed his Euno­mian Tenets should be saved, though they committed never so many sins. I will not say that the Franciscans do positively teach the same of their Or­der, though they offer very fair for it, when they assure us that Francis Gonon. Chron. S. Deiparae, p. 217, 218. L' Alcoran, pag. 205, 206. desired that all the sins which were confest might be pardon'd; and that Christ admitted of the Request, but bid him go to his Vicar the Pope for farther Authority; and that L' Alcoran, lib. 1. p. 313. 195, 196. whosoever affected the Franciscan Order, though he were never so great a sinner, should have mercy: and lastly, that no man who dyed in one of their Nullus qui moreretur in habitu est dam­natus Barth. a Pisis, lib. con­form. lib. [...]. Fruch. 9. fol. 130. col. 4. Frocks or Habits should be damned. Upon which pretty fidelity, many from the Highest to the [Page 4] Lowest have industriously procured their departing bodies to be wrapt in a Franciscan garb.

If all this be true, I shall not so easily question what they tell us, viz. that all the L' Alc. l. 1. p. 17. vertues that all the Saints as well of the Old as New Testament ever had, were met together in St. Francis: that he was better then all the Ib. pag. 45. Apostles; of which they give us a doughty reason, viz. they left but a Ship and some such things, but Francis left all; nay, threw off his Cloaths, and went naked for Christs sake: a good sign that he was of the Ranters Religion. As for St. John the Baptist, he must not by any means come in Competition with their Francis; for which one of their Reasons is this, because Joan. verbum de poenitentia accepit à Domi­no, Fran. à do­mino & à Papa, quod plus est. Id. p. 36. he received the word of Repentance onely from the Lord, but St. Francis received it both from the Lord and from the Pope, which is a great deal more.

Wherefore methinks it might savour of presumption in St. Peter and St. Paul to come down from Heaven to meet Francis at Rome, and to pre­sume to Ib. p. 19. kiss and embrace him, as if he had been but their equal and familiar. But well might Fryar Giles say, that men should never name the word St. Francis, but they should lick their Ib. pag. 75. lips after it; and well might such a Crowd of Ib. p. 250. Angels guard and incompass him when dead, that the Devils, though greatly indeavoured, could not come for the throng, within ten miles of his Corps; and in Heaven he sits in the Pag. 44. 293. same Chair whence Lucifer was thrown down: and why not? since they tell us that God obeyed Ib. p. 203. Francis in all things whilst he was upon Earth.

Many other Sottish and Impious Extravagancies concerning this Saint, might be mustred up; but I shall leave him to the consideration of the ju­dicious, and the Hyperbolies of his followers.

Nor is it this Francis alone, but the People of his Order have also been pretty Fellows. Fryar [...] Alc. p. 96. Rinaldus they say was carried in a cloud to Paradise; where Enoch and Elias being informed that he was a Cordelier, skipt and danced for joy, and went about with him, and shewed him all the Rarities there. The same blade longing to see Daniels Tomb in Babylon, which they say was kept by Dragons, an huge Dragon (which they sup­pose to be an Angel of God) sweept him up in his Tail, carried him thi­ther, where for manners sake he onely took a finger from the Prophet, and so was brought home safe and sound again as he was carried, and his heart never at his mouth all the while.

Fryar Id. pag. 125. Suffian when sick would take no Physick but from the Virgin Mary, who thrust into his mouth a whole box full of heavenly Syrrops by spoonfuls, and then giving him a little out of another box (the greedy­gut having eaten all the former) he was so enlightned, that he perfectly saw in the book of Life, the names of all those who should be saved. What need I tell you of Fryar Id. p. 146. Benet, who they would make you believe was Butler to the Virgin Mary, but they never tell us where the Cellar was? and suchlike fopperies, since 'twill be easily judged that I do it but in Drollery, and then will they judge me never to be capable of those blessings, which they attribute to the lovers of this Order; but rather condemn me to the punishment of the poor Id. pag. 174. Florentine, who they say having no affection for the Franciscans, was decreed to have two Hammers continually knocking him on the head: and this punishment they assure us, is to continue to him till the day of judgement.

These and many other such like stories may be read in L [...]ber Con­formitatum S. Francisci c [...]m [...]. Bartholomeus Pisanus, a Book approved of by the general Chapter of the Franciscans at Assist, 1399. who declared, that after their diligent search, they could finde [Page 5] nothing in it worthy of correction or amendment; and so 'tis intitled the Golden Book, and hath been several times printed with approbation. Hen­ricus Sedulius hath writ a vindication for it, and Martyrol. Francisc. IV Novemb. Sect. 4. 5, 6, 7, 8. Arthurus à Monasterio will have nothing spoke against it, but commends the Author as worthy of IV Octob. 11. belief; and so I hope one may the more freely present them with that, they so much magnifie.

Nor have the Predicant Fryars less extolled their Patron St. Dominick, Vid. Antonin. Archp. Flor. chron. part. 3. tit. 23. who (as they say) had power over all Celestial, Terrestrial and Infernal things; and that both Angels and Elements did serve and obey him: that he shew'd an easier way to Heaven than St. Paul did; and that the Prophet intended this Dominick, by the Zech. 11. 7. Staff of Beauty, as he did St. Francis by the bands: and ten to one but he thought of both alike. God they say never denyed him any thing that he Nic. Jansenius vit. Domin. l. 2. c. 3. p. 119. asked: that he received the Holy Ghost with the same glory of a flaming Id. l. 1 c. 8. p. 56. Tongue as the Apostles did, and had also the gift of Id. l. 2. c. 11. p. 170. Tongues given him by Inspiration.

They go on and tell us that St. Dominick himself never committed Id. l. 2. c. 14. p. 188. Villegas flos Sanctorum. IV August. mortal sin from the day of his birth; and the other Fryars of his Order ex­actly Villegas ib. imitated the Apostles in Life, Works and Miracles. And what favours might not St. Dominick be capable of, since he was seen to proceed from Gods Nic. Jansen. l. 2. c. 14. p. 190. breast, but Christ onely from his mouth? And by this way of Nic. Jans. l. 2. c. 14. Anto­nin. part. 3. tit. 23. Nic. Jans. l. 2. c. 12. p. 179. comparing do they make our Saviour and this Fryar contend as I may say for superiority, and yet in Miracles Dominick carries the day.

Nay, so great was the Virgin Maries affection (as they say) to this Spa­niard, that not long since, even within the memory of man, viz. 1606. the Fryars of Soriano in the farther Calabria in Italy, not having a Picture of their Founder Dominick; she with Mary Magdalene came from Heaven, and with their own hands presented them with his Picture, which she bid them hang up in their Chappel; and for ought that I know there it yet hangs, and if you will believe them, cures the blinde, lame, and such like diseases, and miracles. Nor do I know any reason, why this Picture might not do as pretty feats, as well as the very Nic. Jansen. p. 242. dust at Calervega in Old Castile, where he was born? (though I think Phil. Briet. Geogr. Tom. 1. l. 5 p. 298. some doubt of the place.)

And if this do not shew her love sufficient, they will tell you other stories, as that she preserves the Fryars of this Order, safe and sure from harms-way under her Ben. G [...]non. Chron. B. Virg. p. 212, 218, 223. Mantle; and that by her Intercession she hath obtain'd of her Son, that none of this Order shall continue long in Id. p. 221. mortal sin; and several other such like Tales for old Women to pass away the time withal.

Neither will their back-friends the Jesuits be wanting in magnifying their Founder and Order, as that their Imago pri­mi Saeculi soc. Jesu, p. 64. Valderama serm. Society was not of humane Invention, but proceeded from Christ himself; that the first Colledge of it was in the Womb of the Virgin Mary; that instead of Act. 9. 15. St. Paul, their Patron Ignatius Loyola was him, whom Christ declared should carry his name before the Gen­tiles, as the Portugal Doctor de societatis Origine, p. 14. Jacobus Payva would perswade the world, that this is an Order which the Prophet Is. 65. 22. & 18. 2. Isaiah hath several times pro­phesied of, as the Jesuits of Imago pri­misaeculi soc. Jesu, p. 25. & 60. Flanders testifie: and that God the Father was seen to commend this Order to his Son Jesus, by way of Pro­tection.

Valderama, Deza and Rebulloza, though of other Orders, have in their Sermons extoll'd this Ignatius to a wonder, as that the name of Jesus was I know not how imprinted in his hands; that he did greater Miracles than others; for as Valderama saith, Though Moses did great wonders with his Rod, and that was onely by the vertue of the name of God written on it; [Page 6] and also what the Apostles acted, were onely by the power of the name of God: But as for Loyala the Founder of the Jesuits, he onely by his own name writ in a piece of Paper, did more Miracles than Moses and all the Apostles; which was admirable. Nay, that as long as he lived his acti­ons were so holy, that none but Popes, as St. Peter; none but Empresses, as the Mother of God; none but some Soveraign Monarch, as God the Father and his Son, had the happiness and favour to behold them. And that which was spoke of our Heb. 1. 2. Saviour, Pedro Deza applies to the Institu­tor of this Order, telling his Auditors and the world that—In these last days, God hath spoken to us by his son Ignatius, whom he hath appointed Heir of all things.

'Tis true, these three Sermons of Valderama, Deza and Rebulloza, were 1 Octob. 1611 censured by the Sorbonists at Paris; but within nine days after, Fran­cois Solier a French Jesuit [and one well known for his many Translations, and who also turned these three Spanish Sermons into French] writ against this Sorbone-censure, accusing the Faculty of Paris, of Le [...]tte justi­ficative, p. 25, 32. Ignorance, Im­pudence and Malice, and that they acted more by Passion than Reason. And a little after this, Jaques de Montholon, though there might be some probable Reasons that the true Author was the noted Jesuit Peter Cotten Confessor to Henry the Fourth; but be it who it will, under the name of Montholon was a large Plaidoy [...] pour les Je­suites, p. 462, 463. Apology writ for this Order, which towards the latter end hath also a Vindication of these Sermons, and that printed too by publick Authority: and lastly, that they were received with ap­plause and approbation, needs no farther evidence, than their several Im­pressions and Translations.

But besides these, others are not ashamed to tell us, that God did often Imago primi saecula soc. p. 584. Exod. 33. 11. talk with Ignatius Loyola, as he talked with Moses face to face, and as a man speaks unto his friend; that the Virgin Mary is such a Patroness of this Order, that she Hieron. Platus de bono statu Religiosi, l. 1. c. 34 p 108. Imago soc. J [...]s. p. 1. [...]0. preserves it also under her Mantle or Garments: And which is more, that God hath granted the same benefit to this Society, that was formerly bequeath'd to the Benedictans, that for the first three hundred years, not any that dyed in this Order, should be Imago societ. Jesu, p. 648, 649 damned. And so much for the Jesuits and their Founder Ignatius Loyola, whose life I have writ formerly in another Treatise.

They tell us that Pachonius was in that esteem with God, that an D [...]ultius [...]r Exempl. cap. 7. tit 77. Sect. 1. Angel from Heaven brought the Rules for him and his Brethren to live by: But the Trinitarian Fryars go a little higher, affirming that the [...]. [...]. Hist. de B [...] [...]ie & de les C [...]sai­ [...], [...] 6. c. 1. Sect 2. p 466, Father, Son and Holy Ghost, were their Founders and Institutors; which in part is hinted at by these Verses so common amongst them, and for ought that I know, may yet be seen over the Door of their Cloyster in the Suburbs of Arras in Artois, and several other of their Covents.

Hic est Ordo Ordinatus,
Non à sanctis fabricatus,
Sed à solo summo Deo.
This Order made by God himself we see,
And not by Saints, or men, as others be.

The truth is, this Order of the Trinity, begun by two French-men, betwixt four and five hundred years ago, [though I shall not give too much credit to the Miracles they say occasioned it] was upon a Charitable Account, viz. to redeem the Christian Slaves from the Turkish Tyrannical Bondage; whereupon I shall willingly agree with Ca [...]a [...]. glo [...] ­mund [...], part. [...]. [...]. [...]3. Cassanaeus, and his Arch-bishop [Page 7] Antoninus of Florence, that this Order should have preheminency above the rest. But I fear of late days the Slaves are not so much regarded as their own preferments.

Though the Carmelite-Fryars will not draw their Institution so high, yet they plead pretty fair for Antiquity and continuance, by affirming the Prophet D' Avity discours de l'Origine de toutes les Re­ligions, Sect. 26. Elias to be their Founder, and that their Order shall remain to the end of the world; which grand Priviledge [as they say, the Virgin Mary Gonon. Chron. p. 319. told one of this Fraternity] the Prophet desired of our Saviour Christ, at the time of his appearance to him in his Mat. 17. 2, 3. Mark 9. 2, 3, 4. transfiguration on the Mount.

But this is not all the benefit belonging to these people, for they assure us that all of this Society shall stay no longer in Purgatory, than the next Saturday after their death; and this they publickly Vid. P. du Moulin De­fence de la foy Catholique, Article 21. p. 441. printed in cer­tain Theses at Paris (8 Octob. 1601.) and mainly defended by Doctor Cayer. Besides this, they tell us that the Virgin Mary perswaded Fryar Francis to enter himself into this Order, and then in Heaven she would give him a Crown of Flowers, which she then shew'd him; and that he obeying this advice, because neither himself, nor their Covent at Siena through poverty, was able to buy him an Habit, an Gonon. p. 203. Angel very freely came and gave him one. And lastly, that she appear'd to our Country­man Simon Stock (so call'd from his Jo. Pitseus de Scriptor. Angl. p. 345. living in a hollow Stock or Trunk of an Oak) General of this Order, holding a Scapulare in her hands, positively assuring him, that all the Carmelites who dyed in that Habit should be Gononus p. 256. saved.

Here might I tell how the Premonstrensian Monks (so call'd from the Village Premonstré in Picardy, whither their Founder Nortbert Arch-bishop of Magdeburg retired himself for Devotion) affirm they received their ha­bits Gonon. p. 159. from Heaven by the Virgin Mary. And here might I shew how the Cistercian Monks (so call'd from Cistertium (Cisteaux) in Burgondy, where they began) for all this, affirm the Virgin Mary to be kinder to them than others, by Id. pag. 156. protecting them under her Arms, and Cloak or Mantle: and many such like fopperies of other Orders; but this may serve for the present to give the Reader a taste of their Fooleries, in the too too much magnifying of their respective Orders and Societies.

CHAP. II. Thinking to honour their Religion, the Romanists relate, 1. several ridiculous Stories to the abuse of the B. Virgin Mary, 2. and childish Fopperies, to the reproach of our Saviour Jesus Christ.

THe hardest Students have their Intervals, and the greatest Scholars SECT. I. Several ridicu­lous Stories to the abuse of the B. Virgin. will now and then have a frolick or crotchet to divert their more se­rious thoughts. Methinks it was not amiss in Mr. Geast (formerly of Cam­bridge) when under the Parliamentary persecution, and their Prisoner, for his Loyalty and Honesty, to throw away an hour or two, to finde out a Mystery in their abominable and treasonable Presbyterian-Covenant, viz. that the number of the words in its six damnable Articles, agrees with the number of the Beast, 666.

The Learned Thomas Lansius pleas'd himself in these two opposite Consult. Ger­man in Prefat. [...]d Lectorem. Verses; the one exhibiting a Catalogue of good things, the other of bad:

Lex, Rex, Grex, Res, Spes, Jus, Thus, Sal, Sol, (bona) Lux, Laus.
Mars, Mors, Sors, Vis, Lis, Styx, Nox, Crus, Pus, (mala) Fex, Fraus.

and took the pains to know how many alterations they would indure, by which he found out that either of them, by the transposition of words might be changed (excluding bona or mala) XXXIX Millions, DCCCC Hundred, XVI Thousand, and VIII Hundred times.

And Bernardus Bauhusius the Poetical Jesuit of Antwerp made this Verse of our Saviour, Rex, Dux, Sol, Lex, Lux, Fons, Spes, Pax, Mons, Petra, Christus. Epigram. lib. 2. pag. 39. which he saith may be converted 3628800 times. And in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary, he composed this Verse, ‘Tot tibi sunt dotes Virgo, quot sidera Coeli,’ which he saith may be changed a thousand twenty two ways according to the number of the Stars: And Erici de Puys (Puteanus) bestowed a great deal of time and Paper to prove it; yet as he might increase his number of the Stars, so (if the Verse will bear it) might he the changes too, if Lan­sius his account be true, that VIII words may be varyed 40320 times: Nor need any of these seem strange, when we consider what variety and mul­titude of Languages and Words are composed of XXIV Letters.

Against such commendations as this of the Virgin Mary I shall say no­thing, leaving every man to imploy his Ingenuity upon what he pleaseth. But for any to think they can or should advantage her glory, by fathering a thousand lies and fopperies upon her, is beyond reason: so far are they from being advantagious to her honour, that they must be abomi­nated by the judicious, and ridiculous to the very Vulgar.

'Tis no great honour to her, that they tell us, she was so familiar with some men, as to come down from Heaven to be marryed to them. Thus they tell us, how she went and held a young mans Horse, desired him to take her for his Caesa [...]ius l. 7. [...]. 33. Specul. Exempl. dist. 6. Sect 63. Wife, and forced him to kiss her, the man being unwilling; and then very carefully held his Stirrups, whilst he mounted again on Horse-back. And another time Gonon. Chron. B. Vi [...]g. pag 142. espoused her self, and that with a Ring too, to one Robert, whilst he was yet in his Mothers Womb. Another time they say that a Vid A [...]ds. Ri [...]t. Apol. pro B. Virg. l. 2. c 15. p. 367. Brother to a King of Hungary going to be married, she was troubled at it, because he seemed not to accept of her. Again, how a young man Ib. p. 3 [...]6. married himself to her, and put a Ring on her Fin­ger; and afterwards he marrying another woman, and being in bed with her, she came to him, shew'd him the Ring, upbraided him for his faithles­ness; for which another time she whipt him to the purpose. And as bad as these is another Tale which they do confidently tell us, in short thus: Two Angels conducted the Virgin Mary to one Hermanus, to whom they agree Vid Rivet. p. 363, 364. to marry her; to which purpose they bid him draw neer: he, though he had a months Inc [...]tabat a­m [...], pud [...]r retin [...]bat minde, yet through shame seemed unwilling; for though he had been very [...]am [...]si Vi [...] ­gine familia­ [...]ss [...] [...]huc us [...]s [...]ss [...]. familiar with her, yet he thought it odd to be so coupled with her: At last he takes some courage, and on he goeth; but a­gain he falls off, and fancying it an odd business, at this the Angel takes [Page 9] hold of his hand, and, will he, nill he, by main force joyn'd it to the Blessed Maries right hand, and in these words married them together, Hanc ego ti­bi virginem, uti olim B. Jo­sepho desponsa est, despondeo, jubeo (que) no­men sponsi si­mul cum sponsa accipe­re, ac dein­ceps Josephum nominari. I espouse this Virgin to thee, as she was formerly espoused to holy Joseph, and command thee with this thy Wife, to take upon thee the name of an Husband and of Joseph.

But because there is few satisfied with a bare Marriage, they will have her to be much given to kissing too. To which purpose I told you formerly how they say, she beg'd of a young man to buss her, and Accede ad me, & da mihi Osculum, & coegit cum. Caesar, l. 7. c. 33. made him do it whether he would or no. Another man (Gononus tells us) she Collum me­um brachiis suis stringens, dedit mihi o­sculum, p. 297. hug'd about the neck and kist him; and the same familiarity and ceremony (and I should be apt to think it the same story, did not my Author make almost an hundred years difference between them) did she use to another Ib. pag. 207. Caesar, l. 7. c. 51. Cistertian Spanish Monk. To another of the same Order, whose name name was Gonon p. 235. Abundus, she gave her hand to kiss; but this not satisfying her, she also went and kist him, as she bust the Id. pag. 525, 526. cheeks of Stephanus Justi­tius, whom she also perswaded from that severity and abstinency of body which he formerly used.

But as if marrying and kissing were not enough, she must also afford the benefit and happiness of her Brests: Thus they say she pull'd out her Dugs to pour her Milk Gonon. p. 374. into the mouth of her Friend Alanus. Thus she let Abbot Dauroult. cap. 2. Tit. 41. Sect. 2. Gonon. pag. 131. Fulbert suck her Brests, and with that frankness, that his Cheeks were all besmear'd with her Milk. And to another Gonon. p. 132. Priest she did the same favour. Nay, rather than fail of love-tricks, her very Gonon. p. 172, 173, 174. Image or Statue could several times afford some drops to the comfort of St. Ber­nard, to advance his Eloquence. And she was as they say so kinde too, as to lye in bed Vincent. spec. Hist. l. 7. c. 87. between a man and his wife, the first night of their Marriage.

Nay, as if all this were not enough, they would make her a Patroness (for ought that I know) to whoredom. For thus they glory of her, that one Beatrice a Nun, having stole from the Nunnery, and play'd the errant Caesarius, l. 7. c. 35. Whore for fifteen years together; the Blessed Mary supplyed her place all the while in her likeness and habit, that it might not be known that the Nun had been so wicked. A pretty while and honour to her, to be absent from Heaven, playing the drudge upon Earth, in behalf of such an Whore. Another time they say, a certain Vincent. Spe­cul. Histor. l. 7. c. 86. Discip. de Mirac. B. Virg. Exemp. 24. Abbess being got with Childe, and in great perplexity how to keep its knowledge from the rest of her Nuns, who bare her a grudge; the Virgin Mary, to hide the shame, and save the credit of the Strumpet, descended from Heaven with two Angels, whom she commanded to play the Mid-wives, and then to carry the Childe in her name to a certain Hermite, to keep it till it was seven years old. Another wench they tell us of, who being Vid. Rivet. Apol. pro B. Virg. l. 2. c. 15. p. 375. over-kinde with her Master, her Mistress the goodwife offended at this abuse, had a minde to be revenged on her; but the Virgin Mary bid her let her alone, because she belong'd to her. Nay of late days, within these forty years, viz. 1627. they tell us how a Neapolitan Gononus pag. 525. Whore, dying suddenly at Anagni in Compagna di Roma, had the favour shew'd her by the Virgin Mary to be restored to life again, that she might confess her sins and be happy in Heaven. And so she saved the life of another Id. pag. 221, 222. Harlot.

What shall I say of her other love-tricks they father upon her? of her giving Alanus a Gononus, pag. 374. Ring made of the Hair of her own Head; of her bringing Caesar. lib. 7. cap. 32. Bread from Heaven to give to another; of her giving Coe­lestial Ib. l. 7. c. 48. Spec. Exemp. dist. 3. Sect. 28. Electuary by spoonfuls to a company of Monks, onely neg­lecting one for his studying of Physick: Of her coming from Heaven with St. Catherine and Mary Magdalen, to I know not what poor Dauroult. c. 2. Tit. 41. Sect. 3. Indian Wo­man, [Page 10] spreading a Cloth on the Table, and feeding her with I know not what.

Would they not have us to think that they work and labour at their re­spective Trades in Heaven, as we do upon Earth? when they tell us that the Virgin Mary brought a Specul. Ex­empl. dist. 4. Sect 6. Garment thence and gave it to Boniface. That she brought another out of Christ's De Thesauris filii mei. Al­phons. de Car­thag. Anace­phal. Reg. Hispan. cap. 38. Jo. Mariena, Hist. Hisp. l. 6. c. 10. Treasury, which she gave to S. Ilde­phonsus, Arch-bishop of Toledo: but whether it is now kept in that Gononus, pag. 96. City, or in Jo. Eus. Ni­eremburg de Mirac. Euro­pae, l. 1. c. 18. Oviedo in the Asturias; let them agree about it, I shall let it alone, as doubting to finde it in neither; yet this Garment probably might be made on earth, since Ib. Nieremburgius tells us, that some are of opinion, that our Saviour ware it himself, when he first celebrated the Sacrament of the Eucharist. But they tell us nothing to the contrary, but that the Ib. Girdle which she gave to a Priest, [and as they say, is yet to be seen at Tar­tosa in Catalonia] was made in Heaven, but by whom I know not.

What can I say against the Cistertian Monks? since she was so favourable to them, who used to wear black Habits, as to come from Heaven, and bring a white Cowl or Hood with her, & put it on the head of their second Abbot Gonon. p. 154. Albericus; at which instant all the Cowls of the Monks singing in the Quire, were also miraculously turned white; which colour they have kept ever since. Thus Id. p. 177. Specul Exem­pl. dist. 9. Sect. 122. Thomas of Becket received another Garment from her. Thus she gave a sweet-sented, curled or crisped skie-colour Vail to Gonon. p. 351. Lyuvina: Another of Cloath of Gold to Francisca, put it on her, and laid her head in her lap. And another time brought a rich Id. pag. 322. Crown from Heaven, and placed it on the head of St. Brigit. As she be­stowed a Id. pag. 202. golden Cross upon Waltherus.

Besides this, would they not have us to think that there are brave Gar­dens and Flowers in Heaven? when they tell us, that she brought thence two baskets full of Specul. Ex­emp. dist. 9. Sect. 117. Roses, and gave to two women as a proof of their pure Virginity. And another time walked along by a Fryar, being stuck about with white and red Roses, and having a Id. dist. 9. Sect. 118. Chaplet of Roses on her head, which look'd as fresh as if they had been newly pluck'd from Paradise. Another time brought a Co [...]on. p. 209. Garland of Flowers, and put it on the head of a German Woman call'd Mary. But methinks she was most kinde to Jacobus Calipetus, who Id. pag. 459 dying, and it seems none of the greatest Saints, she at last procured some way or other that his soul should be re­stored to him again; and being thus alive upon earth again, he made himself a Caelestine Monk [so call'd from their Founder Pope Caelestinus the Fifth] where they say he lived very godly, and did a great many pretty Miracles; and one time whilst he was celebrating Mass, the Virgin Mary went into the Chappel with a troup of Saints and Angels, and placed a Gar­land of Flowers upon his head: And this not long since, for he dyed the second time, but Anno 1538.

Besides these, we might question from what Apothecaries Shop in Hea­ven she procured the formerly-mentioned Electuaries, or the strange Caesar. lib 7. cap. 19. Oyntments wherewith she anoynted and cured the wounded leg or knee of the German Nun. But letting these pass, what honour do they do her when they make her a drudge? as to come from Heaven with many Saints and Angels to assist Catherine of Siena to make Gonon. p. 323 bread. Another time to descend with a company of she-Saints, to some Monks working in Harvest, whom she kist and embraced, and with Dauroult. c. 2. [...]it. 41. Sect. 4. Goton. p. 168. Spec. Exempl. dist. 3. Sect. 24. Towels (which they brought down with them) wiped the sweat, durt and dust from their faces. A­nother time to get all the sweat of the labouring Monks and put it into a Specul. Ex emp. d [...]st. 9. Sect. 103. Vessel, because it afforded a pleasant smell to her and Christ. Another time to come from Heaven to Nicol. J [...] senius vita St. Dominici, l. 2. c. 12 p 1 [...]7. G [...]s, p 212. besprinkle with holy Water a company [Page 11] of sleeping Monks; nay, they make her so officious and subservant, that they tell us, how one time she came from Heaven, and mended Thomas of Beckets Tho. Cantipra­tan, lib. 2. cap. 29. Sect. 12. pag. 285. Spe­cul. Exempl. dist. 8. Sect 77. Hair-shirt for him, when he himself knew not how to get it patch'd up; but she stitch'd it neatly up with red Hair.

To these we might add many other ridiculous Fopperies; as of a wo­man, having her son taken from her by the Enemies, earnestly desired the assistance of the Virgin Mary in getting her son again; but finding all these prayers in vain, she takes another course, goeth to Church, upbraids the Virgin of her negligence, and tells her plainly, she will take her Son from Jacob. de Vo­ragine, hist. 126. her, and keep it till she have her Childe restored; and forthwith takes the little Image of Christ from the Virgins Arms, and home she trots, and locks it up safely in a Chest. Upon this the Virgin Mary seeing no remedy, hyeth her that night to the Prison where the womans Son was, opens the door, lets him out, bids him haste home to his Mother; and having thus restored him, bids him desire his Mother that she might have her Son Christ again; which accordingly was performed, and so all were friends. And such another Tale they tell us of a German Woman call'd Jutta, whose young Childe being snatch'd away by a Wolf, and carryed into the Woods; of this the Mother informed, runs to the Chappel, and took the Caesar. l. 7. c. 46. Image of Christ from the Virgin Maries Arms, telling her she should never have her Son again, unless she had her childe restored to her safe and sound. At this the Virgin Mary was puzled, fearing she should Quasi time­ret carere filio suo. loose her Son Christ; upon which she commands the Wolf, who left the Childe, which being found and carried to its Mother, she went to the Church and re­stored the Image. Nay, they would make her descend to take up the tears of a certain devout Youth in a Gonon. p. 222. Cloth, that she might the more conve­niently shew them to our Saviour; as if he understood not all things as well as her self.

But though the Protestants of the Reformed Church are apt to think that God the Son should apprehend and understand all our necessities a great deal better then the Virgin Mary, and having shed his blood for us, is more powerful for our Salvation; yet the Romanists will tell us other Stories, and for ought that I know, call us Hereticks for being of such a Perswasion.

How come they else to start this Question Franc. de Mendoza viri­darium, lib. 2. Problem. 2. Whether 'tis better for us to implore the name of Jesus, or the name of Mary? In the deciding of which doubt, Mendoza the famous Portugal-Jesuit tells us plainly, that as Moses made two Cherubins of equal bigness, so she and Christ are almost of the same Authority with God; as they had wings alike, so these two afford the same objects to God, she her Brests, he his Wounds, by which means both obtain of him what they desire. Nay, that sometimes she is easier intreated than Jesus Christ, and therefore sometimes her Protection is more assisting and helpful to us.

To what purpose else should they bring in the Blessed Virgin thus saying—Vid. Rivet. Apol. pro B. Virg. l. 2. c. 5. p. 248. As Adam and Eve sold the World for an Apple, so I and my Son did redeem the world as if it were with one heart. And that the Rule of the world is divided Vid. Rivet. l. 2. c. 2. p. 210. & 211. between God and the Virgin Mary; and if any man be agreeved of God, they may have their recourse to her.

Wherefore else should they make comparisons betwixt our Saviours Blood and the Virgins Milk, as if they could not tell which to re­ly upon for their Salvation? Thus one of them shews his uncer­tainty:

Vid. Rivet. l. 1. c. 19. p. 155 Id. Jesuita va­pulans, c. 14. Sect 15. p. 307, 308.
Positus in Medio
Quo me vertam Nescio.
[Page 12]
In hoc dulci dubio,
Duleis est Collatio.
'Twixt Christ and Mary plac'd to turn about,
To which I know not, so great's this pleasant doubt.

And to this purpose Gilbertus Masius, not long since Bishop of Shertogenbosch [Sylva ducis, Boscum ducis, Bo [...]sleduc in Brabant] had his Picture made be­tween Jesus and Mary, with this Motto: ‘Positus in medio, quo me vertam nescio.’ which for ought that I know, is yet to be seen in the Glass-Window of St. James his Church there. And this puts me in minde of the great Spanish Cardinal Xemenes, who of his famous Bible printed at Alcala de Henares Prefat. ante Bibl. Complut. saith, that he hath placed the vulgar Latine between the Hebrew and Greek, as Christ was hung between two Thieves.

But to return: Carolus Scribanius, the famous Rector and Provincial of the Belgick Jesuits, though for some time he lurked under the Anagramma­tical Vizard of Clarus Bonarscius, thus wavers betwixt our Saviour and the Virgin Mary.

Haereo lac inter meditans, inter (que) cruorem,
Amphitheatr. Honoris, lib. 3. cap. 8.
Inter delicias uberis & lateris:
Et dico (si forte Oculos super ubera tendo)
Diva parens Mammae gaudia posco tuae.
Sed dico (si deinde oculos in vulnera verto)
Such a Copy of Verses as these I finde in the ingenious Jesuit Angeli­nus Gazaeus, in his Pia Hila­via, but which of these two was the first Author, and which the Pla­giary, I shall leave to the B [...]lgick Jesuits to determine, both being born, both living at the same time, and both Gover­nours amongst their Order, in that Country.
O Jesu, lateris gaudia malo tui.
Rem scio, prensabo, si fas erit ubera dextrâ,
Laeva prensabo vulnera si dabitur.
Lac Matris miscere volo cum sanguine nati,
Non possum Antidoto nobiliore frui.
Ira vomit flammas, fumat (que) libidinis Aetna?
Suffocare queo sanguine, lacte queo.
Livor inexpletâ rubigine saevit in artus?
Detergere queo lacte, cruore queo.
Vanus honos me perpetua prurigine tentat?
Exaturare queo sanguine, lacte queo.
Ergo Parens & Nate, meis advertite votis:
Lac peto, depereo sanguinem; utrum (que) volo.
Parvule, maternis mediis qui ludis in ulnis,
Qui tua jam comples ubera, jam vacuas.
Saepe quidem dixti, noxis offensus iniquis
Tune meas mammas, Improbe tune meas?
Nolo tuas, O! nolo tuas puer auree mammas;
Non sum tam duri, tam gravis oris homo:
Sed tantum lateris pluat unica, & unica stilla,
Et saltem à dextrae vulnerè gutta pluat.
Dic matri, meus hic frater sitit, optima Mater,
Vis de fonte tuo promera, de (que) meo?
Dic nato tuns hic frater, mi mellee fili,
Captivus monstrat vincula, lytron habes.
Ergo Redemptorem monstra te jure vocari,
Nobilior reliquis si tibi sanguis inest.
Tu (que) Parens monstra matrem te jure vocari,
Ʋbera si reliquis divitiora geris.
&c.
My thoughts are at a stand, of Milk and Blood,
Delights of Brest and Side, which yeilds most good:
And say, when on thy Teats mine eyes I cast,
Sweet Lady, of thy Brests I beg a taste.
But if mine eyes upon thy wounds do glide,
O Jesu, then fain would I suck thy side.
But now I'm fixt, for my right hand shall hold
Here the Milk is advanced a­bove the Blood.
Thy Brests, whilst with his wounds my left makes bold,
And with the Milk and Blood in mixture, make
The Soveraign'st Cordial sinful soul can take.
Doth Ire belch fire, or lust like Aetna smoke?
Either this Blood or Milk that heat can choak.
Doth Envies rust enroul me round about?
This Milk, or that same Blood can wash it out.
Or do vain-glorious thoughts pride up my will?
Thy Milk as well as his Blood laies them still.
Mother and Son, give ear to what I crave;
I beg this Milk, that Blood, and both would have.
Youngling! that in thy Mothers Arms art playing,
Sucking her Brests sometimes, and sometimes staying:
Oft hast thou said (being angry at my sin)
Here the Milk is preserd before the Blood.
Dar'st thou desire the Teats my food lyes in?
I will not, Oh! I dare not, golden Childe;
From fear and shame I'm not so far exilde.
I'd onely have one drop, one drop implore
From thy right hand or side; I ask no more.
Yet tell thy Mother, see thy Brothers thirst,
Mother, your Milk will ease him at the first.
Say to thy Son, Behold thy Brothers bands,
Sweet Son, thou hast his Ransom in thy hands.
Shew thy Redeeming Power to souls opprest,
O Son, if that thy Blood excel the rest.
But Mother, if thy Brests the rest exceed,
Shew thou'rt a Mother justly so stil'd indeed.
&c.

And to the same purpose hath Veridarium, lib. 2. Probl. 2. Sect. 20. Franciscus de Mendoza another Copy of Verses, to whom I shall refer the Reader.

And here I might inlarge of many more of their commendations of the Virgin Mary; as that she was of such Zeal, that if the Jews had not crucified our Saviour Jesus Christ, Vid. Hen. Estiene Apol. pour Herodot. pag. 301. Ri­vet. Apol. pro B. Virg. l. 2. c. 5. p. 248. she would have done it her self with her own hands, because forsooth she had no less Charity than Abraham had, who was going to kill his son. What might I say of the extravagances of their [Page 14] Poza, who brings all the pen-lavishments of the Pagan Poets concerning their Heathen Goddesses and Whores, to compleat the commendations of the Blessed Virgin? And again of the folly of another, who would have Moses to allude to her, because he saith, that the gathering together of the Waters was call'd (in Latine) Vid Rivet. l. 1. c. 9. p. 66. Maria (Seas.) And many other such like Fopperies (to say no worse) have they abused her with, insomuch that Do­ctor Andrè Rivet of France thought himself obliged to write an Apology for her, where may be seen several other of their absurdities of her.

But to conclude with these follies concerning the Blessed Virgin, it is not amiss to see how they bury, and carry her into Heaven.

She desiring to dye, an Angel tells her the time shall be three days after; Vid. Rivet. lib. 1. cap. 22. Gononus, p. 29, 30, 31, 32, 33. brings from Paradise a bough of a Palm-Tree to be carried before her Hearse, and mourning Garments for the Funeral. Then the Apostles were hurried to her in Clouds, from whom she received the Eucharist and Extream Unction. Then Christ with the Angels, Patriarchs, Prophets, Mar­tyrs, Confessors, and Virgins, who sang her Requiem, and so she dyed; Christ commanding the Apostles to bury her body (which spake after her soul was gone out of it) in the Valley of Josaphat; which accordingly was done: St. Peter and St. John complementing one another who should car­ry the Palm. Christ and all the Angels assisted, but the Jews endeavour'd to spoil the solemnity; yet some of them had better have been quiet, un­less they believed when they could not see.

Having lain some time in the Grave, her soul entred into her Body a­gain, to make way for her Assumption, which they make a glorious and very orderly shew: thus marshalling it; first went the Apostles, then the Angels who were on the world; then the souls flying to Heaven; then the souls from Purgatory; and fifthly, the Angels who were Guardians to these souls. Again, these were met from Heaven, 1. By the Patriarchs. 2. The Prophets. 3. Martyrs. 4. Confessors. 5. Virgins. 6. All the Saints. 7. Angels assistants, who go seldom out of Heaven. And 8. and lastly, the Trinity, Father, Son and holy Ghost: every one of which company made a speech; and now was Coel [...]m fu­isse evacua­tum. Heaven they say quite empty, and nothing in it.

And thus all things being ready and prepared for her motion to Hea­ven, up they have her; and as she pass'd through the Orbs, the respective Planets according to their duty met her, every one of them making a wise Speech to her, to intice her to stay with them: and the Planet Venus pleaded very dapperly, hoping to perswade her to stay and live with her, telling of her how she was the Goddess of Love, and is call'd Lucifer, being the brightest of all the Stars; how she pleaseth all the five Senses, &c. and, which is best of all, they make the Planet quote in her Speech Bartholomeus Glanvellus an English-man, who lived about thirteen hundred years after the Blessed Virgins death. And it seems Venus went very fair to have won her; for they say the Angels perswaded her not to stay there, telling her how Venus was an crrant whore; and so desired her to leave that place, and ascend higher, where was a better Crown and Habitation for her.

Yet they will tell you that she left not the earth so carelesly, but that she left many holy Reliques in the custody of St. John, as pledges of her Gononus, p 32. 33. affection to us; such as the Swadling-bands of our Saviour, his Winding­sheet, her own Girdle, the Vail which she wore when she was married, her Kemb, the Ring wherewith she was married; Christs Napkin that was wrapt about his head in the Sepulchre, his Fore-skin, his Crown of Thornes; and to shew her self a good House-wife, she bequeath'd also to us her [Page 15] very Spindle, wherewith she used to imploy her self. Reliques, I must confess, that if I knew certainly where to have them, I should have a vast esteem for: But when I finde such apparent cheats in such ware, that ma­ny times pieces of Dogs, Cats, and suchlike animals have been worship'd Vid. Jo. Poly­and. Disput. de Reliq. and Lord Herberts Hist. Hen. VIII. Anno 1538. for holy Reliques of Saints, and such incertainty where the truth lies, I am the less zealous. As for Example:

Christs Fore-skin, the people of Akin say they have it; those of Antwerp affirm they have it; Heldesham in Germany brags of it; the Romans say, 'tis in St. John Laterans Church. And again, both Byzanson and Charroux in France boast that 'tis there. And yet others say that it is at Calcata twenty miles from Rome.

Again, what a Monster will they make of St. John Baptist! those of Rome assuring us that his whole head is in the Cloister of St. Sylvester; those of Malta say, they have the hinder part of it; Amiens and St. John Angelique brag of the fore-part. And although Hist. l. 3. c. 6. Theodoret declareth that Julian the Apostate burned to Ashes the body of this St. John, yet they will have the Finger wherewith he pointed, saying, Behold the Lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world, was saved; but if you have a minde to see it, you must trudge to Lyons, to Bourges, to Bezanson, to Fortuits, to Tholouse, and also to Florence; every one of these places affirm­ing they have it.

Thus St. Andrew hath two Bodies, one at Tolouse, another at Melple. And St. Anthony hath two, one at Arles, another at Vienna. St. Matthias hath three Bodies, one at Rome, another at Padoa, and a third at Triers. So hath Lazarus, at Authun, at Marseilles, and at Avalon. And St. Sebastian hath four Bodies, one nigh unto Narbonne, a second at Rome, a third at Sois­sons, and the fourth at Piligni near unto Nantes. To St. Anne they give five Heads, Lyons, Apt in Provence, St. Annes in Turingue, Duran in Juliars, and fifthly, Tryers; all these places boast of such a Skull. And for St. Se­bastian, for ought that I know, the present Romanists give him as many Arms, as the old Romans wounded them with Arrows, for they allow him no less than twelve, viz. one Arm at Mombrison in Forest, one at St. Servins de Tolose, one at Case-Dieu in Auvergne, and one at Angers; besides these, two at Soissons, two at Piligni, two nigh unto Narbonne, where he was born; and lastly, two in St. Laurences Church at Rome. And many such­like monstrous instances might be shewn, enough to cool my Zeal and Fancy, though apt superstitiously to admire Antiquity.

What might I say of the Milk of the Blessed Virgin, now so plentifully brag'd of in many places, that the famous Colloq. Pe­regrinat. Reli­gionis ergo, pag. 260. Erasmus is of opinion, that it is impossible for one teeming Woman, though the Childe had suck'd no­thing, to afford so much? And for the Cross, there is scarce a Romanist in the world but brags that he hath a piece of it; which made the former ju­dicious person declare, that if the pieces of the Cross now brag'd of and shew'd about, were gathered together, they would fill or load a great Ship; as St. Tho. Fullers Ch. Hist. l. 6. Sect. 5. Sect. 11 Apollonias Teeth being gathered together, were so many that they fill'd a Tun. All which makes me subscribe to the Learned Exercit. con­tra Baron. 16. Sect. 104. Isaac Casaubon, that most of our modern Reliques are either doubtful, or palpably counterfeit.

Though the forementioned comparisons might sufficiently testifie, that SECT. II. Childish Foppe­ries to the re­proach of Jesus Christ. they had none of the greatest Values of our Saviour; yet let us add something to shew what a little helpless youngling they would yet make him; and yet forsooth, would perswade us all these petty pranks to be for his commendation.

Though I am not apt to fancy the contrary, when I finde them telling such ridiculous and impertinent Trifles as these; that the Blessed Virgin brought him dandling in her Arms like a little Childe out of Heaven, willing him to be Gonon. pag. 44, 45. married to Catherine of Sienna; but he said, she was not handsome enough: but at last he accepted her, and so they were mar­ried together with a Ring. Another time, how she brought him down, and placed him in the arms of one Id. pag. 169. Fastredus. Another time she descend­ed with him to a company of Fryars, to whom he spake in Id. pag. 310. French, bidding them magnifie his Mother; and at last I know not how the little Infantulus. Infant Christ slipt out of his Mothers Arms, and gave a sweet Rose to one of them. Another time she gave him to D Alcoran, l. 1. p. 3. St. Francis, who kept him and kiss'd him all night long; and the same favour he obtain'd Id. pag. 254. a­nother time. Benevent also had him in his hands; but, which was more, they say he play'd the Id. l. 2. p. 366. Cook-boy, and looked to dress the Fryars Victuals, whilst Benevent through forgetfulness had neglected them and his duty.

They go on and tell us how the Virgin Mary once placed him on a Caesarius, l. 7. c. 20. p. 406. Corporale then drying on a Womans knee; the Woman not knowing what little Childe it was, would have thrust him off, but he desired her to let him sit there. That another time he shew'd Gonon. p. 233. Arnulphus all the Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, Virgins and Angels; that the Virgin gave him to be embraced by the said Monk, who not able to indure the pleasure, bid her take her Son again. Thus they tell us that Id. p. 274. Hostradus being at meat in the Hall or Refectory with the other Fryars, she brought Christ from Heaven, and carried him in amongst them: Hostradus seeing him a pretty boy, offer'd him some Victuals, saying, Eat, eat, pretty Childe. To whom Jesus smiling, said, He needed none of his meat, but he should eat some with him in Heaven.

What shall I say more? they assure us that he came to Bzovius An­nal. an. 1236. Sect. 4. Arnoldus, and shew'd him his name writ in the Book of Life. That not many years since, viz. Anno 1505, one Gononus, p. 418. Osanna of Mantoa, a Nun, was wedded to Christ by a Ring, the Virgin Mary and the Prophet David assisting; and that Je­sus taught her to Write and Read. That Specul. Ex­emp. dist. 7. Sect 37. Conradus de Offida had Christ brought him from Heaven by the Blessed Virgin, whom he took in his Arms, and placing mouth to mouth, and lips to lips, he was overcome as it were with kisses and embracements. That Art. à Monast. Martyrol. Franc. VII A­pril. Sect. 3. Sebastianus à S. Maria a­bout an hundred years ago (he dyed 1580) saw the Virgin at the Altar to dandle Christ up and down in her Arms and kiss him.

Nor is this all, for they would make us believe, that our Saviour Christ Art. à Monast VI April. Sect [...]. spake intelligibly several times out of the Wafer to a Spanish Franciscan call'd Joannes ab Occania. That he appear'd to Dauroult. c. 5. Tit. 2. Sect. 15. Lyduvina; imprinted upon her (as St. Francis had) his five Wounds, and turn'd himself several times, now into the fashion of a Wafer, then into a Childe, and suchlike tricks. That one time upon the Altar he turn'd himself from the form of the con­secrated Wafer, into a little Childe; which Childe, after Ib. Tit. 2. Sect 7. Plegilus the Priest had taken into his Arms, and wearied himself with kissing, clip­ping and embracing, by pressing brest to brest, and lips to lips, and then laid on the Altar, was again converted into Wafer as formerly. Nay, which is more, that in the likeness of a little Childe he appeared upon the Altar, and was there really Ib Tit. [...]. Sect. 2. Sacrificed, and cut to pieces by an Angel from Heaven, his blood poured into the Chalice; and all this ado, to make a poor simple old man believe Transubstantiation.

But to shew you, that the world was come to that pass, that the people had a greater love and respect for the Virgin Mary than Christ himself; nay, [Page 17] and at last, their very common Saints got the esteem and affection from both of them: one Instance shall serve for all, and this of one declared by the Fox, Tom. 2. pag. 440. Injunctions of King Henry the Eighth (and that before he had fully thrown off the Pope) to have been a Rebel and Traytor to his Prince, and by reviling words and violent hands to have provoked Tracy and the rest to kill him: And this shall be Thomas a Becket, whose life we shall declare in the following History.

The Church of Canterbury before the dissolution of Abbies, had three several Shrines or Altars:

One dedicated to Christ.
Another to the Virgin Mary.
The third to St. Thomas Becket.

The yearly Offerings to these, will shew the peoples affection; an in­stance or two of which, take as followeth, out of the old Leger-Book of that Church.

This Year,
 l.s.d.
The Oblations offered to the Virgin0630560
Item, To the Shrine of St. Thomas Becket832123ob.
Item, To Christ's Shrine0030220
The next Year,
To the Blessed Virgin004018q
Item, To St. Thomas9540630
Item, To Christ0000000

And this is that to which Mr. Church-Hi­story, Book 3. p. 36. Sect. 70. Fuller alludeth, thus:—The Revenues whereof, by Peoples Offerings, amounted to more than 600 pounds a year. And the same Accomptant, when coming to set down what then or there was offer'd to Christ's or the High-Altar, dispatcheth all with a Blank, Summo Altari nil. Yea, whereas before Beckets death, the Cathedral in Canterbury was call'd Christs-Church, it passed afterwards for the Church of St. Thomas, verifying therein the complaint of John 20. 2. Mary Magdalen, Sustulerunt Diminum, they have taken away the Lord. Though since, by the demolishing of Beckets Shrine, the Church (and that justly) hath recovered his true and ancient name.

CHAP. III. For the glory of their Religion, and their holy Chieftains, the Roma­nists tell, 1. Many foolish, unchristian, unmannerly, filthy, and nasty stories of their Saints. 2. They invent many brave Utopian Saints, who never breath'd in this World. 3. They faign and de­vise several lying Stories and Wonders. 4. Their pretty Tales of Brutes and senceless Creatures, and what doughty Champions they are for the Romanists against Hereticks. 5. How basely they abused and so vexed the poor Divel, that at last he repented of his sins; and as it seems, had a good opinion of the Romish Re­ligion, by his great affection to the Mass. 6. Their foolish de­scription of Hell, Purgatory and Paradise: and what a simple and vain place they make Heaven to be.

THere goeth a story of a French-man, that seeing his Master kiss the SECT. I. Ʋnchristian, Unmannerly and filthy Sto­ries of their Saints. Popes Toe, sneak'd out of the Presence, giving this for his Reason, that if his Lord kiss'd his Feet, he fear'd they would make him salute a worse place. I shall not offer to make comparisons: but since they fa­ther such foolish stories upon Christ, we have little reason to suppose that they mend the matter when they come to the Saints, men for ought that I know equal to themselves.

And the truth is, 'tis pretty to observe what simple and sottish Tales they invent to magnifie these their Saints, as if they were agreed with the Mahumetans, to fancy Folly to be a sign of Holiness; so far are their acti­ons from having any real badge of Sanctity, or discretion, unless you will allow the nakedness of a Ranter or Adamite, and the stupidity of a Quaker, to pass for true Holiness.

Thus to pass for excellencies in Religion, they commend Moses the Marc. Marulus, lib. 1. cap. 4. Abbot, and Constantius the Monk, for desiring and longing to be abused by any body. Of one Laurent. Fo­rerus Anato­mia, sive Anta­natomia, p. 70. Peter, who had rather be held a companion of Wo­men, then a Holy man: And St. Francis, for making it his business to pro­cure one to speak evil against him, as to call him Clown, Idiot, lazy-fellow, and suchlike. Thus they honour Pet. de Na­talib. l. 2. c. 45. Simeon Stylita for his mad-fashioned Devotion, as his girding himself so hard about with a Cord, that his Flesh putrified; for his living several years in a Pit or Well; for his living forty years on a Pillar twelve Cubits high, till his very Thigh rotted; and then he stood stock-still a whole year upon one Foot. Or as Marulus, l. 1. [...]. ano­ther tells us, he lived thus upon several Pillars, one of which was thirty Cubits high; as upon one he stood four years, upon another twelve, on a­nother also twelve, and on another four; and lastly, upon the highest of all, till his dying day; nay he dyed so standing, and after his death they say he stood also still, and might have stood so yet, if Antonius had not been too busie, and taken him down and buried him. And thus do they mainly magnifie one Id. pag 50. John for standing three years together upon one Stone, not sitting or lying down all the while; insomuch that odd [Page 19] corrupted matter ran from his Feet, by reason of that continual po­sture.

To these senceless signs of Sanctity, they continue their commendations to Marulus l. 3. c. 8. Niceph. Callist. lib. 17. cap. 5. Timotheus the Hermite, and Mary of Egypt, for going stark-naked. To Marul. lib. 4. cap. 6. Agathon the Abbot, for keeping a stone in his mouth three years together, that he might not speak. To Id. l. 4. c. 7. Anianus of Alexandria, for plucking out his eye, for once looking upon a Woman. To Id. l. 5. c. 4. Peter Abbot of Claraval, for rejoycing that he had lost one of his eyes. To one Id. Ibid. Egidius, who being wounded by an Arrow, was so far from suffering the wound to be cured, that he earnestly prayed to God against it. To one Ibid. Sylvania, for being so careless and sluttish, that for sixty years she never wash'd Face, Feet or Hands, excepting the very tops of her Fingers. And to Id. l. 5. c 9. Apollo the Abbot, for being so unchristian-unneighbourly, as not to assist his friend to help out his Ox, then upon perishing in a Quag-mire, because forsooth he would not meddle with any worldly business.

They go on, and add one glory to Dauroult. c. 7. Tit. 80. Sect. 8. Ronualdus, for his so much love to silence, that for seven years together he would not speak one word. To Ib. Sect. 4. Godefridus a Monk of Clugny, for his whimsie, that would rather suffer a Thiefto steal an Horse, then he would speak one word to awaken the Keepers. And all these as much badges of Christianity, as that they tell of the Abbot Jacob. de Vo­ragine Hist. 17. Petr. de Nata­libus, l. 2. c. 35. Macarius, who all naked, repented, and tormented himself amongst Bryars and Thorns six months [but Apol. pour Herodot. p. 367. Estiene seven years] and all this onely for killing a flea. Or the Religious Frolick of St. Francis to know Gods will which way he should go: As some set up a Staff to ob­serve its falling, so he used Fryar L' Alc. des Cord. l. 1. p. 60, 61. Massy for such an Instrument, bidding him turn and whirle himself about as fast and as long as he was able, and which way his face stood when he had done, that way must they go: for so, he said, was the Will of God; though sometimes the poor fellow got falls by reason of his dizziness.

To continue these holy pranks of Devotion, they tell us that Fryar Ruffin once bad the Divel Aperi os tu­um, & ego in illud st [...]rcori­zabo. Id. p. 65. open his mouth, and he would—in it. That another time St. Francis commanded the same Ruffin to go to Assisi, and there preach Id. pag. 66. naked (onely his Linings on) to the people; and that he himself went also stark-naked and heard him preach. That another time the said St. Francis, though very weak, and sick of a Quartain Feaver, and in the midst of a very cold Winter, yet put off all his Cloaths, his Breeches excepted; commanded one Peter Catanai to tye a Id. l. 2. p. 320. Rope a­bout his neck, and so to drag him to the place where Malefactors used to suffer; which accordingly was done; and all this ado, because he had eat a little flesh, and sup'd some flesh-broth.

And suchlike Marks of Holiness are these: Fryar Id. l. 1. p. 69, John would do e­very thing that he saw St. Francis do, whether it were kneeling, spitting, &c. And indeed this Father of the Minorites would have all his Flock obedient to him, were it never so ridiculous: Thus he turned off one because he did not plant or set his Id. pag. 241, 242. Coleworts with their Roots upwards and the Leaves in the ground, as he had done. Another time he bad one of them Ibid. strip himself stark-naked, to dig a deep hole, and to put himself into it; which being done, St. Francis cover'd him all over with Earth, even to the very beard: Then he asked him if he were not dead? Yes, quoth the poor Fryar, I am dead. Then saith Francis, Rise up, for though thou be'st dead, yet thou ought in every thing to obey me.

To these we might adde many other of their tokens and sure signs of Christianity; as how a Fryar going Id. p. 83, 84. naked to his Covent, for which being check'd, vindicated himself with this saying; As he came naked, so [Page 20] he must return. How the said Fryar is call'd Tam Sanctus fuit iste Fra­tricellus. Holy for putting off his Cloaths, and going naked into Viterbo. How Fryar Id. l. 2. p. 163. Egidius is com­mended, for having got more Nuts than he could carry in his lap, put off all his Cloaths, filling them with Nuts, and so he went naked into the City. And another time he went into a Wood Id. l. 2. p. 166, 167. put off his Cloaths, tyed a Cord about his neck, bidding another Fryar so to lead him to the Covent, which was done, where he baul'd out like a great Booby. And why might not all these primitive postures be convenient, seeing Id. l. 1. p. 195. St. Francis once told a Fryar, that if he would go naked, and preach so, he should be saved?

And so I suppose Fryar Juniper, (so great a friend and familiar with St. Francis) bended all his thoughts for the best and speediest way to Heaven, when he earnestly desired that he might Id. l. 1. p. 92, 93. stink so, that none should be able to come neer him; and that he might be thrown into a Ditch, there to dye, and be eaten up of Dogs. Another time they tell us, being to dress the Victuals for the other Fryars, he Id. pag. 90. boil'd the Chickens and other Meat together, without either washing them, or pulling off the Feathers: and that this Fryar was cleanly enough we need not question, seeing they brag of him, that being once nobly entertain'd, and laid in a very brave bed, he very mannerly and religiously Id. pag. 88. bewray'd it, and stole away next morning without thanking his Landlord; which trick had more of a Beast than a Wag in it, though they think they do not a little commend him when they call him Christi jacu­latorem. Id. l. 2. p. 199. Christs Jeaster or Bouffon; an Ex­pression of so much boldness (to say no worse) that they neither honour their Religion, nor their St. Clare by fathering it upon her.

But besides all this, as Poets and the Authors of Romances have the liber­ty SECT. II. Many false Saints that ne­ver had being. granted them, not onely to invent the Tale, but also to give what names they please, as well to the great lubberly Gyants, as the always-conquering valiant Knights, with the lovely and inchanted Ladies: So here the Ro­manists making themselves to be of the same Profession, take to them­selves the same freedom, suspecting the number of their true Saints, not to be enough or sufficient to compleat the honour of their Church.

And for a proof of this, I shall onely give two or three Instances, and that of our own Island. Thus they tell us of the Martyrdom of one Ʋsua [...]d. Mar­tyrol. 9. Febr. and Philip Fe [...] ­rarius Cata­log Generali [...] Sanctorum, 8. F [...]r. St. Maingoldus, a Duke, and Son to one Hugh King of England: Though I think it would puzzle their best Historians to finde out an English Monarch of that name. Yet will they not let this King go by himself, but give us another to keep him company, and him they call by the name of Rob. Parsons Calendar Caes. B [...]ron. Marty­rol. S [...]ius. Hist. Sanctor. Gu [...]. Gazet Hist. des Saints, VII Feb. St. Richard King of England, and Nephew to Offa King of the East-Saxons, al­most a thousand years ago; by which means, without the help of a Crom­wel, they have found out a fourth Richard, which our Chronicles never dream'd of.

But to leave off single Testimonies, since an Army of no less than eleven thousand invented Saints offer themselves at one view, viz. S. Ʋrsole and her Virgins; a story made up of so many contradictions, improbabilities, not to say impossibilities and abominable lyes, that An. 383. Baronius is at a loss about it, and our Country-man Hist Eccles. pag. 35, 36. Harpsfeld resolves bravely to believe it, though he confesseth he knoweth not how to prove it; and yet 'tis pretty to observe how England and Scotland both strive to make her theirs. But let the sto­ry Coryats, p. 61 [...]. seem never so improbable, the good Catholicks of Colen will not loose the place nor memory of her Martyrdom; to perpetuate which, they have a large Church built to her, bearing her name, in which, that they also might [Page 21] not want the benefit of her Intercession, they in the year 1607. 17. April, permitted a Prayer to be printed to her, and there hung up in a Table: and why not, having got a name in the 21 Octob. Da. Camerar. de Regn. Scot. Tho. Demster. Roman Calendar?

And with her, they tell us dyed also by Martyrdom one Pet. de Natal. lib. 9. cap. 87. Jac. de Vora­gine Hist. 153. Petr. Merssaeus Catalog. E­lect. Ecclesi­ast. Annal. Archiepisc. Colen, Sect. 4. Jo. Gault. Chron. Chronicor. Tom. 1. pag. 1259. Cyriacus of British Extraction, and one that was Pope of Rome. But Baronius himself is altogether silent concerning him; nor do their Pontifick Histories afford us any Pope neer such a name, unless we allow of Siricius; which could not be the same with the other, because a Roman by Birth, and no Martyr.

And thus when their hands are in, they scorn to give out, lest you SECT. III. Many lying Sto­ries and Won­ders. should fancy their Invention to be so dull, that they have not stories as well as names at their Finger-ends, with which 'tis none of their least glories that they can shew their voluminous Church-Histories, or Kirk-Tales stuft up.

As how a Gononus, pag. 136. Dutch Painter, using to draw the Devil as ugly as possibly he could; the wicked spirit, who thought himself not so ugly as he is painted, every one thinking best of themselves, took this in very great indudgion, and to be revenged, one time took his opportunity, and threw down the high Scaffold on which the Painter stood: upon which the poor Dutch­man had fallen so, that his neck had been in danger, if the very Picture of the Virgin Mary, which the fellow had newly painted, had not reach'd out its hand and held him up, till other people came and help'd him down. How Id. p. 300. St. Agnes stole a Cross from little Christ, which she saw hang by a thred about his neck; at which theft he was well pleas'd, and smiled. How the little Id. p. 314. Statue of Christ used to come out of his Mothers arms and eat Victuals with a Spanish Boy. As they say the Virgin Bzovius An­nal. An. 1294. Sect. 3. Mary and St. John, who are painted by the Cross, used to come thence to Pope Caelestinus the Fifth when a Boy, and sing to him, and take the Book from him which he used to carry.

And as true as the rest are these, how a Vid. Andr. Rivet. Apol. pro B. Virg. l. 2. c. 15. p. 376. Serjeant being slain, the Vir­gin Mary and Devils fell out about his soul: to end this controversie, Christ comes and sits as judge; and at last both parties having pleaded as much as they could, he willing to obey his Mother, returns the soul to its body, that he might repent of his former evils; and so by the Pope a Prayer was appointed to be said for his soul. Again, how a wicked Monk dying without Confession, Id. p. 381. St. Peter went and beg'd of Christ his soul; but being denyed, he goeth to the Blessed Virgin, and desires her to intercede: she attended with her Maids, hastes to Christ, who consented that the soul should be restored to the body to repent. This grant she informs Peter of, who thereupon, falls upon the Devils, and bangs them away with a great Key he had, takes the soul from them, giveth it to two Angels to carry it to its body; and thus the Monk revived. Again, how a fellow being dead, Id. p. 373. two Angels carrying his soul to Heaven, an Army of Devils met them, and demanded his soul as their due, and so they hoped God being just would not take from them what belonged to them. To end the Controversie, Mary comes, pleads that he dyed in her service, in returning from his Pil­grimage, and was confest before he dyed. To this they reply, that there was one wicked sin which he never confess'd. This puts her to her Trumps how to bring him off clear; at last finding no other way, she gets his soul restored to his body; then he went and confest that sin to a Priest, and so dyed, and never fear but he slipt into Heaven. Such a like story they tell of Genonus, p. 140. another man. And such another of a Id. p. 167. Woman, who dying, [Page 22] leaving one sin unconfess'd, the little Devils were presently fingering her soul; but the Virgin chid them away, got her soul restored, that she might confess that fault, and then never question but that all went well.

To these they add how Villegas VI Feb. Pet. de Na­talibus, lib. 3. cap. 101. Dorothea sent one Roses and Apples out of Paradise: how Jac. de Vo­rag. Hist. 95. St. Christopher was twelve Cubits high, sought out the Devil, and served him as a man; carryed Christ over-Sea on his back, with whose weight he had almost sunk down; and that the Arrows shot against him, hung still in the Air, and durst not approach him. That Id. Hist. 96. seven men slept almost 200 years, some say more. How Pet. de Na­tal. l. 5. c. 117. St. Brandan found out Paradise, and a great Fish call'd Jason, which he taking to have been an Island, made a fire upon him. That some of the Angels who fell, are kept in an Island in the shape of white Birds singing, and that he saw Judas sitting upon a stone in the Sea. That Gonon. pag. 126. Ʋdo of Magdeburg had all manner of knowledge miraculously given him, as they say Id. p. 154. Rupert Abbot of Duiitz over against Colen had. That Abbot Tho. Canti­prat. lib. 1. c 9. Sect. 3. Conrade had that knack, that those Fingers which he held forth in consecrating the Eucharist, in the night-time did shine like a Candle, and gave him light to read or study by: But I warrant you the Chandlers curst the Miracle. And that Jo. Capgrave in vita Brigita. S. Briget made a new-born Infant tell who was its true Father, to decide the Controversie: a wiser Child, I fancy, than Briget her self was at its age, for I think she is supposed to be a Bastard. They go on, and boldly tell us, how upon the death of one Fryar Peter, L' Alc. lib. 1. pag. 136. the Bell-rope being broke, an Angel tol'd the Bell a great while. How an Angel assisted one Id. pag. 137. Dro­dro to sing Mass, and another Angel made ready his Horse. How one not using to bow at Gloria Patri, was thus punished in Id. pag. 184. Purgatory; he was set upon an high and narrow Pillar in the midst of the Sea (it seems Charon may imploy his Barge there too) and bow'd an hundred times a day, and as ma­ny at night, till he had satisfied for his former neglects. And how an Id. lib. 2. pag. 215. Usurer dying, his heart was found warm amongst his Riches.

But this is nothing so wonderful, as that which they tell of Catherine of Sienna, who desiring a new heart, Christ came to her, opened her Brest, took out her heart, and away with it he goes: (and now I would have their School-men tell us whether she could not lift up her heart to God) But at last he returns again, and put into her brest a new heart, which he told her was his En filia mea, habes pro corde tuo cor meum. own; the mark of which action always remain'd in her Brest. This Catherine they say was several times carryed through the Aire by Angels: That Christ with a triple Crown like a Pope, accompanied with some Apostles blest her: That he received her to be his Wife, being wedded to her with a Ring; the Virgin Mary making Christ hold her by the right hand; the Prophet David playing to them upon his Harp. That he came from Heavem to embrace her: that he made her kiss his wound­ed side: that he put a Crown of Gold upon her head, and gave her the Sacrament: that his five wounds were imprinted upon her; but the marks were taken away, though the pain indured. And several suchlike stories do they tell of her, enough to make large Treatises; all which are written and testified by several of their Authors: And Petrus Firens, in the year 1612, published a Volume of them with large Pictures.

But it was not her alone, who as they say had these wounds: for St. Francis had them, Luduvina had them, a woman in Tho. Cantiprat. lib 1. cap. 25. Sect. 7 Brabant had them, and De signis Eccles. Tom. 2. lib. 15. cap 3. Thomas Bozius will tell you of others; and ten to one but all these as true as that Maria de la Visitacion, Prioress of the Monastery de la Anun­ciada in Lisbon had them, for so she bare the world in hand; and that she did many Miracles, insomuch that she was looked upon as a wonderful Saint, from the Pope himself to the lowest of his sons; many Pens imployed [Page 23] to write her Miracles, the greatest persons beg'd her assistance; Philip the Vid. Cyprian Valera, 362, 420, 421, &c. Second himself 1588, before he sent his invincible Armada (as they call'd it) to conquer England, must have her to bless his Standard-Royal, which was accomplish'd with the greatest ceremony, and presence of the chiefest Grandees in Spain: Nay, one of the main hopes that the Crudelita [...]is Calvinianae ex­empla duo re­centissima ex Anglia, 1585. Prefat. ad Prin­cipes Cathol. English-Roma­nists had of their designs, was from her Prophecies. And yet having cheated the world for several years, at last, as God would have it, some of her own Nuns took an humour to watch her narrowly, and discover'd her to be a meer Cheat and Counterfeit, as she her self was afterwards forced to confess. This was a Dominican; and not long before, was there such a discovery made at Cordova of the Abbess Magdelena de la Cruz, who was a Franciscan: and thus both Orders have their tricks.

But to proceed to some other of their pretty Wonders, they tell us how Fryar L' Alcor. des Cord. lib. 2. pag. 200. Theobald by vertue of the sign of the Cross walk'd upon the Water over Tyber. How Art. à Mona­ster. Martyrol. Francisc. XIII Apr. Sect. 2. Hervaeus of Toledo laid his Coat on a River, got upon it, and so saild over dapperly: and such tricks they tell of Id. VI No­vemb. Sect. 5. another of the same City. But the Spaniards must not run away with all the glory, for a Tho. Cantiprat. lib. 2. cap. 29. Sect. 26. German Dominican did but lay his Cowl upon the waters, set his feet on it, and so slipt over a broad River very cleverly, not a bit of his Cloaths being wet. Thus Ib. Sect. 27. another desiring to come into England, strutted manfully over a great part of the Sea, till at last a Ship for the Miracles sake took him in. Thus M. Marulus, lib. 3. cap. 3. Nazarius and Celsus walk'd upon the Ocean. Thus Lovys Ri­cheome di­scourse des Miracles, c. 35. Sect. 1. Fransois de Paula using his Coat or Cowl instead of a Ship, he and his Companion passed gallantly over the Si­cilian waves. But above all, well fare St. Fingare, who after her head was cut off, saild from Ireland to Cornwal upon a Leafe: though Villegas, V Octobr. Maurus did best, who ran upon the water without any such helps. But yet why should we make these pretty Tales to be such badges of Christianity and Holiness, seeing no less man than Epist. IV. pag. 331. Busbequius tells us of a Turk who could do as well as any of them?

But I believe the Turks are not so good at flying, as some of our Saints are; for L' Alcor. l. 2. p. 217. Antonius got from Padoa in Italy, to Lisborn in Portugal in one night, and the next night home again. And Imago pri­mi Saeculi so­cietatis Jesu, pag. 630. Ignatius Loyola in a mo­ment whisk'd from Rome to Colen. But what need we talk of men, when we can produce an House, as la Santa Casa di Loreto, with us commonly call'd the Chappel of Loretto, which one time skipt from 1292, Gonon. Nazareth in lower Galile in the Holy-land, to a little Hill between Terzatz and Fiume in Dalmatia? then upon some grudge, took its flight thence, and 1298. flew over the Venetian Golf into la Marca d'Ancona, not far from Recanati, into a Wood belonging to a Lady call'd Laureta: (from whence it took its name) Thence a little after, (being vext at some Thieves) it jump'd about a Mile more Southwards: but here two Brothers falling out about it (by reason of the great gain and Riches was got by it) it left them both in the lurch, and hopt about twelve score Northwards to a little Hill, where it now stands: so that in one year it took the pains to remove thrice. But now they have shackel'd it to the purpose from any more removes, by building a great Church over it, and it must squeeze hard to creep out of its Doors or Windows. Though in the year 1606, Pope Paul the Fifth fear'd his Friends the Venetians would make bold to give one motion far­ther to the best part of it, viz. its vast Riches; to prevent which, he thought he might be as bold as his Neighbours. The whole travels of this Chap­pel of N. S. di Loreto, is accounted by Signor La Santa Casa Abbelli­ta, part 1. c. 6. Sylvio Serragli (one some years ago imploy'd there for its Registers) to be 2030 Italian Miles, which he esteems to amount to 1870 of English. A story made [Page 24] suspected by many impertinent actions they make as companions with it.

However, shall we not think Pet. de Na­tal. l. 2. c. 55. Lucianus was a brave Fellow, who after he was beheaded, took up his head in his hand, and carryed it three Miles, and crost a great River? Like Id. l. 9. c. 41. Villegas, IX Octob. St. Dionise, whose head being cut off, walk'd two Miles with it in his hands, and then gave it to a woman: Or like the six Abr. Bzovi­us, Annal. An. 1227. Sect. 18. Dominician Fryars, who being made shorter by the Noddles, yet each of them had so much wit, as to take up their respective Pates again in their hands, and with them to strut to their Covent. Thus they say that one Pet. de Na­tal. l. 9. c. 80. Justus having his head cut off, he then very trimly wash'd his body, took up his head in his hands, carryed it to his friends, prais'd God, and told them how he would be buryed. As Surius, X Sept. Ʋrsus, Victor, and LXVI o­thers, having undergone the same sauce, very fairly took up their Noddles, went a great way, kneel'd down, prayed, and after all this labour were content to rest very quietly: and such another story have I read of one Hispan. Bi­bliotheca, p. 103. Lambert.

And why should we think this strange, since they tell us that Niceph. Cal­list. l. 14. c. 43. St. Chrysostome himself spake many years after he was buryed? That a wicked Tho. Cantiprat lib. 2. cap. [...]9. Sect. 24. Norman having his head cut off, the head tumbled along, bauling out to be confest; which afterwards it did to a Priest. That one Vid. Andr. Rivet. Apol. pro B. Virg. l. 2. c. 15. p. 374 Alexan­dria Arragonia having also her head cut off, and thrown into a deep Well; an hundred and fifty days after, it spake, and confest her sins. That Gonon. pag. 336. Stephanus Lonsoscius, being by all wise men thought to be slain by the Turks, yet three years after was he found alive under an heap of dead Bo­dies, calling out to be confest; to which purpose they say he was kept a­live by the Blessed Virgin. And thus they tell of her kindness to a most wicked Tridentine Caesarius, l. 7. c. 59. Thief, who being beheaded for his many abomina­ble Villanies, and buryed, she with some other Saints from Heaven came, took him up, fixt his head to his body again, and very ceremoniously carry­ed him and buryed him in a Church.

Though this was not so pretty a trick as the L'Alcoran des Cord. l. 2. p. 244, 245. Fellow did at Marceille, whose head being cut off and buryed, by the vertue of St. Lewes was joyn'd to his body again, and so he lived once more to the comfort of his Mother. Was not Id. l. 2. p. 364. St. Francis a notable shaver, who to shew what he could do, first kill'd a Physitians son, and then made him alive again? whereby it seems he out-vapour'd the Doctor in his own Profes­sion.

And many suchlike Stories as these will they tell you for the honour of their Religion; as how a fellow having hung on the Gallows Nieremburg. de Mirac. Eu­rop. l. 1. c. 1. Jacob. de Vo­rag. Hist. 94. thirty six days, was after all this found alive, and lived many years after, for the cre­dit of St. James of Compostella. How two Monks being Corn. Schul­ting. Thesaur. Antiq. Eccles. Tom. 7. c. 165. hang'd on a Tree, and dead, yet revived, and sang very sweetly: I suppose, as the fellow by advantage of the Wind and his hollow Tooth whistled. But above all, give me Gono [...]us, pag. 327, 328. Hugo de la Sale, who could not be hang'd, let the Luccesi do what they could; so much was he befriended by the Virgin Mary.

Shall we believe trusty Fryar L' Alc. des Cord. lib. 2. pag 249. Roger, when he saith he never saw a Womans face in his life, nay, not so much as his Mothers? or that Fryar Id pag. 365. Bentivola took another fellow on his back, and for fifteen Miles carry­ed him faster than an Eagle could fly? and many other suchlike Tales, that they do not a little glory in. For my part, I shall as soon believe that they have the Vid. Andr. Hond [...]f. Theatr. Histo­tic. 1 Praecept. pag. 81, 82. Flame of Fire shew'd to Moses in the Bush: a Feather of the Arch-angels Wing: the Banner wherewith Christ descended into Hell: the Vid. Alex. Cooks Pope Joan, p. 41. sound of the Bells which hung in Solomon's Temple; or that the [Page 25] three-corner'd Stone is now to be seen at Jerusalem, whereof David spake, saying, Psal. 118, 22. The stone which the builders refused, is become the head-stone of the Corner: Or the Vid. Mart. Luther Tom. 1. X praecepta, Pr. 8. fol. 44. b. Oth. M [...]land. joco-ser. p. 241. Sect. 227. Hair which a mad-cap Wench shew'd to be St. Cathe­rines: Or the Eric. Cord. E­pigr. vid. Delit. Poet. Germ. Tom. 2. p. 802. Breeches which the Fryar said were St. Francises. All which Fopperies were ingeniously derided by a certain Earl, who hearing them boast of suchlike Reliques, told them, that at such a place was to be seen the Chamber-pot which Ʋrsula and her eleven thousand Virgins made use of.

But because Carping Hereticks may object these pretty feats may be SECT. IV. done by combination, men, and cunning men being the main Instruments in the former Actions; to take away all doubt, they think it no hard mat­ter to confirm their Religion from Brutes and senceless Blocks or Stones.

Thus they think it worth our belief, that Jo. Capgrave▪ fol. 2. Aido, through pitty giving eight Sheep to as many hungry Wolves, and all well eaten, were yet re­stored safe and sound to him again, and alive. That Pet. de Natal. lib. 6. cap. ult. Jac. de Vorag. Hist. 102. St. Germanus and his Companions having eaten up a Calf, very honestly restored it to life a­gain. That St. Bernacus his Jo. Capgrave, fol. 37. Cow being stollen, kill'd, cut in pieces, and put in the Chaldron to be boil'd, was yet for all this made alive. That an Nieremburg. de Mirac. l. 1. cap. 5. Hen being drown'd, the Children fearing to be whipt for it, call'd but upon Ignatius Loyola, and it was as well again as ever. That a Id. l. 1. c. 1. Cock and Hen, after they had been roasted, and going to be cut up, re­vived, and lived several years. But concerning this Cock and Hen at St. Domingo de Calcada in Rioia (a little Province between Old Castile, Navarre, and Biscay) Nieremburgius would tell us another Miracle, viz. that every one may take a Feather belonging to these Birds thence, and yet the number never the less. But when I tell the Romanists that in the Church there (where they may also see the story painted) are alwaies kept alive in a Cage a Cock and an Hen; and when either of them dyes, its place supplyed by another, and the dead ones Feathers pull'd off, and laid up with the rest as holy Reliques: they will easily grant that 'tis no such wonder to finde no decay of Feathers in so many years, seeing they have so easie a way besides other tricks to keep up the store.

But to return: was it not a pretty knack of Fryar L'Alc. des Cord. l. 1. p. 93. Andreas de Ana­nia, who having some little Birds roasted at his own desire to stay his Ap­petite, yet upon better consideration, it went against his stomack to de­vour them; and thus bravely resolved, he makes but the sign of the Cross, and presently they revived and flew away? It was very charitably done of Abbot William, to kill an Tho. Canti­prat. l. 2. c. 25. Sect. 5. Ox, cut it in pieces, and give a piece of it to a poor woman to save her longing, and then next day make it as well and as live again as ever it was. And it was as well done of L'Alc des Cord. lib. 1. pag. 119. St. Antony, who by the sign of the Cross, turned an ugly Toad into a fat piping-hot roasted Capon.

'Twas a good-natured piece of Id. l. 2. p. 322. Capon, that to save the credit of St. Francis, turn'd it self into a Fish. And a merry Tho. Canti­prat. l. 2. c. 1. Sect 10. Magpy, which for many days talked in the belly of him who had eaten it: As the Irish Sheep did Jac. de Vo­rag. Hist. 51. Pet. de Natal. lib. 3. cap. 104. bleat in the guts of him who had stollen and eaten it, the better to discover the Theft.

It was an hard case, that at the same time a great Pet. de Natal. lib. 1. cap. 25. Rock should di­vide it self for the preservation of St. Barbara, and that a Shepherd and his Sheep should be turn'd into Stones. But it was a civil Jac. de Vorag. Hist. 94. stone that yeilded like wax to the body of St. James: But above all, the high­stone-Tower shew'd its kindness best, when it was so complemental as [Page 26] to Ibid. bow its Top down to the ground, to let a Prisoner the better to escape. Yet the flowing Seas shew'd their humility enough, when for re­verence they durst not approach neer to the Jesuit Nieremburg. Hist. Nat. l. 9. c. 95. Joseph Anchieta: and the (c) Sun it self must return back, or stand still, at the desire of Fa­ther Xavier of the same Order: as it did to Dauroult. cap. 7. Tit. 76. Sect. 6. Mutius the Hermit. b Imago primi Saeculi soc. Je­su, pag. 625.

But to return to Earth: they tell us how Jo. Capgrave Surius. Swithine the true Raining-Saint, made whole and sound a poor Womans Eggs, that were unhappily broken to pieces. That a Woman had her Tho. Canti­prat. l. 2. c. 25. Sect. 7. Tub miraculously fill'd with Meal: And for the honour of good-fellowship, how one by the same knack had his Ib. Sect. 11. Barrel fill'd with Wine: as another had his Ib. Sect. 12. Fla­gon. That a well-meaning Wench having emptyed by stealth an Art. à Monast. Martyrol. Francisc. XXI Aug. Sect. 4. Hogs­head of her Fathers Wine to pleasure some Fryar, had it replenish'd again by the vertue of St. Francis. And that a Woman, running to give Fryar Antony some Wine, through haste and negligence, carryed away the L' Alc. des Cord. lib. 1. pag. 115. Spigot in her hands; and so at her return, found the Wine all run out: but she relying on the Fryars merits or cunning, put the Spigot into the Faucet, and presently the Vessel was so full of good Wine again, that it ran over. But above all, give me some of Vita S. Ber­nard, l. 1. c. 11. St. Bernards Ale, which was so good, that it infused Grace, and converted a Company of Jovial­blades.

It seems Beasts and Birds were not so shie and peevish formerly, as now: when a Capgrave, fol, 18. Buck would run to St. Aido, and kneel as him, or if praying his help. As an Id. fol. 37. Hare was so saved by Anselme. When Ni [...]remberg. Hist. Nat lib. 9. cap. 95. Spar­rows would flock to Remigius, and eat from his fist: When not onely Birds, but Ibid. Fishes would do the same to Jodocus; and took delight to flutter a­bout Maxentius. They say that Id. c. 95, 96. Joseph Anchieta the Jesuit out-va­pour'd the Serpents; and in the heat of Summer, made the Birds fly over him for a shade. That Id. cap. 95. Brigid had a Boar to preserve her Flocks; Id. Hist. Mi­rac. l. 2 c. 68. Eutichius a Bear; and St. Hidrome a Lyon to keep his Ass. That a (Dauroult. c. 7. Tit. 76. Sect. 3. Wolf at the name of Nortbert let a Sheep go. A Ibid. Sect. 4. Serpent secured a Thief. Two Ibid. Sect. 2. Lyons upon command, directed stray'd Travellers into the right way. And which is most of all, that an ugly filthy Nic. Jans [...]. l. 2. c. 3. p. 215. worm was turned into a precious Stone by St. Dominick.

Nay, these Beasts must be Religious too, and probably good Roman Ca­tholicks. Thus the Beasts used to come to be Villegas, III Febr. Jac. de Vorag. Hist. 41. blest by St. Blasius; nor would they depart, till they had received his Benediction. A company of L' Alc. des Cord. l. 1. p. 69. Larks sang the Requiem of St. Francis: the Birds Id. pag. 82. flew out of a Wood, lest their chatterings should disturbe the Prayers of Fryar Rol­lus. One time a great Flock of Birds with stretch'd-out necks, gaped, and attentively Id. pag. 192. hearkn'd to the Preachment of St. Francis. Another time, a great Shoal of Id. pag. 112, 113. Fishes held their heads out of the Water, the better to hear Fryar Anthonies Sermon; and when he had done, some of them o­pen'd their mouths, others bow'd down their heads, whilst others hum'd him; and then departed with a great deal of comfort. And other Pet. de Natal. lib. 5. cap. 117. Fishes at the command of St. Branden, lift up their voices and prais'd God: And thus a L' A [...]c. des C [...]rd. l 1. p. 200. Sheep bleated and kneel'd before the Altar: And the story saith, that the stones answered, Amen, to blind Venerable Bedes Sermon.

And if any of these Creatures do an injury and displeasure, how sorry and grieved will they render them for it? Thus they tell us of a Nieremberg. de Mitac. lib. 2. cap. 72. Raven or Crow which did Pennance, by tormenting it self three days on a Moun­tain, onely for throwing down a little Milk. But the Story how St. Francis made peace between the City Eugubio and a Wolf, is as pretty a thumper as any, in short thus: A Wolf having done much mischief to the Citizens, [Page 27] he undertook to make them good friends: upon this he calls the Beast to L' Alc. des Cord. lib. 1. pag. 188, 189. him, saying, Brother Wolf, you shall promise to live quietly, if the people will af­ford you Victuals. Then the Wolf bow'd down his head in sign of consent: But Francis bid him plight his Da mihi fi­dem. troth: Then the Wolf lift up his right paw, and Francis held forth his fist, and so the Saint and Beast shook hand and foot. Then Francis Preach'd; and after Sermon, past his word to the Ci­tizens for the Wolfs future good behaviour, provided they would not mo­lest the Wolf: to which they promising, and the Wolf kneeling down in sign of agreement, all the people shouted for joy of the Peace: And thus the Wolf lived two years, begging his meat from door to door; the very Dogs all the while not so much as barking at him.

Nay, these Animals are doughty Champions for Invocation of Saints too. Thus they assure us, that a little Bird, being Gononus, pag. 150. seiz'd on by a greater, cryed but out Ave Maria, and presently the great ravenous Bird fell down dead: That a Parrat sporting her self out of a Cage, and being almost seiz'd upon by an Hawk, did but call upon St. Thomas a Becket, and the Hawk fell down dead, and so the Parrat escaped a scouring. Nay, that a Faulkoner being to be hang'd for loosing his Lords Hawk, and had the Rope about his neck, did but think upon our Lady of Hall [a place in Hainault, where of late her Image is set up and more peculiarly worship'd] Just. Lips. D. virgo Hallen­sis. and forthwith the Faulkon came flying home, light upon his shoulder, and so saved his life.

But if these little Creatures have not a visible Church, they cannot e­scape being Hereticks: to avoid which mischief, you shall see they shall have a place for Devotion, the which though not so big as the seven Mo­ther-Churches at Rome, yet more miraculous than any of them. And thus it hapned:

A Womans Caesarius, l. 9. c. 8. Bees not thriving, by the advice of her Gossip, she steals a consecrated Wafer, and placeth it in one of her Hives, hoping it would drive away the disease, and bless all their undertakings. The de­vout Bees, in honour of such a sacred Guest, fall to work, and with their Hony-combs, make a pretty little Church with Windows, a Covering or Roof, with a Door, a Belfrey, I and an Altar too, upon which they had laid the Hoast, about which they continually Apes cir­cum volantes, & in laudem Creatorisbom­bisantes. flew, and by their Humming prais'd the Lord. A pretty company of Catholicks, and a notable Argu­ment for Transubstantiation. But I hope De signis Eccles. lib. 14. cap. 3. Sect. 1. Bozius and the rest will par­don me, if I make no more account of this Bee-hive-Church, than I do of Hist. Natur. lib. 9. cap. 94. Nierembergius his zealous Lisboan Dog; a story too long for this place, though he is pleas'd to fancy it a proof or confirmation of their Pro confir­manda fide, augendo (que) cultu Sacerri­mae Mensae. Religion (and if I mistake him not) of Transubstantiation.

But besides all this, I warrant you 'tis none of the least glories and ho­nours SECT. V. of their Church, (as they think) to see how they bang the poor De­vil about: I shall not here trouble my self with their abominable cheating stories of their exorcising and casting out Devils, with a thousand childish and Poppit-play-tricks, as you may finde them set down in their Practica Ex­orcistarum. Va­lerius Polydorus, Flagellum Daemonum, & Fustis Daemo­num. Hieronymus Mengus, Comple­mentum Artis Exorcisticae. Zacharias Vicecomes, Fuga Sata­nae. An­tonius Stampa, and suchlike Juglers in Divinity, who act by compact or delusions, to the inriching of themselves, the destruction of many simple­minded people, the impoverishment of their gallant Patrons, and the a­buse of Religion and whole Countries: For I am apt to lay this down for a Maxime in Politicks, That when they are busie in Exorcising or disposses­sing of Devils, 'tis time for our Governours to look about them, there be­ing [Page 28] a worse Devil lying hid, than that which appears upon the Stage, be it in the House of either rich or poor, though we finde these Mummeries commonly acted in the former. For 'tis dangerous when an under­party, by these and suchlike cheats of Sanctity, indeavour to strengthen their interest, by making themselves Popular. Though methinks 'tis but a simple commendation to finde the Devil in all these black sports, onely to have power over the Romanists, and that of the poorer sort too, whilst the Hereticks (as they call us) are free from such vexations; for we shall hear of none such, but what proves a juggle at the long run.

But I say, letting alone these their stories of hunting or ferretting out the wicked spirit from one place of ones body to another, as if they were playing together at hide and seek, or finde out the Thief; I shall shew you the valour of the old Romans, how they cuft the poor Villain, till they made him ashamed of himself.

Thus they tell us, how Pet. de Natal. lib. 6. cap. 120. St. Margaret took the Devil by the Hair, threw him down, set her foot upon his Neck, and made him roar out, though at last he having given her a good account of his actions, she very civilly let him go. And how another time, he thinking to make sure of her, put out his ugly long tongue, and swallowed her up: she being in this pickle, made but one sign of the Cross, and the Fiend burst in two, and so she escaped that scouring. And such another Virago was Id. l. 3. c. 131. Juliana, who tyed the Devils hands behind him, whipt him bravely with a great chain; and though he earnestly beg'd her favour, and not to abuse him before all people, yet she drag'd him as a laughing-stock about the Market-place, and then without any compassion threw him into a Jakes.

'Twas a cunning trick which they tell of Id. l. 8. c. 20. St. Lupus, who having once got the Devil in a Bason of Water, laid but a Cushion upon it, and so he kept the simple Rogue howling there all night, being not able to get out. And Id d. l. 8 c. 70. St. Niceta as bad as the former, for he took him, and valiantly threw him down upon the ground, set his foot upon his neck; then asking him what he was, and the fool confessing that he was the wicked knave who had abused Mankinde: Then Niceta threw him in his own Father King Maximinianus his face, and at last tyed him fairly up to a Dunghil. And if here he stank not enough, another pickl'd him to the purpose: for the spirit having I know not how got into him, he very neatly took the ad­vantage of a slippery gut, and Jac. de Vo [...]ag. Hist. 195. flirted him out with a powder backwards. And I think St. Dustan was even with his love-tricks, when he took him by the Nose with a pair of hot Tongs, and made him roar a­gain. ca [...]grave.

But what need these people put themselves to the trouble thus to per­secute the Devil, when himself sometimes by chance can be his own Tor­mentor? Of which one story for all. The Disc [...]p. in Prompt. Ex­ [...]mpl. lit. E. Exemp. 16. Devil one time writing down the sins of some Fryars, and the Paper it seems not long enough for the Catalogue; he goeth the Shoomakers-way to work, puts one end of the Paper in his Mouth, holds fast the other end with his hands, and so in­deavours to stretch it out longer, as they use to do Leather. But see the mischief of it! as he was thus earnestly tugging, the Paper unexpectly tears; with which slip, back flies his Coxcomb against the Wall, whereby he got such a rattle on his pate, that we may well suppose the teeth chatter'd in his head. Yet it seems, as bad as he was, he once Caesar. lib. 3. cap. 26. confess'd his sins to a Priest, had a great humour to repent and turn over a new leafe; nay, and went so far in this good course, as to pay for a Id. l. l. 5. c. 36. Bell to tole the peo­ple to Mass.

As for Purgatory, their stories are too many and long for this place; but SECT. VI. if you have a minde to take a view of it, Hell or Paradise, I shall refer you to Hist. Angl. An. 1153. p. 86, 87, 88, 89, 90. and An. 1206. pag. 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221. And see Phil. Osullevan Compend. Hist. Cathol. Hibern. and his Patritiana De­cas Matthew Paris, where you may see what buildings they have; how many ways the wretched are tormented; the description of the narrow Bridge, or Bridge of Dread; how St. Paul and the Devil weigh the souls in Scales, to see whether their good or bad works are heavyest, that accordingly one of them may dispose of them; how the Devils have their Theatres or Stages to sport and pleasure themselves for diversion sake, by seeing the souls act their parts there: What pleasant Fields and Flowers there are in Paradise, and suchlike old Wives stories, very fit for Winter-nights. And here may you see St. Patricks hole in Ireland too; with which impudent Fable many good people have been deluded. And I dare say, some of our Country-men are so far from being in their wits again, that as yet they will believe the miraculous stories of that Irish hole.

But to go a little higher, you shall see what an excellent Heaven they will afford to the sons of their Church; though certainly, when some of them thus think to set out its glory and honour, they rather make it con­temptible to very Christians, I am certain an Argument of Derision to the Atheist.

As when their Barelete can confidently tell the world, what a great deal Vid. H. Estiene Apol. pour He­rod, l. 1. p. 302. of clutter there was in Heaven to get God to send his Son into the World: For when Adam, Noah, Abraham, David, &c. had desired him to send them, and nothing granted them; then the Women went to see what they could do: And first went Eve, but God told her she was not worthy of his Son, because she had sinn'd. Then Sarah went, but God told her that she wanted Faith concerning Isaac. Rebecca intreated, but he told her she was Partial between Jacob and Esau. Judah spake, but she was told that she was a Murtherer. Then went Esther, but God stopt her mouth, by telling her, she took too much pains to pleasure Assuerus, &c.

Like to this is another story, how after Christs Resurrection, several Id. pag. 304. striv'd to carry word of it to the Virgin Mary. Adam said it belong'd to him, because he was the cause of sin; but Christ told him he would loyter by the way to eat Apples. Then Abel he would go, but Christ told him he might meet Cain, and so be kill'd. Noah offer'd himself, but he was told he loved drinking too much. John Baptist would have gone, but his Gar­ment of Hair was not fine enough. And though the good Thief beg'd the imployment, yet Christ told him he was not fit, because his leggs were broak: And so at last they were forced to send an An­gel.

And as bad as the former is this, that some days after Christ was crucifi­ed, Id. pag. 301. the Apostles went and complain'd to the Virgin Mary, that he had not sent the Holy Ghost to them as he had promised: Upon this Jesus went to God, telling him what he had promised, and that it was now time to perform it. God consents, bids him inform the Holy Ghost of it. Upon this the Holy Ghost desires to know how the people had used him: Christ shews him how they had crucified him: then the Holy Ghost cryed out, Heu mihi! Alas, wo is me, and so turned himself into another shape, that they might not seize on him. And upon this Mission Baralete saith, there was Facta est dis­sentio inter Patrem & spi­ritum sanctum. a dissention or falling out between God the Father and the Holy Ghost.

But leaving these Blasphemies, they will tell you how to get into this Heaven; for I suppose every Order hath the same benefit with the Fran­ciscans; and how they do, take this one Example. A L' Alc. des Cord. lib. 1. pag. 195, 196. Fryar dying, [Page 30] went to Heavens Gates, and knocked there; the Porter asked him what he was? he replyed he was a Minorite: The Porter bid him stay there, till he had spoken with St. Francis: Upon this, St. Francis comes with a World of Fryars, and seeing him, bid the Porter let him in, for he was a Franciscan Fryar.

And now that you are in their Heaven, I make no question but you will finde it governed just as their Church is below here, as if they were both under the Obedience and Government of the same Customs, Canons, Caesariu [...], l 7. cap. 20. Specul. Ex­empl. dist. 6. Sect. 60. and Constitutions or Decrees. For in Heaven they tell us that the Saints go in Procession by Couples; that they carry lighted Tapers in their hands; that they sing the Responses according to the day or Rubrick; that Christ himself goeth clad in his Pontificalibus, with a Myter on his head, a Crosier in his hand, with Gloves, a Ring, and suchlike Episcopal Ornaments: That they go to Church there; that Mass is sung there, Christ standing at the Altar, some reading the Epistle, others in their Surplices the Gospel; and when they have done there, that they all offer up their Candles, which our Saviour receives. Nay, they tell us, that sometimes Christ and the rest comes from Heaven, to do these Ceremonies and Services up­on Go [...]onus, pag. 133. Earth, &c.

Thus have we seen the thumping commendations of their Saints, Devils, nay, of Heaven it self; in which, they have rack'd their Wits so much up­on the Tenter-hooks to make all these their glories lovely and taking, that by thinking to over-do, they have come short; and instead of ren­dring them amiable, have shew'd them but as contemptible: As if all their pains and labour were guided with the same misfortune of our Arcadian Demetas, who after all his pumpings and endeavours to make his Madam Mopsie renowned and famous, sum'd up all in this, that she was his own Pigs­nye, whereby she became more ridiculous.

I have been the longer upon these Wonders and Fopperies (and might easily have enlarged their number to a great Volume) because I finde them in every place so triumph over all other people by their Miracles, which in every Age they make so necessary a Mark of a True Church, that they think it none of the least Arguments against the Re­formed.

But these may give you an hint, what little credit may justly be given to such Tales: and when men have trapt any as Impostures, so oft in lying and cheating, they have small reason to believe them in their other Stories or Actions. And besides these Forgeries, when we consider what com­pact jugling and delusions there may be, and that the Devil also may have a hand in the imployment, as also some may have their Natural causes; we should not so easily believe all to be gold that glistereth, nor e­very thing we see or hear, to be a Miracle wrought by God, since 2 Thessal. 2. [...]. An­tichrist himself must deceive by signs and lying Wonders.

Though as I have no power to hinder Almighty God from working Wonders, so have I no Authority to deny that he doth do any by his faith­ful Instruments; and I am apt to believe upon good Reason, that the Church of Great Britain, since the Reformation, may glory and triumph in this blessing, as well as their fellow-Christians beyond Sea.

CHAP. IV. Their Idle, Extravagant and Prophane Titles and Prerogatives appro­priated to the Pope.

HAving hitherto seen how lavish they are in the commendations of their inferiour Christians, those but as it were fellow-Subjects, or of the same rank in obedience with themselves: what lofty strains and towring Encomiums may we expect, when they advance to magnifie their Lord and Master, their Infallible Judge, and what not? If in any thing they observe Sir Philip Sidneys Rule:

If the man such praises have,
What must he that keeps the knave?

And if when several of their Wits have strain'd themselves to compare the great Cardinal Many of which you may finde collected together in a Quart [...] Book, call'd Scripto­rum Galliae Maledicentiae & Adulationes Impiae, Anno 1635. Richelieu to God Almighty for Power and Wisdom, though he hath not hitherto been held one of the greatest Saints; we may not hope for less Blasphemies, to be produced to the honour of their Roman Bishop, whom they fancy to command Heaven and Hell; and so at his pleasure to dispose of their souls to either of those places.

But that good Emperour Volaterran. lib. 23. fol. 266. Alexander Severus rejected all such cogging Claw-backs: As Ant. Panor­mita de rebus gestis Alphonsi. Alonso that wise King of Aragon, did not onely hate, but several times punish his flattering, creenging Courtiers, whom he justly call'd the Plague of Princes; it being a truth not easily denyed, that (next to such a Treason as Presbytery) the dissembling fawning Favorite, is the discredit of his King, and the ruine of his Country.

What the Popes have done by way of command to others, to proclaim to the World the Commendations, Strength, Power, Vertue and Authori­ty of his Holy-Chair, would be a task too tedious and difficult, to search exactly and throughly into: Yet that such endeavours have been some­what Ancient, appears by Augustinus de Ancona, now better known by the name of Triumphus; who above three hundred years ago, was commanded by Pope John XXI (or XXII) to write a Treatise to this purpose, which he did, where he boldly maintains that no De Potestate Ecclesiastic [...], Quest. 44. Art. 1. law can be made to binde Christi­ans, but by the Popes Authority, as of old the Israelites received none but by the Intercession of Moses. Nor is this all; but he makes all the world to be so much the Popes Right and Inheritance, that he expresly gives us this Caution of Interpretation of some Facts in History, viz. That if we meet with any Emperours to have given any Id. Part. 1. Quest. 1. Art. 1. Temporal Priviledges or Lands to a­ny Popes, (as they say Constantine did to Sylvester) we must here understand that they did not at all give that which was their own to give; but onely (for­sooth) restore that, which had formerly been taken away from them by Tyranny and Injustice. Or if on the contrary, we read of any Popes to have given off a­ny such Temporal Benefit, we must then suppose that it was done more for peace-sake, then really to give to others a true Title to them. Fine Rules, if they were true, to keep all Jurisdiction and Territories in their own clutches. But alas, they are too simple and childish to be imbraced by any but fools, and suchlike Papal Scriblers.

Not long after him, we have a trusty Spaniard, Alvarus Pelagius Con­fessor to Balthassor Cossa, call'd John XXII (or XXIII) who writ a large [Page 32] Book, in part to vindicate his Master, by many then held an Antipope. This Alvarus, amongst other things, affirms that no Emperour must be held to rule De planctu Ecclesiae, lib. 1. cap. 13. justly, who received not his Power and Authority from the Ro­man Church, especially after Christ had granted all Rule and Government to St. Peter: which seems a pretty Paradox, as if the Church at Rome by right ruled all the world, before ever St. Peter was ever there, or held as Supream there; or for ought that I know, before any other Christian in that City had any abode. Nor will that which followeth any whit mend the matter, viz. that every Pope hath all the same, or as much power upon Earth, as Jesus Christ himself had; and that the Pope is as a God to the Emperour.

Some years before this, Ʋrban the Sixth and Clement the Seventh bandy­ing for the Popedom, the Christians not agreeing which of them was the true one; insomuch that the Kings themselves were also divided, from which troubles it may be he might expect some disadvantage: However it was, he had one Johannes de Therano his Chamberlain, who upon his command writ a Book to lessen all Temporal Authority in Princes, in which he very finely evades these words—Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars, and to God the things that are Gods, by affirming that these words of Christ have place onely for a time, viz. until his Ascention; and that after his Ascention they are of no force or value: proving it from this Verse—Joh 12. 32. When I shall be lifted up from the Earth, I will draw all men unto me; which he interprets by all Kings and Kingdoms to be under the Popes jurisdiction: a bundle of such strange Assertions, that Tom. 2. pag. 232. Coquaeus himself seems almost ashamed of them.

But to go on: long before any of these, above five hundred years Anno 1131. a­go in a Council at Rheimes, some one or other (for his certain name I finde not) made a learned and wise Sermon, as he thought, in commendation of the Pope, telling his Auditors, that he was greater than Moses, greater than any Angel, greater than Solomon;—nay, except God, there is none like unto him either in Heaven or Earth. And that this might carry the more cre­dit with it, they have foisted this into the Works of Sermo ad Sy­nod. Rhemens. beginning Grave est quod mihi injungi­tur. St. Bernard, though Anno 1131. Sect. 4. Baronius himself cannot believe that he was the Author of it.

Yet good Bernard knew not all things, nor in some things could he see any farther than that blinde Age in which he lived would allow him; nor will I take upon me to censure him of flattery, for his thus complementing with his Holiness,—Be [...]nard. de Considerat. ad Eugenium, sib. 2. cap. 8. Thou art the Prime of all Bishops, the Heir of the Apostles, an Abel for Primacy, a Noah for Government, an Abraham by Patri­archship, a Melchisedech by Order, Aaron by Dignity, Moses by Authority, Sa­muel by Judicature, Peter by Power, Christ by Ʋnction, &c.

And this piece of canting Courtship, was taken up by the Arch-bishop Vid Abrah. Bzov. Rom. Pent. c. 6. p. 56. Stephanus Tigliatius, and bestowed upon Innocent the Eighth with some Additions.

But we might go higher yet, and see what goodly Priviledges Gregory the Seventh got an Assembly at Rome to bestow upon him, as that B [...]o [...]. Anno 1076. Sect 31, 3 [...], 33. onely the Pope of Rome can depose Bishops: That he onely according to the Times may make Laws: That he onely may use the Imperial Ensigns: That all the Princes are to kiss his feet: That he can depose Emperours, and Translate Bishops: That no Synod can be held without his command, nor any Book is Canonical with­out his Authority: That he is undoubtedly made Vid. Dist. 40. [...]. Noa nos. Holy by the Merits of St. Peter: That there is but one name in the World, i. e. the Pope.

Nor can such Extravagances as these seem strange to any, who is ac­quainted with their writings and stories; the Popes themselves not a lit­tle [Page 33] delighting in these Flatteries, and accordingly they never want such complying Pick-thanks.

Thus Fernando de Velasco in behalf of his Master John the Second King of Vid. Bzov. de Rom. Pont. c. 6. p. 56, 57, 58, 66. Portugal, applyed that to Innocent the Eighth, which the Apostle speaks of Christ, viz. That he is Ephes. 1. 21. far above all Principality and Power, and every name that is named, not onely in this world, but also in that which is to come; and that he is the Sun and Light of the World.

Thus Scala the Florentine Ambassador told the same Pope, That his Dig­nity was so great, that a more Excellent could not be invented or fancyed on Earth: Nay, that to dispute or doubt of his Power, is no less than Sacriledge, as Cheurer flattered him from the Duke of Savoy. Julius the Second was told by Diego Pacettus, Envoy from Emanuel King of Portugal, That he was the Door-keeper of Heaven, and held the Keys of eternal Life: And Bernar­dus Justinianus, Agent from the Venetians, assured Pope Paul the Second, that Cui claudere Coelos & ape­rire, detrudere ad Inferos, & eruere quos­cun (que) velit, concessum. he could damn and save whom he pleased: Which was also affirm'd to Julius the Second, by Michael Risius, from Lewis the Twelfth of France, with this Addition, that the Necks of all Kings and Princes must submit to him.

Narius Bandinaeus, Ambassador from Sienna, fob'd up Pope Paul the Third with the Epithites of The Father of Godliness, Day-star of Justice, Prince of Faith, Chiestain of Religion, Arbitrator of all things, Saviour of Christians, and Image of Divinity. And as if the Princes of Italy strove in the magnifying of his Holiness, the Ambassadors of Genoa, Sienna, Lucca, Venice, Florence, Parma, Milan and Ferrara, humbly told Leo the Tenth, That he excell'd all Kings as much as the Sun doth the Moon.

And well might these petit Potentates thus tumble themselves before their Infallible Chair, when the great French Monarch, Francis the Se­cond, by his Deputy Johannes Babo à Burdaesia, did creenge to Pius the Fourth, in the acknowledgement, that all Laws depended upon his pleasure; that Kings threw themselves down at his feet, and Heaven opens at his will; and that his pleasure did stand for a Law, as his voice for an O­racle.

Pope Pius the Fifth was once told, that the whole world lay at his Feet: And Sixtus the Fifth, that Princes, Kings and Emperours were so much subject to him, that they should not onely attend upon him, but worship and adore him. Which if true, then Aquinas was not amiss, when (as they say) he told the world, That Vid. Bzov. pag. 53, 55. our Kings ought to be as much subject to him, as to Christ himself. Nor those others, who with the German have declared, that all must be o­bedient to him, upon pain of Salvation, according to the Decree of Extra. Com. de Major. & Obed. c. U [...]am sanctam. Bo­niface the Eighth.

Their Canon-Law tells us, that Christ received St. Peter into the Sext. de E­lectione, cap. Fundamenta. Fellow­ship of his undivided Ʋnity: Informs us; that as Dist. 12. c. Non decet. Christ did the Will of his Father, so we should do the will of the Church of Rome. That Dist. 19. c. Sic omnes. all the Orders of that Church ought to be held, as if St. Peter himself had proposed them to us. And therefore are Ib. c. Enim­vero. perpetually and inviolably to be observed. And so are the Papal decretal Letters, which they say are to be Ib. c. In Ca­nonicis. numbred amongst the Canonical Scriptures: Nor is any man Caus. 17. Q. 4. & Dist. 81. c. Si qui sunt, c. Nemini est. to judge or revoke the Popes sentence: For the Paul. Lance­lottus Institut. juris Can. l. 1. Tit. 3. c. De­creta. Decrees of the Popes are of equal force and autho­rity with the Canons of Councils. And good Reason, since they Decree that every one is to be Extra. Com. de Major. & Obed. c. Unam sanctam. obedient to the Pope, upon pain of damnation; and so must we believe that Extra. Com. Tit. 1. c. Super Gentes. all Nations and Kingdoms are under the Popes jurisdiction: And that Extra. Joh. XXII. Tit. 5. & Dist. 22. c. Omnes. Gloss. God hath delivered over to him the Power and Rule of Heaven and Earth.

And well may he thus triumph over Principalities & Powers, since the Glos­saries [Page 34] have the confidence to assure us, that he Naturam re­rum immutat substantialia unius rei ap­plicando a­liis—de nihi­lo aliquid fa­cere pot [...]st.—sententiam quae nulla est facit aliquam. In his quae vult ei est pro ratione voluntas. Nec est qui ei dicat, Cur ita facis? Ipse enim potest supra jus dispensare—de injustitia potest facerc justitiam corrigendo jura & mutando. Decret. Greg. lib. 1. Tit. 7. c. Quanto perjonam. Gloss. Sect. Veri Dei vic [...]m. can change the Nature of Things, make (or rather create) something out of nothing; since his will must stand for a Law, nor must any man say to him, Why do you so? since his power is such, as to dispence beyond Law it self, and so of Injustice can make Justice, either by correcting or changing the Laws or Rights; and Dist. 34. c. Lector. Gloss. dispence too against the A­postle.

Their Canon-Law brags, that Constantine the Great call'd the Pope a Dist. 96. c. Sa­tis evidenter. God: But their extravagant Gloss speaks out more plainly in these ve­ry words—Credere Do­minum Deum nostrum Papam Conditorem, &c. Extra. Joh. XXII. Tit. 14. de verborum significat. cap. 4. Cum inter nonnull [...]s. Gloss. Sect. Declaramus, prope finem. OUR LORD GOD THE POPE.

Because Warn-word to Sir Fran. Ha­stings's wast­ward, Encount. 1. c. 2. Sect. 10. Father Parsons affirmeth he could never finde any such ex­pression, though he saith he sought much for it; I have been the more ex­act and plain in the Quotation, as also to confute Apol. pro Hen. Garn. Andraeas Eudaemon-Johannes, and some others, who are apt to perswade their Readers, that there is no such thing to be found, at least in those Copies that they can meet withal: for confutation of which, take this Catalogue of Editions which I have met withal, in which they will finde the said words expresly set down.

Lugduni.Lutet. Paris.
15261522
15561561
1559* 1585
1572* 1601
*1584*1612

Several of which, viz. those you see here noted with the Asterisks, were Vid. Pet, Mou­lin vates, lib. 5. cap. 6. printed after Pope Gregory the Thirteenth had corrected the Canon-Law, and were as they confess printed and publish'd according to the Roman Copy, by Authority of the said Pope.

And it may be from suchlike wicked expressions as this, that abomina­ble Varlet Francois Ravaillac drew this Blasphemous Doctrine, Parceque faisant la guerre contre le Pape, c'estoit la faire con­tre Dieu, d' [...]u­tant que le Pa­pe estoit Dieu, & Dieu [...]stoit le Pape. P [...]ocez, Examen, Con­fessions, &c. du F [...]anco [...]s Ravaillac. pag. 39. & Is. Ca­sauban. Ep [...]st. ad Front Du­caeum, pag. 14 The Pope is God, and God is the Pope. And therefore supposing that Henry the Fourth of France would make War upon the Pope, he thought himself obliged to murther the said King, lest he should fight against God, that is, the Pope. However, though I cannot say that the wisest of them think the Pope really to be God; yet this I am certain of, that they commonly paint one so like the other, with a Triple Crown, and all other Pontifical Garments, that you can scarce know whether they designed it for the Pi­cture of God Almighty, or the Pope.

But others would have us to think, that he is not really a God, no more than he is really a man; but something or other between both, ac­cording to our Country-man in their [h] Gloss. g Cl [...]m [...]t. in Proem. Gloss, [...] Papa.

[Page 35]
Papa stupor Mundi—
—Qui maxima rerumes;
Nec Deuses, nec homo, quasi neuter es inter utrumque.
Pope! the worlds wonder, greatest in all the world,
Nor God, nor Man, but between both, thou'rt Purld.

And now can we think that they give these almost-almighty Titles and Power to his Holiness, without sure grounds and good cause? And that of all Reasons and Authorities, the Canon-Law, which hath been so care­fully composed, and so often revised by their wisest ones, doth not afford the best? No surely, and therefore for a taste, take some of their invin­cible Arguments, and those too, for more Authority, framed by the Popes themselves, and so infallibly true.

Can any deny that the Pope hath all Extra. Com. de Major. & Obed. c. Unam Sanctam. Temporal as well as Spiritual jurisdiction, seeing the Apostles said,—Luke 22. 28. Behold, here are two Swords; and Christ answered, That it is enough? Which is also sufficiently testified by Christ's saying, Peter Job. 18. 11. Mat. 26. 52. put up thy sword into the sheath.

What need any man question the Extra. Com. c. Unam san­ctam. Greg. de Major. & O­bed. c. Solitae. Popes Authority to depose Kings, seeing God told the Prophet Jeremiah, saying,—Jer. 1. 10. Behold, I have this day set thee over the Nations and over the Kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build and to plant?

Is it not as plain as a Pike-staff, that there is but one Supream Authori­ty in the World, and that that is the Extra. Com. c Unam san­ctam. Pope, because God Gen. 1. 1. created heaven in the Beginning? for it is not said in the plural number, in the Begin­nings. And therefore he that believes not that the Pope is the Chief, must be an Heretical Manichee.

Again, is it not impudence to deny the Greg de Ma­jor. & Obed. c. Solitae. Pope to be above any Em­perour, (be he East or West) seeing God himself decided long since the Controversie, by creating Gen. 1. 16. two great Lights, viz. the Sun and the Moon, whereby he did plainly demonstrate, that the Pope is as far above the Em­perour, as the Sun is greater than the Moon? And for the Kings, they are no more to be compared to the Pope, than Dist. 96. c. Duo sunt. Lead is to Gold.

Upon the strength of these Authorities and mighty Reasons, though not a Rush to the purpose, their Writers vapour with his Holiness over all poor Hereticks. Comment. in c. Oportchat. pag. 48. Sect. 9. Rodericus Cupers thinks that those who deny the Popes Temporal and spiritual Supremacy, deny also the Gospel; and the great Sum. Patt. 3. Tit. 22. c. 5. Antoninus of Florence, that he hath power not onely on earth, but in Heaven and Hell. Doctor Tract. de ju­risdict. part. 4. cent. 1. cas. 56. Sect. 1. Marta saith, that he is Judge of all men in the World. And so any may appeal from their secular Judges to him: He being the Ibid. Sect. 8. Fountain and Original of all Temporal jurisdiction, and having all the Power that Id. cap. 25. Sect. 20. Christ had.

Quodlibet. VI. Quaest. 23. fol. 369. a. Henricus à Gondavo with his Commentator, Marcus Vitalis, Zuccoli­us, and De Potestar. Rom Pont. l. 2. c. 9. Sect 7. & cap. 10. Alexander Carerius, with a multitude of others, are great stick­lers for this his Authority; and the later of them tells us, that it is the common opinion of all their Divines and Canonists. Nay, Stephanus an Arch-bishop, in one of their Lateran Councils, applauded the Opini­on, That the Concil. E­dict. Regia. Tom. 34. pag. 449. Pope was above all Power both of Heaven and Earth.

One tells us that he is not onely the Judge, but the Jo. Rubeus in Bonifac. VIII. pag. 216. Spouse of the Ʋni­versal Church, and the Arbitrator of Heaven and Earth. Isidor. Masco­uius de Maje­state Militant. Eccles. p. 26, 27 Another goeth on, and affirms him to be King of Kings, Lord of Lords: that there is but one and the same Judgement-seat and Council-house belonging to God and the [Page 36] Pope, and so all the world obliged to stand to his judgement: for should all people bandy against it, their sentence would be of no force. A third proceeds, and maintains that he can do Jac. de Grif­f [...]is Decisiones auriae, part. 1. cap. 31. all things that God himself can do, onely sin excepted. And another from the same Authority assures us, that he D. Guido Decisiones, Quaest. 589. can take away any mans right, and give it to another: Nor need we to think much at this, since they allow him to Jason Mayn. Concil. 14 [...]. Sect. 7. & Vol. 3. Cons. 68. Sect. 14. do any thing above all right, against all right, and without all right: That he is the Cause of Causes, and can declare square things to b [...]round. And then I warrant you that we are Hereticks, if we do not believe that the square thing is really round.

The Rabbins told their Jews, that they were to believe the Judges, though they told them that the Right-hand was the Left, and the Left-hand the Right. And this knack of credulity, was lately indeavoured by the Si dixerit tibi, quod dextera sit sinistra, vel sinistra dexte­ra, talis sen­tentia est te­nenda. Nic, de Lyra in Deuter. c. 17. 11. Jesuites to be an Article: the famous and judicious Father Paul assuring us, that the third of their Rules found at Padoa 1606 was, that—Hist. of the Quarrels of Pope Paul the Fifth, with the Venetians, lib. 1. pag. 96. Men must believe the Hierarchical Church, although it tell us, that that is black which our eye judgeth to be white. And something like this, is the Doctrine which Bellarmine himself layeth down, in these words,—Si autem Papa erraret praecipiendo vitia, vel prohibendo virtutes, teneretur Ecclesia credere vitia esse bona, & vir­tutes malas, nisi vellet contra conscientiam peccare. Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. lib. 4. cap. 5. Sect. Quod autem. If the Pope should err, in commanding Vices or prohibiting Vertues; then is the Church o­bliged to believe that Vices are good, and Vertues are evil, unless she would sin a­gainst her Conscience.

And I doubt he is willing to give to St. Peter, and by his consequence to the Pope, the Contra Bark­laium, cap. 31. power of making sin to be no sin, and that which is no sin to be a sin. Certain I am, that when Pope Clement the Eighth desired the said Cardinal to draw him up some private Rules and Directions for the bene­fit of the Church; he could not in that Paper of secrecie, keep himself from flattery, by telling the Pope, that Jac. Fuligat­tus vita Card. Bellarm. lib. 3. cap. 5. he had no limits or bounds in the whole world, but those which the world it self had.

About twenty years ago, Innocent the Tenth being chosen Pope, Cardi­nal Colunna, as he delivered him St. Peters Keys, told him, that Laur. Banck, Roma Trium­phans, p. 216. the An­gels in Heaven reverenced him, the Gates of Hell feared him, and the whole world adored him. But this snip of flattery is nothing to the Blasphemous Paper presented to the same Pope by the hands of the German Jesuit Mel­chior Id. pag. 81, 82. Herm. Conrin­gius Castigat. de Elect. [...]exand. 7. p. 55, 56. Inchofer (though himself was not the Author of it) then living at Rome.

The Elogy it self, with the bold allusions to the Popes Sir-name Pam­philio, whereby he would make him better than our Saviour, take as follow­eth; though we may guess that they were composed a little before his E­lection.

Eminentissime & Reverendissime D. CARDINALIS PHAMPHILI.

I. PHILIUS Dei (superlativus amor Patris, quia [...], ideo Philius dictus) ex aeterna ejus charitate, qua se Deo Patri obtulit, in aman­tissimum Intercessorem a [...] Mediatorem Dei ac hominum ab instanti Conceptionis [Page 37] in utero B. Mariae Virginis, factus fuit Sacerdos in aeternum, secundum Ordinem Melchisedech, ac Primus Pontifex Optimus Maximus.

II. Sed Filius fuit Philius, non fuit PAMPHILIUS.

III. Fuit intercessor Dei & hominum.

IV. Non fuit Ʋniversalis Mediator Angelorum & hominum, seu PAM­PHILIUS.

V. Si ex Nominis analogico aeterno (que) Anagrammate praesagire licet, Mysteri­um aliquod in Tempore: Tu ab aeterno Praedestinatus es, esse Pamphilius in Terris, ac dici PAMPHILIUS, aemulus filii Dei in Coelis.

VI. Pamphilius ergo eris, Ʋniversalis nimirum Reconciliator Angelorum & hominum, in Terris hostiliter pugnantium Regum & Populorum.

VII. Quod praestabis non nisi electus in Pontificem Opt. Maximum.

VIII. In cujus faustissimum augurium Evangelus ego, felix (que) Nuncius ter sanctos Pedes Eminentiae vestrae ex nunc deosculor.

IX. Quod etiam Graecè scripsi decem abhinc annis, in Graeca nostra Acade­mia Basiliana in Columbae vestrae stemmata [...], Rex Pacificus eris & Clementissimus.

Ter genu flexus Italo-Graecus ego Joan. Baptista Catum Syritus.

Pope Paul the Second told Plat. in Paulo Secun­do. Platina and others, that all right and power were lodged in his Breast, and that his Authority was such, that even ac­cording to his own pleasure and will, he could null or approve of other mens actions. And why not? seeing Anno 552. Sect. 11. Baronius affirms, that when Vigilius sat in the Chair, that then also Christ himself, not onely as he was man, but as he was God also, sat with him. Upon which ground, it may be that Albizzi (made Cardinal, I suppose, by this present Pope Alexander the Seventh) told two Cordeliers, that the St. Amours journal, p. 170. Gospel would not be the Gospel, if the Pope had not approved of it. And to go a little higher, those of Palermo having sent their Ambassadors to Pope Martin the Second; these Holy men (as my Author calls them) being come into his presence, having first thrown themselves all along before his feet, thus began their Speech to him:

O thou! who takest away the sins of the World, have mercy upon us.
Paul. Aemilius Hist. Francor. in vita Philippi III.
O thou! who takest away the sins of the World, have mercy upon us.
O thou! who takest away the sins of the World, have mercy upon us.

Nor did the Pope finde any fault in this Salutation, but onely that he thought them to be Hypocrites, and to have spoke him fair, when he thought they perfectly hated him.

As for Kings, their Greg. de Ma­jor. & Obed. c. Solitae. Canon-Law tells us, that the Pope is as far above them, as the Sun is greater than the Moon. Upon which their old Glossator takes upon him to finde out the distance; and according to his skill in A­stronomy, he makes the Pope to be about forty seven times better than a King: But this seeming too little for his Holiness, it fairly concludes him to be above 7744 times greater than any King.

And though this seems brave, and sound high, yet Chimaera, fol. 97. a. Stanislaius Ori­chorius, of a later cut, makes it his business to out-vapour the Gloss, by af­firming that a common Priest is as much better than a King, as a Man is better than a Beast. Nay farther, that as much as God Almighty doth excel a Priest, so much doth a Priest excel a King.

And this may somewhat agree with Gaspar Scioppius, a great man amongst them, though of more words and passion, than Charity or Discretion, who in the swindge of his Zeal, alloweth all Lay-men to be no better than Horses, Mules or Asses; and that with such small distinction, that the Ro­manist Ecclesiasticus, cap. 147. himself hath but the honour to be a tame Ass, whilst the Heretick is a wilde one. Nor do the Kings of the Popish perswasion get any more ad­dition of esteem from him, then that they are the foremost or leading Asses with fine jangling Bells about their necks. And that favorite of their Church, Reges Catho­lici sunt Asini cum Tintinna­bul [...], &c. Charles the Great, is honour'd enough, as Schoppius thinks, by calling him a wiser and greater Ass than our King James, because he was obedient to the Pope.

And the truth is, many of our chief Princes, by their too much debasing themselves to that Chair, have rendred themselves little better than Sciop­pius his comparisons; or his Holiness must have thought them to be so, in re­spect of his Almighty Greatness: Witness the great Kings and Emperours who have held the Popes Stirrops, have kiss'd his Toe, have like Foot-boys led their Horses along; witness Alexander the Third, for presuming to Vid. Tho. Bo­zium de Italiae statu, l. 3. c. 4. pag. 298. tread upon the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa's neck; witness Gregory the Seventh, for making the Emperour Henry the Fourth to wait upon him three several days in the midst of Winter, bare-foot, bare-headed, and fasting: and several suchlike impudent stories, which may be seen more at large in the prosecution of this History.

And for more confirmation of this Papal Pride and Greatness, let us take a short view of somewhat to this purpose, which they have left upon Record, with a strict injunction to be performed by all Kings and Empe­rours whatsoever.

The Pope in the Book of their holy Ceremonies, doth command as a Law, Sacrarum Ceremonia­ [...]um, Edit. Rom. 1560. lib. [...]. That when an Emperour goeth to be Crown'd by a Pope, Fol. 22. he is as soon as he espyeth his Holiness, to kneel and worship him bare-headed; then to approach nearer and kiss his feet: and the same is to be done by the F [...]l 2 [...]. Empress when she is Crowned. When the Emperour is Crowned, at the publick Processi­on, before a world of people, he is to Fol. [...]6. go to the Popes Horse, and there to hold the Stirrop till his Holiness mounts on Horse-back; and then like a Lackey must he lead the Popes Rosonante some way by the Reins. And this piece of service or slavery must the Fol. 17. Emperour, King, or chief Potentate perform, when the Pope is chosen, in his Procession to the Lateran Church: But if there be two Kings present, then hath the Pope expresly commanded, that Ibid. one of them on his Right-side, the other on his Left, must lead his Palfrey along by the Bridle. And this Office of the Yeoman of the Stirrop, they are confi­dently pleas'd to tell us, that Constantine the Great did it to Pope Syl­vester. But the [...]. D [...]n [...] ­ [...]io v [...]l Privi­l [...]gi [...] Con­stantant. Copy whence they produce this, I shall prove to be a whilking lye and forgery, in the following History.

The Pope goeth on in his proud Laws, by decreeing, that the best Lay­man, though he be Emperour or King, must Sac [...]a [...]. Ce­ [...]em. lib. 1. fol. 20. carry water for the Pope to wash his hands in: nor must his trouble and slavery cease here, but he must also carry up the first dish of meat to his Table. And as if all this were not enough to debase the Temporal Princes, the same Authority goeth on, command­ing, that if the Pope will not ride on horse-back, but be carryed in his Chair, that then the four of the greatest Princes, yea, although the Emperour be one of them, shall put their Fol. 1 [...]. shoulders to the said Chair, and so carry him some space: yet this being a tyranny beyond all expression, therefore somewhat to mi­tigate it, they provide, that four lusty fellows shall so far assist, as to ease those Royal Shoulders from the great weight.

The truth is, the Pope is wont to call himself the servant of servants of [Page 39] God: But 'tis none of the least signs of great Pride, to affect a seeming Ti­tle of humility, when in the mean time they make it their design to Do­mineer over the whole world: and something to this purpose, their Gloss upon Gratian affords us this Distich:

1 q. 7. c. Quo­ties Cordis, Gloss. Et per te.
Servierant tibi Roma prius Domini Dominorum,
Servorum servi nunc tibi sunt Domini.
The greatest Kings once serv'd thee, Rome, but now
To th'least of Servants thou thy neck must bow.

And such another like cheat as this doth his Holiness afford the Romans, or rather the holy Scripture, when he is elected and carryed to the Late­ran, where he takes up as much Sacrar. Ce­rem. lib. 1. fol. 17. money as he can in his hand, and throws it amongst the people, saying,—Acts 3. 6. Silver and gold have I none; but such as I have, give I thee. A most ridiculous Ceremony for his Infallible Holiness, thus to abuse the words of St. Peter!

And though Pope Julius the Third was content to call himself no more than Gods Vicar, yet the extravagancy of the expression spoil'd the Com­plement: For as the story goeth, having once commanded a Peacock to H. Esti [...]ne A­pol. pour He­rod. p. 291. be set by, that he might eat it cold, and being missing when he desired it, forced him into a great rage; and being desired by a Cardinal, not to be angry for such a Trifle, thus replyed,—If God was so angry for an Apple, as to drive Adam out of Paradise; why might not he that was Gods Vicar, be an­gry for a Peacock of more worth? And like this was another reply of the said Pope, who wanting his Dish of Pork, and being told that his Physitian had forbad it, as not then good for him, thus unholily commanded,—Bring me my Pork in spight of God. Porta mi quel mio piatto al dispetto di Dio.

Methinks Johannes Andraeas, Bishop of Aleria in Corsica, thought himself no small Wit, when his fancy reached so high, as to call Pope Leo the Great, Epist ad Pau­lum II. praefix, Opuscul. Leo­nis. Fran. Sweert. pag. 115. The Tully of Church-Oratory, The Homer of Divinity, and the Ari­stotle of Faith: and this mode of School-boy-allusion is used also by some others, as amongst other Monuments of the Great Duke of Bourbon who took Rome, this following is at Gaieta:

Consiliis, Calchas, animo Hector, robora Achilles,
Eloquio Nestor, jacet hic Borbonius Heros.

And thus the other day a Philanax An­glicus, or a Christian Ca­veat against Protestants of Integrity, pag. 57, 58. Romanist thought he had commended our blessed Martyr King Charles the First beyond all comparison, when he call'd him a Prince wise as Apollo, Valiant as Achilles, Vertuous as So­crates, Pious as Aeneas, and Beautiful as an Amazon. So that it seems to make a noise, any thing that sounds great, be it devilish or wicked, must be brought in; like the people of Sofala in the East-Indies, who appropriate to their King, by way of commendation, all things that are great, be it good or bad; insomuch, that they call him not onely Purchas Pilgr. Vol. 2. pag. 1539. Great Lyon, but great Thief, great Witch, and suchlike.

But for such allusions of Bishop Andraeas, I shall let them alone, as imper­tinent to my purpose, and of as little harm as they are of discretion; I only medling with those of a higher pitch, such as attribute a Deity, or little less, to his Holiness, of which formerly; and to them I might add this Distich set Da. Magerus Transenna Theologica, pag. 61. upon a Triumphal Arch at Rome, relating to Pope Sixtus:

Oraculo vocis mundi moderaris habenas,
Et merito in Terris crederis esse Deus.

And therefore they command us Paris Crassus de Ceremoniis Cardinalium, & Epist lib. 1. cap 22. to bow at the name of the Virgin Mary and the Pope, as well as at the name of Christ. And if these and suchlike Extrava­gances (not to say Blasphemies) have not been asserted, yea, and by those who think themselves the wisest, concerning the Pope, I shall desire the same censure that the famous Parisian Chancellor Gerson (by themselves stiled the most Christian Doctor) did in the same case, viz. to be held a Mentior si non invenian­tur haec scri­pta, & ab illis etiam qui sa­pientes sunt in Oculis suis. Jo. Gerson. de potest. Eccles. Consid. 12. lyar.

But to end all with a story or two: the famous Stephanus assures us, that a Priest at Tours told his Auditors, that if Apol. pour Herod. p. 291. Christ and the Pope were by him, and one commanded him one thing, and the other another, that he would obey the Pope rather than Jesus Christ. And this Doctrine agrees somewhat with the Cardinal, who told his Confessor, That he had rather adore the Pope than God, because one was visible, and the other not.

And these Extravagances, and the Popes taking upon him to domineer over all mankinde, made the Greek Church send this short Comple­ment to his Holiness, John XXIII,—We do really acknowledge thy high Jo. Bale. Acta Pontif. Rom. l. 6. p. 253. Authority over thine own Subjects: but we cannot indure thy great pride, nor are we able to satisfie thy avarice: So the Divel be with thee, and the Lord with us.

Thus when we finde their Grandees, and those who think themselves the wisest of their Religion, to ascribe s [...]c [...]s [...]ve Power and Prerogatives to his Holiness, we may the less wonder [...] simplicity of the poor peo­ple Da. Magerus, Transenna Theologica, pag. [...]5. of Limosin, who (according to the [...]) [...]aring and so believing that the Pope was not onely Gods Vicar, bu [...] [...], and so had such great power in Heaven and Earth, &c. and [...] wing that the then Pope was their Country-man, and so near them [...] in France at Avignon; and so full in hope (for Relation- [...]a [...] some comfort and help from him; sent to him, laying open [...] of his and their Country, scarce any thing growing in it, bu [...] [...], and a little Corn to serve them on Sundays; and th [...] [...] [...]eg'd that his Holiness would be pleas'd to make their poo [...] un [...]y so fruitful, that they might have two Harvests in a year.

The Pope after long consultat [...] with his Grave Council about this weighty matter, was pleas'd very [...]sly to grant their request; but upon this condition, that for the future [...] s [...]ould not reckon twelve, but twen­ty four Months for the year. [...]engers glad at heart of this unspeak­able favour and benefit, return [...]rrily into their Country with this good news, to the great rejoycing and [...]riump [...] (no doubt) of their Neigbours.

However those people, with those of Munding in Schwaben, who knew not the difference between a [...]bel. Facet. l. [...]. p. 18 [...]. Crab, Pigeon and Stag, and contended in voice with a Id. l [...]. p. 56. Cuckow; and those Inhabitants of M [...]rt. Z [...]e H [...]span. l [...]iner. pag. 1 [...]9. El Campo in Estra­madura, who knew not three Miles beyond their own homes: and our Vir­tuosi of Gotham may be, for ought that I know, as honest, though they are not the wisest of their four respective Nations.

But though the Pope may think himself above all Power in this World, and so not liable to any censure whatsoever; yet against this, I remember a droling story. A Fryar Minorite having proved that the Pope might be Ex­communicated, by this, as he thought, invincible Dilemma:—Either the Pope is a Brother, or not; if he be a Brother, he may be Excommunicated by a Brother; if he be not a Brother, why doth he say Our Father? The Pope not knowing how to answer this, a merry Courtier undertook the solution, and so to ease him of his troubled minde, by this advice:—Let your Holiness never say the Lords Prayer, and the Argument is void, and of no force against you. And so I leave his Holiness in deep consultation with his Cardinals in the Consisto­ry, what to do in this case; not troubling my self a Rush what advice he shall follow

THE TREASONABLE AND Rebellious Principles Of the ROMANISTS.
BOOK II.

CHAP. I. Their fancying that the Pope hath Power and true Authority to depose Emperours and Kings, and dispose of their Domi­nions.

HAving hitherto taken a short view of the Glories (as they fancie) of the Romish Church; let us now see some of their Destructive and Treasonable Principles, where­by we shall perceive that Heathens in some things have better Tenets, than those who call themselves the truest Christians.

For though Attabalipa King of Peru told that Cacafuoco Domini­can Vincent Valverde, That the Pope, who would thus Pontificem insigniter satu­um & Impudentem esse, eo sacile prodi, quod aliena tam liberaliter largiatur. Hier. Benzo. Hist. Novae Or­bis, lib. 3. c. 3. dispose of Kingdoms, was not onely Impudent, but a great Fool, to give that which was none of his own: Yet they may suppose, that the Inca spake this not like a Romanist, but an Heathen as he was; for their Writers anon will tell us another Doctrine: and yet all parties smile at the Fool in Athens, for thinking all other mens ships to be his own.

Whether the Pope hath any real Reason for the exercising of this his suppos'd Prerogative, is nothing to the Purpose; as Thomas [Page 42] Bozius affirm'd to Pope Clement the Eighth, and all people else: Sit (que) aliquis Rex ju [...]e, so­lers, industrius Po [...]ens, Catho­licus, pius; ta­men Pontifex, Episcopi (que) Pontifice ap­prohante, u [...]e naturali Divi­no in Divinis Scriptis expresso ac tradito per Christum & Apostolos—valent, huic auferre Imperia, Regna, alteri (que) nul­lum jus alio (que) habenti adjudicare, ubi judicave [...]int id esse non modo necessarium sed expediens. Tho. Bozius, de jure status, lib. 3 cap. 4. For although, said he, that the King be lawful, and not onely so, but understanding, careful, powerful, one of the Popes Religion, and godly too; yet can the Pope take his Empire or Kingdoms from him, and give it to another, although there be no necessity for so doing, it being enough if he think it onely convenient. Nor is this all; for he attributes the same Authority to the Bishops, which is of sufficient validity, if the Pope do but approve of their actions.

This Eugubian in other places of his Writings, harps much upon De Italiae sta­tu, p. 300. & 311. the Popes power in deposing of Kings, and dividing the World a­mongst them, as if they were his Sons, and he the Father of all. And then would seem to thrust Dante aut auferente Imperia Regna (que) opu­lentissima & omnium Maxima, Orbem rer­rarum distribuens, ac partiens, inter maxi­mos omnium Principes veluti inter filios. Ib. pag 301. into the World an Opinion of bad conse­quence, of none being held for Kings, but those who were anoynted and Crown'd: but the Priests Watson and Clark 1603 found that this Plea would neither Id. pag. 305. quit them from Treason, nor save their live.

Amongst other things, to Buoy or bolster up this his Opinion of the Popes Spiritual and [...]emporal Power, he Id. pag 430. brings the Authority of one Roderigo Zanchez, Bishop of Zamora; and the truth of it is, that where wording is all, this Spaniard may carry the Bell away, boldly affirming, Est vero naturaliter, moraliter & Divino jure cum recta fide tenendum, Principatum Romani Pont. esse verum & unicum immedi­atum Principatum totius O [...]bis, nedum quoad Spiritualia sed quoad Temporalia, & Princi­patum Impe [...]ia [...]em esse ab ipso dependentem, & mediatum, ministerialem, & instrumentalem eidem subministrantem, & deservientem, fore (que) ab eo ordinatum & institutum, & ad jussum Principatus Papalis mobilem, [...]evocabilem, cor­ [...]igibilem & punibilem. That by Natural, Moral, and divine Law, we must believe that the Pope hath the immediate and onely Rule of the whole World, in Temporals as well is in Spiri­tuals; all imperial Authority depending so much upon him, that it is alterable, punishable, or null'd as he shall command. The small esteem which this Bishop thus declared to the World by his Pen, he had of Temporal Greatness. Another of the same Sea, viz. Antonio de Acunna, by his Sword declar'd his approbation to it, Prud. de San­doval. Anno 1520. though upon different accounts; by his turbulent spirit, adding fresh Fuel to the Treasonous humours then raging in Spain: this old Don still charging in the head of above four hundred Priests, which he had under his Command well armed, his Word being, Here my Priests. But at last by a strangling, he paid for his Rebellions a­gainst his Soveraign Charles the Fifth, Emperour of Germany.

Laelius Zecchus a great man with them, both for Law and Dignity, is earnest for this jurisdiction of the Popes, affirming Papa enim Caesares deponit, jura Impe [...]ia transfert, & Reges Regnis privat, &c. Lael. Zecch. Tract. Theo­log. p 82, 83. that he can depose both Emperours and Kings, being absolute Lord of the Christian World. And another Italian Lawyer, viz. De po [...]est Rom. Pont. l. 2. c 3. Sect 18. Adversus im­pios Politicos & hujus tem­poris Heretic [...]s Alexander Clericus is much of the same opinion, and declares that he writ this Book against the wicked Polititians and Hereticks of his time; amongst the rest, whe­ther he intended Cardinal Bellarmine, let others judge, since he hath several whole Chapters against him. But a greater Lawyer than the former, and one of more Learning and Modesty, viz. De Testa­ment. cap. 6. Sect. 19. Didacus Covarruvas, is willing to let himself be perswaded by the Canon-Law to imbrace this King-deposing Opinion. And his Country-man, though of an ancienter Cut, De planctu Ecclesiae, l. 1. cap. 13, 37, 56. Alvarus Pelagius, out of the same Box swallows down the like Poyson.

Gaspar Scioppius that unruly German, though of the same wicked judge­ment, yet he will pretend to give you some pretty Reasons for it; as, that because the Pope is the Head, as he saith, and the Emperour and Kings but Arms or Hands to the same monstrous Body; therefore if these do not their Ita (que) si Reges non nutriant ne (que) vestiant Corpus—certe manus aut bra­chia munere non funguntur—ita (que) velut memb [...]um—inutile capitis Imperio ampu­tantur. Gasp. Sciop. Ecclesi­asticus, c. 141. p. 511, 512. duty in being careful to preserve the Body, the Head as Lord and Master may cut them off. A pretty simile, to make the supposed wise Head cause of its own ruine. But if this do not please you, he will give you another as good, from the great benefit, forsooth, that some Countries have re­ceived by this Temporal Power of the Popes: As, by this France had their Antient Family of the Meroveens thrust out from being Kings, and the Carlovingiens popt into the Throne. That Germany by this hath got the Western Empire; but not a word of the Emperours wanting Italy. And as for Spain, it's obliged to hug and defend this unlimited Prerogative of St. Peter, since it gain'd the Kingdom of Navarre by Hispania, Na­varrae Regnum nullo alio ti­tulo, nisi quia capiti Ecclesiae Pontifici sui visum fuerit, obtinuit. Ib. no other Right nor Title, but onely because it so pleas'd the Pope. In the mean time, was not Don John of Albret, and his Wife Catharina, King and Queen of Na­varre, and their poor Subjects also, much beholden to Pope Julius the Se­cond, for his thus ruining of them by the hands of their Enemies? By this Argument, Schoppius might maintain the knack of Plagiery, he gaining at first the name of some Learning by his slie transcribing of his Masters Notes; but never the more honesty or right stuck by him; nor had he mended his manners, had he lived to the age of his great Grand-father or great Grand-Mother, the first living one hundred and ten, and the other one hundred and five years: what spirit he was of, may in part be seen by his violent perswading to the ruining of all Protestants in his Classicum Belli Sacri, and his ranting and calling of it Ecclesiast. c. 74. p. 242. Dathanismus and Abironismus in King James, because he would not believe that the Pope had power to depose Kings.

But enough of Schoppius; let us now see the Judgement of one greater than he, Martinus Becanus, a man of great Parts and Learning, yet is pleas'd to compare Kings and Princes to Per Canes—partim Reges & Imperatores qui morsu & externa vi defendunt Ecclesiam ab Incursione Haeretico­rum & Infidelium, Mart. Becan. Controvers. Angl. p. 131, 132. Dogs, That by their bitings and force do defend the Church from the Assaults and In­cursions of Hereticks. And these he saith, upon some occasions, may not onely be Bec. de Republ. Ecclesiast l. 3. c. 4. Sect. 48, 49. Excommunicated, of which he endeavoureth to give some In­stances, but also Reges & Principes quando negligentes sunt in arcendis vel expellendis Haereticis excommunicandos, & a Pontifice deponendos. Controvers. Angl. Ib. Id. Tom. 3. Part. 2. Theologiae Scholasticae, cap. 15. q. 5. pag. 421. & Id. Re­futatio Tort. Torti. p. 23. deposed by the Pope. And therefore a little after, he affirms that none can with a safe Conscience take our English Oath of Allegiance, because amongst other things it declares that the Pope upon any account cannot depose a King; which Assertion he saith all Catholicks hold to be Catholici judicant hanc propositionem apertè falsam esse, Id. pag. 139. false, and against the Lateran Council.

Gabriel Vasquez, one of the most famous School-men of Spain, is also of opinion, that it is in the Popes power to Com. in 1. 2. Thom. Tom. 2. Dist. 152. Sect. 8. punish Princes; and that the crime of Heresie against him is of such force, that none of such Con­ditions are capable of Rule, so that the Si omnes de stirpe Regia Haeretici sintt, unc devolvitur ad Regnum nova Regis electio: nam justè à Pontifice omnes illi successores Regno privari possunt. Id. disp. 169. Sect. 42, 43. Kingdom must chuse some body else. But if it so chance that the whole Kingdom be not of the Romish perswasion, then the Q [...]od si Regnum infectum esset, Pontifex—assig­na [...]e posset Catholicum Regem—& ipsum vi armorum, si opus esset, introducere, Ib. Pope can assign them one, whom the peo­ple must not deny; for if they do, his Holiness, forsooth, may bring him in by force of Arms.

Nor can we expect any better Doctrine from Franciscus Feu-ardentius, —Reges—Re­gnis suis abdi­care, & omni potestate dig­nita [...]e (que) priva­re potest. Com. in Esther, p. 82. his very name somewhat shewing the fury of his Zeal: this Franciscan is resolved for the Popes pulling down of Kings; and yet he could wish that in these things his Holiness would consult with the holy Consistory of Cardinals. Julius Ferrettus, though not so hot-headed as the former, and one that could indure cold as well as any Italian; yet though he seldom used a Fire, his Doctrine wa [...] Zealous enough in behalf of the Pope, af­firming that he could Papa dat Im­perium & Reg­na—iis de causis rite de­ponuntur ab co. Jul. Ferret­tus de re & di­sciplina Mili­tari, p. 156. Sect. 113. give Empire and Kingdoms, nay, and depose the Possessors, because he is judge of all, and instead of a God on Earth. And in another Id. pag. 354. Sect. 26. place he concludes with the same Doctrine against the Em­perour: And yet this Doctrine he intended for Charles the Fifth, and as­sured it to his Son Philip the Second. And for all this bad Doctrine, this Lawyer was in great Repute, as appears both by his great Preferments and Imployments: and the latter end of his Epitath may serve for a hint.

Jura Poli at (que) fori belliterrae (que) maris (que)
Descripsit, tandem conditur hoc Tumulo.

And Celsus Mancinus, Friend, Towns-man born, viz. Ravenna, and of the same Profession with the former, is just of the same Opinion. Conspicuum fit omnibus à summo Ponti­fice deponi privari (que) Im­peratores, & è contra eligi. Mancin. de jurib. Princip. l. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Nor need this be any such wonder to us, when a greater than either of them, doth not onely affirm that this Reges nostri in multis casi­bus possunt de­poni, sive per Papam, sive ip­sis Regn [...]c [...]lis. Tostat. Com. in III Reg. c. 11. q. 35. King-deposing Authority is not onely in the Pope, but in the very people too: and of this Opinion is no less man, than the voluminous Tostatus; so that the word Treason will become null'd. Although his Country-man De potestate coactiva, cap. 12. Sect. 17. Josephus Stephanus doth not speak any thing of this Power in the people, yet he is as forward as a­ny to give it to the Pope; especially if the Kings be not of his Romish Re­ligion: and in another of his De adorat. pedum Pont. cap. 7. Books, gives you a Catalogue of some Emperours and Kings unthroned by the Pope. For those Opinions, and other his Writings in honour of the Porphyry-Chair, he was made Bi­shop of Orihuela in Valentia; and his learning might deserve some prefer­ment, being well studyed in Church-Antiquities. Another Spaniard, viz. In 2. 2 Tho. q. 12. art. 2. col. 478. Dominicus Bannez allows the same power to the Pope of King-de­posing; but had this Guipuscoian in his old age studyed Loyalty more than Hebrew, he might have alter'd his judgement, and it might have been more for his credit. And with this noted son of Mondragon, doth another Spaniard Tom. 3. disp. 1. q 12. [...]unct. 2. col. 439. 443. Gregorius de Valentia agree. And though their Orders be E­nemies, yet like Herod and Pilate they can shake hands to propagate Re­bellion.

But we have a Country-man of our own, as famous as either of the o­ther two, both for his Learning, and his stedfastness in this wicked Opinion; and this is Thomas Stapleton, who boldly declares, that for Heresie the Rom. Pont.—& punire quosvis Prin­cipes potest, & si rei neces­sitas exigat Regno private. Tom 1. pag. 710. Contr. 3. q. 5. Art. 2.—N [...]mpe per popul [...]m ip­sum cuju [...] est eligere sa [...]n Principem, aut Ordines Regni, vel Senat [...]m Civitatis—At vero si istud non succedat—potest per se immediatè proced [...]e, dando illud Regn [...]m alte [...]i O [...]thodoxo Principi, vel pr [...]mo Victori O [...]thodoxo illud assignando. Ib Sect. 4. p [...] Pope may not onely punish, but also deprive Kings of their Countries. And to have this done, he thinks this the best way; he would have the Pope to work about by the people, or the Parliaments; but if these will not fadge, either because they cannot or will not, then his Holiness may do it himself, by giving that Kingdom to another Prince, or let them have it that can get it. It may be it was for these pretty Doctrines that Clement the Eighth was so taken with this mans Writings, that he would have his Books read to him whilst he was at Victuals; and besides other large liberalities, had once a minde to make him Cardinal.

We have formerly seen the Opinion of Thomas, and now let us see what his Brother Franciscus Bozzius saith, and we shall presently perceive them to be Birds of a Feather; this fobbing up the same Pope Clement the Eighth with the same Language that the other had, telling him, that though Justis de causis posse de­poni Impera­tores, transferri Imperia. Fr. Boz. de Tempo­ral. Eccles. Monarch. lib 3. cap. 16. pag. 553. Possunt ab Ecclesia leges temporales condi, novi creati Reges, justis de causis au ferre Regna, quod saepe actum esse con­stat à summis Pontificibus. Id. lib. 5. cap. ult. pag. 823. he should not take away lawful Rule, yet upon just grounds he might depose Emperours: and this he saith hath been several times done by Popes, as in another Id. lib. 1. cap. 21. pag. 225. &c. place he endeavours to shew by several Examples.

And to this purpose was Gregory the Fourteenth claw'd by his Protono­tary, Anastasius Germonius, by affirming what great power he had over the world; he could Imperatores enim Reges alios (que) magnos Principes Principatu Regno at (que) imperio pri­vat, necnon a­lios cum libet in eorum locum sufficit, subrogat—nemo—sanae mentis dubitare debet, quin facere valeat, face­at (que) cum opus sit. An stas. Germon. de Sacrorum immunitat. lib. 3. cap. 3. Sect. 38, 39. Hujus est Imperium ex uno in alium locum transferre electionem, aut admittere, aut rejicere electum ac confirmatum ex justis de causis deponere, subditos à fidelitatis juramento absolvere, & alia id genus facere. Id. lib. 3. proem. Sect. 9, 10. throw down Emperours and Kings, and put others in their places: and if any man doubt of this Authority in the Pope, he plainly calls him a Madman; and that he can alter the place of Election, al­low or throw by him that is elected, quit Subjects from their Oath of Allegiance, and several suchlike tricks as these can he do.

And as for De Pontif. potestate, Sect. 19. Petrus Albinianus Tretius, do but compare the Contents with the Text of the next Section, and you will see him fairly grant the Pope to have power Papa potest depone [...]e Im­peratorem sine concensu Car­dinalium. Id. Sect. 20. without the consent of his Cardinals to depose the Emperor. And another Italian Lawyer Solus Papa etiam sine Concilio po­test deponere Imperatorem. Lud. Bolo. ad­dit. ad Catal­dinum de Bon­compagnis de translatione Concilii Basil. Sect. 5. Ludovicus Bologninus, from the Canon-Law, tells the world that he may do it clearly of himself. And I think that Quaest. Mer­curiales, Q. 25. Sect. 3. Johannes Andraeas doth not much vary from him, when from the same Au­thority, he saith, That he can take away any mans Right and give it to ano­ther. But Julius Caesar Madius doth not mutter in his Teeth, but speaks boldly out, that upon some Reasons, the Pope hath Authority Eos à Regnis & Principati­bus eorum de­ponere posse. Mad. de Sacris Ordinibus, cap. 9. Sect. 17. to turn the best of them out of their Kingdoms and Soveraignty. And the same doth another Italian, Antonius Sanctarellus, one that hath made some noise in the World, not onely by his confident Assertion of the Popes Power in Potest non solum eos ex­communicare, sed etiam Reg­no privare, eorum (que) subditos ab illorum obedient [...]a liberare. Sanctarel. de Haeresi. c. 30. p. 293. deposing Kings, and quitting their Subjects from their Obedience; but by the story which hapned at Paris, upon its being censured there: For the Court of Parliament perceiving the Book to be printed at Rome, by per­mission of the Superiors, and approbation of Vitelescus General of the Je­suits; the Fathers of that Order in Paris were sent for by the Court, and demanded, Whether they believed as their General did, concerning this Book? They answered, That their General living in Rome, could not but approve that which was agreeable to the Court of Rome. But being demanded then, what they believed? Answered, That they believed the clean contrary. Being again askt, And what would you do, if you were at Rome? Answered, As they do at Rome. Which made some of the Court say, Have these men one Conscience at Rome, and another at Paris? God keep us from such Con­fessors.

Johan. Baptista Vivianus, agreeth very well with the former, and their Canon-Law and Court of Rome, by maintaining their Article, that [Page 46] the Papa Impe­ratorem depo­nere potest ex causis legi­timis. Jo. B. Vivian. Ratio­nale, l. 2. p. 283. Pope for some Reasons may depose the Emperour; his Imperial Majesty and all others being subject to him, and to be punish'd by him according to their faults. And to him we may joyn a great Cardinal, Johannes Hieronymus of Alba, who tell us, Lucubrat. in Barthol. Tom. 1. fol. 83, 84 that the Pope being Judge of all things, nothing in the world can quit themselves from his jurisdiction: and that Dante, that famous Italian Poet, was in a manner condemn'd as an He­retick, because he did not think that the Empire held its being from the Church; and in another of his De potestate Papae, part. 1. Sect. 67. Books, gives us the names of some Kings depos'd by the Pope.

Petrus Hurtadus de Mendoza, might by the rudeness and incivility of his Country Biscay, suck in with his Milk some Principles of Rebellion; that Country having an Antipathy against Bishops and good Government: But these might somewhat be corrected by his severer Studies, were it not a Principle amongst them, that Merito qui­dem Haeretici—Regno pri­vantur—Hurt. de Mendoz. Scholiasticae, disp. 21. Sect. [...]04. Heretical Kings against their Church are de­servedly deposed, and others put in their places. Yet methinks 'twas somewhat of boldness of him, to present this Doctrine to his Soveraign, the Present King of Spain, Philip the Fourth: yet this wonder will scarce last nine days, when we see Decisiones, q [...]aest. 58 [...]. Guido and De jure pub­lico, lib. 3. Tit. 13. Sect. [...]. Leander Galganettus, those famous Lawyers, affirm the same by their own Canons; and the latter to dedicate this falsity to no less than to God himself, and the Virgin Mary. And Bar­tholomaeus Nardius saith, We have no reason to look upon this Authority as a strange thing, since Constituit nam (que) dominus vicarium suum super gentes & Regna, potestaten (que) ei dedit ampl [...]ssimam, ut evellat & dist [...]uat, & des [...]e [...]at, & aed ficet, & plantet B. Nard. Expunctiones, cap. 4. pag. 172, 173. God set the Pope over the whole World, not onely to establish and plaint, but also to abolish and destroy. And no less man than Johannes de Capi­strano tell us, that of this power we need not doubt, it being now as Clarum est hodie quod ex justa causa Pa­pa potest Im­peratorem de­ponere & pri­vare. Jo. à Ca­ [...]ist. de Papae sive Ecclesiae [...]torit. fol. 61. [...]. clear as the Noon-day, that the Pope may sometimes depose the Emperour: And at this positive Doctrine, none must so much as smile, or seem offend­ed; for of this Book, thus sings his Country-man Antonius Amicius:

Quis te Docte liber vel subsannare cachinno
Audeat aut saevo rodere dente queat?
Cum graviter reseres decus & sublimia sceptra
Pontificis summi Concilii (que) simul.

And a great deal of ado, and some money hath been spent by the Fran­ciscans and others, to get this man Sainted; but how it thrives, I know not.

As Q [...]aest. Cri­minale, p. 173. Sect 9. Didacus Cantera, from the Canon-Law; so De Bene [...] ­is, lib [...] cap. 4. Franciscus Duare­nus, by few Examples and as little Reason, assert the Popes Authority in deposing Kings. And I think [...] s [...]l [...]ct, lib. 1. cap. [...]. pa [...] 17. Antonius Possevinus will not be displeased with the Prerogative, since he tells us that the Scepters of Kings hum­ble themselves to the Popes feet; and that Christian Kings are not so po­sitively of Gods apppointment, but they must have his Holiness to confirm their Crowns. And In 2. 2 [...] A [...] [...]. [...] [...]1. Sect. [...]d [...]m. Franciscus Sylvius, Doctor and Professor at Doway, though he will not allow the Pope to depose Kings upon every toy, yet he denyeth not, but that there may be Reason sometimes for thus pulling down of Kings. And if we consult Loca ple­ [...] 67. pag. [...]6, 31 [...], 3 [...], [...]. Gregorius Polydorius, we shall finde him rather to outstrip than come short of the former: And this he thought would not be unpleasing to Ʋrban the Eighth. And to this I­talian we may add Antonius Cordubensis, who in this cause speaks out free­ly, that the [...] p [...]ci [...] [...] & alios tollere & [...] Q [...]st. Th [...]l [...]g [...] Pope cannot onely do every thing that secular Princes can, but also make New Princes, and pull down the Old. And to [Page 47] this Spaniard may be joyned Theolog. Moral. Tom. 2. v. Papa. Sect 10. Franciscus Ghetius of Corno, being of the same Opinion, moved thereto by pretty Reasons, viz. Ex­ample, as if Emperours had not formerly done the same to Popes; and because, as the soul rules the body, so may the Spiritual Popes triumph over Temporal Monarchs.

If these Arguments of this Milanois do not sufficiently convince you, Rutilius Benzonius a trusty Roman, will think to do it with his thrid-bare Allusion of Heretical Kings to Wolves; and so they may be Jus depo­ne [...]di, & abdi­candi è solio Reges ac Prin­cipes, non so­lum Ecclesiae, sed interdum populis com­petere ratione, & exemplis o­s [...]endit [...]r—Potest [i. e. the Pope]—ipso Principes ac Reges, si ex ove aut ariete evadant lupi, i. e. ex Christiani fiant Haere­tici—privare dominio, &c. Rut. Benzon. Com. in Canticum Magnificat. lib. 3. cap. 27. dub. 6. p. 134. turned from their Kingdoms, not onely by the Pope, but also by the people, forsooth: yet he would have them to take advice of his Holiness, before they began their Rebellion; and then I warrant you, they are as surely free from that Crime we call Treason, as the Chappel of Loretto, of which this Author was Bishop, was dap­perly carryed by Angels through the Air. And in the Popes great Power in Temporals, in another of his Disput. de Immunitate Eccles. contra Venetos, pag. 68. Books he gives us some hint.

And yet if after all these thwacking Arguments, you do not finde your self convinced, and will not believe the truth and honesty of this King-deposing Article, you may assure your self to be no less than an Heretick; for Johannes de Solarzano tells us plainly, that not to believe that the Pope can depose Kings, is, and that deserved­ly —Haec opinio—merito ut Haeretica jam­p [...]idem dam­nata est. Jo. de Solarz. de In­diarum. jure, lib. 2. cap. 22. Sect. 4. too, declared and damn'd for an Heresie. This may be good Do­ctrine to preach amongst the Indians: the Spaniard pleading most of his Right from the Popes Gift. And so whether the Author by his Office relating to those places, might be encouraged to propa­gate such Principles, let others conclude; yet probably he might have spared his dedicating of them to the present King of Spain, who, two to one, if the State came in Question, would scarce con­sent to the Canon, let the Heresie lye where it would.

From the same Root doth his Country-man In 2. 2. Tho. pag. 224. Petrus de Aragon draw his Authority, that Princes may sometimes lawfully loose their Rule over their Subjects: and so doth the great Portugal Lawyer, Pastoral Sol­licitud. part 1. p. 250. Sect. 90, 91. Augustinus Barboza, that the Pope can depose the Emperour. Disputat. l. 3. c. 5. p. 371. Marius Alterius runs upon the same account; and so doth Bi­shop Johan. Maria Bellettus, but that he thrusts up the Authority a little higher than the former, affirming that this deposing of the King, may not Et non so­lum propter Haeresim, aut Schisma, sed etiam propter aliud crimen intolerabile, ac etiam propter insufficientiam. Jo. Mar. Bellet. Disquisitio Clericalis, part 1. pag. 282. Sect. 109, 100. onely be for his Heresie, or Schism, but for any o­ther intolerable Crime, or, if he be not sufficient, and not fit to Rule. To which there needs no Reply, but what if the Lyon do judge the Fox's Ears to be Horns?

With all this doth agree Raymundus de Pennafuerte, telling us, that if he be Non solum propter Haeresim, sed etiam propter negligentiam contra Haeresim extirpandam, potest non solum excommunicari ab Ecclesia, sed etiam deponi,—suerit inutilis, dissolutus & negligens circa Regi­men & justitiam observandam. S. Raym. Summa, lib 1. Tit. de Haereticis, Sect. 7. pag. 41. negligent to extripate Heresie, to do Justice in his Government, unprofitable or loose, the Pope may then take his Kingdom from him. Whether this Doctrine was any motive, not long ago, to Clement the Eighth, for Canonizing this man for a Saint; or those vast sums of money gather'd in Catalonia (where this Raymond was born) for the same purpose, was best known to the Court of [Page 48] Rome, and is not two pence matter to our design. But yet for all his Saintship, his great admirer and Glossographer, Johannes de Fri­burgo, will not agree with him about the Popes direct Authority, though he allows him an indirect one to depose Kings: and it is not a farthing matter whether he kill a man with his right or left-hand.

With the former Saint, doth another, but of a far older date, viz. St. Bonaventure, in the main agree, affirming with the rest, that Possunt Sa­cerdotes & Pontifices ex causa amovere Reges, & de­ponere Impe­ratores. S. Bo­navent. de Ec­clesiast. Hie­rarcha, part 2. cap. 1. Priests and Popes for some Reason or other, may put down Kings, and depose Emperours. But though our Learned Country­man, Alexander of Hales, used to say by this famous and pious Cardinal his Scholar, That it seemed to him, that Adam had not sin'd in Bonaventure; yet for all his Title of Invincible, he shall not per­swade me, but that our Seraphical Doctor was wide from Truth, in this his King-deposing Assertion.

Much about the same time with the former, lived another famous Cardinal Henricus de Segusio, but now better known by the name of Hostiensis, who is as resolute as any for the Domini Temporales non solum propter suam Haeresim, sed etiam aliorum, quos dum possunt, admoniti, extermi­nare negligunt, Excommunicari possunt, & Terrae ipsorum exponi Catholicis occupandae—idem si Princeps neg­ligens inveniatur circa Regni Regimen & justitiam sacien­dam. Hostiens Summa, lib. 5. Tit. de Haereticis. Sect. Quae poena seriatur. Sect. 11. deposing of Kings by this Power, if they be either negligent in the administration of their Govern­ment, or do not extirpate all Here­ticks out of their Dominions, then comes a clap of Excommunication, and the Land lyeth gaping for him that can first take it. To this Cardinal, we shall add another of as great esteem as any, and one that had formerly been Master del sacro Palazzo; and this is Johannes de Turrecremata, who affirms that the Pope cannot onely use his Ecclesiastical Censures against Kings, but also Verum eti­am cos notabi­liter negli­gentes à dig­nitate depo­nere. Jo. de Tur. Su [...]ma de Eccles. cap. 14. propos. 44. depose them. And with this Spaniard, doth a Sicilian, one of their most famous Canonists In V lib. Decretal. de Haereticis, cap. 13. Abbas Panormitanus agree. And Super Canone Missae, lect. 23. fol. 41. pag. 1. col. 1. Gabriel Biel an old German Divine, upon the same foun­dation raiseth the same destructive Principles.

To these subscribe the Sicilian Lawyer De Potestate Regia, Q. 76. Antonius Corsetus, the Italian Tract. de officio legati de latere, lib. 2. Tit. de variis ordinarium nominib. Sect. 220. Petrus Andraeas de Gambara, and his Country-man De censuris Ecclesiasticis, Tab. 2. cap. 23. Sect. 9. num. 8. Bartholomaeus Ʋgolius, who also some years De justitia & validitate Monitorii Pauli V in Venetos, pag. 16. after, affirm the same Power to lye in Paul the Fifth; nor doth the Pavian Law­yer, Repet. Rubr. de Constitut. Sect. 76. Boschus Codecha differ from the rest. Thus do they madly seem to dote upon this Papal jurisdiction, as the Mantuan Galeatius did upon a young Woman of this City, who upon her jeasting command drown'd himself.

Nor is multitude of their Lawyers wanting to confirm this their Seditious Doctrine: for here might we bring Repet. in C. Canonum Statut. de Constitut. Sect. 32. Johannes Baptista Ferretus, Repet. in Clem. ut Clericorum de offic. ord. Sect. 40, 43. Stephanus Aufrerius, De Magistratibus, lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 5, 7, 8. Garsias Mastrillius, yet for all this Principle im­ploy'd by the Catholick King about Si­cily; Repet. in Rubr. de Haeret. Quaest. 9. Sect. 5. Rep. in C. quoniam de Haeret. Quaest. 15. Sect. 34, 36. Arnaldus Albertinus, Inquisitor General of Valentia, and Bishop of Patti in the former Island; and Lancel­lotus Conradus, amongst other Priviledges and Prerogatives attri­buted to the Pope, for the Twentieth saith, that he XX. Deponit Imperatorem propter ipsius ini­quitates, & etiam Reges, Lanc. Conrad. Templum Omnium judicium, pag. 613. deposeth both Emperours and Kings.

Franciscus Vargas being desired by Pope Pius the Fourth, with whom he was very gratious, to inform him of the jurisdiction and authori­ty of himself, and other inferiour Bishops, (then somewhat discours'd of in the Council of Trent) tells his Holiness plainly, That it be­longs to Haec [...]tem ea Potestas est qua idem summus Pont. & non alius Imperato­res & Principes nonnunquam privat, alios (que) in eorum locum sufficit. Fr. Varg. de Episcoporum jurisdictione & auto­rit. Pontis. Confirm. 10. Numb. 7, 8. him alone to depose Kings and Empe­rours, and put others in their places; and then for more confirmation of it, names some so used. And whether Fernandus Rebellus, the famous Portugal Jesuit be not of the same opinion, let indifferent parties judge, and they will soon conclude, that his Name did not much differ from his Principles; telling us, That the Portugal had one title of right to the Indies, by the gift of Alex­ander the Sixth, and the Quibus—jus competit super omnes Principes Christianos concedendi & aufe­rendi, ordinandi retendi ea quae opus sue­rint ad finem supernaturalem salutis gen­rium tam fidelium quam Infidelium. Fer. Rebel. de Obligationib. justitiae, Part. 2. l. 18. Q. 23. Numb. 26. Bishops of Rome have a great power in giving and taking away from Princes. And this he dedicates to Claudius Aquaviva, then General of the Jesuits; nor could he scarce hit upon a better Patron for such Doctrines, seeing by his License he had former­ly Priviledg'd several such principles of Sedition.

But now we have one that speaks to the purpose, viz. Ludovicus à Paramo, a great Lawyer of Sicily, and Divine of Leon, who main­tains in several places of his writings the —Potest summus Pont. antiquos Reges & Impe­ratores deponere & novos instituere. Lud. à Param. de Origini & progress. S. Inquisit. l. 1. Quest. 1. Opin. 4. Numb. 55. Id. Numb. 49. Posse mutare Regna, & uni auserre at (que) alteri conferre.— Id. Numb. 58. Potest non solum omnia quae Princeps se­culares possunt, sed & facere novos Principes, & tollere alios, & Imperia dividere, &c. Id. Numb. 94. Si Princeps aliquis aut haereticus, aut Schis­maticus electione fieret, tum etiam possit Papa uti gladio temporali, & adversus eum procedere us (que) ad depositio­nem, & expulsionem illius à Regno. Popes power in deposing Kings, and setting up new ones, and proceed­ing against all heretical or schismati­cal Princes with the same Authority; and at last falls into a fury, and rails pertly against those, who think that the Id. Numb. 145. Pope hath no jurisdiction this way in France, nor can depose Haere­tical Kings. This is good stuff, but of a far older date than this Spanish print: for above three hundred years ago, Augustinus Triumphus de Ancona, being desired by John XXII, to vindicate the Papal jurisdiction, amongst other grand Pre­rogatives which he attributes to his Holiness, are these two, the Unde pu­to quod Papa—justa & ra­tionabili cau­sa existente, per seipsum possit Imperatorem eligere. Aug. T [...]i. de potest Eccles. Quaest. election of Emperours and Kings, and the 35. Art. 1. Quest. 37. Art. 5. Quest. 46. Art. 3. Id. Quest 4. Art. 1. Potest ergo te [...] renum Imperatorem deponere. Id. Art 2.—Merito Imperator est deponendus. Id. Quest. 46. Art. 2. Papa potest Reges deponere—dubium non est. deposing of them again: and of this latter, he saith, there is no doubt.

This Poysonous Principle is also maintained by the Venetian De Impe­rat. Magist. Orig. Quaero, 4. Numb. 7. Petrus à Monte, Bishop of Brescia, and the Methodical Dominican Summa v. Papa. Numb. 10, 11. Sylvester de Prierio; and therefore might well expect a golden Rose from Pope Leo the Tenth. And to him we shall joyn a learned Spaniard of the same Order, In quartum sentent. dist. 25. quaest. 2. art. 1, Numb. Tertio. Ad horum tamen secund [...] ad e­andem. Dominicus Soto, who, though Con­fessor to Charles the Fifth; yet probably never troubled him about this point. And next to this shall follow another of the same Coun­try, and Relation to Charles the Fifth; —Hoc dominium etiam a mittitur per haer esim manifestum, ita quod Rex factus Haereficus ipso jure & Reg [...]o suo privatus—nec mirari debet aliquis, quod Papa propter Haeresis crimen Regem a Regia dignitate deponar, & Regno privet. Alph. à Castro de justa Haereticorum punit. lib. 2. c. 7. col. 1245, 1246. Alphonsus a Castro, who affirms it to be without dispute, That if a King turn Heretick, he hath no right to his Kingdom; and so no man ought to think it strange if the Pope depose him.

But Ploydon, when he saw himself concern'd, could say, The case is altered; and there is never a Ruler amongst them, but would think it odd to loose a Kingdom by a Fiat from Rome; yet they go on to propagate this doctrine: and amongst the rest, Cunerus Bishop of Leweerden, thinks it very fitting, for an Si Princeps hae [...]eticus sit, & obstinate vel pe [...]inaciter intolerabilis deponi potest. Cuner. de Offic. Princip. c. 8. p. 76, 77. heretical King to be de­posed, and another appointed in his place. And next to him shall follow, one, though no Bishop, yet of such noted learning, that Vit­toria, the chief Town of Alava in Old Castile, doth think it no small honour to have brought forth and given a Name to such a famous Do­minican, as Franciscus a Victoria; yet for all his parts, he dotes too much upon this Papal Authority, affirming that he cannot onely Potest non solum omnia quae Principes seculares pos­sunt, sed & sa­cere novos Principes & tollere alios, & Imperia divi­de [...]e & plera (que) alia. Fr. à Vi­ctor. Relect. Theolog. Relect. 1. Sect. 6. Numb. 12. do what our secular Monarchs can do, but also turn them from their Thrones, and set up new Potentates. And from the Canon-Law doth the Lawyer De successione Regum. dub. 1. Numb. 30. Guiliclmus de Monserrat suck in the same Doctrine. And though another of the same Profession, In Mo'inaeum, pag. 106. Remondus Rufus, seem unwilling either to meddle with the Popes power in this case, or when he took upon him such Authority; yet by his signs and hints one may have some reason to suppose his agreement with the rest.

But some other Lawyers of a far greater account, leave off hinting, and speak more boldly to the purpose, as Repet. in C. canon. Statuta de Constitur. Numb. 9. Petrus de Ancharano, the famous Italian; Cod. de le­gibus, l. Si Im­perialis, Numb. 4. Bartolus de Saxaferrato, and his no less learned Pupil and Scholar, Cod. de pre­cibus Imperat. offeren. l. Re­scripta. Numb. 8. Baldus; the noted Frenchman, Repet. in C. Novit. de ju­dic. Numb. 127. Johannes Quintinus; Speculum, lib. 1. Parti [...]. 1. Tit. de legato, Numb. Nunc ostendendum, Numb. 17. Guillielmus Durandus, commonly known by the name of Speculator, Bishop of Mande, and Scholar to Hosti­ensis, and In Cod. lib. 1. de sum. Tri­nit. & fid. Cath. Numb. 13. Johannes Faber; nor doth Practica Cri­minialis, quaest. 35. Numb. 6. Julius Clarus permit the Pope to part with this jurisdiction. And if you any way doubt of the meaning of the last; Ʋrbanus Cancellarius a Spoleto, will refer you to an Expositor in this quibling Distick.

Clarior ut fiat Clarus, sua Clara Johannes
Baptista his jungit Lumina luminibus.
That Clarus might be more clear, Don John Baptista
Adds his clear lights, to take away the mist-a.

And in obedience to his Poetry, let us consult the Annotations of Johannes Baptista Baiardus, and the case will be as plain then as a Pike-staff; there he telling us, that the Adde quod Imperator à Papa potest deponi, & excommunicati propter haeresim, Sacrilegium, Perjurium & exinanitionem seudi, quod ab Ec­clesia tenet, &c. Jo. Bap. Baiard. Additiones ad Julii Clari Practicam Criminalem, Quaest. 35. Numb. 6. Pope may depose the Emperour for several Reasons, amongst which he puts Perjury and Sacriledge, two notable pretences for the Pope, ever to take hold on, at a dead lift.

Our Country-man In lib. Sapi­ent. Numb. 300. Robert Holaote saith, it belongs to the Bi­shop of Rome to make the Emperour, and to see that fit Kings be chosen: but Alphonsus Alvarez Guerrero concerns himself most with the Popes power in pulling down Monarchs, and therefore he [Page 51] tells us that Nonne igitur justè Julius II. Johannem Regem Navarra schismaticum, haereticum, Apostolicae sedis hostem publicum at (que) reum lesae Majestatis, declara­vit? Reghum (que) & omnia ejus bona publicavit primo occupanti, at (que) nominatim Catholico Regi Hispania­rum concessit?—Potest (que) ita Papa Principes Apo­stantes à fide privare dominio temporali, quod habent super fideles. Alph. Alvar. Speculum vel Thesaurus, cap. 16. Numb. 8. & cap. 31, Numb. 17. Julius the Second did very well and justly to de­clare John Albret King of Navarre, to be a Schismatick, Haeretick, an enemy to the Church; nay, and a Traytor too: and so to give his Kingdom away from him to the Spanish King; for he for­sooth hath power to depose Kings. And much about the same Opinion is Petrus de Palude, affirming that the Pope can not onely —Potest deponere omnem ta­lem, non so­lum propter Haeresim, aut Schisma, aut aliud crimen intolerabile in populo: Sed etiam propter insufficien­tiam, utpote si quis Idiota sensu vel impotens viribus in Regno praeesset—talis certum est qui mireretur de­poni. Petr. a Palud. de causa immediate Ecclesiasticae potestatis. Art. 4. depose a King for Heresie, Schism, or such like crimes; but also, if he be insufficient, by being either weak in under­standing or body.

A man might think it strange, that such good and honest-meaning men, as the famous Spanish Lawyer, Relict. in C. Novit. de judicii No­tab. 2. Numb. 3. 99. Martinus Azpilcueta, but better known by the title of Doctor Navarrus, should be for this King­deposing power of the Pope; but that it is a wicked Principle main­tained as we see by their chiefest Writers, doting too much upon that irrational body of their Canon-Law: And this also makes his Coun­try-man Tract. de unitate ovi­lis, c. 23. Numb. 12. Michael de Aninyon subscribe with him to this Do­ctrine. And Johannes Driedo, that Lovan Doctor, is so earnest for it, that he seems to be careful, lest he should forget to tell the people, that the Verum hoc non est si [...]en­tio praeteri­undum, quod Papa ex plenitudine potestatis super universos Christianos Principes, potest haereticos Reges ac Principes propter crimen haeresis privare suis Regnis at (que) Imperiis. Jo. Dried. de libertate Christ. lib. 1. cap. 14. Pope out of the greatness of his power, can deprive them of their Kings.

And this is no new opinion, it seems: for, above five hundred years ago, Stephanus or Harrandus, the XIV Bishop of Halberstat in Saxony, declared to Valtramus of Magdeburg, that he that was an Dominus Henricus haereticus est, pro qui­bus nephan­dis malis ab Apostolica sede excom­municatus, nec Regnum, nec potestatem a liquam super nos, quia Catholici sumus, poterit obtinere. Dode­chinus Append. ad chronicon Mar. Scoti, anno 1090. pag. 460. col. 1. Hae­retick and Excommunicated by the Pope, could have no right to rule over those who were true Christians. And the truth of it is, Chil­derick the Fourth, King of France, found by experience, that the Pope above nine hundred years ago took upon him to depose Kings.

Donysius a Rickel, or Leeuwis, but now better known by the name of Carthusianus, from his Order; though for his Piety, he procured the name of Doctor Extaticus; yet this Doctrine of King-deposing, though it was no part of Holiness, however it may be, that the Pope and others might have a better opinion of him for it, because it is not Imperatorem potest deponere, & Reges—Regnis suis privare. Dion. Carthus. de Regimine Polit. Art. 19. once onely, but Id. de authoritate Papa & gen. Concil. l. 1. art. 6. twice, and for ought that I know oftner, that he boldly affirmeth it, let the King have never so much right to the Throne. And to him we may add De origine jurisdict. Quest. 4, 5, 6. Petrus Bertrandus, who to confirm his opinion, saith, that Christ had not done wisely, if he had not left the Pope such power: and had he been of another judgement, probably he had gone against his [Page 52] Church. The great Cardinal Concil. 154. Numb. 1. Francis Zabarella affirming, that it is not only a received Opinion, but that the Canons also declare such power to lye in the Pope. And if a man so modest, impartial, and learned, as this honour of Padoua, affirm thus much; we need not ad­mire that the Lovan Doctor De Eccle­sia. c. 14. Jacobus Latomus; the Italian Do­minican, Judiciale Inquisitor verbo, D [...]m [...] ­mini [...]empo­rales, p. 90. Ʋmbertus Locatus; the same Country-Lawyers, Crimina­lis, lib. 4. c. 15. Numb. 6, 10. & lib. 5. c. 52. Numb. 8. Tiberius Decianus, Super Dig. de legibus, l. non ambigitur, Numb. 6. Paulus de Castro, De Imperatore, Quest. 53. Numb. 3. & 3. Restaurus Castal­dus; and our Country-man Super sententias, lib. 4. in Prologo. Quest. 11. Art. 4. Johannes Bacon, or Bacondrop, are carryed along with the same current; and the latter (of whom 'tis said, that he writ so much, that his little Body could not carry his great Writings) might have left this out, though not for its weight, yet for the trouble of penning it, but that he would be according to his name Doctor Resolutus; and in all things with the rest, pin his Faith upon the Roman Sleeve.

And from these, we shall not have the German Lupoldus de Beben­burg, above three hundred years ago Bishop of Bamberg in Franco­nia, dissent, plainly telling the world, That a Posset ta­men propter crimen haere­sis vel a liud gravius cri­men notari­um de quo incorrigibilis appareret à Regno depo­ni, [...]ud. de B [...]b [...]nb. de juribus Reg­ni & Imperii, cap. 12. pag. 65. King not onely for heresie, but other crimes also may be deposed; and shews himself very valiant for the Pope. And whether it was his zeal for that Chair, that procured him after (as I think) to be translated to the Arch-bi­shoprick of Mentz; let others judge: Nor do I know whether this King­deposing Opinion was the result meerly of his judgement, or his de­pendance as Prelate of Bamberg upon the Pope; that See having been formerly snatcht from the Metropolitanship of Mentz, by Cle­ment the Second, once Bishop of Bamberg, and annext to the disposi­tion of the Pope.

Comment. in Directo [...] ­um Inquisi­tor. Nicol. Eimerici, part. 3. com. 158. p. 661. Franciscus Pegna knew this Doctrine was pleasing to Rome, and agreeable to her Laws; and so could finde no better Patrons for it and himself, than Gregory the Thirteenth, and the Cardinals who ruled the rost in the Inquisition Purgatory-like Slaughter-house. And let it displease who it will, so it be but according to the Canon, it will be maintain'd, and held authentick, by the observant Fryar Minorite Rosella Casu [...]n, vel summa Ro­sella, v. Hae­reticus, Numb. 11. Baptista Trovomala in his Rosella; the noted Lawyers, De Bene­ficio, part 4. Quest. 8. Numb. 25. Johannes de Selva, Concil. 147. Numb. 22. Augustinus Beroius; and the Learned Neopolitan, De jurisdictione, part. 1. cap. 23. Numb. 1. Potentiam habet p [...]vandi Reges & Principes ex causa Temporali, alios (que)—instituendi. Marta. Jacobus Antonius Marta, though both by himself and others, vulgarly call'd Doctor Marta, who in this place is some­what large in proving it: yet probably his reputation of the Pope was somewhat slackned before his death; if he and the Novus Horno (sent to the Emperour, our King James, and some others, by way of supplication against Paulus V.) were one and the same person, as hath been supposed.

[...]losculus de Clericorum excel­l [...], Part. 2. Numb. 77. Donysius Paulus Lopiz with the Ca­non-law affirms this power in the Pope; and as if perswaded by the same authority and practice, [Page 53] La Politica, lib. 2. cap. 17. Numb. 5. Abad y otros dizen, que en los graves y arduos negocios, y en las muy grandes dificultades, que causan Ycandalo en la Christiandad, podra el Papa usar contra legos de la potestad temporal, que tiene de Deos, y no de otra manera, y muder el solo Imperio, y los Regnos con justa causa de Oriente à Occidente, y de una unotra Gente—y el Papa Zacharias privo à Chulderino del Regno de Francia. Castillo de Bovadillo steers the same course, though with as much truth and right, as when at the same time he joyns to our Queen Eliza­beth the name of Stuart. And to him we shall put a Catalonian Lawyer, Speculum Visitationis, cap. 22. Numb. 46. Ga­briel Berart, one, I warrant you of no small esteem; Ludovicus de Cassanate, looking upon him as the honour of his Country; Franciscus de los Herreros tells us, that if we have a minde to know in a manner all things, we must get his Books, in which he assures us, there is not one fault, though I cannot say so of his Verse: Accipiat 'Speculum quod dat sine mendo Berardus.’ and to make up the Distick, we will allow you the Pentameter of An­tonius de loredo Coronos, who thus rants it out in the Authors praise; ‘Berart suus liber sapiens & leo est. yet for all this, you may acknowledge the Authors Doctrine to be as false as his friends Verses are.

Another Spanish Doctor, Johannes Blasius, at large assures us of the Popes authority, not onely in Reges ac temporalis Principes Regnis spoliate, illorum (que) subditos à fidelitatis sa­cramento, quo suis Principibus erant astricti absolvere. Jo. Blas. de sacro Eccles. Princi­patu, lib. 2. c. 12. fol. 63. depriving Bishops, but also Kings, and absolving their Subjects from the Obedience due to them. Another of the same Nation, but of greater repute than the former, viz. Rodericus de Arriaga, a learned Jesuit, and no less man than Chancellor of the U­niversity of Prague, exactly followeth in this Unde necessum fuit ut Ecclesia posset eos excessus fremare, si non posset rationibus & monitionibus, saltem Censuris, si vero ne (que) his, privando illos sua potestate, dando (que) aliis saecularibus licentiam, ut possint etiam vi eos privare jurisdictione, Regno. Rod. de Arriag disput. Theolog. in 1. 2. S. Tho. Tom. 2. disp. 18. Numb. 74. case, those who went before him, teaching how Kings may be deposed, and their King­doms given to others. And to these, I think, I may add another of their Country, and of a greater sway than either of them, Index nover librorum Probibit. 849. An­tonio Zapata, Cardinal, Protector, and Inqui­sitor-General of Spain: because amongst other instances, in his late Index of prohibited Books, he is so ex­presly earnest against that which supposeth the Pope to have no such Authority over Princes, witten by Roger Widrington, though his true name was Preston, a Benedict an Monck.

And now that we have entred into Spain, before we leave it, let's consult a noted Scholar of Toledo, Alphonsus Salmeron, the fifth Je­suit in the world; in some places he tells us, That the —Potest eos imperio & Regno pri­vare, vel eorum ditiones alteri Principi tra­dere. Alph. Salm. Tom. 4. Part. 3. Tract. 4. Numb. Tertiam potestatem, P. 410. & Tom 13. in Epist. ad Rom. lib. 4. disp. 4. Numb, ad objecta vero, P. 679. & in Epist. B. Pauli lib. 1. Part. 3. disp. 12. Numb. jam de postre mo, Pag. 251. Pope hath power to punish Kings by deposing them, and giving their Kingdoms to others: and not onely that this Authority ly­eth in the Pope, but that other Ergo per Episcoporum sententiam pos­sunt deponi & debent, etiamsi Pauperes Pi­scopi & inermes. Id. Tom. 13. Pag. 251. Bishops, though never so poor and weak may throw down Kings. Though in some places he is a good Expositor; yet here I fear he uttereth Doctrine that St. Paul was never used to. And if at Ingolstad in his Sermons upon these [Page 54] Epistles, he taught his Auditors these Principles; the Duke of Ba­varia was too liberal of his Reward, who instead of punishment, built a famous Colledge for him and his Brethren.

Johannes Paulus Windeck, though he speak nothing of our inferior Bishops, yet he declares that he of Hinc firmiter deducimus Papam posse Principes deponere & alios in­stituere. P. Wind. de Theolog. jures­consulto [...]um, Pag. 23. Rome hath power to kick down Kings, and put others in their Thrones. And of the same Opinion is that voluminous Lawyer of Pavia, —Jure potest summus Pont. Re­gno privare non modo Regem ipsum haereticum, sed etiam ejus discendentes. Menoch. Concil. 808. Numb. 76. Jacobus Me­nochius; and this, he saith, can not onely be done to the King, but also to all of his Line or Race. And a Country-man of ours, a Doctor in Divi­nity, but of what certain name I know not, lurking under the Visard of L. C. in a Letter of his against the fore­said Roger Widdrington or Preston, is so furious for this King-de­posing Authority to rely in the Pope, that he saith, to think other­ways, is not onely Fidei Ca­tholicae veri­tati aperte repugnare. expresly against the Catholick Faith, but doth also savour of Ethnicismum mihi videntur, sapere, Numb. 4. See the letter it self, in Respons. Apologetica Rog. Wid­dringtoni, Pag. 153. Heathenism.

Though another of our Country-men, viz. Cas. Con­scient. lib. 5. cap. 10. Numb. 14. p. 442. Gregorius Sayes, of the same Order with Preston, be not so furious as his enemy L. C. yet he seems to comply with this Papal jurisdiction over Kings and Kingdoms: And I believe, I shall not any way displease a learned Roman Doctor, Comment. in D. Thom. in 2. 2. quaest. 10. art. 10 disp. 1. & quaest. 11. art. 4. disp. 1. Alexander Pesantius, if I bring him in amongst the Cham­pions against absolute Monarchy; for besides that he makes it his bu­siness to prove that the Pope can deprive Infidels of their Rule over Christians, and by the interpretation of his Margin assures us, that Pope Zacharias turn'd out the King of France; in the next Questi­on he takes a step farther, and affirms, that for heresie, a man doth not onely loose as a Father the Rule over his Children, as an Husband the same over his Wife, and so she not obliged in any thing to be o­bedient to him, and the same as a Master over his Servants; but also though a Prince and Ruler, yet by this fault, he quite looseth his Right and Authority over his Subjects.

Of the same humour is De Catholicis Institut. Tit. 46. Numb. 74, 75. & Tit. 23. Numb. 11. Jacobus Simancas; and with this Doctrine, as the former claw'd Paul the Fifth, so doth this Spaniard fob up Gregory the Thirteenth: Nor will he have the Father onely to loose his Kingdom, Propter Haeresim Regis non solum Rex Regno pri­vatur, sed & ejus filii à Regni successione pelluntur. Sal­man. Tit. 9. Numb. 259. but he also agrees with these, who throw out the Chil­dren too. Though this Author would once dispute whether a Divine or Lawyer would make the best Bi­shop; yet here we need make no Controversie, which of the Faculties amongst them is the best assertor of this seditious Do­ctrine; since we see by experience, that both Parties do their utmost to uphold it. 'Tis said, that the fields adjoying to Badaioz, of which this Simancas was Prelate, are so pestered with the multitude of Locusts, that the King is forced to provide many men for the burn­ing of them. And it would do well, if he and others by punishment would restrain the publishing and maintaining of such mischievous Principles within their Dominions.

Another Spaniard, and a famous Jesuite, De justitia, Tom. 1. Tract. 2. disp. 29. col. 213, 214. Ludovicus Molina, though at first he seems a little modest in respect of the Pope, but [Page 55] would have the Subjects take upon them to chastise their Kings; yet that a little advice from his Holiness would do no harm: However, the farther he goeth, the more he imbraceth this jurisdiction of Rome; and then at last in several places, boldly affirms the Potest sum­mus Pontifex depone Re­ges, eos (que) Regnis suis privare. Mo­lin. de just. Tom. 1. col. 217. Id. Col. 225.—Imperatoris depositionem ex justa causa pertinere ad summum Pontificem. Id. Col. 220. posse summum Pont. deponere Reges, ea (que) ratione merito transtulisse Imperium à Graecis ad Germanos, deposuisse (que) Hildericum, & privasse Regni administratione quendam Lusitanice Regem. Id. Col. 221. si Princeps aliquis Haereticus aut Schismaticus fieret, posset summus Pont. uti adversus eum gladio Temporali, procedere (que) us (que) ad depositionem & expulsionem illius à Regno. Popes power in deposing Kings: A Doctrine, which I dare say he never learned from that pious Manuel, of his darling and daily companion, Thomas à Kempis; and yet, this durst he offer to the King of Spain.

Another Spaniard, but a Dominican, Petrus de Ledesma, tells the people pretty stories how to get rid of their Kings: for if the Prince, as he saith, be an Heretick, and that crime by his cunning, cannot be sufficiently proved against him; then let him publickly be excom­municated, and all is as sure as a gun: for Post sententiam declarativum de crimines haere­sis aut Apostasiae Princeps injuste possidet Princi­patum, & inique dominatur in Subditos, qui si viribus polleant tenentur se eximere ab ejus obedientia, & bellum ipsi inferre. Petr. de Ledesm. Theologia Moralis, Tract. 1. cap. 7. conclus. 6, 7. Id. Conclus. 5. Quam primum quis declaratur excommunicatus propter Apostasiam à fide aut hae­resim, privatur dominio & jurisdictione in subditos si quos habet, & subditi absolvuntur à juramento fideli­tatis quo antea tenebantur. by this means he is absolutely deprived of all Rule whatever, and his Subjects are obliged (if they be able) to raise war against him, and root him out; for (as he saith) by the aforesaid Excommuni­cation, they are all absolved from their Obedience and Oath of Allegiance, which they formerly owed to him. And this he tells us, is the judgement of Thomas Aquinas and all his followers. And I think in this, he doth not at all wrong this famous School-man, who was so great a Champion for the Romish See, that at last he was Canoni­zed —Quam cito aliqui per sententiam denuntiatur excommunicatus propter Apostasiam à fide, ipso fa­cto, ejus subdito sunt absoluti à dominio ejus & jura­mento fidelitatis, quo eitenebantur. Tho. Aquin. 2. 2. q. 12. art. 2. by John XXII. yet for all his title of Angelical Doctor, he could main­tain the black position, that Subjects were not to obey nor acknowledge Ex­communicated Princes. And some of the Thomists to make the Au­thority of Temporal Monarchs less valid, make use of his Book de Re­gimine Principis, but to what purpose, I know not: However, Desceptat. Calvin. pag. 152. Franciscus Panicarola, the preaching and worded Bishop of Asti is no enemy to the Popes coercive Authority over Princes.

That the Italian Dominican, De litera­li ac Mysti­ca Regula­rum juris Canon. in­terpretat. Quest. 2. art. 4. punct. 2. Numb. 25, 26, 27. & Quest. 3. art. 9. Numb. 101. pag. 270. Paulus Carraria is a great magni­fier of the Popes power in Temporals, need not be long in proving, if we do but consider, what Laws and Examples he makes use of, to shew that Kings may be deposed, and Kingdoms given away by him. And to him we may joyn another of the same Order, Summa de Exemplis, lib. 8. cap. 60. Johannes à S. Geminiano, since they both go the same way, and upon the same errand.

Gregotius Nunnius Coronel, though but a Portugal Augustan Men­dicant Fryar, yet is as furious and proud as the best of them against Temporal Government: and it may be for this fault, Clement the Eighth, and Paul the Fifth, were so kinde to him, and got him to Rome [Page 56] to be neer them. He declares that if they [...]g. N [...]n. Cor. d [...] ve [...]a Christi Eccles. lib. 9. pag. [...]45. T [...] [...] quan▪ [...]egi [...] po­ [...]ta [...]e priva [...], [...] [...]s sui vi & authoritate c [...]litus sibi [...]radit [...], [...]. will not be obedient to his Church, then may the Pope by his great power from Heaven, very justly turn them from all their Royalties and Government. Nay, that sometimes, the Id. Pag. [...]69. In illos a [...]ma capiant, & tanquam Regio d [...]demate [...] a sede [...] agnosca [...]t. Subjects themselves, if the Pope bid them, must take up arms a­gainst them, and dethrone them. And in another of his Books, he saith, that an De optimo Relpub. [...] lib. 3. c. 13. pag. 508, [...]9 & p. 511. R [...]x [...]p [...]s [...]ae [...]icorum dogmaticus [...]mato animo [...] à Reg [...] [...] & a [...] admi­nistratione Imper [...] quod in Christianos habet amo­ [...] Heretical King must not be permitted to rule, but turned from his Kingdom: an [...] this not onely for Heresie, but also, if Id. Cap. 14 pag. 521. Si Reges & Principes gra­vissi [...], [...]int dedi [...] [...]ele [...]bus effic [...]tor proculdubio, u [...] [...]x his d [...]abus ca [...]sis justissime Rom. Pont. possit acri [...]er in Reges animad [...] ertere, & cos a Regal [...] solio mune [...]is [...] po [...]sta [...] d [...]rbare. he be given to to any great sins: Nay, if by his weakness Cap. 16. pag. 545. Non solum propter haeresim aut schisma, aut aliquod a [...]ud intole [...]abile scelus, ve­rum etiam propter insufficientiam. he be not sit to Rule: Or, if by Id. Pag. 547. Posse sum. Pont [...]ex sui muneris autho [...]i [...]ate Principes è solio de [...]bare; si ob eorum negligentiam, & inscitiam, aut malitiam, justitia con­culcatur, & Status Re [...]p. p [...]tatur. his negligence, igno­rance or wilfulness, justice be not done, and the Common-wealth suffer. And that the Pope hath this great Autho­rity over Kings, he saith, is the Id. Pag. 557. Legantur tam veteres, quam re­centiones Theologi & uti ius (que) juris prudendes, certe omnes una mente una & voce hanc sententiam am­plectuntur. O­pinion of all their Divines and Law­yers: And he that denyeth this pow­er, doth not onely go Pag. 558. Non modo à veritate quam longissime aberrare, verum etiam insanire mihi videantur. against the truth, but seems to be mad: And thus he indeavours to prove this power; which he saith, unless Christ had left with his Vicars. Id. Cap. 14. pag. 520. he had not done wisely.

I need not trouble you at length, to tell you the humour and spi­rit of this Portugal, when you do but know how heartily he desired the De vera Christi Ec­cles. pag. 433, 434. Murder of our Queen Elizabeth, affirming it to be but just, that her head should be cut off, her body not to be honoured with a burial, but by the Hang-man left, to be torn in pieces and devoured by Dogs. And yet was this hot-spur, his Books and Doctrine in great favour and esteem at Rome: and Gratianus, one of the chief of his Order, could thus sing in commendation of him and his Writings:

Lumen es, & Columen fidei, recti (que) Magister.
Responsa (que) sana ministras;
Nempe facis, per te, crescat ut Ʋrbis honos;

This Nunnius hath Cardinal Ascanio di Colunna Patron to one of his Books; and though I believe amongst their Eminencies he could not aim amiss, yet this 'tis probable, he did by choice, as being well ac­quainted with his compliance with this Doctrine, of which, at the desire of Paul the Fifth, he gave some hints to the world, in his Sententia contra Reip. V [...]neta Epi­scopos, p. 2 [...]. Tra [...] against the Venetians.

Of this Nunnius, to shew the Popes power over Emperours and Kings, Rationale utrius (que) po­testatis, pag. [...]98, 1 [...]. Thomas a Talamello, of the same Mendicant Order, [Page 57] makes some use, and give you also St. Geminianus word for word. He tells you also in one place, that the Pope hath as Id. Cap. 3. p. 39. much power in Temporals as in Spirituals: Nay, that Pag. 41. in either of these, he can directly do more than any King; and that Kings depend as much on the Pope, as effects on their Causes: and then makes use of the Id. Cap. 11. p. 109. Canon-law to prove his Authority in deposing of Emperours. And an Italian Lawyer De verbo­rum signifi­catione, lib. 10. cap. 17. § 24. Camillus Gallinius, from the same pud­dle, draws out the same muddy Principle, of the Popes right to de­throne Kings.

What was the Opinion of Cardinal Perron, and the chief of France in this case, this following story will somewhat inform us. Lewis the Thirteenth being come to his Majority, about fourteen years old, Decemb. 1614. Jan. 1613/5. summoned the three Estates to meet: two of them, viz. the Clergy and Lords [la Noblesse] presently agreed for these two Propositions,

  • 1. That the Council of Trent be publish'd and received in France.
  • 2. That the selling of Offices be suppress'd.

The third Estate, [whether to stop these two, some of them fa­vouring the Protestants, others of them having places, which they might sell, as well as they bought; or out of meer loyalty (however they reasoned stifly against the Trent-Council) having had the two Kings before this murdered,] made a third Proposition, much like our Oath of Allegiance; which being of publick concern, the cause of great disputes and animosities beyond Seas, and as I think, as yet not known in English, take as followeth with the Original.

Que pour arrester le Cours de la pernicieuse doctrine qui s' in­troduit depuis quelquees annees contre les Roys & puissances Sou­veraines establies de Dieu, per Esprits Seditieux, qui ne tendent qu'a les troubler & subverter: Le Roy sera supplie de faire ar­rester en l'Assemblée des states, pour loy fondamentale de Roy­aume, qui soit inviolable & no­toire a tous; Que comme il est recognu Souverain en son estat, ne tenant sa Couronne que de Dieu seul; il n'y a puissance en Terre quelle qu'elle soit Spirituelle ou Temporelle, qui a [...]t aucun droit sur son Royaume, pour en priver les personnes sacrées de nos Rois, ny dispenser ou absoudre leurs sub­jets de la Fidelite & obeissance qu'ils luy doivent, pour quelque cause cu pretexte que ce soit.

Que tous ses subjets, de quel­que qualite & condition qu'ils soi­ent, [Page 58] tiendront cete loy pour sainte & veritable comme conforme a la Parole de Dieu, sans distinction, e­quivoque ou limitation quelcun­que: Laquelle sera juree & signee par tous les Deputes des E­stats, & d'oresnavant par tous las Beneficiers & Officiers du Roy­aume, avant que d'entrer en la possession de leurs Benefices, & d'estre recens en leur Offices: Tous Precepteurs, Regens, Docteurs & Predicateurs tenus de l'enseigner & publier, Que l'opinion contrai­re, mesmes qu'il soit loisible de tuer & deposer nos Rois, s'elever & Rebeller contr'eux secouer le joug de leur Obeyssance, pour quel­que Occasion que se soit, est impie, detestable, contre Verete & contre l'Establissement de l'Estat de France, qui ne depend immedia­tement que de Dieu.

Que tous livres qui enseignent telle fausse & perverse Opinion, seront tenus pour seditieux & damnables: tous Estrangers qui l'escriront & publieront, pour En­nemis jurees de la Couronne: tous subjets de sa Majeste qui y adhereront de quelque qualite & Condition qu'els soint pour Rebel­les, infracteurs des loys funda­mentales du Royaume, & Crimi­nels de lese Majeste au primier Chef.

Et s'il se trouve aucun Livre ou discours escrit par Estranger Ec­clesiastique, ou d'autre qualite, qui contienne Proposition contraire a la dite loy directement ou indi­rectement, serontles Ecclesiastiques des mesmes Ordres establis en France, obliges d'y respondre, les impugner & contredire incessam­ment sans respect, ambiguite ny Equivocation, sur peine d'estre punis de mesnie peine que dessus, comme fauteurs des enemis de cet Estat.

Et sera ce premier Article leu par chacun an, tant [...]s Cours Souveraines, qu' es Bailliages & Seneschaucees du dit Royaume, [Page 59] a l'ouverture des audiences, pour estre garde & observe avec toute severite & rigueur.

[Page 57]

To hinder the spreading of the pernicious Doctrine lately taught and maintain'd by some sediti­ous spirits, enemies to good Go­vernment, against Kings and Sove­raign Powers: His Majesty shall be humbly desired, that there shall be establish'd by the three Estates, for a Fundamental Law of the Land, to be kept and known by all men;

That the King being acknow­ledged head in his Dominions, holding his Crown and Authority onely from God, there is no power on Earth whatever, spiri­tual or Temporal, that hath any right over his Kingdom, either to depose our Kings, or dispence with, or absolve their Subjects from the fidelity and obedience which they owe to their Sove­raign, for any cause or pretence whatever.

That all his Subjects, of what quality or Condition soever, shall [Page 58] keep this Law as holy, true, and agreeable to Gods Word, without any distinction, equivocation, or limitation whatsoever; which shall be sworn and signed by all the De­puties of the Estates, and hence­forward by all who have any Be­nefice or Office in the Kingdom, before they enter upon such Be­nefice or Office; and that all Tu­tors, Masters, Regents, Doctors, and Preachers shall teach and publish, that the contrary Opini­on, viz. that it is lawful to kill and depose our Kings, to rebel and rise up against them, and shake off our Obedience to them, upon any occasion whatever, is impious, detestable, quite con­trary to Truth, and the establish­ment of the State of France, which immediately depends upon God onely.

That all Books teaching these false and wicked Opinions, shall be held as seditious and damna­ble: All strangers who write and publish them, as sworn Ene­mies to the Crown: and that all Subjects of his Majesty, of what Quality and Condition whatever, who favour them, as Rebels, vio­lators of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, and Traytors a­gainst the King.

And if there be a Book or discourse writ by any forraign Church-man, or any other, that then the Clergy of the same Or­ders establish'd in France, shall be obliged continually to answer, oppose and confute them, with­out any respect, ambiguity, or e­quivocation, upon pain to be pu­nish'd, as abovesaid, as a fa­vourer of the Enemies of the State.

And this Article shall be read every year, in the Soveraign Courts, Bayliwicks and Seneschal­ships of the said Kingdom, and [Page 59] at the opening of their Courts of Audience, that they may be the better preserved and observed, with all rigor and severity.

This startles the Clergy, who with the Noblesse, presently set them­selves against the third Estate (somewhat like our House of Com­mons) with a resolution to expunge this honest and loyal Propositi­on; yet declared their continuable obedience to their King: And as a main Engine to carry this their design about, they desired Jaque Davie, the famous Cardinal of Perron, to endeavour to work over to them the third Estate, knowing that his voluble Tongue, used to be carryed on with so much Learning, Judgement and Sweetness, that it seldom mist of that it spoke for. Accordingly attended with some Lords and Bishops, (as Representatives of their respective Estates; and so to shew to the Commons, that both the other did a­gree so in judgement in this case with the learned Cardinal, that he spoke not onely his own, but their Opinions too) He, though at that time somewhat indisposed, went accordingly, where he made a very long Speech to shew the unreasonableness and absurdity of the fore­said proposition, endeavouring to prove by Reason, that sometimes Kings should, and by Example that they had been deposed, their Subjects being justly quit from their Oaths of Allegiance, and so not bound to obey them. The Harangue it self being large, I refer you to it in his Diverses Oeuvres.

Yet this Oration wrought little upon the third Estate, which hugely troubled all their Cergy, and the Popes Nuntio then at Paris; and Hist. de Louis XIII. pag. 49. Scipion Dupleix, one of the Kings Historiographers can accuse the Article with manifest absurdity, by which he shews his compli­ance with the rest in this Doctrine. But the Pope Paul the Fifth shew'd himself most troubled, in his Letter to Perron, dated from Rome, Febr. 1615. he call'd it a Detestable Decree; and the voters of it, Enemies to the Common good and quietness, and mortal adver­saries to the Chair of Rome. But at the same time gives the Cardi­nal all the commendations and thanks that can be. But our King James was not so complemental, nor had he Reason: For the Car­dinal in his Speech, having several reflections against the Government of England, the cruelty of her Laws, the persecution of the Roman Catholicks, and shew'd himself mainly concern'd against our Oath of Allegiance, which did not a little reflect upon the King himself: upon which his Majesty looking upon this Cardinal as somewhat too busie in putting his Oar in another mans Boat, and so concern'd to have somewhat of justice done him, by his Ambassador publickly com­plain'd of this affront to the young King, the Queen-mother and o­thers, and himself publickly answered the Speech. But this was no trouble to the Cardinal, who was hugely complemented and mag­nified from several Bishops, and other great persons, for this his Speech, and valiantly defending the right of the Church.

But how to end this grand Controversie amongst the Estates, was the cause of some Consultations: at last the King was cunningly per­swaded to take it to himself; which he did, affirming he understood his own Right and Possession, and so forbad them to determine any thing about it. However, the two Estates were gallantly cares­sed by two Breves from the Pope, stufft with Commendati­ons [Page 60] and thanks for their Doctrine, and valour for the Church.

But enough of Perron and the French Estates (now in a manner neglected in that Kingdom.) And should we look upon our own Oath of Allegiance, made onely upon a politick account, for the pre­vention of Treason, we might see it as strongly opposed and gird­ed at, as that of France: For no sooner was it made [that horrid Gun­powder-plot being a main Motive] but Paul the Fifth absolutely for­bad it to be taken, by two Breves sent into England; and presently began a Paper-scuffle on all sides, Bellarmine, Gretzer, Parsons, Co­quaeus, Scioppius, and many others by might and main opposing its taking; but they were instantly answered, not onely by King James himself, but several of his learned Subjects, as Bishop Andrews, Dr. Abbot, Carleton, Donne, Prideaux, Burbill, Widdrington or Preston a Benedictan Monk (for which, there were Rods laid in piss for him by the Romanists) and several others.

Amongst those who zealously opposed it, was one Adolphus Schulckenius; but whether a true name or no, I know not: yet he is very furious in behalf of the Popes deposing of Kings; and this he tells us the Pope may do, by the Apologia, pag. 24. Opinion of all Divines both Ancient and Modern, of all Catholick Lawyers, of Oecumenical Councils and Popes: and that in this, there is no Id. P. 26. disagreement amongst them, this power being Id. P. 59. given to the Pope by God, and he cannot be held a Catholick that is against it: For not one Id. P. 128. Catholick Author can be brought out, who expresly denyeth it; nor can any Id. P. 163. Reason be brought against this Authority of the Pope: And that Zacharias did not well, when he deposed honest Childerick King of France, cannot be said Id. P. 596. without great rashness and Blasphemy.

Another there is somewhat voluminous in this point, and of the more note, because a French-man, and a great favourite, both there and in Italy; and this is Leonardus Coquaeus, a Mendicant Augustine Fryar, who in Opposition to King James, saith that the H [...]b [...]t authoritatem excommu­nicand [...] & coercendi & proscribendi Reges hae [...]e [...]cos ovili Christi perni­c [...]osos. L [...]m. Coq. Examen praefat. Monit. pag. 103. Pope cannot onely Excommunicate, bridle or punish Kings, but also turn them out of their Kingdoms. And to make this more convincing, in another place he Id. Pag. 142, 143. endeavours to prove by Ex­ample, that this hath been done: Nor is this any Id. P. 49. usurp'd Authority of the Pope, but it is properly belonging to him; for as Coquaeus saith, Christ had not been careful enough of the Church, and salvation of Souls, if he had not left the Pope a power over Kings. And in a larger Ant [...]mer­naeus, Tom. 1. pag 380, 523. Tom. 2. p. 6, 17, 21, 105, 128. Book, he harps very often in be­half of King-deposing.

Gregorio Servantio a Dominican and Bishop of Trevico, being an­gry with the Venetians, gives the Pope power over them and other Temporal Princes: and to Se un [...] di pecorel'a divien Lupo, che si mangia iniquamente con tirannide le pecorello de' suoi sudditi ò la scia entrer la peste dell'He­resia, ò diventa un cane tanto timido come quel Childerico detto, che non val nie [...]e potrà il Papa, come vicario di Christo discacciate il L [...]po overo sost [...]uire un altro Cane valente, che custodesca la greg­g [...]a. Esc [...]l su [...] prec [...]tto qualche volta non fera esseguito, questo sara ce facto non de jure, secondo il quale, noi ragioniamo. Defesa della potesta & Immunita E [...]s. p. 68. carry on his design the more cleverly, he makes a great deal of do with the common allusion, that if the King, from a Sheep turn Wolf, and tyrannize over bis Subjects, or let Heresie enter amongst them, or become a timerous Dog, that then the Pope may [Page 61] turn out the Wolf, or put in a more valiant Dog. And for more confirmation of this, he makes use of the Canon-Law. And much to the same Authority is hinted at, and imply'd by Nuova Ri­sposta sopra le Censure di Paolo V. contra la Signoria di Venetia, pag. 16. & pag. 59. Giovanni Fi­loteo di Asti, to make good the Popes power in the disposing of King­doms and Kings.

Of this humour of King-deposing, is the famous Spaniard Potest & talem Principem dominio suo privare. Suar. Defensio fid. Cathol. l. 3. c. 23. Numb. 21. Franciscus Suarez: And if the Pope do deprive him, and give his King­dom to another, the other may Id. Lib. 6. cap. 4. Numb. 19. Si Pontifex—aliis Regibus potestatem tribuat invadendi tale Reg­num, tunc juste fieri potest. justly invade and take it. And this power of the Pope over Kings, he affirms to be as Id. Lib. 3. c. 23. Numb. 16. true and as certain, as that the Church is infallible in Faith. And to prove this, I suppose was one of the main Reasons, if not the chief of his Hic est ut dixi cardo & praecipuus scopus praesen­tis Controversia. Id. L. 3. c. 23. Numb. 1. writing that Folio, wherein he would gladly per­swade King James, that he was in an Id. Lib. 6. c. 4. Numb. 22. error in denying the Popes power in deposing Kings.

And what was the sentiment of some of our English Priests in this case, you may perceive by these following Remarks.

August 1. 1581.

EDmond Campion being demanded—whether he doth at this present acknowledge her Majesty [Queen Elizabeth] to be a true and lawful Queen, or a pretended Queen, and deprived, and in possession of her Crown onely De facto; He answereth,—That this Question depends upon the fact of Pius the Fifth, whereof he is not judge, and therefore refuseth further to answer.

Edmond Campion.
This was thus answered and subscribed by Edmond Campion, the day and year above written, in the presence of us,
  • Owyn Hopton,
  • Jo. Hammond,
  • Robert Beal,
  • Thomas Norton.

ALexander Briant, He is content to affirm that the Queen is his So­veraign Lady: But he will not affirm, that she so is lawfully, and ought so to be, and to be obeyed by him as her Subject, if the Pope de­clare or command the contrary. And he saith, That that Question is too high and dangerous for him to answer.

Before
  • Owen Hopton Knight,
  • John Hammond,
  • and Thomas Norton.

The Examination of Ralphe Sherwin, November 1580.

Being askt whether the Popes Bull of deprivation of the Queen, were a law sentence or no, he refuseth to answer.

Being ask'd whether the Queen be his lawful Soveraign, and so [Page 62] ought to continue, notwithstanding any sentence that the Pope can give: He doth not Answer.

Being again ask'd whether the Queen be his Soveraign, notwith­standing any sentence that the Pope can give, He prayeth to be asked no such Question as may touch his life.

Ralph Sherwin.

Articles ministred to the Seminary Priests, who were in the Tower, and were condemned; with their An­swers to the same. May 13. M. D. LXXXII.

I. WHether the It deposed the Queen by Declara­tion, and ab­solved her subj [...]cts from their obedi­ence due to her. Bull of Pius the Fifth against the Queens Ma­jesty, be a lawful sentence, and ought to be obey'd by the Sub­jects of England?

II. Whether the Queens Majesty be a lawful Queen, and ought to be o­beyed by the Subjects of England; notwithstanding the Bull of Pius the Fifth, or any other Bull or sentence that the Pope hath pronounced, or may pronounce against her Majesty?

III. Whether the Pope have or had power to authorize the Earls of Who upon the score of Religion, Re­bell'd a­gainst her, anno 1569. Northumberland and Westmerland, and other her Majesties Sub­jects, to rebel or take Arms against her Majesty, or to authorize Sent into Ireland by Gregory XIII to fo­ment the Re­bellion. Dr. Saunders, or others, to invade Ireland, or any other Dominions, and to bear Arms against her; and whether they did therein lawfully or no?

IV. Whether the Pope have power to discharge any of her Highness Sub­jects, or the Subjects of any Christian Prince from the Allegiance, or Oath of Obedience to her Majesty, or to their Prince, for any cause?

V. Whether the said Dr. Saunders in his Book of his visible Monarchy of the Church; and Dr. Bristow in his Book of Motives [writing in Both of them affirming that Kings may be de­posed by the Pope. allowance, commendation and confirmation of the said Bull of Pius the Fifth] have therein taught, testified, or maintain'd a truth or a to falshood?

VI. If the Pope do by his Bull or sentence pronounce her Majesty to be deprived, and no lawful Queen, and her Subjects to be discharged of their Allegiance and obedience unto her; and after, the Pope or any other by his appointment and authority, do invade this Realm; which part would you take? or what part ought a good Subject of England take?

The Answer of Mr. Luke Kirby.

LUke Kirby. To the First he saith that the Resolution of this Article dependeth upon the general Question, whether the Pope may for [Page 63] any cause depose a Prince? Wherein his Opinion is, that for some causes he may lawfully depose a Prince, and that such a sentence ought to be [...] ­beyed.

II. To the second, he thinketh that in some cases, (as infidelity or such­like) her Majesty is not to be obeyed against the Popes Bull and sen­tence; for so he saith he hath read, that the Pope hath so done, de facto, against other Princes.

III. To the third, he saith, he cannot answer.

IV. To the fourth, that the Pope (for Infidelity) hath such power, as is mentioned in this Article.

V. To the fifth, he thinketh, that both Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow might be deceived in these points in their Books: but whether they were deceived or not, he referreth to God.

VI. To the last he saith, that when the case shall happen, he must then take counsel what what were best for him to do.

Luke Kirby.
  • John Popham,
  • Da. Lewes,
  • Thomas Egerton,
  • John Hammond.
Mr. Thomas Cottoms Answer.

THomas Cottom. To the first, in this and in all other Questions he believeth as the Catholick Church (which he taketh to be the Church of Rome) teacheth him. And other answer he maketh not, to any of the rest of these Articles.

By me Thomas Cottom Priest.
  • John Popham,
  • Da. Lewes,
  • Thomas Egerton,
  • John Hammond.
Mr. Lawrence Richardsons Answer.

LAwrence Richardson. To the fifth he answereth, that so far as Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow agree with the Catholick Doctrine of the Church of Rome, he alloweth that Doctrine to be true. And touching the first and all the rest of the Articles, he saith, that in all matters not repugnant to the Catholick Religion, he professeth obedi­ence to her Majesty, and otherwise maketh no answer to any of them; But believeth therein, as he is taught by the Catholick Church of Rome.

Lawrence Richardson.
  • John Popham,
  • Da. Lewes,
  • Thomas Egerton,
  • John Hammond.
Mr. Thomas Ford's Answer.

I. THomas Ford. To first he saith, that he cannot answer, because he is not privy to the circumstances of that Bull; but if he did see a Bull published by Gregory the Thirteenth, he would then deliver his Opinion thereof.

II. To the second he saith, that the Pope hath Authority to depose a Prince upon certain occasions: and when such a Bull shall be pro­nounced against her Majesty, he shall then answer what the duty of her Subjects, and what her right is.

III. To the third he saith, he is a private Subject, and will not answer to any of these Questions.

IV. To the fourth he saith, that the Pope hath Authority upon certain oc­casions (which he will not name) to discharge Subjects of their Obedi­ence to their Prince.

V. To the fifth he saith, that Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow be learned men, and whether they have taught truely in their Books mentioned in this Article, he referreth to answer to themselves, for himself will not answer.

VI. To the last he saith, that when that case shall happen, he will make answer, and not before.

Thomas Forde.
  • John Popham,
  • Da. Lewes,
  • Thomas Egerton,
  • John Hammond.
Mr. John Sherts Answer.

JOhn Shert. To all the Articles he saith, that he is a Catholick, and swerveth in no point from the Catholick Faith: and in other sort to any of these Articles he refuseth to answer.

John Shert.
  • John Popham,
  • Da. Lewes,
  • Thomas Egerton,
  • John Hammond.
Mr. Robert Johnsons Answer.

I. RObert Johnson. To the first, he saith, he cannot answer.

II. To the second, he cannot tell what power or authority the Pope hath in the points named in this Article.

III. To the third, he thinketh that the Pope hath authority in some [Page 65] cases to authorize Subjects to take arms against their Princes.

IV. To the fourth, he thinketh that the Pope for some causes may discharge Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to their natural Prince.

V. To the fifth, he saith, the Answer to this Article dependeth upon the lawfulness of the cause, for which the Pope hath given sentence against her: But if the cause was just, then he thinketh the Doctrine of Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow to be true. Whether the cause were just or not, he taketh not upon him to judge.

VI. To the last, he saith, that if such deprivation and invasion should be made for temporal matters, he would take part with her Majesty: but if it were for any matter of his Faith, he thinketh he were then bound to take part with the Pope.

Robert Johnson.
  • John Popham,
  • Da. Lewes,
  • Thomas Egerton,
  • John Hammond.
Mr. John Harts Answer.

I. JOhn Hart. To the first he saith, that it is a difficult Question, and that he cannot make answer thereunto.

II. To the second he saith, that her Majesty is lawful Queen, and ought to be obeyed, notwithstanding the Bull, supposed to be published by Pius the Fifth. But whether she ought to be obeyed and taken for a lawful Queen, notwithstanding any Bull or sentence that the Pope can give, he saith he cannot answer.

III. To the third he cannot answer; and further saith, that he will not meddle with any such Questions.

IV. To the fourth, he saith, he is not resolved, and therefore he cannot answer.

V. To the fifth he saith, he will not deal with any such Questions, and knoweth not whether Saunders and Bristow have taught well herein or not.

VI. To the last he saith, that when such a case shall happen, he will then advise what becometh him to do, for presently he is not resolved.

This he did acknowledge to us, after he had fully perused the same, but refused to subscribe to it.

  • John Popham,
  • Da. Lewes,
  • Thomas Egerton,
  • John Hammond.
Mr. William Filbee's Answer.

I. WIlliam Filbee. To the first he saith, the Pope hath authority to depose any Prince: and such sentences when they be promul­gated, ought to be obeyed by the subjects of any Prince: But touching the Bull of Pius the Fifth, he can say nothing; but if it was such as it is affirmed to be, he doth allow it, and saith that it ought to be obeyed.

II. To the second he saith, it is a hard Question, and therefore he can­not answer it; but upon further advisement, he answereth as to the first.

III. To the third, he knoweth not what to say thereunto.

IV. To the fourth, he saith, that so long as her Majesty remaineth Queen, the Pope hath no authority to warrant her Subjects to take Arms against her, or to disobey her; but if he should depose her, then he might discharge them of their Allegiance and Obedience to her Majesty.

V. To the fifth, he saith, he will not meddle with the Doctrine of Dr. Saunders and Dr. Bristow.

VI. To the last, when this case happeneth, then, he saith, he will answer: and if he had been in Ireland, when Dr. Saunders was there, he would have done as a Priest should have done, that is, to pray, that the right may have place.

William Filbee.
  • John Popham,
  • Da. Lewes,
  • Thomas Egerton,
  • John Hammond.

And because some of these Answers depend upon the writings of Bristow and Saunders, we must understand, that a little before this, one Richard Bristow [or Bristolus] born in Worcester-shire, and bred up a Priest in Flanders, had made a little Book, which he call'd his Motives [which was after, either by himself or others hugely en­larged.] In this writing, he did not onely twit Queen Elizabeth for not obeying the Motive 6. Excommunication-Bull of Pius the Fifth against her; but also that Motive 40. Subjects may sometimes be discharged from their subjection, and Princes deposed: and then publickly declares that the foresaid Earl of Northumberland, the Nortons, Plumtree and others, to be Motive 15. most glorious Martyrs of the Catholicks, though they were deservedly executed as Traytors, for their notorious and actual Rebellion in the North against the Queen. Yet Compend. vitae R [...]c. Brist. § 6. Dr. Thomas Worthington of Lancashire [who translated the larger Motives into Latine] doth give great Commendations to Dr. Bristow, for his learning and valour in thus defending the Popes Authority; whereby he may justly go with those who favour the Opinion of King-de­posing.

As for Nicholas Sanders, he was born in Surrey, and at Rome got his Orders and Degree of Doctor: Pius the Fifth had him in great esteem, knowing him to be a man of mettle, and a great Zealot for the Authority of that Chair, as he shews at large in his great De visibili Monarch. Ecclesiae, Vid. lib. 2. cap. 4. Book dedicated to Pius the Fifth; in which he is so far from ac­knowledging Queen Elizabeth to be a true Queen, that he calls her several times by no other title than the Id. P. 734, 736, 737. Pretended Queen, and o­ther times onely plain Pag. 275, 355. Calvinistical woman: He saith that the Popes power reacheth to the Pag. 430. altering of Kingdoms; that the Em­perour Henry the Fourth was most Pag. 458. justly deprived of his Empire by Gregory the Seventh; greatly Pag. 730, 731, 732, 733, 734, 735, &c. commends those, who impi­ously rebell'd against the Queen in the North, and calls them Noble Martyrs: and this he aims at again in another of his De schismate Angl. p. 363. Tracts.

From this Sanders, we may collect what was the judgement in this case of John Story an Oxford Doctor of Law; he in Queen Ma­ries time ruled the roast in our English Inquisition, and in Queen E­lizabeths Id. Pag. 736, 737. Raign being accused in Parliament of a great deal of cruel­ty in the administration of his foresaid Office, replyed like himself to this purpose, That he had offended in nothing, but that whilst he cut off some Branches, he neglected to pull up the Root; which if he had done, Heresie had not got up again. And this he meant of the Queen, to whom he denyed himself to be a Subject, looking upon the King of Spain as his Soveraign, and the Queen Elizabeth by the Popes Bull of Excommunication utterly deprived of all Rule and Government: upon which cause he scorned to plead for himself, taking the Judges under such a Princess to have no power or judge­ment over him.

And if any doubt of the Popes Authority in deposing Kings, Aelius Antonius Nebrissensis will tell them that they need not, since both Civil and Canon-law doth allow it, and the learned Doctors of them; Per leges quo (que) Ponti­ficias & Ci­viles, Johan. Navar. Rex vere potuit Regno spoli­an, ex eo quod schis­maticus & schismatico­rum fautor, at (que) proinde Haereticus laesae (que) Majestatis reus, at (que) eodem jure intestabilis ipse, & omni ejus Posteritas Gentilico Regno mulctanda, quod utrius (que) juris Consultissimi Doctores multis argumentis, & rationibus, ex­emplis (que) probant. Ant. Nebress. de bello Navar. lib. 1. c. 1. and all his Posterity may be deprived too, for which he produceth the Example of John Albret, King of Narvarre, whom he doth not onely call Schismatick and Heretick, but, which is the prettiest of all, a Traytor, though he doth not tell us to whom: But the King of Spains Historian must write any thing to vindicate his Masters Ra­pine: And yet they'll think it hard that the Portugals should re­deem their own, or that Gaspar Sala and others should vindicate the late revolt of Catalonia.

Antonius de Sousa de Macedo in all his writings hugely zealous for the honour of his Country, Portugal, is as fierce against any pre­tence of the Castilians as any; yet when he is the most endeavouring to fasten the Crown on the head of Braganza, he makes his Master so open and weak on one side, that not onely that Family, nay, Nati­on may loose the sway; but they may once more fall a prey to their politick Neighbour: For he acknowledgeth that the Pope may [Page 68] Lusitan. li­berata, pro­em. 2. § 2. § 25. pag. 117, 118. depose his Master, by the same power he hath over other Kings; and that they may sometimes be thrust from their Thrones, upon their evil Id. Lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 510, 511. administration of Government. And another dangerous Principle he maintains, of a Kings not Ruling unless he hath been Id. L. 2. c. 1. § 7. sworn and Crown'd: And somewhat to this purpose he speaks in another place concerning the ancient way of Proem. 2. p. 116. Anoynting. To these Opinions I perceive him not a little perswaded, by Example, and the sentiments of others: Arguments of so great force to the Divine Dr. Opus de dignitatibus, lib. 1. c. 2. pag. 9. Nicolaus Rebbe, and the Lawyer De haereticus, lib. 4. cap. 14. Conradus Brunus, that they also upon the same account embrace this King-de­posing Opinion: And of the same judgement is the Learned Hierarch. Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 14, 15. fol. 260, 266. Al­bertus Pighius; and as for a good proof to it, he several times re­members you with the action of Pope Zachary.

Giulio Cerrio having been somewhat large (in respect of the bulk of his Tract) in examples of the Popes power in deposing Kings, fair­ly concludes, that Hora in simili casi & altri appertenenti alla Fede, niuno puo dubitare, che l'autorità de i sommi Pontesici non se stenda assolutamente sopra qual si voglia dignita Temporale. Certio Risposta per la verita. no man must doubt of the Popes absolute jurisdiction over Kings, in some causes; and this may be interpreted to the worst sence well e­nough, since the whole drift of that Let­ter pag. 111. is in opposition to those who de­ny this deposing power to be in the Pope.

To tell any man what Cardinal Bellarmine was, would be imperti­nent, since his name is come into a Proverb. They say that many were formerly much beholden to Lyranus for his Writings:

Nisi Lyra lyrasset,
Nemo nostrum saltasset.

Some think Cambden as much beholden to Leland, Pitseus to Bale: however, we know that several have walk'd in English habit for Au­thors, which in truth have scarce been so good as Translations; and so Samuel Clark, the poor botching Presbyterian-story-teller, is a volumi­nous partial Plagiary beyond all mercy, one as fit to write the Church­history, as Alexander Rosse to continue Sir Walter Raleigh. As for Bellarmine, you may look through him like a Multiplying-glass, and perceive multitudes of people toyling themselves out of his Bowels to get themselves published in the world, that if he had never writ, the Romish Church had wanted at least an hundred Authors to aug­ment their Catalogue; and in this sort our Country-men make as bold with him as any, to thrust their little English Pieces, both for gain and honour, amongst their party in these Nations.

This learned Cardinal was a true son of his Church, as he shews through all his writings, especially when he is concerned for her greatness and authority: in one place he saith, that the Pope can sometimes —Potest mutare Regna, & u­ni auferre at (que) alteri conferre—Bel­larm, de Roman. Pont. lib. 5. c. 6. change Kingdoms, take away from one and give to another, he being the judge Ib. c. 7. to determine whether a King be fit to be deposed or no; and if it be thought fit that he should be deposed, then Nec ulla eis injuria fiet, si depo­nantur. Ib. there is no wrong done to him, if he be turn­ed from his Throne: And this jurisdiction he de­fends [Page 69] in another of his —Possit eos Regnis at (que) Imperiis exuere, ea (que) Regna & Imperia ab aliis ad alios transferre. Id. De Translat. Imper. Rom. lib. 1. c. 12. Books; and in another Si quidem inter omnes convenit, posse Pontificem maximum Haereticos Principes jure deponere, & sub­ditos eorum ab obedientia liberare. Mat. Tort. Respons. pag. 9. Book he de­clares that this Opinion is agreed upon by all; and this power he af­firms in another of his Contra Barchaium, cap. 27. Books.

Though 'tis Jac. Fuli­gatto, vita Card. Bel­larm. l. 1. c. 2. said of him, that he would never remember, that he either ever told lye in his life, or beguil'd the truth by excuse or jeasts; yet I shall scarce believe that he speaks altogether truth, in his thus attributing so great authority in temporal things over Monarchs to the Pope: yet for all that he was the Chief Champion of that See, and allow'd to its Bishops all the aforesaid power and jurisdiction; yet we are assured by the Testimony of a learned Romanist, De po­testate Papae, cap. 13. pag. 101. & cap. 40. pag. 329. Guili­elmus Barclaius, that Pope Sixtus the Fifth was sometimes thinking to Censure and extinguish all Bellarmines works, because, as he thought, he allow'd him too small authority in Temporals.

There were two of different Orders, viz. Johannes Epitome Controvers. ex Bellarm. part. 2. quest. 21. p. 180. Andraeas Coppenstein a Dominican, and Solida Christianor. fidei demon­stratio, lib. 3. cap. 10. Baldwinus Junius a Franciscan, who have severally Epitomiz'd this Cardinals Controversies; and with him, they embrace this King-deposing Maxime: They were af­ter translated into French, by the appointment of Cardinal Perron.

Jacobus Gretserus, as an industrious a Jesuite as ever Germany brought forth, whose resolution, zeal and speedy pen, made his Books almost innumerable; and as in all other things, so in this of the Popes authority, he endeavours to vindicate Gretser. defensio Controver­siarum Card. Bellarm. Tom. 2. col. 1153, 1154. &c. Bellarmine, and seems to wonder at King Commen­tar. Exegit. in Reg. Britan. c. 6, 7. James for denying such power to be in the Pope: nay, when he seems to make it his business to vindicate his Society from the suspition of Rebellion, and to tell to all the world what brave Subjects to temporal Kings they are and will be; even then doth he ruine all their loyalty by one exception: At si Pon­tifex ali­quem ab haeresin à regno arceat, ne subditos in haeresin inducat: tum libere fateor, nos nostrum judicium ad Pontificis judicium aggregare, satius (que) reputare. Defens. Apol. Gal. pag. 591. But yet, saith he, if the Pope should deprive any King for heresie, marry then I do freely confess, that we shall submit our selves to the Popes judgement. A very good Item, for which they deserved the teeth as well as the heart of Henry the Great.

Another of the same Order, Juris Ca­non. Com­pend. § 984. Petrus Alagonia, and Juris Ca­non. Com­pend. lib. 5. Tit. de Hae­ret. § 13. Johannes Honorius van Axel, with the Canon-law write down the same Principles in their Compendiaries: and the Carmelite Fryar, Giovanni Antonio Bovio, findes fault with Father Paul the Venetian (famed for his learning, judgement, moderation and integrity) that amongst the Offices belonging to the Pope, he doth not set down, Doveva anco, se vo­lea numera­re tutte le Opere del Carico Pastorale, fac mentioner dello trasferire de gli Imperii d'Oriente in Occidente, habilitare & inhabilitare alli Regni, instituere & destituere i Re, che anco questo possono fare i supremi vicarii di Chri­sto in Terra, quando cio besogni per conservatione della fede & Religione Christiana, & l'hanno fatto, quan­do è venuto l'occasione, & ha hanuto effe [...]to, è stato cio riceunto & appovato da tutta la Christianica. Anton. Bovio, Risposta alle consideratione del M. Paolo, pag. 69. his transla­ting of Empires, setting up and pulling down of Kings, since he hath such authority. An Article, that I dare say Bovio never learned from the Virgin Mary, whom they brag to be the Patroness and Foundress of their Order.

William Allen, or Allain, born in Lancashire, a great darling with the secular Priests, for whom he was the first that made Seminaries at Doway; a severe enemy to the Protestants, and as fierce a main­tainer of the power of Rome, and the King of Spain; of both which this one Example may satisfie. Queen Elizabeth having sent some aid into the Netherlands against the Spaniard, Sir William Stanley was made Governour of Deventer in Over-Issel, which he presently (be­traying his trust) deliver'd with himself and Garrison to the Spani­ard; by which he lost, by common consent, the reputation of Subject, Gentleman and Souldier; but Dr. Allain thinking to quell these ru­mours, and to encourage the new Renegado's, by a Letter from Rome, sends Stanley and his Regiment not onely thanks and Commendati­ons for this their action, but as he thought, a sufficient vindication too, part of which take in his own words.—

Yea, I say no more unto you Gentlemen, seeing you desire to know Dr. Allain's Letter touch­ing the ren­der of De­venter, pag. 27, 28. my meaning fully in this point: That as all acts of Justice within the Realm done by the Queens authority, ever since she was by publick sen­tence of the Church, and see Apostolick declared an Heretick, and an enemy of Gods Church, and for the same by name excommunicated, and deposed from all Regal Dignity; as, I say, ever sithence the publication thereof, all is void by the Law of God and Man; so like­wise no war can be lawfully denounced or waged by her, though o­therwise in it self it were most just: because that is the first Condition required in a just War, that it be by one denounced, that hath lawful and Supream power to do the same, as no Excommunicate person hath; especially, if he be withal deposed from his Royal Dignity by Christ his Vicar, which is the Supream power in Earth, and his Subjects not onely absolved and discharged of their Service, Oath, Homage and Obedience, but especially forbidden to serve or obey any such Canonically condemned person.

And in another place of the same Pamphlet, he thus tells them their doom, if they had been faithful to their trust and the Queen;— Id. pag. 30. Any Excommunicate or Canonically condemn'd Prince,—whom no man by law can serve, nor give aid unto, but he falleth into Excommunication.

Thus we see what small esteem he had of his Soveraign, and how easie it is for these men to ease themselves of loyalty and Obedience. And that the Pope may thus trample upon Kings, observe his Do­ctrine in another of his Writings,— Defence of English Ca­tholicks, a­gainst the book call'd The executi­on of justice, pag. 143. The Pope may in some cases excommunicate, for some causes deprive, and in many respects fight and wage War for Religion.—And gain,— Id. p. 207. Plain it is, that Kings that have professed the Faith of Christ, and the defence of his Church and Gospel, may be, and have been justly both excommunicated and deposed, for injuries done to Gods Church, and revolt from the same, as sometimes also for other great crimes tending to the Pernition of the whole subject unto him.—And gain,— Id. P. 114. By the fall of the King from the Faith, the danger is so evident and inevitable, that GOD HAD NOT SUFFICIENTLY PROVIDED FOR OUR SALVATION, and the preservation of his Church and holy Laws, IF THERE WERE NO WAY TO DEPRIVE or restrain Apostata Kings.—And then plainly declares to the world thus:— Id. P. 115. Therefore let no man marvel, that in case of heresie the Soveraign loseth his superiority and right over his people and Kingdom. And in these Id. P. 72, 73. Opinions he endea­vours [Page 71] to prove that there is no harm: And gives the Earl of (a) West­merland Id. 48. for his Rebellion great commendations, and of his fellow-Traytor gives you this Character, The renowned Count of Northum­berland dyed a Saint and holy Martyr.

When the Spanish Armado invaded England, he printed a perni­cious Admonition to the Catholicks of these Kingdoms, stuft with horrid Rebellion and Treason, perswading them by all means to take part with the King of Spain, and to Root out their own Queen. What effect his Doctrine took, I know not, but 'tis well known that the Fleet came to nothing: and enough of this Allen, who for his zeal to the Spanish Faction, and the authority of Rome, was made Cardinal de S. Martino by Pope Sixtus the Fifth, at the desire of Philip the Second.

And now let us see what a man with a long name will tell us in this cause; Andraeas Eudaemon-joannes, a man suspected at first to sculk under a wrong denomination; but when we know his Country and temper, we shall not think him asham'd to own any thing, though never so bad or false: he was born in the Island Crete (now bet­ter known by the name of Candia) at Canea (by the ancients call'd Cydon or Cydonia) but bred up from his youth at Rome, and a Jesuite. If that be true, that in the Island of his birth no venomous or harm­ful Creature can live, 'twas well that he was forthwith transplanted to Italy; for his native soyl, and his malicious humour could never agree: His writings are onely stuft with railing and vain repetitions; hath impudence to deny any thing, and affirm what he pleaseth: his whole books are composed of contradictions, all along affirming that Kings may be deposed, nay, and sometimes cut off; and yet at the same time vindicating himself and his Order from disloyalty; and yet so shie in his affirmations, though bald in his hints, that his books may be read over to as much purpose and satisfaction, as one of the Bre­threns preachments, or Olivers Speeches: so that I should wonder that such a generous Pope as Ʋrban the Eighth, and such a learned Cardinal as Bellarmine should have him in such esteem and favour, if interest had no sway in this world. And though all along one may know his meaning by his Moping; yet sometimes he speaks plain enough, and declares that the Potuit e­nim non ut dominus, sed ut Minister Christi deponere Principes. Andr. Eudaem-joan. Respons. ad Epist. Is. Casauboni, pag. 12. Pope can depose Kings, and that this Id. Pa­rallelus Torti & Tortoris, cap. 4. pag. 197.—ultro concedamus, & facta à Pontificibus & jure at (que) ordine fieri potuisse, ut contumaciam ac Tyrannidem Principum excommunicatione ac depositione ulcisceretur. hath been done, and may be done sometimes lawfully.

In the year 1594, one Jehan Chastel intending to stab King Henry the Fourth of France with his Kinfe, struck him into his Mouth, and though he mist of his aim, yet he struck out two of his teeth, and wounded him sore: For this Treason the Villain is excuted, but presently one Franzois de Verone writes an Apology for Chastel, af­firming that he had done nothing but what became a true Christian and Catholick; his reasons being, because the King, as he said, was an Heretick, and so might lawfully be kill'd or deposed.

That he was absolutely perswaded so in the latter [the first we shall treat of in its proper place] you may judge by his declaring these following Propositions to be Heretical.

[Page 72]

I Qu'un Heretique relaps, & nom­mement Fran. de Ve­rone Apolo­gie pour J [...] ­han Chastel, Part 2. cap. 15. pag. 95. excommunie du S. Siege, ne perd le droit de la Couronne.

II. Que tel est Roy legitime, donne & Ordonne de Dieu.

III. Que l'eglise ne le peut priver de ce droit, ny les Estats, ny general­lement les Princes, de leurs dig­nitez, ou Royaumes, pour crime ou Heresie quelcunque.

IV. Ny absoudre les subjects de l'Obeissance & fidelite a eux deue.

V. Qu'il fault resister a tels juge­mens, & qu'ils n'obligent en con­science.

VI. Qu'il ne se fault enquirer des actions, ny de la Conscience de son Prince.

VII. Qu'il n'est loysible de resister a un Prince Heretique.

VIII. Qu'un Roy Catholique peut per­mittre deux Religions en son Roy­aume.

I. That a relaps'd Heretick, and by name excommunicated by the Pope, doth not loose the right of his Crown.

II. That such an one is a lawful King, given and ordained of God.

III. That neither Church nor Par­liament [Estates] can deprive them of that right; nor that Princes for any Crime or Heresie whatever, can be deprived of their dignities.

IV. Nor that subjects can be absol­ved from their obedience and fi­delity they owe to their Kings.

V. That such sentences as these are not to be obeyed, being not obli­gatory in Conscience.

VI. That the Actions and Consci­ences of Kings are not to be pry'd into.

VII. That it is not lawful to resist an Heretical Prince.

VIII. That a Catholick King may per­mit two Religions in his King­dom.

What this Verone was I know not, onely we may observe, that a­bout Id. Apol. pag. 29. the same time there was a French Jesuit of the same name, who afterwards writ some Books: And that the same year, viz. 1595. that this Book was Printed, one Le Bell was punished for endeavouring to convey one Franzois Veron, a Student at Poictiers, out of France. This same Verone also in the same Book vindicates Jacques Clement for murthering Henry the Third.

The which horrid murder was also publickly maintain'd as an act most lawful and glorious, by another French-man, call'd Bouchier; and he that will thus boldly affirm the greater, you may justly sup­pose he will not deny the less, viz. the deposing of them. And this [Page 73] he tells us, the Pope can do if there be need of it, and the Prince Cum ille Christi vica­rius sit, ut vi­deat ne quid Christo, ne quid ejus Ecclesiae ac Religioni injuria fiet, ne quid vel populi vel Regni, vel Regum ipsorum salu­tem impediat (cujusmodi sunt Haeresis, schisma, perjurium, apostasia, & similia, quae sine gravi Ecclesiae de­trimento in Regibus esse nequeunt) id ei lic [...]re, ut cum nihil leniter admo nuisse profuerit, cum censuras con­temni audierit, cum periculum grave Ecclesiae è tali regimine imminere, deponi deni (que) & utile & commodum esse agnoverit, tum populos Obedientiae vinculo eximat, dec (que) operam, ut alteri commodiori grex à Christo re­demptus commi [...]tatur. De justa Henric▪ III. abdicatione, lib. 1. cap. 5. pag. 13. contemn his inferiour censures.

Nay, probable that a greater Authority than this Boucher, can more than Countenance the deposing of Kings: For anno 1589, a little before the said King Henry the Third was murdered, the Colledge of Sorbone in Paris, being then present about seventy Doctors, de­clared Id. P. 398, 399, 370, 373. Jan. de Serres. that all the Kings Subjects were freed from their obedience to him; of which, Pope Sixtus the Fifth was informed, and desired to compleat by his Authority.

One tells us with confidence, that the Pope can create and depose Vid. Phil. Horn. The­saur. Polit. p. 318, 319, 323, 361, 362. Kings. Another wonders that some German Divines should deny him to have power to translate Empires. And a third tells Cardinal Mont' alto (Nephew to the foresaid Sixtus the Fifth) that amongst other Priviledges which belong to the Pope, is to give Titles to Em­perours and Kings, to translate Empires from one Nation to another, and to judge Princes. And our Country-man, Thomas Harding, when he sees Childerick of France deposed by the Pope, cannot refrain from telling us— Confutati­on of the A­pology, fol. 181. b. What a strength of Authority is in that See, which is able with a word to place and displace the mightiest King in Eu­rope. And this is also approved of by his good friend and great admirer, A brief shew of the false wares in the Apo­logy, fol. 93. John Rastell. And the Portugal Quaestio­nes Regu­lares, Tom. 2. Quest. 40. art. 1. & Quest. 63. art. 7. & Tom. 4. Tit. 4. c. 3. Emanuel Rodericus, in se­veral places of his Works, fob'd up by the Canon-law, tells how the Pope can alter Kingdoms, and depose Kings.

What force either Loyalty or Obedience is with some Roman Ca­tholicks, may in part be seen by their cavilling at our Oath of Allegi­ance, as where it saith, that the Pope hath no power or authority to de­pose the King—or discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to his Majesty, upon any cause or occasion whatsoever.—They answer to the first:—A strange prevention to stir up hu­mour [...], Answer to the Penal Statutes a­gainst Ca­tholicks, pag. 81, 82. and to alter them with DANGEROUS Physick without neces­sity.—And to the second, they thus retort;—Although the King should force them to be Mahometans, Jewes, Pagans, or Infi­dels.

To that part of it, which calls the opinion of the Popes power to excommunicate or deprive Kings Impious and Heretical,—They onely say,—How came the English Parliament by Authority to cen­sure Doctrine? who delivered them this power? who made them assu­rance of Gods infallible Spirit?—To that part which saith, That they do believe that the Pope, nor any other hath power to absolve them of this Oath;—They deny the Article by their thus reasoning:—If they do not believe it, NOR INDEED CAN BELIEVE IT WITHOUT GROSS IGNORANCE, why should they inforce them to swear False? or what get they by this?

And to the last part of it, where 'tis said, that—They do acknow­ledge this Oath to be administred unto them lawfully, and by good and full Authority, and that they do renounce all dispensations and pardons [Page 74] to the contrary;—They quite null the Proposition by this their an­swer:—

He that sweareth false, had need of absolution from the sin, but needeth no dispensation, because the Oath hath no force to bind, as in this case.

By which means they declare their approbation of these following Propositions.

I. To affirm that the Pope hath no power or authority to depose the King, is dangerous.

II. That in some cases [as if the Prince should force his People to be Allow one or two Ex­ceptions, and twenty will follow, if the Romanists be Judges. Prateo lus [Elench. Haeret. § Mahometes] compares the Prote­stants to the Turks. Gif­ford. [Pr [...]f. in lib. D. Rei­nald Calvi­no-Turcis­mus] sa [...]th that the Pro­testants be­lief is worse than the Al­coran. Mahometans, Jewes, Pagans or Infidels] the Pope may discharge his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience otherwise due to him.

III. That the King, Bishops, Peers and Commons in Parliament, can­not declare or censure the opinion which alloweth the Popes power to excommunicate and deprive Kings, to be Impious and Heretical.

IV. That it is gross Ignorance and False, not to believe that the Pope or any other have power to absolve Subjects of their Oaths of Obedi­ence and Allegiance.

V. That this Oath of Allegiance, though taken, is not obligatory, nor hath any power to binde.

Thus we see the foundation of Government shaken, Oaths and O­bedience brought to be but trifles, and Supream Authority and Rule, upon the common-canting whining pretence of Religion con­sumed to nothing.

Leonardus Lessius, a Jesuite of great repute, under the false name Discussio Decreti Mag. Concil. Lateran. of Guilielmus Singletonus, is very zealous for this Authority to be in the Pope: Tells us in one place, that if the Pope Si sam. Pont. non haberet illam potestatem in T [...]mporalia, Ecclesia er­rar [...]t in Do­ctrina mo­rum, & qui­dem circa res gravissimas; Docet enim Principe per sententiam summi Pont. abdicato, omnes subditos ab ejus obedientia esse solutos, & ditionem ejus ab alio posse occupari, ut ex Conciliis constat.—Discuss. Decret. Concil. Lat. pag 46. have not this power, then the Church of necessity must err, because it teacheth such jurisdiction to lye in the Pope: but to affirm so of the Church, viz. that she erreth, is Heretical; nay, that this error, viz. that the Pope cannot depose Kings, Id. Pag. 90.—Hic enim error longe perniciosior erit, magis (que) intolerabilis, quam error circa aliquod Sa­cramentum.— is more pernicious and intolerable, than an error concerning some of the Sacraments: for 'tis a Id. Pag. 100. certain and undoubted received Opinion of the Church; and therefore he Id Pag. 123.— con­jures all Catholicks, as they love the salvation of their Souls, to have a care of doubting of it, or believing the contrary: for it —Ad sidem pertinere, sive ita cum rebus fidei & Religionis esse conjunctam, ut abs (que) sanae Doctrinae injuria non videatur posse nega [...]i. belongs to faith, or agrees so neer with it, that it cannot be denyed without great injury to sound Doctrine.

And whether this Lessius in another of his Books concerning the De pote­state summi Pontifici. Popes power, maintains any Tenents more dangerous than these, I know not, no more than I do the reasons that made them suppress it, though many years ago printed.

The Lawyer, De sindi­catu, Sum­mar. 4. § 56, 57, 58, 59. Paris de Puteo, from the Canon-law, and other such­like authorities, gathers that the Pope may depose Kings or Empe­rours; and the old Dist. 40, Si Papa. Gloss. Glassator upon Gratian, standing upon the same sandy Foundation, maintains the same proposition against the latter; and with these agree another Lawyer, —Et Imperator debet confirmari à Papa tanquam superiore, & ab eo examinare, approbari ac incongi, consecra [...]i & coronari, si est dignus, vel rejici si est indignus, puta si esset sacrilegus, excommunicatus, licet esset electus, ab Electoribus Imperii. Jo. Bapt. Plot. Consilium. § 64. Johannes Baptista Plotus.

In the year 1619. Frederick Elector Palatine of Rhine, being over­perswaded by the Bohemians [who had then denyed Ferdinand the Emperour to be their King] to take upon him the Government over them, was after some Wars overcome by the Imperialists, and be­reft not onely of that Kingdom, but the rest of his Territories. Up­on this, great consultation is had privately at Rome to get another E­lector into his place, and for the person they need not study long. The Duke of Bavaria, having his great expence in this War against the Bohemians, and the Jesuits, [to whom he was a great Benefactor, had a particular Devotion, and was in all things sway'd by them] to speak loud in his behalf; and besides, which was no small mover, his Zeal for the cause of Rome (Frederick being a Protestant, and thus laid by) would thus over-sway the reformed Electors in number, whereby the Empire probably would still be ruled by that Religion. These and other like reasons, made Pope Gregory the Fifteenth, and his Nephew and Favourite, Cardinal Ludovisio [who was also made Protector of the Irish] to be earnest with the Emperour about it; which at last (though the Spaniard at its first motion, seem'd not to like) took effect, and Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria, obtain'd that ho­nour 1623.

But that which I most aim at in this story, is the Paper of advice or reasons to perswade to this action, presented to the Pope and Cardinals by Michel Lonigo da Esle, belonging to his Holiness: in which is strongly pleaded for Bavaria, ranting and boasting in a whole beadrole, what pretty pranks and tricks the Popes have for­merly acted over Kings and Emperours, by interdicting, excommuni­cating and deposing them; altering and changing of Empires and Kingdoms: and in one place speaks boldly and plainly thus:—It is in the Popes hands, as appeareth by all Histories, to renew the Em­perours in their Empire; to translate the authority of one Nation to another, and utterly to abolish the right of Election.

And that Rome did think her power over Kings by way of punish­ment, to be just and really her own, you may partly guess from this following story.

No sooner came forth our Oath of Allegiance, for the preservati­on Ro. Wid­drington's Theological Disputation, cap. 10. Sect. 2. § 52, 53. &c. of the King, and security of his Kingdoms, but Father Parsons at Rome sollicited the Pope for his Breves against it, which were obtain'd; but before they were sent into England, this Jesuite wrote a Letter hither, to intimate (though falsly) that he was for mitigation, but [Page 76] that (true enough) the rest were for the Popes power against the King; but take his own words, as they are delivered to us by an ho­nest Benedictine.

About some four or five Months ago, it was consulted by seven or eight of the Learned'st Divines that could be chosen, who gave their judgement of it. Their Reasons are many, but all deduced to this, that the Popes Authority in chastising Princes upon a just account is de fide, and consequently, cannot be deny'd, when it is call'd into Controversie, without denying of our Faith; nor that the Pope, or any other Authority can dispense in this.

For if the Question were de facto, and not de jure; to wit, whether the Pope might justly in this or that occasion, excommunicate or depose this or that Prince, upon these or these causes; or whether precedent Popes have done well therein or no, then might some of those reasons, which you say your Friends do alledge, be admitted into consideration; to wit, whether it would be in aedificationem or destructionem, do hurt or good, be profitable or improfitable, or whether the causes be sufficient or no; for without cause none holdeth that the Pope may depose, or whe­ther the due form of admonition, touched in your Letters were observed. But for as much as the Question is de Potestate, of the See Apostolick power; what it may do upon any cause, or against any Catholick Prince whatsoever, these considerations of temporal hurt cannot enter.

Besides these, I have conferred the matter with Cardinal Bellarmine, and sundry others of great Learning and Conscience; and all are of Opinion in this case, that the form of the Oath as it lyeth, is Heretical, and no way may be admitted by him that will not deny the Catholick Faith.

I have had occasion twice to speak with his Holiness; the first in com­pany of Mr. Thomas Fitzherbert, where we proposed certain manners of Mitigation suggested by Friends, &c. Where to his Holiness an­swered, That as for any actual using Censures against his Majesty, he meant not, but rather all courtesie; but as for the Authority of the See Apostolick (to wit, for using of Censures) he was resolved, and would rather loose his head, than yeild one jot. The second, he being in­formed that some Priests did seem to incline to the taking of the Oath; he answered, He could not hold them for Catholicks, &c.

What an enemy this Parsons was to his Native Country, we may discourse of hereafter; onely at this time we shall go no farther, than what belongs to the Popes power now in hand; yet we may observe by the by, that whatever he writ, he never put his own name to it, but sometimes false ones, and sometimes onely two Letters, which he commonly alter'd in every new Pamphlet, stuft up onely with e­vasions; resolved to let the Romanists know what he meant, but would never acknowledge any thing to be proved against him; yet an indifferent Judge will acknowledge his hints to be bold enough. In one place, thus he tells the Learned Morton:

You know that deposition of Princes is an effect of Excommuni­cation, P. R. Quiet and sober reckoning, pag. 64. and can never happen by Ecclesiastical Authority, but where Excommunication hath gone before. And I would ask M. Morton, in good earnest out of his Divinty, when a Christian Prince is lawfully ex­communicated, and shut out from all society of Christian Communion, and he persists Impenitent, how can he be head of a Christian Common­wealth, for so much as he is no member, nor hath any place, or part at all in the whole body, the head-ship being the chief part of all others?

In another place he telleth thus his own Principles from his learned Opponent.—

Catholick Subjects do believe that in some cases there is power Id. Pag. 80. left by God in the Church, and the Head thereof the Bishop of Rome over Princes, to use not onely spiritual Censures for restraint of Exor­bitant Excesses, but Temporal Remedies also, either directly or indirect­ly, when urgent necessity of the Common-wealth should require.

All Catholick Subjects also of other Countries do hold and acknow­ledge Id. Pag. 81. this Doctrine.

In another of his Books against the foresaid Oath of Allegiance, to the objection that some Roman Catholicks had taken it, he thus an­swereth:— The judge­ment of a Ca­tholick Eng­lish-man, in a Letter touch­ing the Oath of Allegi­ance, p. 18. § 30.

I cannot but in charity assure my self, that they being Catholicks, took the said Oath (for so much as concerneth the Popes Authority, in dealing with Temporal Princes) in some such lawful sence, and inter­pretation, as [being by them expressed, and accepted by the Magistrate] may stand with the integrity and sincerity of true Catholick Doctrine and Faith; to wit, that the Pope hath not Authority without just cause to proceed against them.

But concerning the general Question, to deny simply and absolutely,Ib. Pag. 19. § 31. ‘That the Pope is Supream Pastor of the Catholick Church, hath any Authority left him by Christ, either directly or indirectly, with cause or without cause, in never so great a necessity of the Christian Religion, to proceed against any Prince whatsoever Temporally, for his restraint or amendment, or to permit other Princes to do the same:—This, I suppose, was never their meaning, that took the Oath, for that they should thereby contradict the general consent of all Catholick Divines, and confess that Gods Providence for the Conser­vation and Preservation of his Church and Kingdom upon earth, had been defectuous, for that he should have left no lawful Remedy, for so great and excessive an evil, as that way might fall out.

And if you look but a little Id. P. 85. § 25. farther, you will see where the Shoe pincheth; and that to deny the Popes power to depose Kings, is one of the main reasons they have against this Oath; the Affirma­tive being one of the greatest Pillars that upholds their puissant Hierarchy, right or wrong. And in another of his Temperate Ward-word p. 53, 54. Pamphlets, you will see him close with Cardinal Allen, Sanders, and suchlike, against Princes, in behalf of the Popes power over them. Nor need we questi­on his attributing this Authority to the See of Rome, when he alloweth the same to the People, not onely telling them, that they may Rebel a­gainst, See his R. Dolemans conference about the Crown. but depose their King too, and it may be worse, of which in its due place.

But enough of Robert Parsons at this time, unless he were better. And if we consult some others abroad, we shall finde Con. in 2. 2. D. Tho. pag. 63. § 151. Johannes Wiggers, Com. in 2. 2. Aquin. Quest. 12. art. 2. Hieronymus de Medicis the Dominican, In 2. 2. D. Tho. in Sum­mario Conclusionum, d. 57. conclus. 2. Luisus Tur­rianus the Spanish Jesuit, Com. in 2. 2. Quest. 1. art. 10. disp. 8. Johannes Malderus, Bishop of Antwerp; and De potestate Ecclesiastica, fol. 154. Potest & Papa jure optimo à gradu & dignitate sua omnem Regem & Principem dejicere, non solum propter Heresim & Schisma & propter quam vis aliam scele [...]osam impietatem, verum etiam propter secordiam, negligentiam, & ad regendum ineptitudinem, si praesertim ejusmodi sit ut Reg­num periclitetur Christianorum. Johannes Antonius Delphinus, allow that Kings may justly be deposed, and that by the Pope: and to these we may add, Carolus Scribanius the Dutch Jesuit, under the false name of Amphitheatrum Honoris, lib. 1. cap. 12. Clarus Bo­narscius.

What was the Opinion of that great-read Cardinal Baronius, you may guess by this which followeth: Henry the Sixth [by the Ita­lian Writers call'd Henry the Fifth] the eldest son of the famous Frederick Barbarossa, Emperour of Germany, being at Rome with his Empress, Constance Daughter to William King of Sicily; and being Jo. Trevisa translat. of Ranulph of Chesters Po­lyoron, l. 7. c. 26. willing to be both Crowned there: Accordingly Pope Caelestinus the Third, being set in his Bontifical Chair in St. Peters Church, held the Imperial Crown between his Feet, whence both of them, humbling themselves, by bowing down their heads, received the Crown: but the Pope presently with his Foot kickt the Crown from the Empe­rours head to the ground. Upon this Rogerus in short tells us, that the Pope did it, to shew that he had power to depose the Emperour. And this is hint enough to a wise man: But Baronius liketh the action so well, that he must make a discant too, it being his design all along to magnifie the greatness of the Pope; and his Comment is this, U [...] autem id fixum menti ejus haereret, nempe dare custodire, conservare, & auferre, si causa exigeret Imperium esse in voluntate Romani Pontificis: ejusmodi volu [...] commonuisse exemplo. Baron. Annal. Tom. 12. anno 1191. § 12. That the Emperour might remember, that it is in the pleasure of the Pope to give, keep, preserve, and take away the Empire, if there be cause; and that this Example might put him in minde of it. And this he in An. 1157. § 13. another place makes no doubt of.

I cannot but wonder at Vindiciae Concilii La­teranens. p. 4, 5. Dr. Thomas Vane, (if he be the Au­thor, for some think, that by agreement, he fathers other mens wri­tings) to be so strangely in passion, as to call Dr. Cozens (now Bishop of Durham) Beast, Forrainer and Runagate, and suchlike unhand­some language, since both were English-men, and both then living in France, one as freely as the other, though their going over upon different accounts, the Bishop for his loyalty being persecuted over, and probably in this reviling Dr. Vane, forgot himself to be an English­man, considering the King himself took Asylum abroad upon the same account: and a prudent man would not cast it as a Reproach upon Dr. Cozens, for not chopping and changing Religions as Dr. Vane did. But do but view over a few Vindic. Concil. La­ter. pag. 69, 70, 71. pages of his little Book, and then tell me, if he do not allow that the Pope in some cases may deprive Kings.

Comment in D. Tho. Tom. 1. col. 145. Michael Bartholomeus Salon, amongst other priviledges which in some cases he grants to the Pope, is that of deposing Kings. And the Lawyer Papa po­test depone­re principes, si nimis gravant subditos. De Principibus, Quest. 7. Id. Imperator non debet deponi à Papa, nisi subsit maxima & gravissima causa, ultra quam dici potest periculosa. Imperator & alii Principes non possunt deponi sine maximis periculis. Id. Quest. 35. Martinus de Caraziis Laudensis, is of the same Opinion, though he seems to desire that good reason should be given for so doing.

And this is also agreeable to the Learned, and one of the best Casuists of the Jesuits, Johannes Azorius, who in several places of his Tom. 2. lib. 10. cap. 8. & lib. 11. cap. 5. In­stitutions, confirms the same. De Privi­leg. Eccles. Art. 16. § [...]. Johannes Philippus Maynardus in his zeal against the Venetians, not onely with the rest of his Followers in that Quarrel, exempts the Clergy from the secular jurisdiction, but also alloweth the Pope Authority to depose the Emperour; and [Page 79] Nullus possit esse Monarcha, nisi depen­deat à Papa. De Monarch. Hispan. c. 5. Thomas Campanella throweth his Politicks upon the same Ponti­fical Priviledge: And with him agreeth Enchirid. Eccles. Tit. de Salario vasall. fol. 140. Gregorius Capuccinus. Nor need we marvel to finde Chron. Tom. 2. pag. 882. & pag. 899. Edit. 1581. Gilbertus Genebrard of the same O­pinion, when many times his choler and zeal was some discredit to his great learning.

Of the same extravagancy and passion was the Helvetian Jesuit, Laurentius Forerus, one who thought to procure to himself no small name by his multiplicity of Pamphlets, and Zeal for his Order; yet when he makes it his whole design to clear them from any thoughts of treasonable or bad Principles, even then he confidently affirmeth, that himself, and the rest of his Order, do and did always maintain, that the Mantissa Ant-Anato­miae, Sect. 1. pag. 21, 22, 23, 25. Pope hath power to depose Princes; and for this, he saith the Jesuits ought not to be slandred or thought bad subjects, because they affirm no more —Quae (que) alii Theologi communiter ante ipsum [viz. Greg. de Valentia] docuerunt,—apertissimum sit à plurimorum saeculorum decursu, eandem à maximis Doctoribus Ecclesiae & traditam & defensam fuisse, pag. 23.—Dudum ab aliis Catholicis Doctoribus communissime tradita & recepta, pag. 25. than all other Catholick Doctors do.

Nay, the famous Piedmontois Geographer L'altra sorte di cor­ruttione, si ó lo scandolo de i Principi, che ò per ma­lignita de­pravano el ben publico, é l'edificati­one della chiesa di Dio; ò per neligenza lasciano ruinare la Religione ne gli stati loro, per l'uno e per l'altro capo, li Pontifici, se il male è incorrigibile, si vagliono della scommunica, e dell' Interdetto. E si queste arme fan­no poco effet [...]o, li dichtarano in capaci de gli stati, e indegni del grado nel qual Dio gli ha posti: assolvan [...] dal giuramento della fedeltai subditi e trasferiscano i Regni, e gli Imperii all'altri. E la ragione si è per­che nella Chiesa di Dio, la potesta secolare e quasi corpo, la spirituale quasi anima: onde quella deve ub­bere, questa commendate in tutto ciò, che si appartiene al ben publico di essa Chiesa. E i Principi scanda­losi sono: come membri putridi, ò pecore scabbiose, che si debbono trancare dalle parti sincere, ò cacciare fuora del gregge. Et è cosa ridicola quella, che in questi tempi dicono e scrivono alcuni Politici Francesi, che il Re loro depende immediatamente da Dio; cos [...], per la sua vanità, indegna di esser refutata: conciosia che tutti i Regni legitimi hanno, hanuto origine dall' Electione de i Popoli: e per questo, nella loro incorona­tione li Re giurano di osservar i Privilegi à i Popoli; e i Popoli d'esser fedeli a loro, e Dio hà dato ogniaut­torita di legare e di sciogliere il vincolo del giuramento al Pont. Rom. come habbiamo dimostrato sopra, &c. Botero le Relationi Universali, Part. 2. lib. 4. pag. 125, 126, 127. Giovanni Botero, (the first, I may say, that undertook prudentially to discover the world) runs along in the same error with the rest of his Religion, and will not onely allow the Pope to depose Kings, but seem vext and angry against any that should deny it, and reasons the case with them too as largely as if he had been chosen the sole Champion for his Church? and declares himself a profest enemy against those who think that Kings have no Superiour but God in this World.

Discussio Decreti Con­cil. Lateran. pag. 29. Lessius the Jesuit, in behalf of the Pope, makes use of Johan­nes Parisiensis; but A Theo­log. Dispute concerning the Oath of Allegiance, Appendix, pag. 402. § 18. Roger Widdrington a Benedictine, affirms that Parisiensis and Antonius de Rosellis, are rather for the Peoples power to depose Kings than the Popes; though be it as it will, one is as bad as the other, and neither barrel better Herring.

Johannes de Bromyardo, an English Dominican, and famous in his time for his many writings, is also an assertor of this [Page 80] Opus Tri­vium, verb. Regimen. King-deposing Doctrine; nor is it any strange thing amongst our Country Romanists: for wherefore else should Epist. ad lectorem, praefix. N [...]c. Sander. de Schismate A [...]gl. Edward Rishton commend Saunders for his Rebellion in Ireland? Wherefore else should Watson the Author of the Pag. 327. Quodlibets desire that the Pope had, and would exercise as much power now in England, as he did in Henry the Second, and Kings Johns time? Wherefore else should Everard Hanse the Priest say, that he hoped Pius the Fifth did not err in declaring against Queen Elizabeth, and absolving her sub­jects from their Allegiance? Wherefore else should John Mundine, Concertat. Eccles. Ca­thol. Edit. 1594. fol. 78, 140, 153, 154, 163, 169, 170, 171. being asked at his Tryal, if he thought that the Pope could depose the Queen; or if another Prince should invade England, whether he would assist the Queen or the Invador, desire to be excused from an­swering? Wherefore else should James Fenn, at his Tryal, declare that the Pope had power to depose the Queen and other Princes? Wherefore else should James Bele declare that he would assist the Pope, or any other against the Queen? Coppie d'une lettre envoye d'Angleterre an seminaire des Anglois à D [...]uay, contenant l'Hist. du Martyre de 4. Prestres, An. 1616. pag. 10, 18, 49, 53.

Why should John Finch affirm the same, or Father Thomas Max­field, that no man under damnation could take the Oath of Allegi­ance? And Nicholas Atkinson, refuse to take the said Oath, though he was promised his life, if he would take it: As they promised the same mercy and favour to John Thulis, and N. Voren at Lan­caster.

And we are Vid. O. E. a new cha­lange made to N. D. p. 116. & Mat. Sutcliff's challenge concerning the Romish Church, pag. 187. informed from the Records of the Memorials of the Council at Yorke, that a House being searched for a Priest, stiled David Engleby [their own Catalogues mentions one Francis Ingleby, who suffer'd there 1586] there were found in the said house these Positions:

That the Queen before the Popes Bull was not a lawful Queen.

That Catholicks are not to defend her, or fight for her, if any come to execute the Popes Bull.

That it is lawful to take arms against her, and to do what they please with her, if they be sure to obtain Victory.

And the onely reason that Father Vid. Rob. Abbot. An­tilogia, pag. 156. Garnet had against some in­surrection against the King, was because they wanted the Popes Au­thority or approbation. And if I mistake not, 'tis no less man than Father A letter of a Catholick touching the Oath of Al­legiance, pag. 47. Parsons, who thinks it no small honour for his cause, that Robert Drurie, Matthew Flathers, and George Gervis, three Priests, would rather dye than take the Oath of Allegiance, when life was offer'd them upon that condition.

But what need I trouble my self with particulars, when Abraham Bzovius, who thought himself fit to be joyned with Baronius, tells us, that all the De Rom. Pont. cap. 46. pag. 621. English Priests, who suffer'd in England, absolutely maintain'd that the Pope might depose Kings; and he Id. Cap. 45, 46. himself is of the same pernicious Principle.

Of this Opinion also is the great Spanish Lawyer, Emporium [...]trius (que) juris Part. 1. Tit. 2. de jurisdic. omnium judi­cum, Quaest. 4. § 12. Pet. Augustin. Morla: and to him it would be no news to add a Souldier of the same Kingdom, and one that by the assistance of this Maxime, was to prove his Sword could do no wrong by taking away another mans Kingdom, and joyning of it to his Masters. And this is Fadrique de [Page 81] Toledo Duke of Alva, who in a large Speech, told the people of Navarre, pretty stories of the Popes power in giving away King­doms. But the conclusion was, that by the same Authority, the Kingdom of Navarre was given to his Master of Spain, and King Al­bret justly deposed. And 'tis no great matter whether he or his Ael. An­ton. Nebris­sens. de Bel­lo Navarr. lib. 1. cap. 6. Historian pen'd the Harangue. And no question, but that his Grand-childe, Don Fernando d'Alvares de Toledo Duke of Alva, was altogether of the same judgement, when he conquer'd Portugal to the same Crown.

Nor is (the great, but none of the best Text-men) the Spanish Preaching Jesuite Johannes Osorius of any better Principles. For a­mongst other priviledges granted to the Popes, he tells his Auditory, that he can —Omnem dare, auferre aut modera­ri jurisdicti­onem, Reges create, & ite­rum Regna tollere. Concion. Tom. 3. Concio in Cathedra St. Petri, col. 2. appoint and depose Kings. And in another of his (c) preachments, he tells the people that by this Text, Behold here are two swords, is signified the Spiritual and material Swords of the Church, whereby she doth assault, beat, and rob Kings of their Do­minions and Authority. b Ecce duo gladii hic. Duas Ecclesiae potestates, quibus in peccatores animadvertit, significat. Ecclesi­asticam & saecularem, gladium Spirituale & materiale, quo Ecclesia uti potest, cum oportuerit Reges expug­nando ac debellando, & a potestate Regia expoliando. Tom. 4. pag. 87.

Of the same judgement is the Italian Lawyer and Divine too, Tract. de officio S. In­quisit. Tit. 1. § 67, 68, 93. Caesar Carena, of so great repute at Cremona, and a favorite of the English Overseer, Cardinal Francisco Barberino, Nephew to Ʋrban the eighth.

But of this subject we have been too long, and so I shall conclude all, with the Dominican, —Non so­lum ei liceat Monarchae jus & nomen sibi ipsi ven­dicare, sed e­tiam suae di­tioni subdi­tos ad Principatus, Regna, & Imperia, utcun (que) ei visum fuerit, assumere, assumpto vero etiam sine Causa ab iisdem Regnis deponere, & ea Regna ex uno ad alterum pro suae voluntatis arbitrio transferre.——Quod si forte in reprobum sensum traditi has [i. e. the Popes Censures] quo (que) contempserint, tunc Pontifex (si tamen id Ecclesiasticae tran quillitati expedire cognoscet) populos absolvere poterit à juramento Obedientiae quo se Dominis illis devinxerant, cum adhuc juste imperarent, ei quo (que) licitum erit, ipsos Domi­nos incorrigibiles & Ecclesiae Rebelles, Principatuum suorum jurisdictione privare, & eorum jura ad alios Orthodoxos Principes transferre. Sixt. Senens. Bibliotheca, lib. 6. Annotat. 72. Sixtus Senensis, a man of great Reading: but in this case he thought it not amiss to fin for company with the rest of his Party; now affirming that the Pope, at his own pleasure, without any cause, can depose of Kingdoms; yet a little after, he is willing to have a Reason, and then the deposition is lawful e­nough.

CHAP. II. That the Pope can absolve subjects from their Oaths of Alle­giance, and their Obedience due to their respective Princes.

ME thinks 'tis an odd humour, that the Pope should be so much on Cock-horse above all the world besides, as to expect that all Emperours and Kings should swear absolute obedience to him, and yet allow other earthly Monarchs to have but a conditional sub­jection from their Subjects: And this Allegiance, though never so strongly tyed up with Oaths and Duty, yet must the people be per­swaded, that an Item from Rome can quit them from its Obligation, as poor Hortensius believed himself to be King of Poland, because Roguish Francion and others told him so.

Though we abhor the action, yet we cannot chuse but smile some­times, to see how many by the knavery of some Polititians, are gull'd into villany: many of our wicked States-men, (as the Devil turns himself into an Angel of Light) wrap themselves in Religon to catch those who know nothing of it but the word. And though we be tyed to Allegiance, with the strictest bonds of Birth and Oaths; yet from these, if occasion serve, the Grandees of Faction will ease us, either, as one Nail drives out another, by taking a contradictory Oath to the former, or some way or other, procuring or making of and to our selves an Absolution; the Pope and Disciplinarian being the Chief Masters of this Faculty.

Our Presbyterians, after they had above two years impiously re­bell'd against their King and Church, to make their actions more plausible to the Vulgar, took that abominable Covenant against both, and so declaring their disobligation to either, as if a latter unlawful Oath could quit one of the former, which, Law, Religion and Na­ture did bind him to. And I cannot but think here of the impious Guisian league in France, who having fought a great while against their King Henry the Third, and declared themselves not obliged to their Allegiance to him; yet as a pretty trick to fool the world, they sent to Pope Sixtus the Fifth, that he would declare their war Vestram, Beatissime Pater, opem imploram [...]s.—Primum ut juramen­to, quo nos Henrico III. quondam abstrinximus, & soluti declaremur. Deinde, ut bellum, quod cum pub­lica Religionis ac libertatis oppressere necessario gerendum est, justum esse decernatur. De justa Hen. III. abdicatione, pag. 398. to be lawful, and quit them from their Obedience to their Sove­raign: both Knaves of a double dye, first to Rebel, and then to make that sin lawful.

And that the Pope hath this power to absolve people from their Obedience, is stifly maintain'd by the Roman Champions. Amongst the rest, Martinus Becanus, is thus perswaded, and he saith, That no­thing —Pontifex absolvat sub­ditos à debi­to, seu vincu­lo subject [...]o­nis, quo obligati sunt suis Regibus, nam sublato hoc vinculo ex parte subditorum, jam sponte cessat potestas & jurisdictio Regnum in su [...]di [...]os—Pontifex qui utrius (que) [i. e. King and People.] praeest in rebus ad salutem pe [...]tinentibus, potest manda [...]e & d [...]cernere, ut subditi non teneantur praestare fidem regibus, quando Reges non servant ipsis fidem, nihil certius apud Catholicos. Mart. Becon. Controvers. Angl. pag. 133. & 135. is more certain, amongst the Roman Catholicks, than that the Pope may do not onely so, but command the Subjects not to obey their Prince.

With him agreeth another of the same Order, viz. a Jesuite, but more voluminous, and of greater esteem, and this is Franciscus Suarez, telling us in one place, that the —Hos à ju ramento fi­delitatis sol­vere, vel so­lutos decla­rate. Fr. Suar. defens. fid. Cathol. lib. 3. c. 23. § 21. Pope can absolve Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance. And in another place, saith, that to affirm the contrary, is to act Est contra Ecclesiasticum morem, Conciliorum (que) generalium usum & approbationem, & contra Catho­licorum Doctorum consensum—est etiam contra rationum. Id. Lib. 6. c. 2. § 7. against the Custom of the Church, the use and approbation of General Councils, the consent of Catholick Do­ctors, nay, and against reason, and is plainly Propositio illa Haeretica est, lib. 6. c. 5. § 1, 2. Heretical: And as for our English Oath of Allegiance, he saith, a man Illud juramentum, non ligat jurantem, quia non potest juramentum esse vinculum iniquitatis, quale illud esset, & ideo nemo potest ab illo solvi: and the words before these are, Nemo absolvi potest proprie qui le­gatus non est. need never be absolved from it, because 'twas never binding to him.

De sacro­rum Immu­nit. l. 3. Pro­em. § 9, 10. Anastasius Germonius, De Haeresi. cap. 30. pag. 293, 296. Antonius Sanctarellus, Cardinal Contra Barclaium, cap. 27. Bellarmine, De Orig. & progres. S. Inquis. lib. 1. Quest. 1. Opin. 4. § 55. & 145. Ludovicus à Paramo, De potest. Eccles. Quest. 40. Art. 4. Augustinus Triumphus de Ancona, Summa. V. Papa, § 10. Sylvester de Priero, and Comment. in Cant. Magnif. lib. 3. cap. 27. dub. 6. pag. 134. Rutilius Benzonius, with others, amongst the other Priviledges, which they allow the Pope to have to straiten the Authority and Grandeur of Kings, is the power to absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegance, and so to give them liberty, either to chuse or take new Masters. And De utrius (que) gladli facultate, Tom. 2. pag. 119. Ro­bertus Cenalis is willing to bestow the same jurisdiction upon the See of Rome.

As for our Country-man De visih. Monarch. l. 2. cap. 4. Nicholas Saunders, in this cause he is as fierce as any of them; and his great Animosity against there form­ed Religion, his Native Country, and his legal Soveraign might prompt him to it, and much more: and with these do consent De sacro Eccles. prin­cipatu, lib. 2. c. 12. fol. 63. Jo­hannes Blasius, Theolog. Moral. Tom. 1. v. Dominium, pag. 393. & v. Apostasia, p. 5. Franciscus Ghetius, and that ancient Jesuite, Tom. 4. Part. 3. Tract. 4. § Tertiam potestatem, pag. 410. Alphonsus Salmeron.

Potest eum excommuni­care, subdi­tos (que) illius à juramento fidelitatis ab­solvere, & ab illius obedi­entia exime­re: at (que) ea non est Ty­rannica vel usurpata authoritas, sed legitima à Christo instituta, & illi concessa ad Regimen optimum Christianae Rei­publicae. Len. Coq. Exam. Praefat. Monit. Jacobi, pag. 55. & pag. 103. Leonardus Coquaeus indeavouring to confute King James, is very earnest, not onely for this Papal Authority in absolving subjects from their obedience to their respective Princes; but also, would gladly perswade him and others to think, that this is neither a tyran­nical nor an Usurpt Authority, but a lawful one granted to him by Christ. But King James would not be caught with such Chaff; and a King that knoweth himself to be absolute, must have a strong de­monstration to the contrary, before he'll throw himself upon another mans mercy.

When a man's nurst up in an error, he will commonly swear to it: [Page 84] and though of all Authorities or Decrees, the Canon-law hath the least reason in it; yet where men must think as they are bid, we need not wonder when we see the chiefest of the Romanists with Disquisit. Clerical. Part. 1. pag. 282. § 109. Jo­hannes Maria Bellettus, In decretal. de Haereticis, c. 13. Panormitan, Summa de Eccles. c: 14. Propos 5. Cardinal de Turrecre­mata, De jure Personarum extra Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 52. § 1. Antonius Ricciullus, Repet. in clem. ut clericorum de Offic. Ordi. § 40. Stephanus Aufrerius, and De Cathol. Constitut. Tit. 46. § 73. Jacobus Simanca, with may others, to affirm to the world, this ab­solving power to lye in the Pope: since besides other reasons, 'tis one of the best Cards in the Pack, that Rome hath to keep up her greatness.

Whether Albertus Pighius read with these Spectacles or no, I know not; but 'tis very probable that something else besides true reason, did a little sway him in this case. And though considering his time he had more judgement and learning than an hundred of your dull Canonists; yet we see him run with the rest to embrace an error, though for his so doing, he saith, he hath the consent of the Church for about —Necesse est, ut Impia & heretica sit illa ejus sententia, qua affirmat, esse haereticum, ut possint subditi absolvi à juramento fidelitatis, quo ante adstricti fuerant suis superioribus fi­delibus. Alb. Pigh. Hierarch. Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 15. fol. 266. eight hundred years; and so concludes, that to think that the Pope cannot quit Subjects from their Obedience and Allegiance due to their Kings, is both Impious and Heretical.

Nor is this strange, since a greater than he, and no less than Quam ci­to aliquis per sententiam denuntiatur Excommu­nicatus pro­pter Aposta­siam à fide, ipso facto ejus subditi sunt absoluti à dominio ejus & juramento fidelitatis, quo ei tenebantur. D. Tho. Aquin, 2. 2. Quest. 12. Art. 2.— Tho­mas Aquinas, doth allow that Subjects may be sometimes quit from their Allegiance and Oaths to their Kings; and to him consents Theolog. moralis, Tract. 1. cap. 7. conclus. 5. Petrus de Ledesma, and the Commentators upon him, such as Com. in 2. 2. D. Tho. Quest. 12. Art. 2. Hieronymus de Medicis, —Com. in D. Tho. 2. 2. Quest. 1. Art. 10. disp. 8. Johannes Malderius, and others: so that we need not doubt its validity amongst them.

Nor is it any wonder to see De liber­tate Christ. lib. 1. c. 14. Johannes Driedo, Rosella Ca­suum, verbo Haereticus, § 11. Baptista Trovomala, Apologie pour Jehan Chastel. Franzois de Verone, De justa Hen. III. ab­licat. lib. 1. cap. 5. Dr. Boucher, Discussio decreti Concil. Later. pag. 46. Leo­nardus Lessius, under the false name of Gulielmus Singletonus, Le Relationi Universali, part. 2. lib. 4. pag. 124. Giovanni Botero; yet the more wonder in him, because a great and understanding States-man, and several others, to be so much for the Pope, as to allow him Authority to absolve Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance, when they have no less than the famous Cardi­nal Perron to be their Champion, and with him the Nobility and Clergy in France; and this cause of the See of Rome to be by him bold­ly maintained publickly in a long Speech to the third Estate; the occasion of which, we have spoken more at large in the former Chapter.

In this Harangue, the Cardinal endeavours Harangue faite de la parte de la Cham­bre Ecclesiastique, en celle du tiers Estat, sur l'Article de serment. 'Tis printed a­mongst several of his other Works, les di­verses Oeuvres, and in Recueil General des Affaires du Clergé de France. Imprim. à Paris 1636. Tom. 1. pag. 295. to prove at large, that subjects might be quit from their Oaths of Allegiance and Obedi­ence due to their Kings; nay, that Kings might sometimes be deposed: of which formerly. As for the first, viz. That Subjects might be absolved from their Oaths of Allegiance made to their Kings; he saith, That Les di­verses Oeuvres, p. 599.—Toutes les au­tres parties de l'Eglise Ca­tholique, voir mesme, toute l'Eglise Gal­licane, depu­is que les E'choles de Theologie y ont esté in­stituées, jus­ques à la ve­nué de Cal­vin, tiennent l'Affirma­tive, ascavoir, que quand un Prince vient a violer le serment qu'il a fait à Dieu & a ses subjets—Les Prince-la peu estre declare dechen des ses droits, comme coulpable de Felonie envers celuy a qui il a fait le serment de son Roy­aume, c'est a dire envers Jesus Christ. Et ses subjets absous en Conscience & au tribunal Spirituel & Eccle­siastique, du serment de fidelite qu'ils luy ont preste: & que ce cas-la arrivant, c'est a l'authorite de l'Eglise residente, ou en chef qui est le Pape ou en son Corps qui est le Concile de faire ceste Declaration. Et non seu­lement toutes les autres Parties de l'Eglise Catholique, mais mesme tous les Docteurs, qui ont este en France, depuis que les E'choles de Theologie y ont este instituees, ont tenu l'affirmative, Ascavoir, qu'en cas de Prince Heretiques ou Infidelles, & persecutans le Christionisme ou la Religion Catholique, les subjets pouvoint estre absous du serment de fidelite. Id. Pag. 602.—Non s [...]ulement toutes les autres parties de l'Eglise, qui sont aujourd 'huy au Monde, tiennent l'Affirmative, ascavoir qu'en cas de Princes Heretiques ou Apostates, & persecutans la foy, les subjects peuvent estre absous du serment fait a eu [...] ou a leurs Predecesseurs.—And, que depuis onze cent ans il n'y a eu Siecle au equel en diverses Nations ceste doctrine n'ayt este crue & practiquee. all Parties of the Catholick Church did hold it, and so did the French Church ever since Divinity was taught in Schools amongst them, till the coming of Calvin: and this hath been Id. Pag. 602.—Elle a este constamment tenuë en France, ou nos Roys & particulierement ceux de la derniere race, l'ont protegee par leur Autorite & par leurs armes, ou nos Conciles l'ont appuyee et main­tencë ou tous nos Evelques et docteurs scholastiques, depuis que l'E'chole de la Theologie est instituee, jusques a nos jours, l'ont e critte, preschee et seignee, et ou finalement tous nos Magistrats, Officiers et Jurisconsultes, l'ont su [...]vie, et favorisee, voir souvent pour de Religion plus legers que l'heresie [...] l'Apostasie: Mais desquels neantmoins je ne me pretende aider, si non entant qu'ils peuvent server a defendre ou la These generale, asca­voir, qu'en quelque cas les subjets peuvent estre absous du serment, fait par eux a leurs Princes: Ou ceste hy­pothese particuliere, qu'en cas de Princes heretiques ou Apostats et persecutans la foy, les subjets peuvent estre dispenser de leurs ob [...]ir. maintain'd by all the French Kings themselves, Councils, Bishops, and Doctors; as also all their Magistrates, Officers and Lawyers. Nor is this all, for he publickly declares that Id. Pag. 621. N'ont jamais peu trouver en toute la France, depuis que les E'choles de Theologie y ont este instituees jusques a nos jours un seul Docteur, ny. Theologien, ny Jurisconsulte, un seul Decret, un seul Concile, un seul Arrest de Parlement, un seul Magistrate ny Ecclesiastique ny Politique, qui alt dit qu'en cas d'heresie ou d'Infidelit [...]e, les subjets ne puissent estre ablous du Serment de Fidelite qu'ils doivent a leurs Princes. there could never be found in France, since Schools of Divinity were there setled, till his time, so much as one Doctor, one Divine, one Lawyer, one Decree, one Council, one Order of Parliament, one Magistrate, neither Ecclesiastick nor Politique, to have said, that in case of Heresie or Infidelity, subjects might not be absolved from their Oath of Allegiance, due to their Kings.

And should they believe the contrary, Id. Pag. 635. Et non seulement cet Article [i. e. To believe that subjects cannot be absolved from their Oaths of Allegiance to their King] nous jette en un Schisme inevitable, mais mesme nous precipite en un heresie eviden [...]e, nous obligeant necessairement de Confesser que l'Eglise Catholique est perie depuis plusieurs Siecles en la Terre. Car si ceux qui embrassent la doctrine opposite, tiennent une Opinion contraire, a la parole de Dieu, impie et detestable; le Pape donc depuis tant de Siecles n'a point este chef de l'Eglise et vicaire de Christ, mais heretique et Antichrist: Et toutes les autres parties de l'Eglise n'ont point este vrayes parties de l'Eglise, mais membres de l'Antichrist. Or cela estant ou estoit demeure l'Eglise Catholique? en la France seule?—Mais comment sera t'elle de meuree en France, si cet Article est vray, puis (que) tous les Docteurs Franzois ont denu depuis [...]ant de Siecles le Contraite, es casd' Heresie et d'Apostasie de la Religione Christienne. they should be plain Schismaticks and Hereticks, or else the Church must have failed, and the Pope to have been so far from being Christs Vicar, that he had been an Heretick and Antichrist.

But enough of this, the former Chapter being long enough, and able to serve for both, seeing those who grant that the Pope can lawfully depose Kings, will not deny, but that he can also ab­solve their subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance and their Obe­dience.

CHAP. III. That Subjects of themselves may depose their Kings and Gover­nours.

IF we allow that the people themselves may lawfully Rebel against their Princes, and at the same time be Judges of the justness of the Reason; to be in Authority will be a slavery, the word Mo­narchy absolute non-sence, the King obliged to obey every mans pas­sion and folly; nor peace, nor justice can be expected, the Nation b [...]ing in a perpetual hurlyburly, every other day, as of late times, new Magistrates starting up by strength or Policy; and he that's still uppermost of this Leap-frog-Government, will extort Obedience, confirmed by Oaths from his supposed subjects, which will ruine the honest, and damn the rest with Perjury.

Change, as a Novelty, at first is rather a pleasure than gain to the People, and at last a burden and ruine; and what a factious people once resolve on, they will never want pretence of Reason, themselves being judges. When the Sacrilegious Prsbyterians, prompted by their Master the Devil, were resolved to Murder that famous Arch-bishop of Canterbury (Dr. Laud) for fashion-sake, they would have some­thing to say, though if we go according to the Narrative of his Pryn's Canterbu­ry's doom. E­nemy, we shall finde, that the Lords, Commons, and Prynne himself had but the same Reason and Consequence for so doing, as ac­cording to the Proverb, Tenterton Steeple is the cause of Goodwin-Sands.

I warrant you the ancient Jo. Mag­nus, Hist. Goth. Sue­cium (que) lib. Id. Hist. Me­tropol. Up­sal. l 1. p. 11. Swedes thought themselves as pretty Religious blades as any, when they slew their good King Evic Stenchil, because he intended to bring in Christianity amongst them. Our late Puritans made it one of their main pleas in Print and Pulpit, for their fighting against the King, because forsooth, he intended to bring in Popery: And the Earls of Northumberland, Westmerland, and others, thought to pull down and destroy Queen Elizabeth, and some did also King James, because they setled the Protestant Reli­gion; and I do not know which were the arranest knaves of the three parties: certain I am, that Christian Religion doth nowhere al­low Rebellion; and if a Heathen and a Christian do the same fault, it is not the unbelief of the former, that makes him more wicked in the act than the Religion of the latter; and he that bauls out the li­berty of Conscience, and loss of Religion, to vindicate his Rebelli­on, hath too much of Atheism in him, to be a true Christian.

Thus would these men make the condition of Kings to be like that of Damocles, with a drawn Sword hanging over their heads by a slen­der thred; His and the Kingdoms settlement to lye at the mercy and alteration of every hot-brain'd Zealot: For let him be of whatso­ever [Page 87] Religion, yet we see he shall not please; and that which should have no Arms but Prayers and Tears, must be made a pre­tence to prove the Devil a Saint, and Treason an Article of Faith.

We have formerly seen how the Romish Favorites do hugely con­tend in behalf of their Extra. Com. l. 1. Tit. [...]. c. 1. Unam Sanctam. Canon-law, that the Pope is Jer. 1. 10. set over the Nations and over Kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to de­stroy, and to throw down. But as if this were not enough to over­cloud the Authority of Kings, they will allow the people also the power to trample upon their Princes, by deposing them; and this in few words, is acknowledged by Jus depo­nendi & ab­dicandi e so­lio Reges ac Principes non solum Ecclesiae sed interdum populis competere ratione & exemplis ostenditur. Rut. Benz. Comment. in Canticum Magnificat, lib. 3. cap. 27. dub. 6. pag. 134. Rutilius Benzonius, Bishop of their Miraculous Loretto.

Leonardus Coquaeus, endeavouring to prove that the Pope hath power to depose Kings, in one place brings his Argument by way of comparison, that if Examen Praefat. mo­nit. p. 102. Parliaments do sometimes depose Kings, why may not the Pope much more do it? And in another place speaks more plain, That Imo judi­carem, quod non expecta­ta sententia Summi Pon­tificis posset talem Princi­pem a subdi­tis deponi. Id. Pag. 49. without the Pope the subjects themselves may pull their Kings from their Thrones. But I warrant you, that King James, against whom he wrote, would never be converted by this French-man.

Here we have the Brabantine Jesuite, Martinus Becanus, keep a great deal of clutter about the old worne-out Argument, of a mu­tual compact between King and People; and so he would conclude, that if Kings do not keep their Promises to their Subjects, then the Controvers. Angl. p. 133, 134, 135. people may slip their necks out of Coller, and throw by their King: and something to this purpose he affords you an old Rime.

Frangenti fidem, fides frangatur eidem.

But this in this case is a false rule with us, being no compact, nor the parties equals; so that, do but translate his Riming Proverb to agree with the cause in hand, and we shall see the consequence to be false.

Don breaks his Troth, burns my poor house, what then?
May I his slave, go and burn his agen?

This used to be common Logick to the borderers or Moss­troopers; but we see ours, if held affirmatively, cannot prosper in a setled Kingdom. But he goeth farther yet to extol the power of the People, affirming, that when a King is deposed, though there —Plus dicam in haec re vo­luit concen­sus populi, ut etiamsi su­peresset legi­timus haeres cui Regnum deberetur, & hoc palam omnibus constaret, tamen si populus praetermitto legitimo haerede, alium delegisset, ille alius fuisset verus Rex. Mart. Becan. Controv. Angl. pag. 120. remaineth a lawful Heir, to whom the Kingdom of right doth belong, and this too apparently known to all; yet if the people do chuse a­nother, and throw this Heir aside, the other so chosen is the true King.

Almost an hundred years ago an English-man, who calls him­self John Rastell, Master of Arts, and Student of Divinity, then [Page 88] living at Lovan, A brief shew of the false wares pack [...] toge­ther in the named Apo­logie of the Church of England, fol. 9 [...]. wrote against Dr. Jewel in behalf of Dr. Harding, or rather as himself saith, gathered out of Dr. Hardings Book; and if so, about this cause, take both their Opinions.

For whereas every Common-wealth is greater than the Prince which governeth it, and may depose the same upon lawful cause; and where­as Riot and doltishness are causes sufficient so to do (as making the Prince unable to govern it well) it followeth consequently, that if the whole Estate of France deposed Chilperick, and erected Pipine, there was NO FAULT committed in so doing.

Now certainly you would think that this Chilperick was a strange Tyrant, or that his wickedness must be so great, that 'twas no fault to take the Crown from him, and give it to one of his Subjects that had no right to it; nor is this all, but the Kingdom by this means changed from one Family to another. But we shall finde his enormi­ties not to deserve such punishment: that he wanted discretion, I be­lieve, but then they might have given him an assistant; and as for his inclination, Hist. de' personaggi illustri Reli­giosi, lib. 3. cap. 18.—Essenda di natura pi [...]—Egli menò vita Angeli­ca. Paolo Morigi tells us that he was Godly and peaceful, and when he was put into a Monastery, that he led an An­gelical life.

Whether there was such an English-man or no as this John Rastell, I know not, because Pitseus maketh no mention of any such, and doth tell us besides, that Pag. 764. William Rastell, amongst other things, wrote several Books against Bishop Jewel: whosoever be the man, 'tis not much to our purpose, though William the Lawyer would have given more credit to the cause, though for so doing, would somewhat have encreas'd the wonder; those who are so much ad­dicted to our Common-law, not troubling themselves so much with the Romish Politicks, or the niceties of the Schools. And so much for Rastell and his friends Doctrine.

Recognit. lib. de laicis, cap. 6. Bellarmine tells us, that Martinus ab Azpilcueta, the famous Spanish Lawyer, was of Opinion, that the people never transferr'd their power so much upon, and into the Prince, but that in some cases they might resume it again from him: And of the same judgement doth the Cardinal shew himself in one place, that if Videmus in [...]ebus publi­cis tempora­libus, si Rex degeneret in Tyran [...]um, [...]icet sit Ca­put Regni, tamen a populo deponi, & eligi alium: Bellar. de Concil. l. 2. c 19. the King turns Tyrant, the people may depose him and chuse another. And again, that Pendet a consens [...] multitudinis, constituere super se Regem vel Consules vel alios Magistratus, ut patet: & si causa legitima adsit, potest multitudo mutare Regnum in Aristocratiam aut Democratiam, & e con­trari [...]. Bellarm. de laicis, lib. 3. cap. 6. 'tis the consent of the people, that constitutes Kings or o­ther Governments over them; and so if cause be given, they may turn [...]he Kingdom into an Aristocracy or Democracy, or the contrary.

Defens. fid. Cathol. lib. 3. c. 3. § 3. Franciscus Suarez, in this case defends both Bellarmine and Dr. Navarrus; and himself speaks plain enough to the purpose, when he affirms, that Si Rex le­gitimus, ty­rannice gu­bernet, & Regno nul­lum aliud subsit remedium, ad se defendendum, nisi Regem expelle [...]e ac deponere, poterit Respublica tota pu [...]lico & communi Concilio Civitatum & Proc [...]rum Reg [...]m deponere. Suarez. defens. fid. lib. 6. cap. 4. § 15. if a King of a lawful Title and Possession go­vern tyrannously, then that the people by their Parliament may depose him: yet he would have the people do this in their own de­fence.

Guillielmus Estius, one of a great name, both for learning and mo­deration, an honour both to his Country Holland, and his Univer­sity Douay, though in one Annotat. in Machab. l. 1. c. 2. v. 22. place he speaks so much between the teeth, that he seems onely to hint his Opinion to the case in hand: Yet in another of his Books he speaks boldly and to the purpose, confident enough of the truth of his cause, since he thinks that he hath the Scripture, and St. Augustine to back him. But let us hear his own reason, which in short is this, because forsooth Ratio qui­dem videtur quia in pro­ceribus, & populo resi­det publica authoritas, quae & se à manifesta Tyrannide vendicare & legitimum Principem eligere sibi possunt, at (que) etiam electum si causa subsit imperio privare. Gu [...]l. Est. Com. in 4. libros Sentent. lib. 2. pag. 444. the Nobles and people, by the Authority residing in them, may defend themselves from Tyranny, and not onely chuse themselves a lawful Prince, but also, cause being given, may throw him from the Throne again.

Though the Dutch and Spaniards were thought to be mortal ene­mies, yet where Religion links together, these can also agree, though in wickedness: For with the Hollander doth consent no less man than Tostatus, one so voluminous, that 'tis thought that he wrote a sheet for every day he lived; which is thus testified by this part of his Epitaph:

Primae natalis lu [...]i folia omnia adaptans,
Nondum sic fuerit pagina trina satis.
Compare his days and leaves, you'll finde to's praise,
He wrote as many sheets as he liv'd days.

That he was a great Scholar, is not denyed; but 'twas no part of his learning to assert that Kings may be Reges no­stri in multi [...] casibus pos­sunt deponi sive per Pa­pam, sive ab ipsis Regnicolis. Tostat. Com. in III. Reg. cap. 11. Quest. 35. deposed, not onely by the Pope, but the people too, being Positus est ad procurandas utilitates subditorum, & non suam—& si secus agat, non est Rex sed Tyrannu [...], & deponi meretur, &c. Tostat. Com. in III. Reg. cap. 12. Quaest. 4. And he agrees with this in other places, as, in II. Paralip. cap. 10. Quest. 9. in Jud. cap. 9. Quaest. 46. pag. 146. col. 2. G. placed in that greatness for the good of the people, not his own; and if he do otherwise, he is not a King but a Tyrant, and so may be deposed.

To the judgement of Abulensis doth another Spaniard, a famous Dominican agree, who though he giveth great glory to the Pope, in his authority over Kings and Potentates; yet as if all the world were brave fellows, and born to authority, except Kings, he alloweth the same power to the people, Abs (que) Pon­tificis senten­tia potest Respublica se defendere & privare Principem dominio in subditos. Dom. Bannes, in 2. 2. D. Tho. Quest. 12. art. 2. col. 480. without having any liberty granted them for so doing from the Pope: Nay, Licet Pontifex non puneat eum, Respublica tamen Christiana puneat eum, imo etiam si Pontifex videns & sciens toleraret illum Apostatam, ad huc Respub. Christiana possit illum pellere à Regno, quoniam Pont fex sine ratione permittit illum impunitum. Bannes ib. col. 481. though the Pope be so far from endeavouring to punish this King, that though he do know and see his faults, and yet doth tolerate him, yet may the people deprive him. And immediately before this, Dominicus Bannes gives the people sole au­thority over their Kings, to Ib. Respublica potest Principem pellere e Regno & privare authoritate quam ab illa est sortius, quando sua gubernatione & corruptis moribus destruit Reipub. commodum & leges quibus Respub. optime gubernatur. Qua propter cum Princeps iste Apostata vel Haereticus destruat leges quibus Respub. Christiana gubernatur & conservatur, Cives hujus Reipub. authoritate hac communi Principem a Regno pellere. depose them.

Nay, he saith, that sometimes, as if the Pope should declare the King to be an Heretick, Id. Col. 478. then the Subjects are obliged to quit themselves from their obedience to him, and fight against him: but yet he would have them to be so cunning, as to consider first, whe­ther they had strength and force enough to make themselves Con­querours; and in this case our English Roman Catholicks are very much beholden to him, for putting in an excuse for them, for their not yet Rebelling against their King, as if obedience were a reproach amongst them.

Something to this purpose is a Country-man of ours, under the name of Andraeas Philopater; but who was the true Author under this Visard, I cannot swear. 'Tis true, it was commonly supposed to be Joseph Creswell, an active Jesuite, of the Spanish Faction, and an Enemy to his Queen and Country; and a Book of the same Title, Bibliothe­ca soc. s [...]s. pag. 285. Alegambe ascribes to this Creswell: others say Robert Parsons was the Author; and in this Id. P. 415, 451. Alegambe agrees also, but yet he leaves us in the Suds; and how in this case to trust to him, I know not, since he hath publickly in France been questioned for his writings: and some think they both club'd to the making of it; and indeed the brat is so like them, that you would easily judge it to have been spit out of their Mouths; for such a wicked book must be made by such wretches: well, let it be as't will; let's hear the Imp it self speak.

'Tis certain, we must believe it, and it's the Opinion of all Divines —Hinc eti­am infert U­niversa The­ologorum & jurisconsul­torum Eccle­siasticorum (& est cer­tum & de fi­de) quem­cun (que) Prin­cipem Chri­stianum, si à Religione Catholica manifeste deflexerit, & alios avocare voluerit, excidere statim omni potestate ac dignitate ex ipsa vi juris, tum humani tum divini, hoc (que) ante omnem sententiam supremi Pastoris ac judicis contra ipsum prola­tam, & subditos quoscun (que) liberos esse ab omni juramenti obligatione, quod ei de Obedientia tanquam Prin­cipi legitimo praestitissent, poste (que) & debere (si vires habeant) istius modi hominem tanquam Apostatam, Hae­reticum, ac Christi Domini desertorem & Reipublicae suae inimicum hostem (que) ex hominum Christianorum do­minatu ejicere. Andraeas Philopater, Responsio ad Edictum Reginae Angliae, § 157. pag. 106, 107. and Lawyers, that if any Christian Prince fall from the Catholick Faith, and would have others to follow him, he himself thereby, doth forthwith, both by Divine and Humane Law, though the Pope do no way censure him, fall from all his Authority and Dignity, and his Subjects are freed from all their Oaths of Allegiance, which they sware to him as a lawful Prince; and so they may, nay and ought [if they have force enough to overcome] pull him down from the Throne, as an Apostate, Heretick, a forsaker of Christ, and an enemy to the Com­mon-wealth.

This is excellent stuff, fit for Rome and Spain, who then had a Months minde to England, and had many Irons in the Fire for that purpose, which he did not question but to bring about, having such good Instruments to work withal, hoping in time to perswade the English to be brave Rebels, and to believe this their Doctrine. And the better to bring them about to this lure, Philopater is at them a­gain and again, several times earnestly perswading them, that this Proposition about the sub­jects thus deposing of Kings, is At (que) haec certa, definita & indubitata virorum doctissimorum sen­tentia, doctrinae Apostolicae conformis plane & consona est. Ib. § 158. Id. § 160. Est igitur certissima & indubitata haec communis Doctorum Catholicorum sententia de subditorum obligatione ad Principes haeretices repell [...]ndos.—Id. § 221.—Certe opinat illa capita sunt doctrinae Catholicae, quae omni Theologorum scholatot retro saeculis jarn docuit, Christianorum omnium [...]nanimis consensu, &c. the certain de­termin'd, and undoubted opinion of all learned men, and plainly agreeable and consonant to the Apostoli­cal [Page 91] Doctrine: Nay, that it is not onely lawful, but that they are Certe non tantum licet (ut jam dixi) sed summa etiam juris divini necessitate ac praecepto, imo Conscientiae vinculo arctissimo & extremo animarum periculo ac discri [...]ne Ch [...]istianis omnibus hoc ipsum incumbit, si praestare rem possunt. Id. § 162. obliged to do so upon their Conscience, and pain of their souls.

And as if with one stroke he would subdue two of the most potent Kingdoms of Europe, by necessitating of them to submit to their then Enemie the Spaniard (for then he endeavoured to make himself Master over them both) he puts it down for a Rule, that he who is not of the Roman Catholick Religion, and not yet obtain'd the Crown, Id. § 161. must not by any means be permitted to be King, though his Title be good. In this case he expresly nominates his design against France, by perswading of them upon this reason never to admit of the King of Navarre for their Soveraign: So that if that Nation have had any benefit from that Noble House of the Bourbons (as they cannot deny, but their obligations to be many) they are no way beholden to this English Counsellor under the Spanish Habit. And for our selves, we as little; for the same Engine aims also against our Family of the Stu­arts, upon the same account of Religion: and this is also used as an Argument upon the same account, by his Friend and fellow-Rebel, Father Parsons, in his Book about the succession of the Crown, under the counterfeit name of R. Doleman.

Petrus de Ledesma, is willing in all things to harp upon the Au­thority of the Pope, and therefore he would have the people before they warr'd against their King, to have some recourse to the Pope, or the Emperour; so that here Kings have got another Temporal Ruler over them: but if this be not so easie and convenient to be done, what then? Poterit conventum agere, & ta­lem Regem Regno pellere, & si opus sit vita spoliare. Theol. Moral. Tract. 8. cap. 18. pag. 512. They may then, he saith, call a Parliament and depose their King; nay, and kill him too, saith this good Spa­niard.

And De justi­tia, Tom. 1. Tract. 2. disp. 29. col. 213, 214. Ludovicus Molina another Spaniard, goeth much about the same way to consult his deposing. And now let us see what a Portugal saith to this point; and this shall be no less than Emanuel Sa, one of a great name amongst the Jesuits; he saith expresly in one place, that if Potest per rempublicam privari ob Tyrannidem, & si non faci­at Officium suum, & cum est causa aliqua justa, & eligi alius à majore parte populi. Em. Sa. Aphorism. v. Princeps, § 2. the King tyrannize, and do not execute his Office, and when there is any other just reason for so doing, then the people may dethrone him, and elect another: and this he confirms again in Tyrannicem gubernans juste acquisitum dominium, non potest spoliari sine publico judicio, lata vero sententia, potest quis (que) fieri Executor: potest autem deponi à populo, etiam qui juravit ei Obedientiam per­petuam, si monitus non vult corrigi. Id. V. Tyrannus. § 2. another place.

And you may suppose that he was very careful to finde out the truth, and in this case, what was the real meaning of the Roman Church, from which you must think he would not swerve a jot: I say, you must take him here to be very exact, since he tells us that he was about forty years in compiling this little Book. Yet I durst fancy, that his Mother would never have perswaded him with that [Page 92] earnestness to be a Disciple to the Jesuits, had she thought that the Enemy of her Country, Portugal, would make use of such Principles as these to enlarge his own Territories, and so to have made the Lu­sitanian Dragon, a prey to the greedy-minded Lyon of Castile.

We had formerly Leonardus Lessius, making the Pope swagger o­ver Kings, under the false name of Guilielmus Singletonus; but here we shall see him without that Visard, boldly shewing himself in his true colours, but upon as bad a design as the former: Si tantum excre [...]ca [...] Ty­ [...]nus [he means one of true t [...]tle & possession] ut n [...]n videatur amplius tolerabilis, nec ullum aliud Remedium supersit, primum à Repub. vel commitiis Regni, vel alio ha­bente authoritatem esse deponendum, & hostem declarandum; ut in ipsius personam quidquam attentare. Tum enim desinit esse Princeps. Leon. Less. de justi [...]ia & jure, lib. 2. cap. 9. disp. 4. § 12. If (saith he) the Prince grow so much a Tyrant, that he seems intolerable, and no other remedy appearing, the People, or Parliament, or any other in authority may depose him, and declare him an Enemy; nay, and act against his very Person too, he then ceasing to be a Prince.

Franciscus Fenardentius, one of the most furious of all the Fran­ciscan Orders, doth somewhat agree with the former, as you will easily judge when you hear him speak: Conven­tus legitimus Ordinum t [...]us Regni, qui ex Eccle­ [...]asticis, Nobilibus, & populi se­lectis viris coalescit, cum universi Regni Majestatem potestatem & faciem referat, sicut Concilium Gene­rale Episcoporum universam representat Ecclesiam, Regem Religioni & populo perniciosum, Tyrannum & infestum, potest exauthorare, & alium ejus loco substituere. Franc. Fenard. Com. in Esther, pag. 87. The Parliament com­posed of the Clergy, Nobility and Commons, representing the Majesty and power of the whole Kingdom (as a general Council of Bishops doth the whole Church) may depose their King, being a Tyrant, and hurtful to Religion and the People, and then may chuse another into his place.

To these Divines we may add an old noted Lawyer Andraeus de Isernia, who tells us, that to whom the Government of the King­dom is given, to the same person is also committed all things that be­long to the Government, whereby the people deprive themselves of all Relations to such authority, —Non re­mansit apud Populum, qui non potest revocare, ni­si Rex male se gereret, tunc expelleret Regem Tyrannizantem, sicut Tarquinium Romani, Andr. de Isern. Comment. in usus Feudorum. Tit. Quae sint Regalia. V. Monetae, pag. 743. Ʋnless the King do not govern well, for then, forsooth, they may expel him the Nation, as the Ro­mans of old did Tarquinius.

Adamus Tannerus, a German Jesuit of great repute in his Country, both with the Emperour and other Princes; yet for all the many fa­vours received from them, he must not contradict the Principles of his Order and Church; and therefore he positively maintains that Kings may lawfully sometimes be deposed: and because he would not seem to do any thing without Reason, he thus tells you upon what goodly foundation this bad Principle stands, because forsooth, Ratio est tum quia Re­spub. uti in Principem, suam pote­statem con­tulit, ita ab eodem potest ex justa causa auferre. Tum quia quae (que) Respub. habet potestatem sibi prospiciendi de legitimo C [...]pite, quale non est hic, qu [...] ex Pastore populi in Lupum degeneravit. Ad. Tanner. Theolog. Scholast. Tom. 3. disp. 4. Quest. 8. dub. 3. Num. 32, 33. as the people do deliver their power up to the King, so upon just ac­count, they can take it from him again: and also because every Com­mon-wealth hath the Authority to see that they have a lawful head; and he, who from the Pastor of the people turns to be a Wolf, is no lawful Governour.

But now let us see the Opinion of a Scotch-man, and that held one of the learnedst of his time; his Divinity he got from Sorbonne, but where he got his Politicks, I know not, unless from the practice of his Church of Rome: however, take it as it is: Totus po­pulus est su­pra Regem, & in aliquo eventu potest eum exauthorare, quemadmodum Romani Tarquinium superbum imperio exuerunt, sed non potest de jure sine maxima & evidentissima causa. Jo. Major. in quartum sententiarum. Dist. 11. Quaest. 10. The people are above their King, and in some cases may depose him, as the Romans did Tarquin: yet this they cannot do lawfully but upon urgent occasions.

This was a fit man to be Buchanan's Master, who trod his steps to an hair in these Principles, as appears by his ungrateful De jure Regni apud Scotos. Dialogue presented to King James: But the Scholar had not so good esteem of his Masters skill in History, as appears by the Satyrical Epigram against him, though Major deserved better.

Cum scateat nugis solo cognomine Major,
G. Buchan. Epigram, lib. 1. pag. 337.
Nec sit in immenso pagina sana libro:
Non mirum titulis quod se veracibus ornat,
Nec semper Mendax fingere Creta solet.
Since, as he saith, he's onely Great in name,
And with false trifles doth his story frame:
No wonder that he calls himself so right,
Since greatest lyars sometimes truth may write.

But that we might not at this time think our Neighbours worse A conference about the next succes­sion of the Crown of England. Imprinted at N. with Li­cense, 1594. Part. 1. cap. 2. pag. 32. Id. Pag. 36. than ourselves; let's hear an English-man speak to this case, and this shall be the noted Jesuit, Robert Parsons, under the Visard of R. Doleman:—Yea not onely in this point (saith he) hath the Com­monwealth authority to put back the next Inheritors upon lawful consi­derations; but also to dispossess them that have been lawfully put in possession, if they fulfill not the Laws and Conditions, by which, and for which their dignity was given them. And again:

So yet retaineth still the Common-wealth her Authority, not onely to restrain the same Prince, if he be exorbitant, but also to chasten and remove him upon weighty considerations.

In one place he seems to vapour with his Compact, though I would gladly know when, where, by whom, and how in England, (for that's his drift) this Agreement was, and made conditional? and by what Laws the people are made Judges and Punishers? but let us hear the Jesuit himself speak.—

Yea, with such plain Exceptions, Promises, and Oaths of both Id. Cap. 4. p. 73. Parties (I mean between the King and Common-wealth at the day of his admission or Coronation) as if the same be not kept, but wilfully bro­ken on either part, then is the other not bound to observe his Promise neither, though never so solemnly made or sworn; for that in all Bargains, Agreements and Contracts, where one Party is bound mutually and re­ciprocally to the other by Oath, Vow, or Condition, there, if one side go from his promise, the other standeth not obliged to perform his.

In another place he turns the Condition into an Obligation, affirm­ing, that the people not onely may, but that they ought depose their Kings, thus:

Then is the Common-wealth not onely free from all Oaths made by Id. Pag. 77, 78. [Page 94] her of Obedience or Allegiance to such unworthy Princes, but is bound moreover for saving the whole body to resist, chasten and remove such evil heads, if she be able.

And then again to weaken the succession by blood, and to make an Heir-apparent but a trifle, and to make the outward Ceremonies too much essential to the Office, he thus in his fury gives you his In­fallible Decree:—

I must needs affirm to be most absurd, base and impious, that flat­tery Id. Cap. 5. pag. 120. before mentioned of Belloy and his Companions—where he holdeth, that onely succession of blood is the thing without farther approbation, which maketh a King, and that the Peoples consent to him, which is next by birth, is nothing at all needful, be he what he will; and that his admission, inunction, or Coronation, is onely a matter of external Ceremony, without any effect at all for increase or Confirmation of his right. These, I say, are unlearned, fond, and wicked assertions.

And, as if all the world agreed with him upon his main design, he thus flatters himself and his Readers:—

That a King upon just causes may be deposed, I think both Id. Part 2. cap. 4. p 61. Parties, though never so contrary between themselves, will easily a­gree.

But before I leave this wicked Book, I shall tell thee, that the Do­ctrine of it was so pleasing to the Palates of our Independents, that about the beginning of 1648, they got it reprinted, though in another garbe; that of Father Parsons his putting out, being by way of Dia­logue, but the latter was by way of Speeches or Orations, Gilbert Mabbot being Imprimator; and not long before the happy Restaura­tion of his Majesty, the Dialogue was publickly reprinted again, and to good purpose I warrant you.

Johannes Mariana the Spanish Jesuit, sufficiently known for his varie­ty of Learning, and the smooth stroke of his Pen, and no less for his pernicious Principles spread over the world to encourage Treason and Murther, amongst his other Impieties, he perswades subjects to War a­gainst Certe a Re­pub. unde or­tum habet Regia pote­stas, rebus ex­igentibus Re­gem in jus vocari posse, & si sanitatem r [...]spuat Principatu spoliari. Non ita in principem jure potestatis tran­s [...]ulit, ut non sibi majorem reserva [...]t potestatem. Jo. Mar. de Regi & Regis Institutione, lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 57. their Kings, telling them that in some cases they may al­so depose them, nay, and Murther them too; of which in its due place.

But they may say that the Parisians received him with some Rigour, though yet, I do not think that they will positively affirm, that this was justly done, for the Position now in hand, unless they will also censure some of the main Pillars of their Church. And the Germane Jesuit, Refutatio Aphorismo­rum, cap. 3. ad Aphor. 1. p. 158. § 94. Sehastianus Heissius, in this case doth Apologize for him, declaring that in this point (that Kings may be deposed by their Sub­jects) he writ not amiss.

Nor is this Doctrine unpleasant to all the French, as appears by one of the noted writers amongst them Ne (que) enim potest qui ve­rus e [...]t domi­nus hostiliter invadi [...] sed via tantum juris à tota communicate moneri, & si incorrigibilis fuerit, aut detineri debet ad tem­pus, aut de [...]oni. Quod non cadit adversus Principem, nisi juxta allegata & p [...]obata, & quidem à tota Com­munitate. R [...]b. Cenalis Arboricensis, de ut [...] ius (que) gladii sacultate, Tom. 2. pag. 119. Robertus Cenalis, who shews him­self a lusty Champion for this cause against Kings, whom, he saith, may be brought to a tryal and deposed.

To these I might add the Italian Jesuit, Moral. Quaest. Tom. 2. Tract. 29. c. 1. § 12. Vincentius Filliucius; the Spanish Fryar Mendicant, In D. Tho. Tom. 1. col. 1157. Michael Salon; and the learned Dominican of the same Nation, De justitia, lib. 5 Quaest. 1. art. 3. Dominicus Soto, with whom the Benedictan of our own Country agreeth, viz. Deni (que) & recte Sotus—cum hujusmodi Tyrannus habeat jus & titulum justum in Regno, non est nisi perjudicem depo­nendus, aut suo jure spoliandus. Greg. Sayr. Clavis Regia, lib. 7. cap. 10. § 3. Gregory Sayer; but to be too particular, would be tedious: And so I shall pass by Tyrannicidium seu Scitum Catholicorum de Tyranni internecione, Quest. 2, 3. Ja­cobus Kellerus, the German Jesuit; and Mr. Grounds of Obedience and Government, pag. 122, 123, 124, 133, 135, 136, 151, 154, 157, &c. Thomas White an English Priest, well known amongst us for his odd stile and opinions, with several others.

CHAP. IV. That Kings may lawfully be kill'd by their own Sub­jects.

SOlon that ancient Law-giver to the Athenians, though it was his design to put a curb to all Vice, and root out Iniquity; yet a­mongst his many other good and wholesome Sanctions, he made no law against a mans killing of his Father, not thinking that men could be so unnatural, as to destroy that which gave them a being, seeing the very Storks venture all, for the preservation of their ancient Pa­rents. And the more modern Inhabitants of Vicaragua in America Tho. Gages survey of the West-Indies, Pag. 74, 75. Mexicana, though Infidels, had such esteem for their Governours, (the Fathers of the Country) that they made no Law against the murthering of Kings: Happy people! whose innocent simplici­ty, made them not capable to apprehend such monstrous Vil­lany!

And must Christians be out-stript by these honest Heathens in vir­tue? or is it decreed that Christianity should be a prop to wicked­ness? Must we (as they say of the Gloss of Orleance) contradict the Text? when we are bid to obey, must we Rebel? when we are bid to suffer, must we kill and Murther? Or must we think that the nulling is the fulfilling of a Law? May we interpret all Commands, as the Glossator upon the Canon-law, with Oppositions, that to Statuimus, id est, abro­gamus, dist. 4. § Sta­tuimus. Decree, signifieth to abrogate or null; or as another doth with the Civil-Law, that by Quo ma­gis, id est, quo minus. Cod. lib. 3. de judiciis, Tit. 1. c. 3. § Quoties. so much the more, must be meant so much the less? No: yet such there are, or else we do not rightly under­stand the Text, or their Comment.

The learned Lord Hist. Hen. VII. p. 134. Verulam tells us, that conditional Speeches, with Ifs and Ands doth not qualifie Treason: Burdet the Merchant in London suffered as a Traytor under Edward the Fourth, onely for saying, that he would make his Son Inheritor of the Crown, meaning his own House: and Collingburn under Richard the Third, for making this Pasquil upon his favourites Lovel, Ratcliff, and Catsby, with an allusion to himself by a Bore, his Cognizance or Badge in Arms:

[Page 96]
The Rat, the Cat, and Lovel the Dog,
Rule all England under the Hog.

Since the Crowns of Princes are so nice, people should be more cir­cumspect how they treat of them, especially when it concerns a mischief, and the people may think that they are somewhat re­lated to it; and though the Rule be but obscure, they are apt to take the staff by the wrong end, and apply it to their own pleasures and desires of Novelty. Though the Letter

Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est.
To kill Edward, do not fear, is a good thing.

was dubious, and might have a double interpretation; yet Gurney and Maltravers had will and malice enough, to understand it for the murther of the King. When Parry read in Cardinal Allans Book, that Queen Elizabeth had no right to the Crown, being an Heretick, it incouraged him to endeavour her Murther: And the two Henry's the Th [...]rd and Fourth of France, upon the same zealous account got their deaths, by the assassinating hands of Clement and Ra­vallai [...].

'Tis but a poor plea that Andraeas Eudaemon-joannes makes in be­half Confutat. Antico [...] cap. 1. pag. 12. of the Jesuits, when to quit them from Anticotons accusation, viz. that they allow that Kings may be killed; replyeth, that Jesuits never writ that a private man might murther a King: since those who onely except against the actions of private men, do thereby al­low the same wickedness to be done by the Magistrates or those in Au­thority. And he's as much a Villain, and as far from Christianity, who allows that a Rump or Parliament may judge and kill their So­veraign, as he that commends the same fact in a private person, be it a Jacobin or any other.

Many we have [and some, I dare say, who speak cordially and with grief] who rant bravely against the wickedness of the late Murder of King Charles the First, and do lay it as a guilt too upon our Church; and yet a Jury might be call'd of some of the chief Doctors of Rome, who would have eas'd the Rump of their labour and iniquity, and would themselves have brought in the innocent King guilty.

What shall we think of Leonardus Lessius, a Belgick Jesuit, of as great repute, as most of that Order? However, take his judgement in short: if a King do not Rule, but for the harm of his People, what must be done with him? He tells you, That Secundo potest quis esse Tyran­nus, ratione duntaxat [...]d­ministratio­nis, ut si is qui est verus Prince [...]s, Regni admi­nistrationem flectat non ad bonum publicum, sed ad sua privata compendia, onerando illud injustis exactionibus, ven­dendo Oss [...]cio judicum, c [...]ndendo leges sibi commodas, [...]ub [...]ico parum utiles. Talis non potest à Privatis interunis, [...]. Leon. L [...]ss. de justitia, lib. 2. cap. 9. dub 4. § 10. such a King cannot be slain by private men, as long as he remains a Prince. Yet let us see this a little explained by the same Pen. Ib. § 1 [...]. Adde, si tan [...]u [...] exerescat Tyrannis, ut non videatur am [...]lius toletabilis, nec ullum aliud re­m [...]m sup [...]rsit, primum à R [...]pub. vel Comitus Regni, vel al [...]o haben [...]e author [...]tatem esse deponendum, & [...] siem declarandum; ut i [...] IPS [...]US PERSONAM LICEAT QUICQUID ATTENTARE, TUM [...]IM DESINIT ESSE PRINCEPS. But if (saith he) his Ty­ranny grow to such an height, that he seems intolerable, and no other remedy remaining, then the People, Parliament, or any other having Au­thority may depose him, and declare him an Enemy; whereby ANY THING MAY BE ATTEMPTED AGAINST HIS PERSON, because HE THEN ceaseth to be a KING.

Here we have enough to ease Lessius of some Loyalty and honesty; viz. that Kings may be deposed, and then are not Kings, so that they may be kill'd as private persons. But had he weigh'd his Do­ctrine as he did his meat, in this he would either have been silent, or appear'd in another Opinion; or had he been as temperate in one as the other, his Politicks would not have thus much out-swell'd his meager Carkas. As he had no Tutor for his Greek, it had been well, if he had had no Church, or Example to have instructed him in such pernicious Principles. If in his other writings, he affordeth no ho­nester Doctrines than such as these; for ought that I know, he might have been more advantagious to Christendom, had he followed the first advice of his Parents, and imploy'd himself in a Trade. And he, who publickly repented, for the breaking of a foolish glass, might in true reason be more troubled for his divulging such wicked Prin­ciples: but this it may be, he thought would have made him an He­retick, though 'twould have proved him more honest and a better subject.

Another Jesuit, Gregorius de Valentia, speaks somewhat to the for­mer purpose, though a little mincingly, yet plain enough to under­stand his meaning: For though he saith, that a private Person may Nulli parti­culari licet eum occide­re, Nam id pertinet ad Rempub. quae posset jure oppugnare illum, & vocare in subsidium cives. Valent. Tom. 3. disp. 5. q. 8. punct. 3. not kill a King; yet observe his Reason, Because, saith he, that be­longs to the Common-wealth, which may oppose him, and call the peo­ple in to their assistance.

But Ludovicus Molina, another Spanish Jesuite, and of as great re­pute as any, speaks a little more plainly; first, he saith, that any body may kill a King in his own defence: Upon which account a man may frame what silly pretences he will: 'tis true, he affirms, that o­therwise it is not lawful for a private man to kill him; but then let us observe what comes after: The people, saith he, may depose their King, and punish him when he is deposed. But because he names not Posset ita Respub. ipsa quo ad Ca­pita conve­nire, ei (que) re­sistere, lata (que) sententia deponereillum ab administratione—at (que) illum depositum PUNIRE. Ante latam tamen sententiam ne­fas privatis esset eum interficere. Molina de justitia, Tom. 4. Tract. 3. disp. 6. § 2. exactly the way of his Punishment, let us take it by a consequence, in these words: 'Tis not lawful for private men to kill the King, be­fore he be declared deposed: which plainly intimates that after his de­position it may be done.

And a little plainer than him doth another Spanish Jesuit speak, viz. Franciscus Toletus, a Cardinal, and the first that was of his Or­der, and held to be the most famous of his time for Piety and Judge­ment: But let them be never so wise or vertuous, something or o­ther is in the wind, that over-perswades them to maintain such abo­minable Principles as these. Tolets Rule is this, that a wicked King Tyrannum administrati­one, qui ha­bet verum titulum, sed Tyrannice tractat subdi­ditos—hunc non licet ab­s (que) publica auctoritate occidere. To­let. Instruct. Sacerdot. lib. 5. c. 6. § 10. cannot be slain without publick Authority: For which good Do­ctrine, the Rump may rejoyce to see their actions vindicated (if they supposed Virtue to be Vice, and themselves a Parliament) by a man of such declared prudence and honesty, one of great repute with several Popes, and Henry the Fourth of France, who tasted to the pur­pose of the mischief of these Doctrines; and one so hugely valued for his learning and discretion, that Gregory the Thirteenth thought it not fit that his writings should lye under the censure of any man, [Page 98] but might be Printed without license. But here, I dare say, the Cardinal hath been wide from Truth; yet hath this Opinion of Tolet been several times printed in several Nations.

And if you think that these Spaniards speak not plain enough yet, we shall shew you another Jesuit, but of another Country, viz. Bra­bant, yet under the subjection of Spain. And this is Martinus Be­canus, of great esteem amongst the learned; honoured by the Em­perour Matthias, and Confessor to Ferdinand the Second: but let us hear him speak, and then we shall scarce think him fit to be imploy'd so neer the Conscience of so great a Monarch as Caesar, since he attri­butes too much power to one, who thinks himself a better man in Temporals one way or another than the Emperour:—Sometimes Aliquando factum est, ut etiam Reges essent lepro­si, erg [...]—po­terat pontifex manda [...]e ut feorsim habi­tarent, & si nollent obe­dire, ut VI­TA PRIVARENTUR, NIHIL CERTIUS.—H [...]nc colligimus. Pontificem duplici titulo potuisse Re­ges privare suo Regno, primo quia poterat eos si [...]ONTUMA [...]ES es [...]ent PRIVARE VITA, Ergo & Regno, de hoc nemo DUBITAT. Becan. Controvers. Angl. pag. 115. (saith he) it so falls out that Kings become wicked or Hereticks, then the Pope may command that they be removed; which if they disobey, they may be kill'd; and then this, nothing is MORE CERTAIN. And again:—The Pope may deprive Kings of their Kingdoms upon a double account; for if they be CONTUMACIOUS, he may have them Kill'd, and so they are also deprived of their Kingdom; and that this may be done, no man doth doubt.

But yet if you think that this is not plain enough, we will afford you another Jesuit and a Spaniard, [...]z. Franciscus Suarez, a man that seemed to excel Abulensis by th [...] multitude of his writings, and one of the greatest esteem of all his Order, Pope Paul the Fifth him­self having honoured him with several Letters. That Kings may be kill'd, Suarez affirms no less than three times in one Defens fid. lib. 6. cap. 4. § 18. Paragraph; but a little before this he speaks more plain, by endeavouring to prove it by reason, after this manner:

Id. Lib 6. c. 4. § 14. Postquam Rex leg [...]ti­me deposi­tus est, jam non est Rex ne (que) Prin­ceps legiti­mus, & con­sequenter non potest in illo subsistere assertio, quae de legitimo Rege loquitur. Imo si Rex talis post depositionem legi­timam in sua pertinacia perseverans, Regnum per vim retineat, incipit esse Tyrannus in Titulo, quia non est legitimus Rex, nec justo titulo Regnum possidet declaratur hoc amplius in Rege Haeretico, nam statim per hae­resim ipso facto privatur aliquo modo dominio, & proprietate sui Regni—Post senten [...]am latam omnino privatur Regno, ita ut non possit justo titulo illud possidere. Ergo ex tunc poterit tanquam omnino Tyran­nus tractari, & Consequenter a QUOCUNQUE PRIVATO POTERIT INTERFICI. When a King is deposed, then he is neither lawful King nor Prince.—And if therefore he endeavour to keep the Kingdom under him by strength, then he is an Ʋsurper, because he is no lawful King, having no true title to the Crown.—For that after the Decree of de­position gone out against him, he is altogether deprived of his King­dom, so that he cannot with a just title possess it, and so he may be used as a Tyrant or Ʋsurper, and by consequence, MAY BE SLAIN BY ANY PRIVATE MAN: And this he saith, if he be an Heretick.

And is not this as clear as the noon-day, and as plain as a Pike-staff? is not this down-right to call a spade a spade, and to say that Kings may be deprived, and then kill'd by any body? Nor was this Prin­ciple set down without great consideration, and firmly believed to be true, not onely by Suarez, but the chief of Portugal and others. As for himself, so far was he ever from recanting or thinking this Doctrine to be amiss, but agreeable to the Church of Rome, that the Jesuits tell us, that when he was told how his book had been burnt [Page 99] in England, he declared his consent so freely to his Principles con­tain'd Phil. Ale­gambe, p. 138. therein, that he said, that nothing would be more pleasant and desirable to him than to have been burnt in the same flames with his book. And he was so assured that his principles were agreeable to all of his Church, that he had the confidence to dedicate such stuff to all Kings and Princes, who were Roman Catholicks.

That it was held in great veneration with others, cannot be denyed: for we shall scarce see a book honour'd with such censures of appro­bation. Alphonso à Castello Branco, Bishop of Coimbria, and Privy Councellor to the King of Spain, Philip the Third, declares that he hath read it exactly over, and findes all things in it to agree to the holy Scriptures, Apostolical Traditions, General Councils, and Papal De­crees. Fernando Martiner Mascaregnus, Bishop of Sylvis saith, that he hath also read it over, and findes nothing in it but what is Ortho­dox. And Martiner Alonso à Mello, another Privy Councellor and Bishop of Lamego saith also that he hath read it over, and thinks it worthy to be publisht, for the publick good of Christendom. And the Provincial Jesuits of Portugal and Germany allow it the same priviledges, and so doth the Inquisition. Nor is this all, but the U­niversity of Alcala de Henarez, after a serious view and considerati­on of it, declare that there is nothing in it contrary to the Roman Ca­tholick faith, nor any thing in it, but what ought to be approved of and commended, every thing being according to their own opinions and judgements.

All this put together, is enough to blot out the bad reception it re­ceived by the Senators of Paris, the Kings Murther then fresh in their memories, and their hatred to the Jesuits being strong motives. As for the Sorbone (an Association really to be honour'd in many things) its Doctors, as most of other Convocations, are oft so car­ryed on with interest and faction, that many times in the most consi­derable things, we shall finde their Decrees to clash one with ano­ther.

'Tis true, this ancient Colledge of Sorbone [built about 1250, by Robert de Sorbone] hath for several ages kept up a great reputati­on and splendour; but they have somewhat been troubled by the springing up of the Jesuits, with whom, I may say, they and the U­niversity have had a continual bickering for this hundred years, and of late have something lost ground, especially at Rome, where the Fathers carry the bell away clearly from the Doctors, both in repute, authority and preferments, which are such considerable Arguments, that of late times, viz. since 1650, the interest of the Jesuits hath got in a manner the upper hand in the very Colledge of Sorbone and Paris; the latter of which hath onely a company of Curates, too weak to oppose against the subtile Loyolists; and if the secular Au­thority do not intervene, they will all in time submit to the Principles and sway of the wily Fathers of Clermont. And 'tis very probable, that the Jesuits must either fall in the hight of their pride, like the Knight­templers, or else they will quite ruine the glory, if not the being of other Religious Orders: more of envy than emulation still breed­ing between them.

But it is not the Jesuits onely who are guilty in spreading these wicked Doctrines, but others too; for Petrus de Ledesma, a noted Dominican in Spain, having proposed this Question, What may the people do, when a lawful King tyrannizeth over them? and the [Page 100] result of his answer is, Poterit conventum agere, & ta­lem Regem Regno pellere, & si opus sit vita spoliare. Pet. de Ledesm. Theol. Moral. de virtut. Theol. Tract. 8. cap. 18. pag. 512. that they may call a meeting, and depose him, and if need be KILL HIM.

This Principle, as pernitious as it is, was by Ledesma first publish'd in Spanish, and after by Raymundus de Ledesou translated into La­tine; and besides other approbations, had the priviledge of the King of Spain. 'Tis strange, if this be not believed as Orthodox, that Kings should thus be perswaded to sign an Order for their own exe­cution, as if their Bigot-ministers took a pleasure in gulling of them to set the weapon to their own throats, as the cunning fellow did the Ape in the Barbers Shop.

The Guisian Faction in France, making a firm League or Covenant, pretending to maintain the Roman Religion, but at last bandy'd a­gainst their King Henry the Third, fill'd the Nation full of wicked­ness and rebellion: And every man fought (as 'tis the fashion in all such troubles) according as he was qualified, so that there was not onely slashing, scolding and cursing, but scribling too. At last the Roman-Covenanters grew so stubborn, that they were resolved not to acknowledge Henry for their King: and in vindication of this con­sultation, one of their chief Boutefeu's sets himself to write; but be­fore his Press had done working, the King was murdred by one of their Gang, viz. Jaques Clement a Jacobin.

However, out cometh the De justa Hen. III. ab­dicatione. Vindication, stuft with lyes and Vil­lany: In one place he observes by the by, that Populo in Regem po­testas est vi­tae & necis. Ib. Pag. 33. the people have power over their Kings both of life and death. In another place, that to kill a King who tyrannizeth, —De me­dio sustu lerit, tam absit per­duellionis nomen, quam vere hoc justitiae ac zeli opus, antesignanis in eo sanctis, probante natura, lege, Scriptura de­bet judicari. Ib. Pag. 64, 65. is so far from being treason, that it should rather be esteem'd an act of justice and Zeal, being agreeable to Nature, Law, Scripture, and the practice and precepts of holy men: And Ib. Pag. 269. De eo qui dubitet, hunc communi sensu carere oporteat, ignorum (que) prorsus esse rerum humanarum. he that doubts of it must want common-sence; nay, it may be done by any Ib. Pag. 270. private man, especially amongst Ib. Quod inter Christianos tanto magis licere debe [...], quanto magis est quod iis à Tyrannis non reipub. tantum, sed & Religionis periculum creatur. Chri­stians.

This is plain enough to shew his judgement: but when he heard that the King was murdered, then he rejoyced to the purpose, say­ing that it was done to the Id. P. 450. triumph and joy of all good men; and a little after abuseth Pag. 453, 454, 455. several places of holy Scripture to make the a­bominable fact more glorious.

But probably 'twill be retorted that 'tis but a Pamphlet, the Au­thor not putting his name to it, and so not to be regarded. 'Tis true, no name is to it, it being not safe so to do when it came out, for then Henry the Fourth was King, and went on prosperously against the Leaguers, and the Author then amongst them, his name was Jehan Boucher, born in Paris of a good Family, and was Preacher at St. Benits, the ancientest Church, I think, in that City; but an impla­cable fire-band amongst the Covenanters: and as he had thus shew'd himself an enemy against his Soveraign Henry of Valois, so did he [Page 101] carry on the same spirit in opposing Henry the Fourth of Bourbon, a­gainst whom he also printed above once, nine of his zealous preach­ments, making the Cardinal of Placentia their Patron. And for this good service against his own King and Country, being forced to skulk into Flanders, he was there, for his zealous deeds in behalf of Spain, made Canon of Tournay, and he was Doctor of Divinity before this at Paris.

An obscure piece of Policy for Rebels thus to be protected and pre­fer'd, since 'tis one of the main encouragements to Treason, (and this may be every Monarchs case) for the Villain to know, that, let fortune be never so much his enemy in his undertakings, yet he may be secure in anothers Dominions, where he may take breath, and it may be, be encouraged to another enterprise: But these things are above me, and not to my purpose.

But for the better clearing of this Doctrine, you shall see it vindi­cated by as great a fire-brand as the former, and both upon the King of Spains account, though the first against his King and Country France, and the latter against his Queen and Country England; and this is Robert Parsons, with whom formerly Mr. Morton [after, the Learned Bishop of Durham] having some contest, he brings in this Dr. Boucher, saying, that when the Common-wealth hath condemn'd and declared any Tyrant for a publick enemy, he may be slain by a private man. To which Parsons our English Jesuit thus reply­eth:

Whereto I answer, that then he is no private man, for that he doth P. R. Quiet and sober re­koning, chap. 5. § 44. pag. 321. it by a publick Authority of the Common-wealth, as doth the executio­ner that cutteth off a Noble-mans head, by Order and Authority of the publick Magistrate: so as in this, Mr. Mortons distinction serveth him to no purpose, for that neither for private or publick injuries can a private man, AS A PRIVATE MAN, that is to say, by private au­thority kill any Prince, though he were a Tyrant, for any cause either pri­vate or publick whatsoever.

And to afford you another hint of his judgement in this case, know, that in another of his Answer to the fifth part of Sir Ed­ward Cooks Reports, E­pist. Dedicat. books, he doth question whether Edward Squire committed treason or no, though his crime was endeavouring to make away his Queen Elizabeth by Poyson, at the instigation as it is supposed of Father Walpoole an English Jesuit then practising in Spain against his Queen and Country.

As for Father Parsons, what by his treasons against his Soveraign, and furious Zeal for Rome, he got so much repute amongst the peo­ple of his Order, that some of them had thoughts and hopes to get him a Cardinals Cap; in the mean time, he was several years Rector of the English Colledge at Rome, where he dyed 1610, and in its Chappel he is honour'd with a fair Marble Monument, with a long commendatory Epitaph.

We have another French-man, who vindicates the murther of the aforesaid Fran. Ve­rone, Apol. pour Jehan Chastel, p. 29. King Henry the Third as lawful; but this he onely doth by the by, yet plain enough to shew his treasonable malice: and this is one, who calls himself Franzois Verone. But his designe is upon ano­ther person, though much of the same account. For, anno 1594, one John Chastel, a Scholar to the Jesuits, with a knife wounded King Henry the Fourth in the mouth, and struck out one of his teeth, intending to have murdered him: upon which Chastel was condemn'd to suffer as a Traytor.

Franzois Verone undertakes the vindication of the Villain, de­claring that it was Apol. pa [...]t [...] c 7 p. [...]1. est un [...]ctege­ [...]ue [...], [...]ertu­e [...]x, & he­roique, com­ [...] aux [...]grande & pl [...]s re­commenda­bl [...]s, qui se so [...]ent veuz e [...] l'antiqui­te, de l'hi [...] [...]e tant sa­crée que pro­ [...]e. a generous, vertuous, and an heroick act, and comparable to the most renowned and great deeds of the ancients, either in sacred or prophane History; and that Chastel Pag. 23. was a true Martyr. And he goeth over again, that it was Part. 2. pag. 25. Son [...]acte est purement juste, vertueux & herioque. an action purely just, ver­tuous and heroick: Nay, that it was Id. Part. 4. cap. I. pag. 147.—c'est un acte tres-sainct, tres humain, tres digne, tres louable & t [...]es recommendable. most holy, most humane, most worthy, most to be praised and recommended, and Id. Cap. 3. pag 155, 156.—Ce que Nature mesme enseigne, & qui est justifié par le droict, tant civil que Canonique—Celle que la Nature enseigne, & conformement à Dieu, aux loix, au Decrets & à l'Eglise. justified by both the Civil and Canon-Law; and that it is natural, agreeable to God, and all Laws, and Decrees, and the Church. And as for Chaestel himself, he calls him Part. 3. cap. 10. Ame heureuse! &c. Happy soul! and runs on in a rambling commenda­tion of him. And lastly, as for those who condemn'd Chastel, he saith, that Part 4. cap. 2. pag. 152.—Ilz ont jugé contre Dieu & sa Parolle, contre l'Eglise, & les decrets, contre les Estats & loix fondamentales du Royaume. they have judged against God, against the holy Scriptures, a­gainst the Church and her Decrees, and against the States and Funda­mental Laws of the Kingdom.

What this Franzois Verone was, I cannot certainly tell; onely this we know, that somewhat about the same time there was a French Jesuit of the same name, who a little after writ some books against the Protestants. But whether they were both one and the same person, I cannot determine; yet Mr. History of King James the Sixth of Scotland, p. 156. William Sanderson saith po­sitively that he was a Jesuit.

See, Je­suita sicarius, p. 271, 272. Another there is, who keeps a great deal of triumphing and rejoycing at the murther of Henry the Third, as an action most com­mendable; but because he's unwilling to be known, I shall trouble my self no farther with him: since we need not make use of such obscure persons, seeing Pope Sixtus the Fifth himself in a full Con­sistory of Cardinals, took the pains and pleasure to speak a long Ora­tion Septemb. 11. 1589. in commendation of that wicked act.

These have hit the nail on the head, speak to the purpose, without any mincing or dwindling their cut-throat principles, plainly de­scribing Laws and Methods to murther in spight of either sacred or civil honesty. Nor are those without shame and guilt, who allow villany by a consequence, by making but one trifling exception or so, open away for other means to the same end: the question not be­ing whether one may be kill'd this way or that way, but whether any way at all; and it is but small comfort to a man, to tell him that he Quid inte­rest an ferro an veneno perimas. Jo. Marian. de Reg. Institut. lib. 1. cap. 7. shall be murther'd, but not after such a fashion; 'tis all one to Titius or Sempronius, whether they suffer by a private or publick way, it being not the breath of this or that Authority, but the Instrument of execution, that doth the feat, and renders the body fit for the worms; and whosoever commands it, 'tis probable that it is but one, and a private man too, that renders the other a real suf­ferer.

And amongst these mutterers of King-murthering, we may esteem [Page 283] [...] [Page 284] [...] [Page 285] [...] [Page 286] [...] [Page 103] a Spanish Fryar Mendicant, viz. Michael Bartholomeus Salon, who saith, that Nulli pri­vato liceat occidere, quia cum ille habeat ju­stum titulum non est depo­nendus nec puniendus quin prius audietur & judicetur, vel à superiore habente authoritate ad id, vel ab ipsa Republica quando deest superiorem. Mich. Salon. in D. Tho. Tom. 1 col. 1157. a King may not be kill'd by a private man, because he having a just title, is not to be deposed nor punished, till he be first heard and accordingly judged, either by some having authority to do so [I know not what he means, unless he grant some such Authority] or by the Common-wealth.

Nor should we abuse Theol. scholast. Tom. 3. disp. 4. Q. 8. du [...]. 3. numb. 32. Adamas Tannerus, a German Jesuite, if we place him amongst those, who by excepting against a private person, doth hint a strange authority to be in the people or Common-wealth, whereby the safety of Princes may be ha­zarded.

And Dominicus Soto, one of the most famous Dominicans of Spain, and one of the chiefest Divines of the Tridentine Council, as also Confessor to the Emperour, tells us that —Commu­nis consen­sus est, nemi­ni licere ip­sum priva­tim interi­mere. Et ra­tio est quod cum jus ha­beat ad Reg­num, non est illo, nisi per publicum judicium expoliandus, ut scilicet audiatur. lata vero in eum sententia, quis (que) potest in­stitui executionis minister. Soto, de justitia, lib. 5. Quaest. 1. Art. 3. it is the common opinion, that it is not lawful to kill a King upon a private account: and his reason is with the former, that seeing he hath a right to the Crown, he is not to be deprived of it, but by a publick judgement, where he must be heard: but if once a Decree be gone out against him, that then any one may be the Executioner. And he also layeth down for a positive rule, that any one may kill a King in his own de­fence.

As for (d) Vincentius Filliucius the Italian, and Not in An. Senicae Tragoed part 2. § 920. Antonius Del­rio a Moral. Quaest. Tom. 2. Tract. 29. cap. 1. § 12. of Antwerp, both famous Jesuits, they both twang upon the same string of a private person, by which means they leave an open gap for the Superiour Magistrates to bring their Soveraign to the block. And the High German Jesuit, Sebastianus Heissius, treads much in the same way, though he leaves a sent somewhat more rank behinde him; for he expresly allows the Magistrates some Authority in this case, affirming, that —Teneo neminem privatum, ex­tra necessita­tem se suosve defendendi manus inferre posse legitimo principi, ante publicum judicialiter latam sententiam, qua Tyrannus hosti (que) Reipub. declaretur, adeo (que) potestate qua poteabatur, ab his quibus fas est exciatur.—Habes communem Jesuitarum sententiam, ac proinde nihil principibus periculi imminet, quando totius populi sensu pro Tyran­nis habentur, si populus sequatur Doctorum ac gravium virorum (quod Mariana exigit) consilium; ii (que) Je­suite sint ut jam audivisti. Sebast. Heiss. Refutatio Aphorismorum, cap. 3. ad Aphor. 1. pag. 158. § 94. a King ought not to he kill'd by a private man, before judgement be pronounced against him, as an enemy and a Tyrant: And this he saith is the common opinion of all Je­suits.

Here the Jesuit Heissius gives us an hint of one of his Order, Jo­hannes Mariana, who is as particular as any in the way of King-kil­ling, laying down the several Methods and means of that wicked art: but because part of his De Rege & Regis in­s [...]t [...]tione, lib. 1. c 6, &c. Book is large upon this subject, and is so plain, that some of their moderate writers wish he had not been so open; I shall not speak more of it, it being common to be had, and as commonly known, though Hisp [...]n. Bibl. Tom. 2. p. 285. Andreas Schottas, Amphitheat. Honoris. Carolus Scribanius, and some other Jesuits do rather commend than disprove it. And whether the propagation of these opinions be not dange­rous [Page 104] to Princes, reason and example will over-say the meer negative of Heissius, unless his authority were better grounded than upon his bare word.

But what need I trouble the Reader and my self with particulars, when the whole Club of the French Jesuits (if we may credit their own title) when it was their design to clear themselves from any bad Principles of Government, at the same time confess, that Kings may lawfully sometimes be deposed and cut off? And whether I slander the Jesuits or no, let the Reader judge by their own words, Thus:

Addit Praedicans [viz. Phil. Heilbrunner, who wrote against the Je­suits] Jesuitas in hac Questione [viz. whether Tyrants may be kill'd [...]] potius ad partem affirmantem, quam ad negantem inclinare satis in­dicant illorum Scripta.—Non modo inclinamus ad illam partem, sed illam partem libentissimè amplectimur, quam amplectitur S. Tho­mas, Cajetanus, Sotus, Covaruvias, Salon, & alii, qui ad hanc Quae­stionem responderunt cum distinctione. Ex quorum doctrina, hunc in modum scribit Quidem Magni nominis, & vobis Praedicantibus non ig­notus Jesuita [Greg. de Valent. Tom. 3. disput. 5. q. 8. p. 3.] Vel est Tyrannus non per Arrogatam sibi injuste potestatem, sed solum per pravum legitimae alioquin authoritatis usum, in gubernando: vel est Tyrannus, per Arrogatam potestatem, quam vi obtineat. Si est Ty­rannus primo modo, nulli particulari licet eum occidere, nam id per­tinet ad Rempub. quae posset jure oppugnare illum, & vocare in sub­sidium Cives. Si autem est Tyrannus secundo modo, quilibet posset eum occidere. Nam tota Respub. censetur gerere justum bellum contra ipsum, & ita Civis quilibet, ut miles quidem Reipub. posset eum occidere, &c. Unde quando in Concilio Constant. prohibentur particulares occidere Tyrannum: intelligendum est de Tyranno primo modo, de hoc enim eadem est ratio, at (que) de aliis malefactori­bus, qui solum per publicam potestatem puniri possunt. Haec ille, viz. Greg. de Valent.

Ex cujus etiam verbis habes quidnam Concilium Constant. damna­verit. Cujus Concilii decretum eodem modo explicat Cajetanus, Sotus, & Alphonsus a Castro, & satis liquet ex ipsis Concilii ver­bis, &c.

Ais, Quaestionem & doctrinam hanc adversari illi D. Petri prae­cepto, DEƲM TIMETE, REGEM HONORIFICATE. Ʋbi (que) tui si­milis es, hoc est, ineptus Predicans, & quidvis per quodvis & quovis modo probare solitus. S. Petrus non ait, Tyrannum honorificate, sed Regem, Rex non est Tyrannus, maxime si Tyranni vocabulum, secunda notione usurpemus, nec Tyrannus est Rex. Quod si Regum quispiam, qui verè Rex est declinet ad Tyrannidem, at (que) adeò Tyrannus prima notione hujus nominis fiat; tum jam ex sententia S. Thomae & alio­rum audivisti, privato nihil in eum potestatis esse: esse autem toti Reipublicae; vel privato eatenus, quatenus, ei à Repub. conceditur, si­cuti Privato in quemlibet alium malefactorem jus esse potest, si id con­cedatur à Republica. Apologia Societatis Jesu in Gallia, ad Christi­anissimum Gall. & Navar. Regem Henricum IV. Scripta a Religiosis ejusdem societatis Jesu in Gallia, 1599. in Append. pag. 115, 116, 117.

CHAP. V. That it is the Opinion of their Popes and Councils, that Kings may be deposed.

HAving hitherto seen the Opinions of private persons, yet those of the greatest repute amongst them; we shall now ascend a little higher, and with them to their most authentick Authority up­on earth: but whether this Supremacie remain in the Pope, or a Gene­ral Council; I must yet leave to the determination of their French and Italian Doctors: and yet 'tis strange that hitherto they will not agree to settle infallibility; that that which they make the judge of other Articles, must thus it self want a certain foundation by Univer­sal consent.

As for their Councils, if practice may interpret, (and I am sure in this case they make it none of their least Arguments) we shall finde that Princes may be lawfully deposed, and that confirm'd by the grandeur of such meetings. Thus their great Historian Cardinal Ba­ronius, assures us that the Emperour Henry the Fourth was exautho­rated by two Synods at Baron. anno 1076. § 16, 17, 18. Id. An­no 1080. § 7, 8, 16. Rome, one at Id. Anno 1118. § 20. Colen, and another at Ib. Fritislar. And because that, some may object that these smaller Conventions are not of sufficient Authority, we shall ascend a step higher, and tell you that the same was done by two General Councils [for so Baronius calls them] at Id. 1102. § 1, 2, 3. Rome, though the [...]atter more particulariz'd by the name of Id. Anno 1116. § 5. Lateran, and also by another Coun­cil at Id. Anno 1119. § 11. Rhemes, under Pope Callistus. And after this manner was the Emperour Frederick the Second declared deprived, and his Subjects quit from their Oaths of Allegiance, by Pope Innocent the Fourth, in the Council of Lyons; the form it self being large, I shall refer you to Anno 1245. § 4. Bzovius, and the Tom. 28. pag. 431. Council it self, and the Sext. de sentent. & re jud. C. ad Apostolicae. De­cretals.

But let us step from practice, to some of their Decrees they con­firm'd in their General Councils, to shackle Princes in future times. In the Laterane Council, under Innocent the Third, amongst other things 'twas thus order'd by them.

If a Temporal Lord neglect to purge his land from Heresie, being Abr. Bzo­vius, anno 1215. § 3. Binnius, c. 3. Crabbe. Ib. Greg. de Haeret. C. Excommu­nicamus. desired and admonished by the Church, let him be by the Metropolitan and the other Bishops Excommunicated: and if within a year he refuse to satisfie, let the Pope be informed of it, that he may declare his Vassals free from that obedience they formerly ought him: and that Roman Catholicks may seize upon his Lands, which the Hereticks being thrust out, they may possess without any contradiction, and keep it in the true Faith: Yet let not this be prejudicial to the Principal Lord, so that he do no way hinder this proceeding: NEVERTHELESS LET THE SAME LAW BE OBSERVED AGAINST THOSE WHO HAVE NOT PRINCIPAL LORDS.

If any do dispute concerning this Council, or the meaning of any word in this Canon, I shall not finde my self con­cerned in it, having our Country-man Vindic. Concil. La­teran. Dr. Thomas Vane, Contro­vers. Angl. p. 139, 140. Martinus Becanus, Leonardus Lessius, under the name of [Page 106] Discuss. decreti Mag­ni Concil. [...]a. Singleton, Cardinal Adversus G [...]l. Bar­claium in Praefat. Bellarmine, and many others, great vindi­cators of this great Council as they call it, whom I shall leave to the consideration of the Romanists: Yet I could whisper Vindic. Concil p. 69. Dr. Vane in the ear, that he is not honest enough in his answer, by taking no no­tice of the last clause in the Canon, which doth not a little enlighten the whole design.

And as I do not trouble my self to interpret any thing in the La­teran Canon, seeing the chief of the Roman Champions, Lessius, Be­canus, Bellarmine and others, declare expresly that it is meant of the Popes Authority over Kings, and for their deposing; so shall I not wrangle with any concerning that of Trent, a Council of such Au­thority, that they make it the standard of their Faith.

In the last Session of this Trent political Convention, Duels were Sess. 25. c. 19. censured as unlawful [and indeed, no honest, true and faithful sub­ject can fight one, he taking to himself power of his own life, and that of his fellow-subjects, against Law, Religion and Prerogative] and declares those Princes to be held as deprived of those places, where they permit them. What was the meaning of the words of this Decree, I shall say nothing my self, but tell you, that the French Church took it to deprive Kings, for which they bogled at it; and they had more reason to understand the meaning of it, than any now: yet if these grave Divines mistook the sence of that Chapter, 'tis no fault of mine, let the Romanists bandy it out amongst them­selves, and either tell us the reason, why that Council is not exactly received in France, and so whether they be Hereticks or no, in not complying with a General Council as they call it, or that every part of it is in force there, and how it came to be so.

These at this time may satisfie, to shew in what a tottering conditi­on their Councils makes Kings to stand in. And if the Roman Catho­licks desire any more instances, I shall refer them to their famous Discuss. Decreti Mag. Concil. Lat. pag. 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, &c. Lessius, whom in this case let them either agree to, or confute; fight Dog, fight Bear: and so I quit my self, neither troubling my self whether they or Dr. Remonstr. Hibernorum, part. 5. cap. 10. Caron is in the right.

As for the Opinions of Popes themselves, I shall jumble them with their Canon-law, the latter being in a manner the result of the others brain and authority: and Pope Agatho order'd that the Popes San­ctions, should be received with the same authority, Omnes Apostolicae sedes sanctiones acciptendae sunt tanquam ipsius Divini Petri voce firmatae sint. Dist. 19. c. 2. as if they had been commanded by St. Peter himself. Nor according to Pope Q. 17. c. 4. Nemini est. Nicolas, must any contradict or question the Orders of that See; for according to Possit jur. Can. lib. 1. Tit. 3. De­creta. Lancelottus, the Popes Decrees are of equal authority with the Canons of Councils; and those of Sess. 4. Decret. 1. Trent determine that some Traditions are to be of equal force with the holy Scriptures.

I shall not here spend time in discoursing about the Priviledges said to be given to some Monasteries by several Popes, Franc. Bozzius de Tem­poral. Eccles. Monarch. lib. 1. cap. 21, pag. 225. with a tye by the way of the Kings good behaviour; though some make use of such Records for Arguments; it being plain by the practice of the Popes and their [Page 107] Greg. de Elect. C. Ve­nerabile [...]: de Haeret. C. Excommu­nicamus. Sext. de re jud. c. ad Apostol. Laws, that they declare they have such Authority to depose Kings, and quit their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance; of which several Popes are so plain in their Q. 15. C. 6. auctoritatem, C. alias. C. nos sanctorum. Greg. de Haeret. C. Excommunicamus & C. Absolutos. Canon-law, that no­thing can be more evident: whither I refer you for more satis­faction.

And that Popes declare that Kings may be deposed, appears by their many thundrings of Deprivation against former Princes, and of later times against the King of Navarre, our King Henry the Eighth, and Queen Elizabeth. Read in Annal. Boiar. lib. 6. pag. 506. Aventin what Hadrian the Fourth saith, concerning this case in his furious Letter; and in Pag. 872. Nonne Rex Anglorum noster est vassallus, & ut plus di­cam, man­cipium, qui potest eum nutu nostro incarcerare, & Ignomi­niae manci­pare? Matthew Paris, how Pope Innocent the Fourth thus ranted concerning our Henry the Third:—Is not the King of England our Vassal, nay more, our Slave, whom with anod I can imprison, and commit to a slavish reproach? And Father Parsons assured our Country-men, that Pope Pius the Fifth affirm'd to him, Rog. Widdrinton's Theolog. Disput. cap. 10. § 56. that he would rather loose his head, than not acknowledge this Authority to lye in the Roman Chair. And Pope Sixtus the Fifth could make a See Will. Warmingtons moderate defence of the Oath of Allegiance, pag. 127, 128, &c. Speech in a full Consistory of Cardinals in commendation of the horrid murther of Henry the Third King of France.

CHAP. VI. For how many causes according to the Romanists, a King may be deposed.

THey say 'tis good to have many strings for a bow, if one fail a­nother may hold; and others think they can do any thing by a distinction, though it signifie nothing: he that divided himself be­tween the Arch-bishop of Colen and the Prince Elector, was well re­torted upon by the Boor, If the Prince go to the Devil, what will be­come of the Bishop? And the Scotch Presbyterian Hist. Re­format. of Scotland, p. 392, 393. John Knox, used this art, when he would not have the King but the Offender suffer. Our English Covenanters thought they clear'd themselves of Rebellion, by declaring that they fought not against the King but his evil Council, and that Ex. coll. p. 727. Treason is not against the Kings person, as he is a man, but in relation to his Office. And the Independant [when the Presbyterian had Declar. for Non-ad­dress, 1647. declared that they could not repose any more trust in the King, and made it Treason for any to address to him, and so had laid him by as useless,] supposed they vin­dicated themselves sufficiently, by affirming that they onely be­headed a private man, the Presbyterians having formerly kill'd the King.

And these quirks to further Rebellion, and to make the murthering [Page 108] of Kings more plausible, are used by De justi­tia, lib. 2. c 9. dub. 4. § 10, 12. Lessius, Tom. 3. disp. 5. Q. 8. punct. 3. Valentia, Institut. Sacerdot. lib. 5. cap. 6. § 10. Tolet, Defens. sid. Cathol. lib 6. cap. 4. § 14, 18. Suarez, De justa abdicat. Hen. III. Boucher, Father Qu'et and sober reck [...]ning, pag. 321. Parsons, —De justitia, lib. 5. Q. 1. Art 3. Soto, —Refutat. Aphorism. pag. 158. § 94. Heissius, —De justitia, Tom. 4. Tract. 3. disp. 6. § 2. Molina, Controve [...]s. Anglic. pag. 115. Becanus, and several others of the chief writers amongst the Romanists; so that these and our Cove­nanters need not be so earnest in upbraiding one another with Treason.

When people are resolved for mischief, 'tis not difficult to pretend reasons, and sinde out means to carry on the design, plausible enough to blinde the giddy multitude. To ruine the innocent, many and strange Articles and accusations shall be framed against him; and though not one of them can make him an Offender, rather than their ma­lice should fail of its purpose, they will jumble them all together to make him a Traytor; as the wicked-long-Parliament did with the Earl of Strafford, and Prynns Canterb [...] ­ry's doom, pag. 51. Maynard used the same plea and means to hasten the murther of Arch bishop Land.

O the strength of a Covenan [...]ing Reason! as if though one Elders Maid alone could not make a Dog▪ an hundred of them could make a Mastiff: could number thus a [...]er its being, Pr [...]teus would be out­vapour'd by this Argument, and irrational and poysonous Creatures might once again ascend to be Classical Assembly-men: for thus forty or fifty Asses together would be a Presbyterian, though one by it self could not be a man. But it may be, they will thus prove their Assertion, though one Assembly mans Especi­ally the first Edition. notes will not make a Diodate, or a Dutch Comment, all the Assembly together will, because it may be they will say that they stole all their Annotations out of them: if this be their Argument, I shall neither trouble my self to see whether they confess truth or no, nor give them any reply to it.

What various Arts and devices, with impertinent and poor pre­tences, have been used by some Popes and their Part-takers, not onely to lessen the authority, but ruine the being of some Kings, History can best inform us. And some of their several causes and reasons they bring to prove the legality of proceeding against Kings, shall be briesly hinted at in this place.

I.

Com. in Esther, pag. 95. Feuardentius the Franciscan, affirms that a King may be de­posed, if he be too prodigal in lavishing away the publick Revenues, either by scattering them amongst his cringing Courtiers, or some o­ther spend-thrift-way.

That this is a fault no man can deny; but how either to judge of it, or hinder it, belongs not to us, and 'tis too obscure either for our eyes or brains. But we might retort upon the Chair of Rome, the exces­sive extortion that some of them make to enrich their Kindred. And the extravagancy of Sixtus the Fourth cannot be excused, be­stowing such excessive sums amongst his Whores.

II.

Others say that a King may be deposed, if he be a breaker of his Mart. Be­canus, Con­trov. Angl. pag. 135. R. Parsons conference a­bout succession, pag. 32, 36, 73, 77. Feuardent. com. in Esther, pag. 94. promise to his Subjects, or a violator of his publick Faith. And if so, why may not Popes run the same Exit? who think it not lawful to keep Faith with Hereticks, and are as apt as any to break them upon every advantage.

III.

Another way to have a King deposed is this, if he either study, Feuard. pag. 91. make use, or approve of the Art of Magick, or acquaint himself with those who do so.

This accusation would serve the Vulgar, and the better because they are not competent Judges. In former time 'twas almost dange­rous to have above a common stile in the Mathematicks, so that our Roger Bacon, Albertus Magnus, and other famous Scholars, can at this day scarce quit themselves from being thought Conjurers by the multitude; and some have been too bold in throwing such wicked opinions upon Joseph, Salomon, and some others: for whom Mon­sieur Naudé hath composed an Apology. As for the Popes, their own Platina affirms Sylvester the Second to have dealt with the Devil; Card. Benno. and some others think that Benedict the Ninth, and Gregory the Se­venth were too familiar that way, though the former Naudé A­pol. cap. 19. French-man endeavours to clear them of that crime: and so I leave every man to his own judgement.

IV.

If a King be guilty of Jo. Azo­rius, Instit. Tom. 2. lib. 10. cap. 8. Jo. Bapt. Boiardus, Addit. ad Julii Clari practic. cri­minalem. Qu. 35. § 6. Feuard. 91. Perjury, some of them say he may be de­posed for that fault.

If they think Perjury to be such an horrid sin (as who can deny its heinousness?) they should not encourage Subjects to run so easily into this crime, by making them break their Oaths of Allegiance to their respective Princes; by which wicked means their Popes make them­selves also guilty: and other ways they have been sufficiently infamous for this. Gregory the Twelfth is in this case noted in story, for having taken a solemn Oath, that if he were chosen Pope, he would lay down the Title and Authority again, if Pedro de Luna an Anti-pope would do so too, the better to quell the Schism; but having thus obtained the Papacy, I shall refer you to De schis­mate, lib. 3. Theodore à Niem, to see how he cheated and jugled against his former Oath, not onely in this, but also in creating Cardinals: and the Perjury of Paschal the Morney, pag. 287. Second, against the Emperour Henry the Fourth, is as notorious.

V.

Feuardentius saith, that if a King be guilty of Murther, he may Com in Est. pag. 92. justly be deposed, though he do nothing with his own hands, but consent to other Instruments.

Though the crime be great, yet Interest will oft judge amiss: Boucher and Verone, look upon those as Murtherers, who caus'd the deaths of Clement and Chastel, though the first stab'd Henry the Third, and the other indeavoured to kill Henry the Fourth of France. And the Jesuite Garnet, hath been several times publish'd a Martyr, though he worthily suffer'd for high Treason, in not discovering the Powder-treason, though he knew of the design. But if these [Page 110] may go for Martyrs, I know no reason but Pope Paul the Third may pass for a Saint, for poysoning his Mother and Nephew, that the Pal [...]us, lib. 5. whole Inheritance of the Fernese (of which Family he was) might come to him; and for destroying by the same means his own Sister, because she was as kinde to others imbraces as his own. And upon the same account might Alexander the Sixth be canoniz'd for poy­soning G [...]cc [...]ar­din. lib. 2. Gemes, brother to the great Turk, for filthy Avarice, as he also did several Id. l [...]b. 6. Cardinals upon the same account.

VI.

The same Franciscan assures the world, that if a King be guil­ty Com. in F [...]h. pag. 96 of Simony, by selling Ecclesiastical Benefits, he may be de­posed.

This fault I suppose to be below Monarchs, who have several lawful means to fill their Coffers; but I wish it were not practised so much as it is, by those who are but fellow-subjects with the buyers. And the worldly gallant, who useth it, may probably have his pur­chasing Parson, a roaring Chaplain to his wicked Patronship in a world fitted for the covetous; but we shall not at this time follow Truth too neer the heels. But were not this Vice beneficial, Pope Paul Platina. the Second would not have been so given to it, who basely sold all the Benefits both Civil and Ecclesiastical. And Alexander the Sixth G [...]cc [...]ardin, lib. 1. got the Popedom more by Simony than any desert in himself.

VII.

Bannes in 2. 2. q. 12. art. 3. col. 478. Valent. Tom. 3. disp. 1. quaest. 12. punct. 2. P [...]tr. de Ara­gon. in 2. 2. D. Tho. pag. 229. Hieron. de Medicis in 2. 2. q. 12. art. 2. conclus. 2. Baleus, Act. Pont. Estienne A­pol. pour Herodot. pag. 292. Others of them say that a King may be deposed for Apostacie: And I warrant you, they will make the interpretation of the word submit to their pleasures: Yet in the mean time we are told, how true I know not, that Pope Leo the Tenth should call the History of Christ a fable; and that Paul the Third in anger once said, that he would renounce Christ, if the Procession went not faster on.

VIII.

If a King be guilty of Jo. Bapt. Plotus Con­silium, § 64. Jo. Bapt. Bol­ard. addit. ad Julii Clari pract. Crim. q. 35. § 6. Feuard. pag. 93. Sacriledge, they say he may justly be de­prived; and yet who hath been more criminal in this than some of their Popes? Alexander the Sixth was so noted for it, that this Distick was made of him:

Vendit Alexander Cruces, Altaria, Christum;
Emerit ipse prius, vendere jure potest.
Alexander sold his Altars, Christ and Crosses;
He bought so sold them, men live not by losses.

And upon Leo the Tenth, Sannazarius the famous Neapolitan Poet, made this smart Sarcasm:

Sacra sub extrema, si forte requiritis, hora,
Cur Leo non potuit sumere; vendiderat.
Leo could have the Sacrament no more,
Though dying, 'cause he'd sold it long before.

And Ann. 1229. pag. 362. Matthew Paris assures us that Pope Gregory the Ninth [Page 111] was such a gaper after Church-moneys, that the Bishops in England were forced to sell and pawn all their Plate and Furniture belong­ing to the Altar, to satisfie him. And whether Authority doth com­mit Sacriledge in commanding Images to be taken out of Churches, let the busie Bigots determine: yet History will tell us, that Pope Gregory the Third proceeded against the Emperour Leo for the same account.

IX.

If a King be a Azorius, Institut. lib. 10. cap. 8. lib. 11. cap. 6. Suarez. de­fens. fid. lib. 6. c. 4. § 22. Feuard. p. 91. Jo. Mar. Bellettus, disquisit. Cle­ricalis, pag. 282. § 209, 210. Alph. Alvarez, Speculum, cap. 16. § 8. Petr. de Palude, Art. 4. Lud. a Paramo de origine S. Inquisit. lib. 1. cap. 1. Greg. Nunnius Coronel. de optimo Reipub, statu, pag. 545. Jo. Anton. Delphinus de potestate Eccles. pag. 154. Schismatick, or a favourer of Schismaticks, they say he may then be deposed: And yet no Church hath been so much rent with Schisms as that of Rome, having sometimes at the same time several men declaring themselves to be the true Popes, and justly elected; and every one of them having some Prince or other to stand by them; and at last 'twas sometimes carri­ed by strong hand. And that which began in Pope Ʋrban the Sixth's time, was so long and violent, that it lasted fifty years.

X.

We are told that for violence done to Cardinals, the King guilty Feuardent. pag. 94. of that crime may be deposed. A people at first but of common repute, being but Priests or Deacons belonging to this or that Church, and so far inferiour to Bishops; though since that, the Popes have rais'd them to be next to themselves, and equal to Kings and Princes; and now carry such a sway in that all-ruling Court at Rome, that happy is that Monarch that can get a friend by much begging and greazing to be honour'd with that title: and sometimes a red Hat co­vers both youth and ignorance.

Many of these have imploy'd themselves in secular affairs; and if L'Homme d'estat. pag. 257, &c. either in this or the other they become faulty, there is no reason but that they are lyable to punishment as well as their Neighbours: if Queen Elizabeth had got Cardinal Allen into her custody, she might with more reason have punish'd him for his many Treasons against her and his Country, by declaring her to be no true Queen, and in assisting the Spaniards against her in Eighty eight, than Pope Guicciard. lib. 6. Alexander did several Cardinals by poysoning them to satisfie his Malice and Avarice.

XI.

What small authority hath been allowed to Kings concerning the Church in their own Kingdoms, may partly appear by Pope Nic. Harpsfeld. Hist. Eccles. pag. 431. John the Eleventh, who interdicted England, and declared King John deprived, and so perswaded the French to take the Kingdom from him: and why all this? onely because the King would not ad­mit of Stephen Langton to be Arch-bishop of Canterbury, whom the Pope would thrust into that See against the Kings pleasure; King John not thinking it fitting, that one who was so great with the French, should be of such great trust in his Dominions. And yet the Empe­rours and Kings formerly had always a Dist. 63. C. Agatho. C. Hadrianus. C. In Synodo. C. cum lon­ge. Gloss. power in the Election, not onely of Bishops but Popes also, and calling of Councils. And several instances might be given of the Emperours deposing of Popes; but the Imperial Power appears plain enough in the deprivation of [Page 112] John the Thirteenth by Otho the Great, the Italian and other Bi­shops then assisting and commending him, who also deposed Benedict the Fifth. And if we consult the practice of the Popes, we shall finde that it was not so much the peace of Christendom, or the good of Religion, that obliged them to proceed against Temporal Princes, as to maintain their own pride and greatness, and to pleasure a friend or Relation with another mans Dominions.

XII.

They also affirm, that if a King be lawful both by Title and Pos­session, Fean. Sua­rez. def. fid. l. 3. c. [...]. § [...]. & li [...]. 6. c. 4. § 15. J [...]. A [...]. C [...]peasi [...]in Epit. Con­trovers. part. 2. Qu. 2. p. 180. Fe [...]ardent. pag. 95. Dlonys. Carthus. de Regem. Polit. art. 19. Guil. Estius Com. in sent. lib. 2. pag. 444. Ab [...]lens. in III Reg. cap. 12. Qu. 4. Eman. Sa Aphorism. V. Princeps. § 2. & V. Tyrannus. § 2. Lessius de ju [...]itia, lib. 2. cap. 9. disp. 4. § 12. Pet. de Ledesma, Theol. Moral. Tract. 8. cap. 18. pag. 512. Ad. Tanner. Theol. scholast. Tom. 3. disp. 4. Qu. 8. dub. 3. num. 32, 33. Sebast. He [...]ssius Refut. Aphorism. pag. 158. § 94. pag. 162. § 97. Andr. de Isern. Com. in usus Fe [...]dorum, T [...]t. Qua sint Regalia, V. Monctae, pag. 743. Greg. Servantio defesa della potesta Eccles. p. 76. Dom. S [...]o de j [...]stitia, lib. 5. Qu. 1. art. 3. Greg. Sayer clavis Regia lib. 7. cap. 10. § 3. Gr. de Valent. Tom. 3. disp. 5. Qu. 8. p [...]net. [...]. Bellarmin. de Concil. lib. 2. cap. 19. Mich. Salon in D. Tho. Tom. 1. col. 1157. Rob. [...]enal [...]s de utr [...]us (que) gladii facultate, Tom. 2. pag. 291. Hieron. de Medicis, in 2. 2. D. Th [...]. Qu. 12. art. 2. conclus. 2. Azor. Instit. lib. 10. cap. 8. yet if after he turn a Tyrant, and oppress the innocent and good people, he may then lawfully be deposed: and some of them go a step farther, and say he may justly be kill'd: And yet their own Histories will assure us, that there have been as wicked and cruel Popes as ever there was Temporal Prince in the world.

XIII.

If a King be an Heretick, or a favourer of Hereticks, or if he be negligent in driving Heresie out of his Dominions, then may he just­ly, as they say, be deposed.

Fr. Feuardent. in Est. pag. 90. Jo. Azor. Institut. Tom. 2. lib. 10. cap. 8. Id. Lib. 11. cap. 5. Mart. Becanus Controvers. Angl. pag. 131, 132. Lael. Zaecchius Tract. Theolog. pag. 82. Gabr. Vasquez in 1. 2. D. Tho. Tom. 2. disp. 169. § 42, 43. Jos. Stephanus de potestate coactiva Rom. Pont. cap. 12. § 17. Dom. Ba [...]nes in 2. 2. Qu. 12. art. 2. col. 478. Ant. Santarill. de Haeresi, cap. 30. pag. 292, 293. Tho. Stapleton, Tom. 1. Controv. 3. Qu. 5. art. 2. § 4. Fr. Suarez defens. fid. lib. 6. cap. 4. § 22. Petr. Hurtad. de Mendoza, scholast. disp. 21. § 304. St. Raymond. Summa, lib. 1. Tit. de Haeret. § 7. pag. 41. Leon. Coq [...]s Examen Prafat. pag. 102, 103. Rutil. Benzon. Com. in Cant. Magni­ficat. lib. 3. c. 27. dub. 6. p. 134. Jo. Mar. Bellettus disquisit. Clerical. Part. 1. pag. 282. § 109, 110. Host [...]ens. summa, lib. 5. Tit. de Haeret. § qua poena fereatur, § 11. Ant. Corset. de potest. Regia, Qu. 76. Arnold. Albertin. Repet. in C. Quoniam de Haeret. Qu. 15. § 36. Lud. a Paramo de Ori­gine S. Inquisit. lib. 1. Qu. 1. Opin. 4. § 55, 94, 145. Alph. a Castro de j [...]sta Haeret. punit. lib. 2. cap. 7. Pet. C [...]rus de Officio Princip. cap. 8. pag. 76, 77. Jo. Bapt. Boiard. addit. ad Julii Clari practic. Cri­minalem, Qu. 35. § 6. Pet. de Palude, art. 4. Jo. Driedo de libertat. Christian. lib. 1. cap. 14. Lupold. de Berbenburg. de ju [...]ib. Regni, cap. 12. Tiber. De [...]ianus Tractat. Criminal. lib. 5. c. 52. § 8. Rosella Casuum V. Haereticus, § 11. Rob. Bellarmin, de Pont. Rom. lib. 5. cap. 7. Id. De translat. Imp. lib. 1. cap. 12. Alph. Salmeron Tom. 13. in Epist. D. Pauli, lib. 1. part. 3. disp. 12. Jac. Menochius Concil. 808. § 76. Adolph. Schulckenius Apolog. pag. 546. Gr. Nunnius Coronel. de Optimo Reipub. statu, pag. 511, 545. Card. Allen's letter touching the render of Daventer, pag. 27, 28. Id. Defence of Eng­lish Catholicks against the book call'd The Execution of Justice, pag. 115. Julius Ferrettus, de re militari, pag. 354. § 26. Jac Simanca de Cathol. Institut. Tit. 9. § 259. Tit. 23. § 11. Tit. 46. § 74, 75. Lud. Molina de justitia, Tom. 1. Tract. 2. disp. 29. col. 221. Jo. Ant. Delphinus de potest. Eccles. pag. 154. Greg. Servantio defesa della potesta Eccles. pag. 68, 76. Petr. de Ledesm. Theolog. Moral. Tract. 1. cap. 7. Conclus. 5, 6, 7.

For this supposed crime of Heresie did the Popes endeavour by their Bulls to take the Kingdom from our Henry the Eighth and Queen Elizabeth, and from Henry King of Navarre. And upon this pretty pretended account, was Raymund Earl of Tholouse deprived of his Territories by Innocent the Third.

Heresie is a common word, yet all cannot agree in its application; some say Pope * Liberius was an Arrian, and Anastatius II was a See Dr. Casaubon's necessity of Reformati­on, pag. 37, 38. Vid. Caron. Remonstr. Hybe [...]norum, part 5. cap. 18. p. 18, 88, 89, &c. 98, 100, 101. held little better; John the last of that name, amongst other crimes, was accused of Heresie, by the Council of Constance: and that Popes may be Heretical, needs no dispute, because that their own Writers confess that they may also be deposed for that Crime.

XIV.

If a King be either Negligent, or Insufficient, or Effeminate, or Jo. Ant Delphinus de potest. Eccles. p. 158. Camil. Gallinius de verborum signif. l. 10. c. 17. § 24, 25. Greg. Servantio defesa della potesta Eccles pag 68, 76. Paris de Puter de syndicatu Summar. 4. § 56, 57, 58, 59. Jul. Ferrettus de re milit. p. 156. § 113. & p. 354. § 26. Giov. Filoteo Nuova Resposta contra Venetia, p 16, 59. Celsus. Mancinus de juribus Principat. l. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Dionys. Carthus. de authoritate Papae, lib. 1. a [...]t. 6. Jo. Mar. Bellettus disquisit. Clerical. part 1. p. 282. § 110. Hostiens Summa, lib. 5. Tit. de Haeret. § qua poena ferratur. § 11. Greg. Nunnius Coronel de optimo Reipub. Statu. p. 545, 547. Jo. Tur­recremata Summa de Eccles. c. 14. propos. 4. Dom. Soto in sentent. disp. 25. qu. 2. art. 1. § Tertio. Petr. de Palude de causa Immediate Eccles. potest. art. 4. Jo. de Seloa de Beneficio, part 4. qu. 8. § 25. Jo. à S. Geminiano Summa de Exemplis, lib. 8. cap. 60. Gabr. Berart. spectacul. visitat. c. 22. § 46. Paul. Carraria de literali ac Mystico Regularum j [...]ris interpretatione, qu. 2. art. 4. punct. 2. § 25, 26, 27. by his indiscretion not fit for Rule, they say, he may then be de­posed.

Thus they say, Childerick was deprived from being King of France, because he was a little easie natured, not given to action, nor so wise as his Neighbours, whereby he was unfit for Rule. This may make the being of Government most unstable; the giddy mul­titude, and the factious, being apt to interpret this Rule at any time to their pleasures, when before these late Wars, Sir Henry Ludlow [Father to the notorious Edmund Ludlow] had the boldness pub­lickly Ex. Coll. p. 552. before the Parliament to affirm that King Charles I. was not worthy to be King of England, and no way punish'd for such abo­minable speeches; whereby it appear'd how pleasing they were to the rest of the Commons: what might be expected when they were more heightned in wickedness, by their entring and continuing in open Rebellion? If this one so vertuous, religious, learned and knowing a King be censured as unworthy, what may other Princes think of themselves and their condition?

And yet 'tis better to be thus soft-natured, than so abominable wicked and cruel, as Sixtus IV, Alexander VI, and some other Popes were; amongst whom, we may justly place John XIII (or XII) who I warrant you (at this time waving his wickedness) was every inch of him fit to be Pope, being but Baronius, anno 955. § 3, 4. XVIII years old, if so much, when he rul'd the Church as a Successor of St. Peter. And if you think that this Youth was not young enough to be Christs Vicar, what will you object against Baron. an. 1033. § 6. Papyr. Mas­sonius de Episcopis Urbis, lib. 4. fol. 174. Benedict IX, a boy of XII years old, and yet at that age was his litttle Holiness Pope of Rome, and as in­fallible too as the best of them?

It hath formerly been a custom in P. Messia Selva Rino­vata, part 4. c. 67. Franconia, at our Jo. Gre­gory's Post­huma, p. 95, 133, &c. Sals­bury, at Cambray in Hanault, and many other Cities, for the young Boys upon St. Nicholas his day to chuse amongst themselves a Bi­shop, who with his Myter, and other little Episcopal Ornaments used to govern them till Iunocents day; but it may be the Council of Sess. 21. Basil made a Decree against the Custom. The former John [Page 114] and Benedict would have been pretty Popes for these Bishops: and if we add Baron. anno 925. Hugo à Veromandia, who was made Arch-bishop of Rheims at V years old, and approved of by Pope John X or XI, they would make up a dapper Council to govern the Universal Church, and sufficient, and vigilant, and careful enough.

XV.

For what other reasons they may depose Kings, I cannot justly D [...]m. Paul. Lopiz. flase. Clericorum, part 2. § 77. Guil. de Monser rat. de successi­one Regum, dub. 1. § 30. Sylv. de Priero Summa v. Papa § 10, 11. Alex. Carerius de potest. Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 3. § 18. Cels. Man­cinus de jurib. Principat. l. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Tho. Stapleton Tom. 1. Controv. 3. Qu. 5. Art. 2. p. 710. Fran. Bozz [...]us de Temporall Eccles. Monarch. l. 2. c. 16. p. 553. Arnald. Albertin. Repet. in C. quoniam de Haeret. Qu. 15. § 34. S. Bonaventur. de Eccles. Hierarch. part 2. cap. 1 A [...]ast Germinus de sacrorum Immunitat. lib. 3. Proem. § 9, 10. Jo à Capistrino de Papae Authorit. fol. 65. à Jul. Caes. Madim de sacris Ordinib. 9. cap. 9. § 17. determine, because many of their Writers will not particularize; but by shooting at random, and excepting none, may give occasion for more than here set down; and for ought that I know, may tacitely allow of any: for when they say, That a King may justly be deposed, cause being given, without naming any, they leave the people to judge them themselves.

And that they pretend more causes for deposing of Kings, than we here charge them with, is somewhat plain from In 2. 2. p. 224. Petrus de Aragon, who saith, That a King may be deposed for any fault, to which Excom­munication is joyned: And if we look upon Summa aurea Armil­la, v. Excom­municat. Bartholomaeus Fu­mus, and some others, we shall finde God knows how many causes laid down by them, for Excommunication.

XVI.

But why need we search for Vices, or make such a clutter to prove a King to be criminal? As if iniquity, wickedness, stupidity, or suchlike failings, were the onely causes for which a Prince might be removed: since we are informed, that all these signifie nothing to the purpose; it being not so much the defect of the King, as the pleasure, or rather will forsooth, of his Holiness at Rome: For thus are we told by no less man than Thomas Bozzius, whose Authority is neither slighted by the Pope, nor his Romish Favourites.

Although that a King be lawful, and understanding in Govern­ment, Sit (que) aliquis jure, solers, industrius, potens, Ca­tholicus, pi­us, Tamen Pontifex, E­piscopi (que) Pontifice approbante, jure natura [...]i Divino in Divini Scriptis expresso ac tradito per Christum & Apostolos—valent huic au­ferre Imperia, Regna, alter [...] (que) nullum j [...]s alio (que) habenti adjudicare, ubi judicaverint id esse non modo neces­sarium, sed & expediens. Tho. Boz. de jure Status, lib. 3. cap. 4. pag. 287, 288. Industrious, Potent, a good Roman Catholick, and godly; yet the Pope, and the Bishops by the Approbation of the Pope, by Divine Law delivered to the Church by Christ and his Apostles, have power to take away his Dominion and Kingdoms from him, and give them all to a third person, who had no right unto them; if so be, that they think that so doing to be not onely necessary but expedient.

Most miserable must thus the State of Kings be, if they thus lye at the Mercie of one, which sometimes is not onely tyrannical, wick­ed and debauched, but a simple Boy too, and some think also a whorish See Alex­and. Cook's Pope Joan, and les sieur Congnard traite contre B [...]ondel. Woman to boot: So that it is no wonder that there is such striving, canvassing, bribery, and underhand-dealing to be made [Page 115] Pope; if their so being, instantly invest them with such an unli­mited Authority over all the world, and that by Divine right too; but of such a Nature, that none can see into this Milstone but them­selves or favourites.

And that there may not be any objection against this Authority of the Pope; Bozius undertakes to demonstrate it by Examples, which you shall have as he gives us them; and then judge either of the He­resie, or Authority of the Popes. Thus he tells us that

Baldwin II was lawful Successor to the Eastern Empire; yet Mi­chael Palaeologus, by force of Arms and wickedness, took the Empire from him. However for all this injury, as he saith, did Pope Grego­ry X allow so much of it, that he gave the Empire to the Invador, and excluded the lawful Inheritor.

Another instance he giveth concerning the Western Empire, viz. that Richard Duke of Cornwal, Son to King John, and Brother to Henry III of England, being by one part of the Electors of Germa­ny, [viz. by the Bishops of Mentz, Colen, and the Palsgrave,] cho­sen Emperour; And Alonso X King of Castile, being by another part, [viz. Archbishop of Trevers, King of Bohemia, Duke of Sax­ony, and Marquiss of Brandeburg] also chosen Emperour; And so by consequence, as he saith, it must of necessity belong to one of these two: Yet such was the pleasure of the aforesaid Gregory X, that he threw them both by, and commanded the Electors to pitch upon another; by which means Rodulph, Earl of Habspurgh and Hessia, came to be Emperour.

And the same power, Bozius saith, the Pope hath over Infidels: and to prove this by Example, he hints to us the Donation of Ame­rica, by Alexander VI, and his huge Authority, divided between the Castilian and Portugal. And I wonder that before this time he hath not given the World in the Moon to some of his Favourites: And as Pope H. Esti­ene Apol. pour Hero­dot. p. 465, 466. Clement VI commanded the Angels to carry such Souls into Paradise; so might some of his Successors command some pretty vehicles or other, to carry his friends beyond the Earths at­traction, and so into the Dominions of the Lunary World, where by a zealous Croisade, and a furious Inquisition, those pretty people might be taught Rebellion.

THE REBELLIOUS AND Treasonable Practises Of the ROMANISTS: From the Year DC, to the Year M. With a Blow at Constantines Donation, The Popes absolute Temporal Authority, and Lega­lity of his Being.
BOOK III.

CHAP. I. The Tale of Constantines Donation proved a meer Cheat and Forgery.

I Shall not here ingage my self in the Dispute whether S. Peter was ever Bishop of Rome or no, nor with the time of his presiding there: De Rom. Pont. l. 1. c. 6. Bellarmine, their famous Addit. ad Platin. viz. S. Petri. Onuphrius, and some others, not agreeing about the manner; and several Learned Men have imployed themselves on both parties in this Controversie: Nor by what means the Popes came to that greatness they are now in, and pretend of right to have.

Christ said Joh. 18. 36. his Kingdom was not of this world; nor did S. Pe­ter, or any of the rest of the Apostles, endeavour to obtain either [Page 118] any such Temporal Government, or upon the account of their Spi­ritual, to lord it with a coercive Power over Secular Authority: And if any of their Successors plead such Prerogatives, they can draw no Arguments either from the Precept or Example of the Apostles. Not, but that the Clergy are as capable of Temporal Imployments as any, if the Supreme Magistrate so order it, without whose appoint­ment the Lay-man himself cannot pretend to Office.

What jurisdiction the Bishops of Rome exercised over Princes for the first Ages, as History is altogether silent, so cannot we imagine that they did, considering in what Persecutions they themselves lived, being for their own preservation forced to sculk, and lurk about here and there, and that in poverty too; insomuch, that if we con­sult their own Histories, we shall finde that the first XXXIII Bishops of Rome suffer'd Martyrdom, till An. 314. Sylvester in the days of Con­stantine the Great.

In whose time, by the Emperours declaring himself a Christian, Christianity began to appear more publick, being thus counte­nanced by Authority, whereby those who formerly lurk'd in Caves and Forrests, wandred about Mountains, and dissembled their Pro­fession, for fear of persecution; now boldly shewed and declared themselves, and had places of Trust and Authority conferred upon them; whereby they became more formidable to the Pagans, and Religion daily gained more Proselytes, Splendour and Juris­diction.

By this Emperour Constantine, they say that the Popes of Rome had not onely many Priviledges, but God knows how much Land too given them, viz. not onely Rome it self, but also all the Pro­vinces, Places, and Cities of all Italy, and the Western Region; and that he might be more glorious and powerful in all the World, than the Emperour himself. And thus we see them set on Cock horse, and whence many of them plead a Prerogative. And for proof of this, they not onely say that they can shew you the Decree it self, but from it and other Authors tell the Reason of such a Donation; which because the Storie is pretty and miraculous, take as followeth in short.

Constance, they say, being a wicked Tyrant and an Heathen, murthering his own Son Crispus the Consul, &c. at last was sorry Baron. anno 324. § 16, 17. for his own wickedness, and desired to be clensed therefrom; but his Pagan Priests told him, That they had no means of purging such heinous Offences. In the mean time one Aegyptius [supposed by Anno 324. § 27. Baronius to be Osius Bishop of Corduba] a Christian, told the Emperour, That the Christians had a way to clense a man from any guilt: To which Constantine lent a willing ear, though upon that did not forsake his Idolatry, but persecuted the Christians; inso­much, that Pope Slyvester, with some others, for their own safety, stole from Rome, and hid themselvs in the Mountain Soractes, now call'd Or M. St. Oresto. Baron. § 33. Monte S. Tresto, corrupted, as they say, from Monte di S. Silvestro, North from Rome, upon the Westside of Tiber.

‘For these crimes and oppressions, they say, he was as by a judge­ment, strangely infected with the Leprosie [or Meselry according to the old Translation of Translat. of Ranul­phus of Che­sters Poly­cron. fol. 212. John Trevisa, Vicar of Barckley al­most CCC years ago] to be cured of this disease, he applyeth him­self to his Physitians; but with no benefit: then the Pagan Priests of the Capitol, advised him to make a Cistern, or Bathing-place in [Page 119] the Capitol, and therein wash his body with the warm bloud of Edict. Con­stant. Rich. Broughton Eccles. Hist. Age 4. cap. 5. little Children: and to effect this, upon his consent, the Flamens prepared a great number of Infants, some write Pet de Na­tal l. 2. c. 22. Jac. de Vo­rag. Hist. 12. Jo. Trevisa Policron. fol. 212. Alonso de Villigas Flos San­ctorum, 31 Decemb. la vida de San. Silv [...]stre. three thou­sand, and was going to kill them, to fill the Bath with their bloud; but Constantine being moved to compassion, by the cries and la­mentations of their Mothers, abhorred such cruelty and wickedness, causing the Children to be restored to their Parents, with rewards and means to carry them to their dwelling places.’

‘The night following, the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul appear to him, saying, Because thou hast hindred this wickedness, and hast de­tested to shed the blood of Innocents, we are sent to thee by Christ our Lord and God, to tell thee how to be cured: Hear us therefore, and do what we admonish thee. Sylvester the Bishop of this City flying thy Persecutions, with some others of his Clergy, are hid in the Cliffs of Mount Soracte; send for him, and he will provide an holy Bath, in which thou shalt be wash'd, and so clensed from thy disease.

Constantine the next morning sends to finde out Sylvester; to whom being come, he told the storie of his Vision, and asked him what Gods Peter and Paul were, and desired to see their Pictures; which being shewed him, he declared that they were the very same who appeared to him the night before: Upon this he was Baptized by Sylvester, and so clensed from his Leprosie; an hand from Heaven at the same time touching him, as he himself saw.’

‘Upon this the Emperour became hugely Munificent to the Church of Rome, by his Decree ordering that she shall be above the IV Patriarchal Seats, Antioch, Alexandria, [...]. Constantinople and Hierusalem; and that the Bishops of Rome shall be above all others in the world, all things belonging to Christianity to be go­vern'd by them. In proof of this, he built a Church in the Lateran, where to maintain lights, he gave Lands and Possessions in Asia, Thracia, Graecia, Africa, Italy, and several Islands; he gave his Pa­lace also in the Lateran, with his Crown, and all his other impe­rial Habiliments, Badges and Authority; and the more to exalt him, the Emperour himself like a Foot-boy led the Popes Horse a­bout by the Bridle, and bestowed upon him and his Successors the City of Rome, with the Provincias loca Civita­tis. Edict. Constant. Places, Cities and Provinces of Italy, and the Western Countries; and then in a solemn manner, curst and damn'd to the pit of Hell all those, whether his succeeding Emperours or any others, who any ways opposed or violated this his Donation.’

And this Edict or Donation of Constantine is dated at Rome, Constantine and Gallicanus being Consuls.

Thus we have the storie, and the Imperial Decree of Donation, which have made such a noise in the World, and all as true as the Tale of this Sylvester's Guil. Ga­zet. Hist. des Saincts, Tom. 2. 31 Decemb. Pet. de Na­tal. l. 2. c. 22. tying up, (and there to remain till the day of Judgement) a huge Dragon in a Den, which every day onely with its breath slew above Jac. de Vo­rag. Hist. 12. three hundred; men which quite puts down the storie of Sir Eglomore.

Now the better to batter down the imaginary Castle of the Popes Temporal Authority, and that the Cheat and Forgerie may appear more visible, we shall shew that the Foundation of all is a meer lye; [Page 120] the occasion of such a Donation, viz. the storie, to be false; and then the Decree it self, as a consequence, must vanish also. However, the Edict it self shall also be proved a Counterfeit, by such Arguments and Authorities as Hottoman, Dr. Crakinthorpe, Laurentius Valla, du Plessis, our Country-man Cook, &c. affords us, but with as much brevity as can be.

That the storie and occasion of such a Donation is false, appears plainly.

I. Valerius Crispus was alive after this supposed Baptism, and so his murther could no way intitle Constantine to the Leprosie; and for Sozom. l. 1. c. 5. Trip. Hist. Cassio­dor. lib. 1. cap. 6. Evagr. l. 3. c. 40, 41. N [...]ceph. l. 7. c. 35. Platina. vit Marci Broughton's Hist. Eccles. pag. 476. § 2. Id. pag. 494. § 9. Jo. Ma­riana de rebus Hispan. l. 4. c. 16. truth of this, we need go no further than this, that they cannot de­ny but both their Ancient and their Modern Authors declare this Crispus to have been Baptized with Constantine, and alive after the Synod supposed to be held at Rome, upon this christning of the Emperour: Nor was Constantine a Tyrant.

II. The Leprosie it self is confest by their Vi [...]. Mar­ci, & vit. Hadrian I. Canus loc. Theol. l. 11. c. 5. § 5. Naucler, ge­nerat. 11. Platina and others to be a meer forgery, not mentioned by Eutropius, Orosius, and such­like ancient Writers; nor was there any cause for such a Disease, Constantine being a good Emperour.

III. Constantine did not persecute the Christians till this supposed Le­prosie; Euseb. vit. Constant l. 1. c. 5. l. [...]. c. 1, 4, 12, 13, 14. l. 10. c. 16. Cedren. Hist Sozom. l. 1. c. 8. but on the contrary, hugely favoured them; in somuch, that Licinius the Heathen Consul accused him to his Souldiers for so do­ing: And which is more, he did not onely countenance them, but was a profest Christian himself; his Father Constantius favouring that way, and his Son Constantine instructed in it; and some say in Britain, at Brough­ton's Eccles. Hist. p. 460, 461. § 5, 6, 7. Abington in Barkshire: but of the latter I say nothing.

IV. Being thus a Christian, he could not be ignorant what S. Peter and S. Paul were, in that time of Sylvester; and so not to suppose them to be Gods, after an Heathenish manner. And if he were ignorant, how came he to know what they were? for in his supposed Decree, where the storie is, he doth not tell us that they told him. If they did, 'tis probable that they would not leave him a supposed Pagan in the dark, but also declare what they were, besides telling their names, nor doth he say they told him that.

V. Again, being thus a Christian, he would not make use of Heathen Priests, either to clense him from his iniquities, nor need Aegyptius or Osius upon that supposed infidelity, inform him of the Efficacie of [Page 121] Christ and his Religion: Neither would he consent to the wicked advise of the Pagan Flamens for his Cure, by the bloud of so many Innocent Children.

VI. If Constantine had consented to this cruelty, yet 'tis not proba­bly that he need either have such a number slain, as some say, three thousand; nor would he have had it so publickly done, as to be frighted from it by the cries of their grieved Mothers.

VII. Constantine was not baptized by Sylvester, nor at Rome, Anno Euseb. vit. Constant. l. 4. c. 61, 62, 64. Socrat. l. 1. c. 26. Theodoret. l. 1. c. 31. Sozom. l. 2. c. 32. 324: but after this, a little before his own death, at Nicomedia in Bithynia in lesser Asia, and that by one Eusebius Bishop of that City.

This last quite overthrowing the occasion of the Donation, they bend all their force to null it; but the chief of their Objections are thus answered.

Object. I. That he was baptized at Rome, and so not at Nicomedia, needs no dispute: The Font wherein he was baptized being at Rome.

Answer. If so, 'tis nothing to the purpose, seeing several Monuments are there, which were neither made there, nor first erected there; and by this Argument their Reliques and Bodies of Saints, will make some holy men to be born, or have dyed here and there, and every where; for some of them by the several places pretending to have them, must have several bodies apiece, besides there is no good proof of such a Baptistory.

Object. II. Of this there is proof enough; for Ammianus Marcellinus an Hea­then, mentions Lavacrum Constantinianum at Rome, and is not this the Font of Constantine?

Answer. No, but a Bath or Bathing-place so call'd, mentioned also by De Occid. Imp. l. 7. Sigonius; and both him and Lib. 27. prope Con­stantini la­vacrum. Marcellinus intimate so much themselves, by saying, That the people would have set on fire the house of Lampadius, neer or adjoyning to the Bath of Constan­tine: And of these sorts of Baths there were many of them at Rome, and that very large ones too; and this shews that it could not be meant by a Font or Baptistory in a Church: for if so, then reason would tell us, that the Authors would rather have said, neer such a Church.

Object. III. Constantine was present at the Nicen Council, and therefore bap­tized before that Council; and so not at Nicomedia in his latter days.

Answer. This is no consequence, for long before this, Constantine call'd a Euseb vit. Constant. l. c. 37. Bin. not. in Concil. A­rel. § ad. Council at Arles, where he was also present; and yet not then bap­tized, as they themselves confess.

Object. IV He was present at prayers with the Christians long before his death, and therefore not baptized at his latter end at Nicomedia.

Answer. Nor will this hold water, for any might be at their prayers, till the receiving of the Sacrament; at which time the Catechumeni, [i. e. such as were instructed in the Faith, but not yet Christned] and others were to withdraw.

Object. V. But Constantine was present at the receiving of the Sacrament, and so must be baptized.

Answer. He was not, nor can they gather any such thing from Eusebius: if he were present, it will not follow that he received: Besides, an Em­perour so favourable to the Christians, and one that call'd their Re­ligion Crakinthorp, p. 70, 72, 73, 74. his own, both for Devotion and Curiosity; as also, good Ex­ample to gain Prosolytes, might be allow'd more priviledge than o­thers, as being onely present, if he were so.

Object. VI. Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia was an Arian; so that if Constan­tine had been baptized by him, he would have shew'd his Communion with that Heresie.

Answer. If he had, it doth not contradict the storie, but he did not agree with them. 'Tis true, this Eusebius was an Arian, but a cunning jugler, and carried himself otherwise before the Emperour. But when Constantine perceived that he was an Arian, he was so far from Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 19. favouring, or siding with these people, that he banish'd him, with a severe Epistle or Order against him, and those of his Faction: Yet after upon his seeming repentance, he had the liberty to return, where he carried himself as against the Arians (though his heart was for them) and so the Emperour seeing onely with mans eyes, think­ing [Page 123] his Conversion to be real, might lawfully be baptized by him, and yet none of his way or faith in those points.

Object. VII. It was not Constantine the Great, who was baptized by Eusebius at Nicomedia; but his Son Constantine, who was an Arian, and ex­pell'd Pope Faelix from Rome; so that the old Historians mistook the Father for the Son, which caused this error.

Answer. This Constantine the Son was dead or kill'd many years before Faelix was chosen to sit in the Roman Chair: Nor was he an A­rian that we know of. And him who you aim at all this while, is Constantius another Son of Constantine the Great, with whom and Faelix there was some clashing: Constantius being look'd upon as an Arian, and one that had been twice baptized, and one of them by one Athanas. de Synod, p. 350. Socrat. l. 2. c. 37. l. 1. c. 26. Fuzoius, Bishop of Nicomedia: And that you mistake in saying that this must be Constantine the Great, Vit. Felius. (Platina himself will assure you.

Object. VIII. Constantine the Great was not baptized at Nicomedia, but onely Bathed in hot waters for the health of his body.

Answer. Neither Barrel better Herring; certainly Aug. Steuchus Eugubi­nus is put hard to it, when he brings such a childish reason as this; but the Country Clown rather than say nothing, affirm'd Tenterden Steeple to be the cause of Goodwin Sands; and truely Steuchus at this time reasoneth after the same sort, as appears by Eusebius who lived at that time, was well acquainted with the Emperour Con­stantine: and at large writes this History of his Vit. Con­stantine, l. 4 c. 61, 62. Baptism, at Ni­comedia, by the Bishop of that City. The Emperor himself con­fessing that he staid so long for the receiving of this Sacrament, be­cause he thought to have gone and been Baptized in Jordan, after the Example of our Saviour Christ. But being thus overtaken with sickness, and neer his end, rather than dye without it, was Baptized, as abovesaid, at Nicomedia.

But because some of them have said, that though the supposed oc­casional storie may be false; yet the Donation is true, as appears by the Decree it self of such a Donation, we shall prove here, that the Decree it self is a meer Cheat and Counterfeit; and then the whole design must vanish: And that it is a forgery, is plain; because

I. It saith that Constantinople was then one of the four chief Sees or Patriarchships; whereas I would have them to prove that that digni­ty [Page 124] was before this, or then given to this City; for some write it was not till many years after this, and so it must speak by Prophesie.

II. In this Decree is mentioned the very word [...]. Constantinople; whereas, at the time of this writing there was no such word, the City being then call'd Bizantium; nor was the name changed till sev [...]al years after this supposed Baptism, viz. according to De Occid. Imp. l. 4. anno 330. Sigonius VI years, at which time the Emperor made it his Imperial City for the East.

III. The Decree saith, that Constantine then intended to return to, and live at Bizantium, and build there: And yet they assure us, that he was so far from thinking of it, that when he went from Rome, his resolution was to settle the Seat of his Empire of the East, at or neer Ilium, or old Troy in Asia; in which design he had gon so See R [...]ch. Broughto [...] Eccl [...]s. Hist. pag. 496. & Age 4. c 11. p. 500. &c. far, as not onely to have laid the plat-form of the City, but to have built the Gates of it not far from the Hellespont. Nor is this all, but that he was so resolved on this, that he had not left Asia, and come into Europe to Bizantium, if he had not been thereunto admonish'd by some Heavenly Vision or other, by which means the See of Con­stantinople in the Decree may be meant as well of Troy as Bizantium. And 'tis also said, that after he left Ilium, he fell in hand with Phil. Hol­land's Chro­nol. to Am. Marcell [...]nus anno Christi 328. Calcedon before he went to Bizantium; quite contrary to the Decree.

IV. In this Decree Constantine is made solemnly to give unto Pope Syl­vester the Lateran Palace: And yet L. 3. an. 312. Sigonius, An. 312. § 82. Baro [...]ius, and Not. in lib. de munif. Constant. Binius confess that it was given before to Pope Meltiades. If Constantine gave such gifts for the honour of Christianity before Syl­vesters time; why do they say he was a Pagan and Persecutor for the first XI years of Sylvesters Popedom?

V. If Constantine had given Rome and Italy, &c. to the Popes and Sozom. l. 2. cap. 32, 35. Sonaras, Tom. 3. their Successors, he would never have given the same again to his Sons, as he did by Testament; and the See L [...]ur. B [...]ck de Tv [...]an Pa­pae, pag. 78, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 432, 433, 437, 441, 442, 443, &c. Lawyers say, that had the gift been true, yet 'tis null'd, because he could not give such Prerogative and Dominions from his Sons and Empire, to a third person: but this dispute concern not me.

VI. This Decree makes Constantine to throw severe curses and exe­crations upon any, be who they will, that shall violate his Edict of the supposed Donation. Now 'tis not propable that good Con­stantine would thus have cursed himself, and have invoked his own damnation, as he must have done, if he himself broke the Decree, as he plainly did, by giving, as aforesaid, these places by Testament [Page 125] to his Son, whch he had, as they say, formerly bestowed upon the Popes of Rome.

VII. If these Territories were thus given to the Popes and their sole Nic. Coeffe­teau, Re­sponse au Sieur du Plessis, pag. 245. rule, why did the Emperours for a long time by their Deputies go­vern Rome, &c. without any dependance upon the Popes? And this Decree of Donation never pleaded by the Bishops of that City, against such Usurpations [as they must have been, if the gift had been true and legal] of those Lay-Governours.

VIII. We cannot suppose in reason, that Constantine would have given so much Lands and Territories, onely to maintain a few lights and Candles in a Church, as the Decree saith he did.

IX. The story of the hands clensing of him at his Baptism from Hea­ven, sounds like the rest of the lying Miracles we oft meet withal in their writings.

X. The story in this Donation of the Emperour leading the Popes horse about like a Page, looks also like a forgery, to propogate the Popes Pride; nor is it probable that Constantine, now supposed a sober Christian, would thus by telling this, boast of his own humility.

XI. Several of the Romanists themselves, confess that Authentick An­cient Mel. Canus, l. 11. c. 5. Alex. Care­rius, l. 2. c. 21. Nic. Cusan. de Concord. Cathol. l. 3. c. 2. Jac. Almon. de potest Eccles. Aen. Sylvius in Dialog. Gasp. Schiop. Eccles. c. 51. Hieron. Cathalanus. Historians do not make mention of these things, though they writ at large the other actions of Constantine: And why should this so famous a matter be left out?

XII. Many of the learned Papists themselves will not stand upon this thing, not knowing how to make it good: An. 324. § 117. Baronius when he should come to speak of it, though in all things in behalf of the Popes Authority he indeavours to be Voluminous, and spends many leaves upon Constantines supposed Convertion and Baptism; yet when he comes to this Donation, will by no means undertake its proof, but hastily throws it by, and desires you to look in other Au­thors, and lets every one think as he will, but for his part he meddles not with it: but we are assured by a fiery Gretserus Apol. pro Baronio, c. 12. Jesuit, that Baronius look'd upon this Decree of Constantine to be either corrupted, or a false counterfeit thing. Response, au Mystere d'Iniquité, pag. 115. Dr. Coeffeteau is in this case shie also, and lets du Plessis slip away without replying to his Arguments, yet at last declares it to be a Ib. p. 1188. cheat and false: And De falsa donat. Laurentius Valla Senator of Rome writes bitterly against it in a long Declama­tion.

Practic. Cancel. A­postol. Hieronymus Cathalanus looks upon it as a cheat, and yet he was Chamberlain to Pope Alexander VI. Cardinal Concord Cathol. ad Concil. Ba­sil. l. 3. c. 2. Nicholaus de Cusa is much of the same opinion, protesting that he hath taken great pains to finde it there, were any such thing, but all to no pur­pose: and some of these you have printed together in a little book. And Aeneas Sylvius, who was afterwards Pope Pius II in a particu­lar Dialogue, cited by the aforsaid Cathalanus, looks upon it as a meer forgery: Nor will Franciscus Guiccerdine give any credit to it. 'Tis true, the Hist. lib. 4. Section which contains his judgement of this Donation, and the History how the Popes rose to such greatness in Temporalities, is fraudulently left out in some Forreign Editions: but it is to be met withal in the Edit. Lond. 1618. English, Edit. Paris. 1612. French, and some o­thers, as also in Tom. 3. Goldastus. And De Tyran. Papae, pag. 335, 336. Laurentius Banck tells us of other Romanists, who either doubt of, or oppose this Dona­tion.

To this exception I shall say no more, but that the Learned French Jesuite Certum est mihi, Dona­tionem Con­stantini, quae à quibusdam illiteratis profertur, in­eptam esse, absurdam, & omnium sibulis explodendam. Briet. Parallela Geograph. part 2. lib. 6. pag. 889. Philippus Brietius the Prince of Geographers, af­firms that this Donation of Constantine is a foolish and absurd for­gery, to be disposed and hist at by all men, being onely maintain'd by a company of ignorant people: And De Script. Eccles. Tom. 1. pag. 237. Philippe [...]ab [...]e another French Jesuite well versed in these things, confesseth that Baronius, Morinus and others may very well doubt it.

XIII. They write that this Baptism and supposed Donation of Constan­tine was in the CCCXXIV; and yet the Decree it self of such a Donation with the story of his Baptism is dated, Constantine and Gallicanus being Consuls: And yet according to the Fasti of the Consuls, Crispus and Constantinus were then Consuls, and not Galli­canus, who was Consul with Bassus some VII years before this, and was again V years after the Nicen Council: and this false dating is a­nother sign of the cheat.

XIV. If Constantine gave all this to the Church of Rome in Pope Syl­vesters time, how cometh 12. Q. 1. c. Futuram. Melchiades, who was Pope before this Sylvester, to take notice of Constantine's being a Christian, and ex­presly to relate his building of Churches, his giving great things to Rome, and his leaving of that City to the Popes? The truth is, they are both cheats, to the shame of the Collectors of their Canon­law, who would thus fob such forgeries upon us. And Gregory XIII his amendments were to small purpose, leaving such gross lyes as these in their Canon, to deceive the more ignorant.

More might be said against the pretended Donation of Constan­tine: but this is enough to satisfie any man of its forgeries, and that there was never any such thing. However, because they pretend to give some reasons for it, take some for example sake.

I. First, they say, that Eusebius in his book call'd Enneadoes, writes the storie of the Leprosie, Baptism and Donation of Constantine, and so why not true?

Answer. This is a spurious and counterfeit Book, never made by Eusebius as An. 1191. § 51. Baronius and Var. Resol. l. 4. c. 16. § 8. Covarruvias confess, and the true Eusebius writes no such thing, but quite contrary, as aforesaid.

II. Again, they say, that S. Hierome in one of his Beginning Saepissime rogatus. Epistles to Eu­stichius, affirmeth Constantine to have been baptized by Sylvester, and so not at Nicomedia, as Eusebius saith.

Answer. This is also a forged Epistle, never writ by S. Hierome, but by some cheat or other, and father'd upon him (as many other writings are) as is confess'd by Not. in Martyr. Rom. Aug. 1. Baronius and Apparat. in Hier. pag. 752. Possevine, with Tom. 4. pag. 202. Annot. ante Epist. & Praef. ante Tom. 4. Hiero [...]. E­rasmus, and several See Jo. Hen. Hottinger. Elench. Scriptor. suppositiorum, page. 83. others.

III. Again, they say, that Dist. 96. c. 14. Con­stantinus. Gratian having collected the storie of it into his Decrees, and so become a part of the Canon-law: we need not suspect the Antiquity of it, no question but they had good reason and true, for putting of it there.

Answer. I hope you will not take all to be Gospel in these Decrees; for if so, Dist. 34. c. 4. & 5. with the contents Edict. Ludg. 15, 44. & 1572. & Edict. Paris, 1561. Concubines will thank you for allowing them so fair a plea. But to the purpose, 'tis confest by Hist. part 1. Tit. 8. c. 2. § 8. Antonius, Bishop of Florence, by Antropol. l. 23. fol. 270. a. Volateran, by De concord. Cathol. l. 3. c. 2. Cusanus, and others that this was not inserted by Gratian, nor is it in the Ancient Copies; and the Palea, or Chaff prefixt to its Title, tell you what stamp and authority 'tis of. How­ever, to prove this donation, though not inserted by Gratian, yet to be set in these Decrees in his time. De jurisdict. part 1. c. 30. § 35, 36. Dr. Marta tells us a storie of a plagiary Cardinal, why such Chapters were so call'd. But ano­ther Italian Lawyer, De juris peritis. Catellianus Cotta saith, that Palea was one who was Schollar to Gratian, and probably one is as true as the other.

Several other suchlike spurious Authorities as these are alledged in behalf of this Donation; to which I need not trouble the Reader with an Answer, but refer him to Dr. Crakinthorp. And in truth, D [...]. Bar­w [...]ck's lite of Bishop Mor­ton. some of them are impudent to a miracle in this way of forgery, wit­ness their yet confident storie of the Nags-head Ordination, as noto­rious a lye as ever was spread abroad; witness their affirming that the Reverend Bishop M [...]rton confest the truth of the storie in a Speech in Parliament, as true as the other: But had the storie been true, might not we say, we took the Example from Pope John XII, who Baron. anno 963. § 17. Bi­nius Concil. ordain'd a Deacon in a Stable?

Here basely the Fathers and others have been abused, and cor­rupted in their Additions: I shall not at this time undertake to de­clare, but refer you to Corrupti­on of Father. See also Blondel. Ps [...]udo-Isi­dor. W Cra­shaw's Ro­mish forge­ries and fal­fications. Dr. Tho James; and Archbishop Ʋsher left a large Manuscript behind him much to the same pur­pose.

The aforesaid Appendix to the Rea­der. Dr. James (an industrious Toyler amongst all sorts of Books and Writings) tells that in the Vatican Library, there are certain men maintain'd onely to write out the Acts of the Coun­cils, or Copies of the Fathers works, who are brought up to imitate the ancient Letters and writings of some of them; which Possevine the Jesuit confessing that Manuscripts themselves need a Purga­tion.

To prevent the thrusting of these Abuses upon us, the Noble Prince Henry had some thoughts to erect a Royal Library, with all sorts of Books and Editions; as I think betwixt St. James and the Muze. And in the Proposition presented to the aforesaid Prince, both to forward and to shew the means to carry on such a glorious design: I finde these following words (according to my Manuscript) confirming the former observation of Dr. It would be well if se­veral of his Books were re [...]inted to shew the a­buse of some Editions of Fathers. James.

The Pope gathereth up all the Manuscripts he can into his Library the Vatican, and there useth them at his pleasure. One of their tricks is Notorious, they have men that can counterfeit any hand, and write the old hands that were written 500 and 1000 years ago; then they have an artificial Ink, which within three days after the writing, looks as it had been written 500 years afore. Thus having altered and taken out all that made for us, they suppress the old true Copies, and produce these new ones (they written by themselves as afore) as the Authentical Books.

In this was also designed a noble maintenance for the Library-Keepers, and other Officers thereunto belonging, to incourage their attendance and pains; as also, for Factors in Forreign pa [...]ts to buy up Books: but all these things being vanish'd by the death of that famous Prince, it would be well if some Noble Benefactors in this covetous Age would think upon, and raise to themselves a famous remembrance by their liberality this way to the publick Library in Oxford; which, though already it exceeds any yet in the World for number of Books and free access (I wish never abused) yet it may want some thousands of Books; for having no fit stipend to make yearly recruites from Franckfort and other places.

To this I could wish, that we were as busie in printing all the Coun­cils (the better to discover the fraud in some Editions) as the Roma­nists beyond Seas are; it being a hard case, that otherwise we must relye upon their Editions, and we are not ignorant of unhandsome dealings amongst them in this very business. Binius we know takes [Page 129] some of his counsels verbatim out of Baronius, one very partial, and hath left several necessary things out in his Volumns, because against the Church of Rome, which were set down by Crabbe (now two hard to be got) and several Councils, especially of our own Nation, are not completed in the late Parisian Edition in 36 Tomes, besides L' Abbe the Publisher of them is thought and See the pernicious consequen­ces of the new Heresie of the Je­suits, print­ed 1666, p. 102, 103, 104, 105, &c. judged to be very partial.

To these I could wish a careful review, and reprinting of the Fa­thers; since we finde our selves at a loss in their Antwerp, Colen, and some other Editions; and those of Erasmus by Froben at Basil, and other old Editions are hard to be got. Praefat. in Indicem Ex­purg. Lova­niensem. Junius tells a story of a notorious cheat done by them upon St. Ambrose; and Dr. James at large tells you how they have abused St. Cyprian: to which I can speak the more boldly, having my self compared several places of him with some old Manuscripts, especially that De simpli­citate Prae a­torum, or de unitate Ec­clesiae. Book which they make so much use of to prove the Popes Supremacie, in which Ma­nuscripts I find not the expressions they brag most of, and father upon St. Cyprian, which may allow us to suspect some strange dealings by addition from their own heads. Dr. James once in a Convocation at Westminster, moved strongly for these reviews and reprinting of the Fathers, &c. but private interest and faction was too strong, either to bestow so much cost or time upon such a noble and publick de­sign.

And to these I could wish that there were some care taken to reprint some of the Ancient Historians of Church and State; the want of which in time may put us to a loss in dealing with our Ad­versaries; the old Editions being very hard to come by, we must then (if care be not taken to the contrary) be content to make use of such false and spurious ware as our Enemies will thurst upon us. And that this complaint is not without good reason; many instances might be brought of their abusing us in this sort: But at this time for Example sake, I shall onely make use of one, viz. Aubertus Miraeus of Brabant, a great Antiquary, and a famous Schollar, and one that hath been much read in Church-History; for which things he hath got a fame amongst the Learned, his several works having been gree­dily read of all sorts, and that with some repute to the Author. This great and noted man, nay, and a Church-man too, being Canon of Antwerp, can we think that his study was to deceive Posterity, and publickly endeavour to cheat the world with his, or the inven­tions of others?

Well, do but peruse his Edition of Sigebertus, that ancient Histo­rian of above 500 years standing; and amongst other places, look upon him in the years 773 and 4; compare them with other old E­ditions, and see how he hath sometimes cut off, sometimes added, and other times perverted the true sence; and all this to take away some authority from the Emperour.

But to this may be objected, that he followed some ancient Manu­scripts or other; 'tis true, 'tis an objection with himself soon made; but what small reason we have to believe this onely saying so, shall be left to the judgement of any man by this following story. This Miraeus also set forth a Notitia Episcopatu­um. Register or Breviary of Bishopricks, with some small Annotations of his own: and because formerly there hath been some dispute of these things, that this Tract of his may carry the more Authority with it: In his very Title Page, he assures [Page 130] all the world, that this his Notitia is printed Ex vetusto Codice ante annos fere quingentos­scripto. according to an Ma­nuscript almost 500 years old.

And why may we not believe this good man of Bruxels? for if Antiquity study to cheat the world with false Copies; well may o­thers who are apt to take things upon trust run into errors, and I fear this dealing hath too much power upon Faith and Religion. But to shew this to be a villanous forgery, I shall pass by other Countries, and onely come to our own of England; though me­thinks 'tis odd, if this Manuscript be so ancient, that he should not put down Dunkeld in Scotland, as well as Ross, Brechin and Dun­blane, since they were all founded by one and the same King, viz. that pious and vertuous King David, who gave so much to the Church from his own Crown-lands.

But to make the knavery more visible, lets see his dealing and ig­norance of England: In which I shall not trouble my self with his naming Chester or Glocester amongst our Bishopricks, because formerly some of the Bishops of Liechfield were ignorantly call'd Bishops of Chester, because one or two of them once lived there; and some think that Glocester was an Episcopal See in or before the Saxons time, but not under that name, but Cluviensis. But waving these, though good enough to discover the cheat, I desire the Reader to consider this following, against which there can be no exception, viz. if this Manuscript was almost 500 years old, how comes it to fet down f [...]r Bishopricks in England, Peterburgh, Oxford and Bristol, when none of them were made Episcopal Sees till Henry the Eighth's time, lit­tle above sixty years before Miraeus set out this false Notitia?

These cheats should oblige us to study prevention in time, other­wise hereafter they may run us down by their false Fathers, and o­ther Authorities: and when they have thus forced us onely to the protection of Scriptures, an endless dispute may begin about the variae lectiones; by which means the poor people and truth may be a­bused by both parties. But since they stand most upon Authority and Quotations, 'tis fitting we should be more careful, that they do not cheat us with false play.

But enough of this, and the supposed Donation, which the Vene­tians did once prettily confute, and so shake off a close demand. Laurent. Banck de Tyran. Pap. pag. 355. The Pope asking them by what right they appropriated to them­selves all the jurisdiction and power in the Adriatick Sea, since they could not shew any Writings of Priviledges granted to them for so doing? To which 'tis said, they thus returned an Answer, That they greatly wonder'd, that his Holiness should expect from them to shew those priviledges, which, yea, and the very Originals the Popes them­selves had carefully kept all along in their own Archives, as a sacred thing; and might easily be found, if he would but look upon the back­side of the Deed of Constantine's Donation; for there might be seen the Priviledges granted to them over that Sea, written in great Letters.

And such another story they tell us how Pope Alexander the Sixth having ask'd the same question, was thus answer'd by Girolamo Do­nato the Venetian Ambassador, Let your Holiness shew me the Instru­ment of St. Peters Patrimony, and you will finde on the backside of it the Grant of the Adriatick Sea to the Venetians.

CHAP. II.

1. When the Bishops of Rome had raised themselves up to some favour and greatness, what odd striving and dealings there were to obtain that See, with the manner of Elections?

2. That the Temporal Power had formerly the greatest stroke in the Election of Popes, and that it yet hath, though by under­hand-dealings.

3. An Essay upon this Quere, Whether for some years past, there hath been according to their Decrees and Orders, really any true Pope?

THe Bishops of Rome, though formerly lived in great ob­scurity, Sect. I. lurking privately here and there without any great­ness or notice, by reason of the Persecutions against Christi­anity: Now that they had the Emperours embracers of the Gospel, and favourers of the Prelacy, appear'd in publick, in great Splendor and Authority; and presently raised themselves to such a Grandeur, that they seem'd not onely to overtop their Neighbours, but next the Emperour to appear in greatest glory, sway and priviledge; which made Praetextatus (design to be Consul) drolingly say to Pope Damasus, Make me Bishop of Rome, and I will quickly make my self Facite me Romanae Ur­bis Episco­pum, & ero protinus Christianus. Hieron. E­pist. 61. a Christian.

And now the ambition to be great made every one aspire to this Dignity; and that sometimes with so much earnestness and indirect means, that Religion it self, and the Bishops of that City lost much of their Reputation, not onely from the Heathen, but Christian too, as is plain by St. Hierome, and others, who wrote against their faults. I shall not trouble my self concerning the discention and schism a­bout Liberius and Felix the Second, onely that if Liberius was an Heretick, as several accuse him, then a man may well plead the other to be no Antipope; if that be true, which some of their own Church confess, that a Pope for Heresie looseth his Dignity and Chair.

But to wave this, An. 367. Liberius being dead, the two Factions divide again, each of them striving to make a Pope of their party. These who were of the Antipope Felix's side chose one Damasus Jo. Mari­an. de Reb. Hispan. l. 4. c. 19. Villegas F. S. Decemb. 11. Am. Nar­cellin. Hist. l. 27. c. 2. Ruffin. l. 11. c. 10. whe­ther of Tarragona in Catalonia, or Madred in New Castile, or of Guimaranes Antre Duero y Mino in Portugal Authors agree not] and those who were for Liberius chose one Ʋrsicinus a Roman; at this Election the feud was so great betwixt both parties, that in the Church of Sicininus, there was slain upon the place CXXXVII per­sons; and it was a long time after before the rage of the people could b [...] asswaged; insomuch, that Vivensius Governour of Rome for the Emperour, not being able to appease these Tumults, was forced to retire himself out of the City. But at last Damasus got the upper-hand, and so kept the Popedom by the assistance of the Emperour Onuphr. Annot. in Platin. vit. Felicis II. Valentinian.

Thus was this thing managed, besides voting, with Platin. vit. Damas. Sa­bellic. En. 7. l. 9. Nausler. Gen. 13. p. 487. Gene­brard. p. 576. main force and arms. And those who formerly were held as Schismaticks for [Page 132] chusing and siding with an Antipope, are now brave boys for stand­ing and fighting lustily against those who were for the true Pope Li­berius, as they call him. And had the Emperour approved of Ʋr­sicinus, for ought that I know, he had been call'd infallible, and Damasus an Antipope.

And that the Emperours had some authority about the Ele­ction of Popes, will appear by the story of another uprore and schism.

Pope Zosimus being An. 418. dead, the people of Rome enter again in­to divisions; one party chose for Bishop Eulalius in the Lateran Church, and the other Boniface in another Church; and thus each faction cryed up their Pope. Of this, Symmachus Governour of Rome giveth the Emperour notice, and tells him, that Eulalius had Baron. anno 419. § 1, 2, 3, &c. most reason and right of his side. Honorius the Emperour acknow­ledgeth Eulalius as Pope, as being chosen and approved of by a lawful number, time and place, rejects Boniface as illegitimate, want­ing these necessaries to an Election, and bids him submit, or to be ex­pell'd the City; Symmachus sends this news to Boniface, but the Messenger is beat. In the mean time the party of Eulalius rejoyce, he acting as Pope, and the City Gates being shut to exclude his Ad­versary; the Governour being the more careful, by reason of the great inconvenience and trouble the City underwent by the former Tumults and Riots at the Election of Damasus.

Those who sided with Boniface, seeing themselves and cause quite lost, if presently they procured not Remedy; drew up a Petition to the Emperour, complaining Eulalius not to be lawfully elected, but Boniface to be truely Pope; for which they desired Caesars as­sistance. Honorius upon this orders that both the elected should ap­pear before him▪ where he would have the Case tryed, and accord­ingly see the right disposed of; and for more clearing of the busi­ness, he appointed several Bishops to meet about it; but these not agreeing concerning the Election, this meeting vanish'd with­out any determination, whereupon he resolved upon another con­vention.

In the mean time, the better to keep good Order in R [...]me, now full of hubbubs, by reason of this division, he order'd Eulalius and Boniface, the two heads of these disorders, to depart the City; and Easter now drawing neer, that the people might not be without a Bishop to celebrate at that Feast, he appointed Achilleus Bishop of Spoleto, one uninterest to either party, to officiate as chief in Rome, and him, he call'd Beatitudo tua. His Holiness, or Blessedness, and so did he Paulinus Bshop of Nola, and those of Sanctitas vestra. Africk.

And here Eulalius lost himself with the Emperour, for contrary to his express command, he enters into the City; upon which new Tumults begin, and odd threatning and bickering there was in spight of the Governour or Authority. Symmachus himself being in great danger in this hurlyburly; all parties striving to possess the Lateran. Upon this Honorius expresly orders Eulalius for peace-sake to depart the City, and that in the mean time he should not be ac­knowledged, and that the Bishop of Spoleto, according to the for­mer Order, onely remain there, and solely have the possession of the Lateran Church for the time of Easter.

These Orders, Eulalius also very unadvisedly withstands, and having gotten his party together, thought by main force to have [Page 133] seis'd upon the Lateran; upon this, more mischief falls out; but at last Eulalius is beat out of the City, Achilleus remain'd possess'd of the Church, and had good Guards appointed him for his and its de­fence. Sigon. Hist. de Occid. Imp. an. 419. Honorius the Emperour being certified of, and offended at this, expresly excludes Eulalius, and settles Boniface in the Popedom, to which he had a meeting of many Bishops con­senting.

Thus we have seen in short the storie of another riotous canvasing: and because this is of no sma [...]l concern, Baronius would by no means have us to think that Eulalius had any right by Election upon the Narrative of Symmachus, because (as he saith) he was parti­al, and seem'd to favour Eulalius: But to this may be return'd,

I. That if the Governour favour'd Coeffeteau Resp. p. 245. Heathenism, he might be as much an Enemy to the Christianity of the one as well as the other; they objecting nothing against the soundness of either of them for Principles of Religion.

II. Symmachus in his third letter to Honorius, (when the Emperor shew'd no more favour for the one than the other) Religiosos viros Boni­fac [...]um & Eulalium. nameth Boni­face before Fulalius, which somewhat signifieth rather his favour for the former.

III. And lastly, Symmachus in his Letters to Constantius, Brother-in-Law to the Emperour, writes virulently against Eulalius, accusing him of occasion of misbehavour and riots; from which some may suppose that the Governour was impartial and true, when he assured to the Emperour, that Eulalius was rightly chosen.

But besides this, another dispute may arise upon this story, viz. Lib 4. cap. 160 Petrus de Natalibus, Generat. 15. pag. 511. Nauclerus, Vit. Bo­n [...]fac. I. Pl [...]tina, Cronicle Universale, fol. [...]66. Filippo, da Bergamo, Hist. de O cid. Imp. l. 11. anno 419. Sigonius, Hist. Pon­tifical, fol. 74. Gonzalo de Illiscas, and their anci­ent Vatican See the Councils. Liber Pontificalis, with Epit Pon­tif Rom. de Pontif. & Ca [...]dinalium crea ione. Edict. venet. 1557. vit. Eulalii: But this is left out in the Colen Edition, at the end of Pla­tina: And in that of Jo. Gaulter. Chron. Chronicorum, Tom. 1. Onuphrius do declare, that the Emperour Honorius was at Milan at this time, and thence sent his Orders; which if be true, (and these men had no reason to affirm this if false, nor need the Roman Catholick question them be­ing all noted Historians of their Religion) then must those Letters in Baronius, which carry their date to and from Honorius at Raven­na, concerning this Schism be spurious and counterfeit, and so (for ought that I know) we may lose part of the story; and if these be be false (and 'tis plain the two Vatican Manuscripts contradict each other) I shall give the less esteem to the pretended Records, that are produced from those Archives, for many cheating writings (not forg [...]tting the Gift and Decree of Constantine) are shewn to us for true and authentick out of that Library; of which Platina was Keeper, and a diligent searcher into the ancient Manuscripts of it; and Onuphrius had the liberty, and was well read in every piece of Antiquity in it.

The often mention of Symmachus, Governour of Rome in the late Tumults, puts me in minde of a Pope not long after of that name, noted also for a Schism in his time.

For Anastasius the Second being an 498. dead, those of Rome ran head long into a new disorder, some chusing for Pope Symmachus, whilst others elected one. Laurentius; upon which great disorders, riots, and mischiefs arises, which continued for some years; to be short, the business was refer'd to Theodorick an Arian, King of the Ostrogothes, who had then over-run Italy, and Symmachus carryed it; those of the party of Laurentius troubled at this, frame Arti­cles against Symmachus, accusing him of some Vices, and admit Laurentius; upon which new disorders growing, and the King be­ing vext at this dissention, as Platina, vit. Sym. Fil. d [...] Bergamo. Cronicle U­niversale, fol. 245. Ant. Sabel­lic. En. 8. l. 2. Jo. Mau­cler. Gener. 17. some say, sends Petrus Bishop of Altino [in the Territory of Venice, now ruined, and no Episcopal Seat] to Rome, there to rule as chief, the other two being turn'd out: to conclude, Petrus is rejected, Laurence his party strive to car­ry all; all sorts of villanies are committed, Sacred places violated, Priests slain; but at last, after suchlike infinite outrages and mur­ders, Symmachus is acknowledged as Pope, and in the Chair of Rome ruled several years.

But before I shake hands with this story, I hope you will give me leave to tell you one Tale, in confirmation of the right of Symma­chus to the Papal Chair, and this upon no less authority than Pope Dialog. l. 4. c. 40. Gregory the Great. But first, we must understand that one Paschasius stood fiercely for Laurentius against Symmachus; and that this Paschasius for his learning, honesty, and holiness, was espe­cially famous in those times; yet for all these noble qualifications, he would never acknowledge Symmachus, but on the contrary, look'd upon Laurentius to have all right, equity and law of his side; and so stedfast was he in this, that to his dying day he would hold none other for Pope. And this was not a little blot to the reputation of the Cause of Symmachus, and by consequence to the true Successi­on of Popes, that this Paschasius so knowing, so just, so vertuous, and one who hath got an holy name in the Roman Baron. Martyrol. Rom. Maii 13. Martyrologies should look upon Symmachus as an Antipope, and acknowledge Lau­rentius as the onely true one.

But though good Paschasius dyed in this opinion, yet we shall now here the storie of his punishment and repentance for so doing, and so the objection cleer'd. It chanced upon a time, that Germanus, Bi­shop of Capua [now an Archbishop See] being not well, was desired by his Physitians for healths-sake, to go into an hot Bath, whither being gone, he findes there Paschasius (dead long before) standing in a penitent and piping-hot condition; at which Germanus being troubled, ask'd him, Why he, so good a man, had to do there? To which Paschasius thus replyeth, Alas, I am here punish'd for no other fault, but because I took part with Laurentius against Symmachus: But I beseech you pray heartily for me; and if you do not finde me here when you return again, then you may conclude that your prayers are heard. Upon this Germanus gave himself to prayer for him; and after some days returning to the same Bath, he found not Paschasius there: Argument good enough that he was delivered out of Pur­gatory, and pardoned of his fault, for thinking any right to be in Laurentius; and lastly, that Symmachus must be true Pope, or else the Miracle is not worth a Rush. And this pretty story [Page 135] An. 498. Baronius would not have you to think unworthy your read­ing.

To run over all the factions, interests and feuds at the election of Popes would be too tedious at this time; and if those of latter days were not fresh in memory, we might tell at large the violent eanvasing at the election of An. 1590. Gregory XIV between the Spanish party and that of Cardinal Montalta; the French not pretending to any interest there, Henry the Fourth being King, and then of the Prot [...]stant Religion: We might also tell of the hubbubs in the Vid. Caes. de L [...]gny. les Ambassades du Ca [...]d. du Perron. lib. 3. an. 1605. Conclave of Leo the Eleventh, and Paul the Fifth, between the Factions of the Catholick and Christian Kings, of the crying out of Treason against the King of Spain, because the Cardinal of the French party got the better, and some other violences. And as great stir there was at the chusing of An. 1644. Innocent the Tenth, e­very one striving to get a Pope of his party; Cardinal Bentivolio that famous States-man, had once like to have carryed it, but the French party oppose him, as a favourer of the Spaniards, and his dying at the same time ended this dispute; then Sacchetti bid fair for it, but he also was rejected by the Catholick Kings faction, as one who loved France and Portugal. At last, after many plottings and contrivings, libelling and ripping up one anothers faults, the Car­dinals being boldly lockt up in Sixtus the Fourth's Chappel, and not to stir till they had agreed, Phamphilio carried it by a Ma­jority.

As for the election of the present Pope An. 1655. Alexander the Seventh, there was as much faction and interest, as any of the rest; the Spa­niards having one party there, headed by the two Cardinals de Me­dices, Charles and John, the first, Uncle; the last, Brother to the great Duke of Tuscany: the French had their Creatures also coun­tenanced by the two Barberini, Francis, and Antonio the first, calling himself Protector of the English: And besides these there was a third interest consisting against of several Cardinals, and in Rome call'd the Squadrone Volante, who would seem to be indifferent to the other two Parties; and Cardinal Imperiale a Genoese was head of this Troop.

Sacchetti had not onely Barberini, but the Squadrone Volante, and some others zealous for him; yet though the most desired by the Romans, and was held the best and worst worthy amongst the Car­dinals, he lost it upon the same account, (viz. as a lover of France and Mazarini) as he had done in the former Conclave. However, for sometime many Cardinals were so resolved for him, that 'twas said, That they would O Sac­chetti, O Ca­taletta. either have him Pope or dye there: And for a long time at every scrutiny he had XXXIII Votes, in oppositi­on to which, every one of the Spanish faction in their Scheduls onely writ

Ego **** Card.
****
Accedo Nemini.

By which means they kept unanimous and intire, by not dividing themselves in these scrutinies to other Candidate Cardinals: but this obstinacie of both parties so lengthned the Conclave, that Car­dinal [Page 136] Chigi [now Pope] said merrily, that a Pope would never be chosen, till the Cardinals Nemini and Triginti tria could a­gree.

Cardinal Corrado had several friends, but those of Castile reject­ed, him because Barberini was for him, though he might have served being a severe Canonist, and in truth knew nothing else; yet this may be enough, since of late times they have not chosen a Pope, who had studied Divinity, but onely some Canon-law or Po­liticks.

Caraffa was thought on, but the French reject him, because the Spaniards intended his promotion; however, his death at the same time ended the dispute. As for Cardinal Rapaccioli he had both hopes and many friends in the Conclave, who voted stoutly for him; but de Medici and that party opposed him, and Cardinal Spada in writing objected against him, that he had caused Prayers to be said, that the Devils sins might be pardoned.

The story of which, being pretty odd and unusual, take as they report it. At Teramo in Italy, of which place this Cardinal was Bi­shop, one being possest with a Devil, Rapaccioli for curiosity sake went to discourse with it; and amongst other things, asked the De­vil, if he indured great torments; the Devil replyed, exceeding great: The Cardinal inquired of him, Why he did not repent for his sins, the causes of his punishment? The spirit replyed, That he had earnestly repented, but without any benefit. Then, quoth the Cardi­nal, if God should pardon you, would you take such a forgiveness and mercy in good part? To which the Spirit consenting, Rapacci­oli commanded prayers to be said to God, that the Devils sins might be remitted and forgiven him.

Cardinal Maculano, or St. Clement had once some hopes, having many votes, but he had to oppose him Madam Her life is lately written by the well known Gualdo: In it the world may see what a wo­man she was, and how she ruled Pope Innocent X, & the Roman Church. Olympia, Sister­in-law to the last Pope Innocent the Tenth; for she, with some car­ryed a sway in the Conclave: And she also gave a main stroke a­gainst Cecchino, she and others taking him to be a fierce enemy a­gainst her and the House of Pamfilio, Pope Innocent having suffici­ently abused him, about the forgeries of Mascambruno in the Porgu­gal Sodomists, and other base actions, though Cecchino was clear and guiltless concerning these things. And as for Fiorenzola, though many wish'd he were Pope, and had several Votes to forward it; yet the same Donna Olympia his mortal enemy, and some other oppo­sitions hindred his promotion; and indeed Barberini by his Votes and Friends would sometimes favour her designs, whom though most did hate for her imperiousness in the last Popes days; yet they did not wish the ruine of the Family, and so had no minde to chuse an Enemy to the Pamfilii, being then a kin to the Barberini. However, Alexander the Seventh hath shew'd himself no Friend to Olym­pia.

Several others were thought on, and adhered to, but to no purpose, the Spaniards still oppsing those the French would have; and those, whom the Catholick King desired. At last, after they had thus bafled, jugled, and out-plotted one another for a quarter of a year; Cardi­nal Mazarini sends privately to Barberini from Paris his approbati­on of Chigi; the Germans also had some minde to him, being mind­ful of his dexterous carriage at the Treaty of Munster 1644, and what the Emperour and Austria approve of, the Spaniards usually [Page 137] must consent to. Besides this, the Squadrone Volante, and the house of Pamfilii were his Friends, being made Cardinal but three years be­fore by Innocent; and he had had some sufferings formerly in this Conclave; and so at last, though quite contrary to the first design, was this Cardinal Fabio Chigi of Sienna chosen Pope, and call'd himself Alexander the Seventh, from his Relation, both as Country and Kindred to Alexander the Third.

The way of chusing Popes in a closed-up Conclave, was first insti­tuted, as Annot. ad Platin. vit. Greg. X. Onuphrius tells us, by Pope Gregory the Tenth. And there was good reason to endeavour the restraint of the too much liberty then used by the Cardinals in the election of the Pope [though we see the greatest care abused in our times in such actions] by which means their Chair would sometimes be void a long time, to the shame both of the Electors and their Profession; of which, this Gregory the Tenth may serve for an Example: For Clement the Fourth being An. 1278. dead, the Cardinals though then but a few, viz. XVII, could by no means agree about a Pope; for though they met oft about it, yet they would never conclude upon the person; every one of them endeavouring to be the man, they would not consent to another. Philip King of Saepius siquidem congregati nego­tium conficere nulla ratione valuere, dum unusquis (que) ipsorum ad Pontifi­catum aspirans, nemini cedere vel­let. Onuphr. loco citato. France, and Charles of Sicily, desired them to ha­sten the election, but all would not do; which occa­sioned John Bishop and Cardinal of Porto, seeing the self-obstinate ambition of the Cardinals, and yet calling upon the Holy Ghost to assist them, jeeringly say to them, My Masters, let us open the top of the Room, for the Holy Ghost cannot Domini, discooperia­mus tectum Camerae hujus, quia spiritus sanctus nequit ad nos per tot tecta ingredi. come to us through so many Coverings.

And when they perceived that none of themselves, by reason of their dissention could be chosen, after almost Two years nine months and one day. three years wrang­ling and canvasing about it; at last Theobaldus Archdeacon of Liege, then in the holy Land in promoting of that War, was pitcht upon, who upon notice went to Italy, and call'd himself Gregory the Tenth. Upon the election of this Pope, the aforesaid Cardinal of Porto made these two riming Verses, a way then much in Fashion.

Papatus munus
Tulit Archidiaconus unus,
Quem Patrem Patrum
Fecit discordia Fratrum.
Of Liege the Archdeacon
Was chose Pope from Acon;
By the Discord of Brothers
Made Dad of all others.

But of this tedious dissention amongst the Cardinals, voluminous Baronius, because 'tis a blot to his Church, will scarce give you so much as one hint. This Gregory the Tenth, amongst o­ther Laws concerning the Election of Popes, decreed in a [Page 138] Council at Lyons in the fourth Rule, That not onely Cardinals who IV Non so­lum Cardi­nales ab­sentes, sed omnes cu­jusvis Ordinis & Conditionis homines in Romanum Pontificem creari possint. Onuphr. & Baron. anno Pap. 3. were absent, but that any man of what Order or Condition soever might be chosen Pope. But this is now laid aside, with some other of his Constitutions concerning the Conclave.

Popes were formerly chosen by the suffrages of the Clergy then present, though of inferiour rank: After this, the power of electi­on was restrain'd onely to Cardinals; and these sometimes not a­greeing, but falling into divers schisms, one party holding him for Pope who they gave their votes for, others acknowledging none but whom they nominated, and sometimes a third party would stand to another: but to prevent this, Alexander the Third, who had like to have lost the Popedom by these means, in a 1179. Late­ran Council, order'd a way by Scrutiny, and that none should be held for Pope, but he who had at least two parts in three for him.

But this also in time was found not secure enough to binde up the self-ended interest of the Cardinals: And therefore the aforesaid Gregory the Tenth in a Council at 1274. Lyons by Decree order'd a close Conclave, all under one Roof, not divided by any Walls, but onely having the Cells of the Cardinals, divided one from another by Wollen-cloath; and that the Cardinals should by no means be permitted to go out of this Conclave, till they had chosen a Pope; and if any of them got out before an election, they should be com­pell'd to go in again: That if after three days a Pope be not chosen, then their allowance of dyet to be lesned, and but one Ferculum unum. Dish or Mess granted them: And none to be chosen till he had two parts of three. But all these, except the last, are laid aside.

Other Dist. 79. Clemens VII an. 1529. Pius IV, an. 1562. Orders have been made by divers Popes concerning this election, too tedious here to mention: Of late days Dat. Romae 1621. Gregory the XV made Rules for the Conclave by a Bull, and a quarter of a year after a Caeremoniale, which were confirm'd by Dat. Romae 1625. another of his Successor Ʋrban VIII, which XXXVII Cardinals, (the rest I sup­pose absent) by their subscription promis'd, vow'd and sware to ob­serve, and XLI subscribed the same to that of Gregory XV.

Ego—S. R. E. Card.
promitto, voveo & juro.

The Bulls themselves being very long, I shall refer the Reader to them.

Sect. 2. That the Temporal Power had formerly the greatest stroke in the Election of Popes; and that it yet hath, though by under­hand-dealings.

TEmporal Princes finding themselves oftentimes disturb'd and in danger, not onely by the divers Factions arising about the Popedom, but also by the imperious and incroaching humour of the Bishops of Rome, have also restrain'd these Inormities by their Laws.

The Emperour Honorius (of whom we lately heard) being great­ly troubled by the Tumults and Factions between Bonifacius and Eulalius: To prevent such siding, made a Law, that if Dist. 79. c. Siduo. two strove for the Popedom, neither of them should be capable, but a­nother election to be made. Pope Dist 63. c. Agatho. Vitalianus according to the custom, sent news of his election to the Emperour, without which acknowledgement he should not be Pope.

Baron. an. 526. Felix the Fourth chosen Pope by Theodorick King of the O­strogoths, then ruling in Italy: and Platin. vit. Severini. Severinus retain'd the same Dignity by the confirmation of Isatius, then onely Exarch in Italy: Platina himself confessing, that in those days, the Election of Popes Vana tunc enim habe­batur Cleri ac Populi E­lecti nisi ad Imperatores aut eorum Exarchi confirmas­sent. Platin. vit. Sever. by the Clergy and People was of none effect, unless they were confirm'd or approved of by the Emperours or their Exarchs. And Pelagius the Second being chosen Pope, when he and the City of Rome were closely besieged by the Lombards, sent as soon as he could possibly to the Emperour at Constantinople, to satisfie and pacifie him, concern­ing the election without his Imperial knowledge, laying the fault up­on the siege. And Onuphrius here commenting upon Platina, con­fesseth the custom of the Emperour's approving the Pope; for which approbation, the Elected was to pay a certain sum of money; Haec autem una fuit causa, quare Pelagius in­jussu Princi­pis, tum Pon­tifex creatus est, cum extra obsessam ab hoste urbem mitti quispiam non posset. Nil enim tum a Clero in eligendo Pon­tifice actum erat, nisi ejus electionem Imperator approbasset. Platin. vit. Pelag. II. and that at every election, there was a special care taken for the pro­motion of one, who was a known friend and creature to the Em­perour, and one who would act nothing against the Emperour. But now the case is alter'd.

And why should we suspect the authority of Temporal Princes in these things, having such good proof? and besides this, their own Canon-law assures us that Pope Dist. 63. c. Adrianus. Hadrian the First freely granted to Charles the Great of France (after Emperour of Germa­ny) the sole power of chusing the Popes and other Bishops. This being such a fair grant, and with consent too of the Clergy, where­by a fatal stroke was then given to the Papal jurisdiction; Of this cheat in Ba­ronius, see more in Fran. Ma­son of Con­secration of Bishops, lib. 4. cap. 7. p. 166, 167. Ba­ronius, and others after him [for the Modern Historians do but ac­cording to the Fable lick up his Spittle] bend their whole power and skill to cry down this as a forgery, thereby to free their Church from this clog.

And to carry it on more cleerly, An. 774. Baronius takes upon him to [Page 140] rail dapperly against the ancient and noted Chronologer Sigeber­tus Gemblacensis (i. e. of Gemblaurs in Brabant) looking upon him as an Enemy to the Church, for An 773. affirming such a story, which the Cardinal would perswade us to be a meer forgery.

But before he do this, he must also cleer the Canon-law from the same crime; and thus he indeavours to do it: He cannot deny but that this storie and Order is in the Decrees; nor will he accuse Gratian, the Collector of them, to have been dishonest in putting it amongst the rest: How then? onely that Gratian here might not be careful enough, to consider what he did, and so took it out of Sigebertus, and put it down for authentick in the Ca­non.

But by the Cardinals favour, I shall bring this Argument for con­firmation of this Canon, which after so much pains he holds forth to disprove it; for they both living at the same time, and hitting so exactly upon the same storie, doth the more confirm its authentick­ness, it being very probable that neither of them saw one anothers Writings, living so far distant, as the one in Brabant, the other in Italy; and in those days there was neither friendship or correspon­dencie between those places; if there had been, 'tis probable had the Authors known one another, they had been as great Enemies as their Masters, Henry the Emperour, and Pope Gregory the Seventh.

Baronius endeavours to overthrow this Canon by another Ar­gument, viz. that the word Investitura was not known in those times: but the Glossaries will assure us the contrary; and for more sa­tisfaction on this point against Baronius, I shall refer you to the well-read Rationale Constituti­onum Impe­rialium, p. 1, 2, 3. Goldastus, Germ Cae­sar▪ in Caro­lo Mag. pag. 36, 37, 38, 39. Boeclerius, and De Tyran. p. 157, 158, 159, &c. And their own Glos­saries upon this Canon, confirm the story. Laurentius Banck

But before I leave this, I cannot but take notice of one pretty cheat. I told you formerly of the knavery of their Antiquary Au­bertus Miraeus in his corrupting ancient Authors; and here he is tardy again: for in his Edition of Sigebertus he quite leaves out this whole storie, as if the Author had writ no such thing; whereas Baronius himself assures the world that Sigebert writ it, and rants against him bitterly for so doing; nor hath any questioned the inte­grity of old Editions 'till this Miraeus, whom I have formerly pro­ved (against his Notitia Episcopatuum) to be a notorious forger, e­ven to the putting forth of his own things for ancient Manuscripts; and so no credit to be given to him, let him pretend what ancient Copies he pleaseth. I have seen one ancient Manuscript of Sige­bertus, which formerly belong'd to our famous Antiquary Mr. Camb­den; but to this place I can say nothing of it, because this very place, with above an hundred years besides, have been, God knows how and when, convey'd from the rest of the Hi­story.

This Grant of Adrian is also mentioned (according to their Ca­non-Law) by Pope Dist 63. c. In Synodo. Leo the Eighth, in his confession of the same Priviledges of electing of Popes, to the Emperour Otho the First. But 'tis to small purpose to trouble my self any more about these things; since, long ago, they have deny'd any such prerogative to remain in Temporal Authority; nor will they grant to the Empe­rour or Kings any interest of such an Election, but this onely to be done by the Cardinals, who no doubt will chuse according to their [Page 141] Consciences, and not by favour or reward, every one of them swear­ing so to do, before every scrutiny.

The Oath. Testor Christum Dominum, qui me judicarus est, me Eligere quem secundum Deum judico Eligi Debere, & quod i­dem in Accessu praestabo.

And yet when we consider the strange factions, canvasings, and de­signs in the Conclave, we might think that interest sway'd more there, than this Oath or Conscience. Add to this, that there are always some Cardinals, whose own revenues will scarce keep them in that splendour befitting the red Hat: And these are commonly under­hand-Pensioners to France or Spain, from whose Kings they receive yearly stipends; and so must always act according to the pleasure of their Pay-Master. Add further, that at every Election the Cardi­nals act under several Chieftains; and though France and Spain in a manner divide the Conclave, yet others, especially the Duke of Tuscany, have also their Creatures there, who bestir themselves vigo­rously for the designs of these their Lay-Patrons; who though ex­cluded from voting, yet are the onely chusers of the Pope by their thus ruling the Cardinals.

As for instance, the death of a Pope being known, 'tis the custom of the King of Spain, &c. to send instructions to his Ambassadour, or some other Confident at Rome, how to carry on the Conclave, that a friend of his might be chosen; and also nominates five or six, any of which he is willing to be Pope; and at the same time sends the names of some others, whom by no means he will not allow to be elected; by which means Cardinal Baronius lost the Title of Holi­ness, the Spaniard wholly excluding him, for An. 1097. This Tract is left out in some Edition of his An­nals, the King of Spain ha­ving made an Edict a­gainst it. See D'Avily les Estats, p. 235. scratching a little upon the Spanish Territories of Sicily. The instructions being come, the Cardinals of his Faction act accordingly; And he (though he de­serve the Chair never so much; as for Example, Baronius) who is thus excepted against by a King, 'tis an hundred to one he shall ne­ver change his red Hat for a Triple Crown.

'Tis true, sometimes a few Cardinals in the Conclave, when they see they cannot bring their own ends about, exclaim pittifully against this mode of submitting their suffrages and consciences to the plea­sure of this or that King; and now and then Pen and Paper are im­ploy'd in making little Tracts of Oppositions and Justifications of such Actions; but this scribling and crying out of a few Cardinals, never hinders the rest from prosecuting their intended designs. And thus we see that yet the Temporal Authority hath a main stroke, if not all, in the election of Popes.

And here I cannot but smile at Thomas Bozius, who makes a great deal of noise and blustering in behalf of the Popes jurisdiction; and De Italiae statu, lib. 4. c. 3. p. 388. 390. what an horrid danger and judgement 'twill be, to cross the Bishops of Rome. For, saith he, the Emperours Honorius and Valentinian the Third restrained the Popes of some Temporal Power; and then the Goths, Vandals, and Heruli wasted Italy. Again, that the Em­perour Justinian made a Law, that the Popes should not be conse­crated, without first consulting the Emperour, and paying a certain Id. p. 395. [Page 142] sum of money for it; and so the Plague or Pestilence seis'd upon Italy, and Totila the Goth took Rome. Again, long after this ano­ther Law was made, that the Pope should not be consecrated, but in the presence of the Emperours or their Deputies; and therefore be­sides Pag. 403. Plagues, great Earth-quakes troubled Italy, and the Saracens and Huns lorded it there also. And suchlike consequences as these he hath store of, and all as true as the Star fell down, and therefore the Astronomer shot it with his Jacobs-staff.

And truely, the rest is much after the same fashion, the sum of his whole Book being onely this: Italy is more fruitful, hath more and greater Cities and Towns, brave Monasteries and Churches, better Houses and Colledges, and more knowing men and women for these last twelve hundred years, than it was or had before; Ergo, the Pope and his Authority is the greatest happiness that can hap­pen to Italy.

And is not this a notable wonder, that building should increase in so many hundred years? If this way of Argumentizing be authen­tick, 'tis coming time, not Scripture or Antiquity, that must prove any Religion, the which upon this account must grow better and bet­ter; and so as they say, Modern Protestantism must be held a great­er blessing and benefit than that which they call ancient Popery, in those Nations where the reformed Religion bears the sway.

Sect. 3. An Essay upon this Quere, Whether for some years past, there hath been according to their Decrees and Orders, really any true Pope?

HAving thus hastily discours'd something concerning the Election of Popes, it will not be amiss to add these few following Ob­servations, which may add some light to the business; and by a far­ther prosecution, may be of greater consideration, than at this time I shall trouble my self withal, but leave it to the censure of every man.

In the time of Paul the Fifth [who began his Popedom in 1605] there lived in Italy a great Scholar, and a severe Roman Catholick, who being troubled at the odd carriage of the Popes and their E­lection, thought it convenient to have a General Council to rectifie all; but knowing the Bishops of Rome to have a natural aversness from this, look'd upon himself obliged, as a true son of the Roman Church, to endeavour as much as lay in his power, the promotion of such a publick benefit to his Religion.

And therefore, (knowing the Popes against it) he drew up a Supplicatio ad Imperato­rem, Reges, Principes, super causis Generalis Concilii convocandi. Petition to the Emperour and other Christian Kings, to bring this noble and charitable design about. And possibly fearing, that if this his supplication should onely come into the hands of the Po­tentates of the Roman Catholick perswasion, it might there be stifled by the over-perswasion of their interested Favourites and Councel­lors: To prevent this, seeing our King James of a publick spirit for [Page 143] the benefit of the Church; he directs it onely to him, that by his means his necessitating reasons might be discover'd to the Emperour and the other Christian Princes. Upon this the Author An. 1611. dyeth at Rome, leaves this Petition with a dear Friend of his, who delivers it to an English Gentleman then there, who accordingly convey'd it to King James, who presently dispers'd it all Europe over.

As for the Author, I shall positively say nothing, but that he ap­pears one to have been very well versed in the Roman affairs: the common opinion is, that it was the famous Neapolitan Civilian Dr. Marta, of whom we have formerly hinted; and indeed his very subscribing himself to the Supplication NOVƲS HOMO, doth in­timate that he had now in something changed his Opinion: and we cannot but observe that this Supplication carryeth all along a grand respect and veneration to Temporal Authority over Rome it self in some things; whereas Dr. Marta in his other Volumes is so re­solute a Champion for the Popes very Temporal Prerogative, that he screws up the power and jurisdiction of the Romish Bishops, even to trample upon all other Potentates in this world. If Marta be the man, it must be the discovery of some grand iniquities that could thus alienate his affection from Pope Paul the Fifth.

In this his discourse is indeavoured to prove a failing in the suc­cession of Popes, raising the Foundation from the Simoniacal en­trance of Sixtus the Fifth. But probably one might fetch a far­ther rise than this, even by viewing over their own schisms, where sometimes we shall finde such odd chopping and changing of Popes, that the wisest then living could not tell which or where was the Head of the Church; and yet every party creating Cardinals, and declaring himself Christ's Vicar. Now this is certain, [since the time they have acknowledged that none but Cardinals can elect a Pope] that if ever a Bishop of Rome was chosen by those Cardinals who were created by an Antipope, or one not truely (as they say) Christ's Vicar, that then such an Election is of no validity, being made by those who were not truely Cardinals, and so wanted an authentick Authority to make such an election. And if the successi­on once fail, I know not how or when it must begin again.

But because the aforesaid Italian foundeth his main design upon Simony, I shall onely Preface a little on the same crying sin, and that but a few years before his Sixtus the Fifth.

When they declare that the sin of Gondis­salv. de Vil­ladiego, con­tra haereti­cam pravi­tatem Quaest. 1. § 3. Flav. Che­rubinus Compend Bullar. Tom. 1. pag. 152. Card. Jacobat. de Concil. l. 8. art. 8. § 8. Id. l. [...]. art. 4. § 53. and so their Ca­non-Law. 1. q. 1. c. Presbyter. c. Quicunque. c. Cumliqueat. c. Eos qui. c. Fertur. c. Statuimus De­cretum. Simony is Heresie; and so he that is guilty of the first, must also be an Heretick; and when they also confess that if a Pope be Petr. de Balsius director. Electionum, cap. 14. Hieron. Monfred. deces. 321. Eman. Sa, Aphorism. v. Papa. 1. chosen by Simony, then that Electi­on is null and void: and seeing they go yet farther, as to affirm, that if a Pope be Heretical, he is not onely Mart. de Caraziis de Principibus, Quaest. 199. inferiour to all other Chri­stians, but Jo. Hieron. Alban. de potest. Papae, p. 1. § 6. Card. Jacobis. de Concil. l. 9. art. 1. § 12, 3. Martinus de Caraziis de Principibus, Quest. 522. Eman. Sa, Aphorism. v. Papa, § 6. falleth from his Popedom; and so not being Head of the Church, 'tis no difficult matter from these Principles (thus grant­ed by them) to prove a failing, if not an end of their succession.

And that Popes ought of old to be deposed for obtaining their Dignities by Simony, or suchlike unlawful means, is undeniable from the Si quis pe­cunia ve [...] g [...]atia huma­na, aut po­pulari mihta­rive tumultu, si [...]e conc [...]rdi & C [...]o [...]a Electione Cardinaltum in throno Petri collocatus, is non Apostolicus, sed Apostaticus, id est, à rationed ficiens meritò vocetur: liceat (que) Cardinalibus, Clerius & Laius Deum colentibus, illum ut pra­donem anathematizar [...], & quovis humano au [...]o à sede Apostolica propellere: atque quovis in loco, si in Urbe non liceat, Catholicos hujus [...]e rei causa congregare. P [...]at [...]na vit. Nichol. II. & D [...]st. 97. c. si q [...]s. Decree made above DC years ago in the time of Nicholas the Second, in a Council at Rome. And since that time, Julius the Se­cond made a more vigorous Bull against the Simoniacal Election of Popes, and the nulling of such a choice; of which we shall speak more hereafter.

Now, if that horrid and unmanly sin of Simony make an Election illegal and void, what shall we think of Pope Alexander the Sixth, who by this corrupt means obtain'd the Papal dignity? as their own De rebus Hispan. lib. cap. 2. Mari [...]na, Vit. Alex­and. VI. a­pud Plat [...]n. Onuphrius, with Lib. 1. be­ginnin [...]g. Guicciardine do declare; and though Anti Mornaeus, Tom. 2. p. 305. Coquaeus is unwilling to meddle with this objected crime, yet his Country-man, and fellow Doctor of Paris, I [...]ne faut point chercher tant de Tesmoins pour proves une chose que tout le monde avoüe. Coeffet. R [...]sponse au Mystere d'Iniquite. pag. 1209. Coeffeteau, not being able to confute the Objection, doth profess, that we need not trouble our selves to bring out Testimonies to prove it, since all the world doth confess it.

If this Alexander by his illegal obtaining that dignity was no true Pope, then the Cardinals by him created were also false ones; and so the Popes by them elected, of no true Authority or Jurisdiction to be Christ's Vicars.

This Alexander remaining Bishop of Rome above eleven years, at several Creations (others dying in the time) made these following XLIII Cardinals.

1. Jo. Borgia  
2. John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury  
3. Jo. Anton. de S. Georgio1
4. Jo. de la Grolaye  
5. Bernardinus Coravagial2
6. Raymund. Perauld  
7. Caesar Borgia, Bastard to Pope Alexan­der the Sixth: for this Pope had three Sons and two Daughters.  
8. Hippolitus Estiensis  
9. Fridericus Cassimirus, Son to the King of Poland.  
10. Julianus Caesarius3
11. Dominicus Grimanus4
12. Alexander Farnesius5
13. Bernardinus de Lunate  
14. Guillielmus Brissoneta  
15. Bartholomaeus Martinus  
16. Johan. de Castro6
17. Johan. Lopez  
[Page 145]18. Johan. Borgia, Nephew to the Pope, poysoned by Caesar Borgia  
19. Aloysius de Arragonia7
20. Philipp. de Lucemburgo  
21. Georg. de Ambosia8
22. Thomas ex oppido Herdouth, Hung arus  
23. Jacobus Serra, al. Casanova9
24. Petrus Issualies  
25. Diego Hortado de Mendozza  
26. Franciscus Borgia, supposed to be Son to the Pope Callistus the Third.10
27. Johan. Vera11
28. Ludovicus Podacatharus12
29. Jo. Anton. Trivultius13
30. Jo. Baptist. Terrarius  
31. Amanatem de Albreto14
32. Petr. Ludovic. Borgia15
33. Marcus Cornelius16
34. Jo. Stephanus Ferrerius17
35. Johan. Casteller18
36. Franciscus Remolinus  
37. Franciscus Soderinus19
38. Melchior Copis  
39. Nicholaus de Flisco20
40. Franciscus de Sprata, al. Spares21
41. Hadrianus Castellensis22
42. Jacobus Casanova23
43. Franciscus Iloris24

After the death of this Alexander, XXXVII Cardinals, after some disturbance and fears, enter into the Conclave, to elect another Pope; and of this little number, there were XXIV of this Alexanders Creation, whose names you see mark'd with this •. In this Conclave was Pius the Third chosen; but how could he be legally elected, if almost two parts in three of the Cardinals had no lawful voice?

But again, supposing all the Cardinals to belegally created; yet, how can the election of this Pius be true and lawful, seeing he was so far from having the voices of two parts in three, or a Majority (though this would not make a true election) that he onely obtain'd the Alphons. Ciaconius vit. Pii III. less part or number in the Conclave for him? and yet was, I know not how, declared for Pope.

What in part hath been objected against Pius the Third, may also pass upon Julius the Second: for though at his election there were XXXVII Cardinals in the Conclave, yet XXVI were of Alexanders creation: And if this stand good, then we may affirm that there hath been no true Pope since.

But let us proceed: this Julius the Second (it may be being trou­bled at the clamours against the Simoniacal election of Alexander the Sixth, a Pope composed of wickedness) with the consent of his Cardinals in Consistory, made a notable Bull to prevent these incon­veniencies, part of which take as followeth.

[Page 146]

Nos—de fratrum nostrum S. R. E. Cardinalium concilio & una­nimt concensu; hac nostra perpetuo valitura Constitutione, Apostolica authoritate, & de potestatis no­stra plenitudine, Statuimus, Ordi­namus, Decernimus & Definimus, Quod si (quod Deus sua Clemen­tia & ineffabili bonitate avertat) contigerit, postquam nos vel suc­cessores nostros successivè, ipse Deus ab hujusmodi universali Ec­clesiae Regimine absolverit (hu­mani generis inimico procurante, & Ambitione vel cupiditate ad hoc inclinate seu impellente) e­lectionem Rom. Pontificis ab eo quem eligi contigerit, vel ab ali­quo seu, aliquibus de Coetu Cardi­nalium, quomodo libet votum dan­tibus per Simoniacam haeresim, in dando promittendo vel recipiendo Pecunias, Bona cujusque generis, Castra, Officia vel Beneficia, seu promissiones & obligationes com­missam, per se vel per alium, seu alios quomodocun (que) & qualiter­cun (que) etiam in duorum partium vel omnium Cardinalium unani­mi concordia, quomodo libet etiam per viam Assumptionis unanimi­ter, nemine discrepante, etiam si­ne Scrutinio facto celebrari vel fi­eri: Non solum hujusmodi Electio vel Assumptio eo ipso nulla ex­istat, & nullam eidem sic electo vel Assumpto administrandi in spiritualibus & Temporalibus fa­cultatem tribuat; sed etiam con­tra dictum sic Electum vel As­sumptuus de Simoniaca labe, à quocun (que) Cardinali qui eidem E­lectioni interfuerit apponi & ex­cipi possit sicut de vera & indubi­tata Haeresi, ita quod à nullo pro Rom. Pontifice habeatur. Qui­nimo ipso sic Electus à priori suo Cardinalatus & alio quocun (que) ho­nore, Ecclesiis Cathedralibus eti­am Metropolitanis & Patriarcha­libus, Monasteriis, Dignitatibus, & aliis quibuscun (que) Beneficiis & Peasionibus, quae tunc obtinebat in Titulum vel in Commendam, [Page 147] aut alias quomodocun (que) eo ip­so abs (que) alia declaratione pri­vatus existat. Et Idem Electus non Apostolicus sed Apostati­cus & tanquam Simoniacus & Haeresiarcha, & ad prae­dicta omnia & singula per­petuo inhabilis habeatur & sit.

Nec hujusmodi Simoniaca E­lectio per subsequentem ipsius Inthronizationem, seu temporis cursum, aut etiam omnium Car­dinalium Adorationem seu Obe­dientiam, ullo unquam tempore convolescat, &c.

[Page 146]

With the advice and unani­mous consent of our Brothers the Cardinals of the holy Church of Rome: By this our perpetual Constitution, Apostolical Autho­rity, and fulness of our power, We do Appoint, Ordain, Decree, and Determine, That if it shall hereafter fall out (which God of his mercy and goodness prevent) that when we or our Successors shall by Gods appointment be re­moved from the Government of this Universal Church; that then (through the Devils malice, the Enemy of Ma [...]kinde, or the Am­bition or Coverou [...]ess of the Chusers) the Election of the new Pope be made and done, either by him who is so chosen, or by any other, or more of the Col­ledge of Cardinals, by the Here­sie of Simoniacal Compact; by gi­ving, promising, or receiving mo­nies or goods of any kind, or Lands, or Castles, or Offices, or Bene­fices, or by making any other Pro­mise or Obligation whatsoever; whether it be by themselves or any other, or others, or what other way soever it be, and whe­ther that Election be accomplish'd by two parts, or unanimous con­sent of all the Cardinals; and whether it be by Assumption, or A­doration, all agreeing, though without Writing or Scrutiny, yet that the Election or Assumption so made, shall be from that very mo­ment Void and of none Effect; And that no power or faculty shall accrew thereby to him so thrust in, of any Administration, Government or Jurisdiction in matters Spiritual or Temporal: But also that it shall and may be lawful to any Cardinal present at the same Election, to except against the same Elected or In­truder, to call him in Question for the crime of Simony, as of a true and undoubted Heresie, that so he may be accounted and held of all men as no Pope or Bishop [Page 147] Rome. And moreover, that he, thus Elected, shall hereby from that time forward, though without a Declaration, remain deprived of his Cardinalship, and any other ho­nour whatsoever, whether Cathe­dral, Metropolitan, or Patriarchal Churches, Monasteries, Dignities, and all other Benefices and Pensi­ons, which then he either held by Title, or in Commendam. And that he thus Elected shall not be held as Apostolical, but as an Apo­state, one guilty of Simony, and an Arch-heretick, and never to be ca­pable to enjoy or have all or any of the aforesaid Benefits.

Neither shall such Simoniacal Election be any time afterwards made good, or be in force by any subsequent Inthronization, Adora­tion, or Obedience, or homage done to him by the Cardinals, or by any Continuance or Course of time, &c.

Having thus seen the severe Bull for the avoiding and annihilating of Elections obtain'd by Simony, or suchlike illegal means; let us now see whether it hath been observed or no: and if not, according to their own Law, down falleth succession.

Pope Gregory the Thirteenth being An. 1585. dead, the Cardinals in the Conclave according to custom fell into several Factions about the Election; some being for de la Terre, some for Tarnesius, some approved Savellius, others favour'd Sertettus; Castagneus wanted not Friends, Paleotto had hopes, and others were now and then thought on: Fernesius headed one party, Altemps another, Alexan­drino a third; S. Sixtus by his Authority carryed a great stroke there, de Medici ruled some; and Aloysius de Este, Son to the Duke of Ferrara, had a great party of Cardinals at his Devotion.

These heads of interest drawing several ways, inlarged the Facti­on: at last Cardinal Montalto had some hopes, finding Alexandrino and de Medici his Friends, and at last to stand really for him; but these with their dependants not being strong enough to carry it, he gets some to tamper with S. Sixtus, whilst himself feels the pulse of Aloysius de Este, with whom at last he strikes up a Bargain, the Condition of which was this: That whereas there was one Hieronymus Matthaeus a Roman Bishop of great esteem in the Court, but one that de Este above all men hated; that if Montalto would promise never to make this Matthaeus Cardinal, Aloysius would give his own voyce, and the suffrages of all those Cardinals who were many depending on him, to make the said Montalto Pope: this was agreed on be­tween [Page 148] them; to which Montalto did not onely give him his pro­mise by mouth, but by open writing subscribed and ratified un­der his own hand, and so he carryed the Popedom from all the rest, and call'd himself Sixtus the Fifth.

But now let us see how things work'd to bring this Simoniacal Bargain to light. Pope Sixtus, after this his Election, having got what he aimed at, broke his Promise and Faith made to de Este, and contrary thereunto, made Hieronimo Mattheo Cardinal: which un­faithfulness Aloysius took so much to heart, seeing his Enemies thus advanced to affront him, that he fell deadly sick; but before his death, to be revenged of Sixtus, he sent the Agreement and Co­venant, even the very Original signed with Montalto's hand, to Philip the Second, King of Spain; who thereupon in the year 1589, sent the Duke of Sessa Ambassador to Rome, to give the Pope notice hereof, and to intimate to him the present necessity of a General Council concerning this Simoniacal Election; and to require the Cardinals (created by his Predecessors) and others of the Clergy, to appear in the said Council, which he intended to hold at Sivil in Andaluzia. The King of Spain liking this well enough, having a­bout this time fallen out with the Pope, for not shewing himself vigorous for his Castilian interest, then troubling France: But up­on Duke Sessa's coming to Rome, Sixtus dyed, and so this Council for a new Election fell to the ground.

Yet the story of this Simoniacal Election was not forgot; inso­much, that when a few years after Clement the Eighth [who was made Cardinal by the aforesaid Sixtus the Fifth, and to whose Election about thirty illegal Cardinals concur'd] did absolve Henry the Fourth, and so acknowledged him King of France, several Spaniards openly undertook to prove, that this Clement was not law­fully elected Pope, and so had no power to absolve King Henry; to which purpose also several Books were writ by them. For if Sixtus was guilty of Simony, then by the Bull of Julius the Second he was no true and lawful Pope, and so could not make Cardinals, nor these so supposed to be created, to elect a Pope: However, he un­dertook to coyn these thirty three Cardinals.

  • 1. Alexander Perettus de Montalto, Nephew to this Pope Sixtus the Fifth: he was but fourteen years old.
  • 2. Henricus Caetanus.
  • 3. Georgius Drascovitius.
  • 4. Jo. Baptist. Castruccio.
  • 5. Fr. Fridericus Cornelius.
  • 6. Dominicus Pinellus.
  • 7. Hippolitus de Rubeis.
  • 8. Decius Azolinus.
  • 9. Hippolito Aldobrandino, afterwards Pope Clement VIII.
  • 10. Hieronimo du Ruvere.
  • 11. Philippus de Lenoncourt.
  • 12. Hier. Bernerius de [...]orrigio.
  • 13. Anton. Maria Gallius.
  • 14. Constantinus Buccafocus Sarnanus.
  • 15. Hieron. Matthaeus, Enemy to Cardinal de Este.
  • 16. Benedictus Justinianus.
  • 17. Ascanus Columna.
  • [Page 149]18. William Allen, an Englishman.
  • 19. Scipio Gonzaga.
  • 20. Antonius Saulius.
  • 21. Jo. Evangelista Pallotta.
  • 22. Petrus Gondius.
  • 23. Stephanus Bonuccius.
  • 24. Johan. de Mendoza.
  • 25. Hugo Verdala.
  • 26. Federicus Borremaeus.
  • 27. Jo. Francisc. Maurocenus.
  • 28. Augustinus Cusanus.
  • 29. Franciscus Maria de Monte.
  • 30. Marianus Perbenedictus.
  • 31. Gregorius Petrochius de Montelparo.
  • 32. Carolus de Lotharingia.
  • 33. Guido Pepulus.

If these Cardinals be illegal, then will the following Popes be also unlawful: for this Sixtus the Fifth being dead, fifty three Car­dinals enter the Conclave, twenty five of which number were made by Sixtus; and being headed by his Nephew Montalto, having got some others to joyn with them, they chose Cardinal Castagneus, who call'd himself Ʋrban the Seventh, who dyed a few days after; and after him, not without a great deal of clutter, canvassing and faction, was chosen Cardinal Sfondratus, who call'd himself Gregory the Fourteenth: and in this Conclave was as many of Sixtus his Car­dinals, as in the former headed by Montalto: after ten Months this Bishops dyed; and after the same way was Cardinal Facchinetto cho­fen, who call'd himself Innocent the Ninth, who after two Months rule also dyed.

And the next that sat in the Chair, was Cardinal Aldobrandino, who call'd himself Clement the Eighth; who before his Election was not so much as a Bishop, and so was afterwards, but before his Coro­nation, made one. Besides this, if Sixtus the Fifth was no true Pope, nor could this Clement be one also, being made Cardinal (which qualifieth him for the Popedom) by Sixtus. But another exception may be brought against his Election.

For the Cardinals being in the Conclave, two parts in three of them agreed upon Cardinal de S. Severina, whom they nomi­nated, took and led into the Chappel of S. Paul [January 11.] where they set him in the Papal Chair, and by publick scrutiny pro­claim him Pope, and so the very Decretal Greg. de E­lect. c. lice [...] de vitanda. Canon doth acknowledge him. But let us now see an after-game, the third part remaining perplext without the Chappel; from them cometh in two Cardi­nals, Gesualdus and Sfortia, the first crying out, My Lords, let's num­ber the voices, to see if two full parts have consented; and with that he began to count, but so leisurely, that in the mean time Sfortia had plaid his part so well with two of the Cardinals, that he got them out of the Chappel, whereby two parts in three did not continue: Be­sides this, at his return into the Chappel, he behaved himself so cun­ningly with the other Cardinals, by laying open to them the rigour and severity of San▪ Severina (good Arguments to some of them) that several of them left their thus Elected Pope, and joyning with the third party, who stay'd without the Chappel, and nominated [Page 150] Clement the Eighth, of the validity of whose Election there was a great doubt and dispute at Rome, as a Life of Fa­ther Paul, pag 62. Romanist confesseth.

Now I suppose that when two parts in three (the number to make an Election good) have freely given their suffrages to such a one to make him Pope, and moreover, in confirmation of it, have de­clared the same more fully by some other ceremonies, as setting of him in the Pontifical Chair, and suchlike, that they cannot recall their Voyces again. Nay further, that if their number had not been sufficient to compleat an Election, they could not with honesty recant at the same time: However, the very carrying on of this op­position was a meer juggle and trick of Sfortia and Gesua [...]dus, and so illegal and null according to the Dist. 23. c. In nomine Domin [...] Canon.

Nor is it material to say that he wanted Inthronization or Adora­tion, or kissing of the foot. All these being but effects and conse­quences of a true Election, but not essential to the Election; and are appointed to be done to him that is Elected, but do not help for­ward his Election. Besides this, their own Loco ci­tato. Canon doth not make these necessary to an Election; if they cannot conveniently be done, by the opposition of some cross-grain'd and wicked-minded men, either by force or cunning, as at this time.

If this Sant-Severina was truely Elected, then could not Clement the Eighth be a true Pope: and if Clement had no right to the Pope­dom, no more could Leo the Eleventh, the Conclave in which he was chosen, being ruled by the Cardinals made by this Clement, thir­ty nine of them being present, he having created fifty three in all.

And the same objection might pass against his Successor Paul the Fifth, at whose Election forty Cardinals made by Clement the Eighth assisted. Besides this, we are told of suchlike dealings in this Conclave, as there was in that when S. Severina had the go-by, viz. that in this Conclave sixty one Cardinals entred, forty four of whom [full two parts in three] chose Cardinal Tuschus, and took him, though sick and lying in his bed, and had him carryed into the Chap­pel of Sixtus the Fourth, that they might Inthrone and Adore him as a Pope; and whilst in the mean time, they expected the rest of the third part, according to custome to increase the solemnity, they altogether used Tuschus as Pope, both by their demeanor, some exhibiting Petitions, others begging favours; at last, in haste cometh Cardinal Baronius, Justi [...]iano, and Montalto, the Ring-leaders of the third party or faction, and being got to the Chappel-door, Baronius cryeth out, What, will you chuse a Pope, that at every word speaks —Qui in om­ni verbo Priapum miscet. bawdily and filthily, to the great scandal of Christians? Upon which, and some other discourses, the other Cardinals were tolled away; and so poor Tuschus was there left sick of a Fevour in his bed: and so at last Cardinal Borghesi was chosen, and call'd Paul the Fifth.

As for this Dominicus Tuschus, Cardinal de S. Onufrio, in relation to Baronius his accusation, I shall say little, onely that he shew'd himself to be a Lombard, [he was born at Reggio] where custom makes some bad words proverbially familiar, even with the best of men; and Tuschus himself was naturally of a free, debonnaire, and jocant spirit and humour, being all heart, and full of merry sto­ries and jests; which never agrees with a morose and zeal-pretend­ing-gravity: And yet was Tuschus as famous for his skill in Law, as [Page 151] Baronius in Church-story; and for ought that I know, as diligent a Student as the other, as his eight large Volumes can testifie, dedicated (a great sign of good nature) even to this Paul the Fifth: they were both of them made Cardinals by Clement the Eighth.

But enough of this, though a discourse might be renew'd concern­ing the awe, if not bribery, that many Cardinals lye under in a Con­clave, both of Temporal Princes, and others ruling them in these Elections, sufficient to satisfie us, that neither Heaven nor a true Spirit hath always an influence in the chusing of this infallible Vicar.

As for that sneaking vice of Simony, as 'tis most triumphant in the Court of Rome, as practice can testifie; and their old Taxa Cancell. A­post. sect. 4. Tit, 6. Taxa declares it to be but a puny Peccadiglio, yet by them far greater than Id. sect. 3. Tit. 6, 7. sect. 4. Tit 4. Murder: so I could wish it were no where else, and 'twould be well if Patron as well as Parson were obliged by Oath against it: But it may be, 'tis dangerous too speak too plain on this case, since story tell, us that the good B [...]ron. an. 1066. § 19, 20. Arialdus was publickly murdred for accusing one though justly, of this vice.

Yet I cannot but think of Rudolphus [Son to Simon the Second, Duke of Lorreign] Bishop of Liege in Germany, and I think by some made Bishop of Ments; who gloried so much in this Simony, that Caesarius Hist. lib. 6. cap. 5. one time having sold a Prebendship, shew'd publickly the mony to many people, boastingly said, I have hugely inrich'd the Church of Liege, and inlarged her Revenues: for that Prebendship which my Predecessors used to sell for ten Marks, I have now skrew'd up to pass for forty. And this, we may suppose, was a good price in his time, about five hundred years ago.

But though the vice with this man went unmask'd and at noon­day, one of the Philips of France by an ingenious trick shew'd his dislike of it; in short, thus: According to mine old Author, the Ab­bot of S. Denis being dead, one came to the King, begg'd the pre­f [...]rment, Ib. cap. 1 [...]. and offer'd him 500 pounds: the King would consider of it, but bid him give the money to the Chamberlain: another know­ing of this, cometh with the same Petition and Sum, and receives the same Answer: and so to a third, all unknown one to ano­ther. At last the King appoints a day for the disposing of the place; and being set in the Chapter-house, every one of the three money­givers thinking to be the man, at last, after some discourse, the King looking about, saw a poor Monk sitting in a corner, never thinking of any preferment; he calls him to him, and bid him take notice that he made him Abbot of St. Denis: The poor Monk de­sired by all means to be excused, as one no way fit for such an ho­nour; and besides all that, the Abbey was in debt, and had not wherewithal to pay it sufficiently: But the King bid him take no care for that, for he would give him moneys to defray those things; and forthwith order'd the 1500 pounds (given to the King by the three former Competitors) to be given him. And so he became Ab­bot, whilst the other three deservedly lost it.

And such a story as this there goeth on our King William the Se­cond, who though he used to be guilty in selling Church-places, yet one time it seems in a▪ frolick he crost the humour; for an Abbey being vacant, two Monks went to him to beg it or buy it, in opposi­tion one to the other; and in thus out-bidding one another, offer'd great sums. Whilst these were thus chaffering, the King espyed a­nother [Page 152] Monk at the lower end of the Chamber, who, by chance, for company sake had come along with one of the Competitors: The King asked him, what he would give for it? who answered, that he neither had any thing to give, nor if he had, would he give any thing: Well (quoth the King) thou hast spoken like an honest man, and art fitter to be Abbot than either of these; and so bestowed the Abbey upon him freely. The truth is, it must be something else, besides true Politicks, that prefers the covetous man to Church-dig­nities, because the very Office or Order through him gets an Odium amongst the people.

The Learned Italian in his Supplication to the Emperour, &c. from the Popes guiltiness of Simony, concludes the necessity of a General Council, to amend and restrain these enormities: And though he be a serious Romanist, yet he confesseth, that upon these and suchlike faults, the Temporal Princes have good and sufficient Authority to call such a Council, and earnestly perswades the Chri­stian Princes to effect it.

But experience tells us, that these meetings are as terrible to the Pope, as tumults to the Grand Seignior; the latter upon sight of these up-rores, fears his ruine and end not to be far off; and the Bi­shops of Rome suppose Councils, especially the latter, do rather take away then give them any jurisdiction, whereby such conventions are both chargeable and troublesome to them, in the carrying on of their interest; and therefore they use all their cunning and reason to draw such power and thoughts from Temporal Princes, and with a thousand slights will prolong the time: To which purpose the Itali­ans say not amiss of them.

Coll' arte el' Inganno
Lui passa Mezzo anno,
Coll' Inganno è coll' arte
Se vive l' altra parte.
With art and with guile
O'th' year they past one while,
With guile and with art
They live the other part.

And for confirmation of this, we need go no farther than their Council of Trent, it being a long time before the Popes would be perswaded to call it; and when 'twas held, 'twas carryed on with so much cunning and jugling, even to the trouble and grief of many Eminent Roman Catholick Divines there, that the Legates would permit nothing to be concluded upon, but according as they re­ceived directions and orders by Letters from the Pope; which oc­casioned the unlucky Proverb, That the Council of Trent was guided by the Holy Ghost, sent to them from Rome in a Cloak-bag. Insomuch, that several of the Divines there did divers times pub­lickly complain, that it was not a Paolo, pag. 507, 508, 530, 551, 623, 635, 644, 659, 661, 683, 566, 569. free one: and both the Id. p. 279. Emperour, and the King of Id. p. 818. France call'd it a Con­vention.

As for the Testimonies in the Italians supplication, I have no reason to suspect them; it having been above these fifty years dispersed all Europe over, and not (that I know of) in the least con­tradicted; besides, several of their own Historians do almost confess as much.

CHAP. III. The Murther of the Emperour Mauritius, with his Empress, Children, &c. by wicked Phocas: with Pope Gregory the First, sirnamed the Great, his judgement and opinion of that barbarous action; and his Authority pretended o­ver Kings.

HAving hitherto briefly seen the forgery of Constantine's Dona­tion, year 600 the low condition of the Bishops of Rome for some hundreds of years, the power and practice of Temporal Princes over them in their Nominations or Approbations, with some short Observations concerning their Elections: We shall now pro­ceed to what we first designed.

Their great Lawyer De Repub. lib. 2, 6. cap. 7. § 10. Gregorius Tolosanus tells us, that though the Christians indured grievous oppressions and cruel torments, yet for the first three hundred years they never rebell'd against their Kings or Temporal Governours: And had not the Pope incouraged and fomented it, this sin of witch-craft had never been, I am cer­tain, so much practised by those who call themselves Christians. But here Cardinal [...]e Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 7. Bellarmine the Jesuit joyns hand in hand with De jure Reg. Buchanan the Puritan, to free the Primitive Christians from this scandal of Obedience, and would have the fault to lye not in Religion, but the want of strength; though the former Loco ci­tato. Gre­gorius will dash this Argument in pieces, by telling you that they had force and number enough to perpetrate such wickedness, if their wills and piety would allow of it.

As for the Popes Temporal Authorities, Guicciardine will tell you that they had none long after these Nel qual tempo i Pontefici Romani priva [...]i in tutto di potentia Temporale. Gu [...]cciard. Hist. d'Ital. lib. 4. times. 'Tis true, this Section is kna­vishly left out in some Italian Editions, and others who followed them; but you have it at large in the French 1612. Paris, Engl. 1618. London, and some others; and it hath been several times printed by it self, as at 1561. Basil in three Langues, viz. Italian, French and Latin; and at 1595. London in four, the English being added to the sormer; of which the Italian accord­ing to Guicciardines own Manuscript in Florence. As for the Popes spiritual Power, as Bishop of his own See, I They are also lately, (with amend­ments of Thuanus) printed at Amster­dam 1663. have nothing to do with; nor shall I trou­ble my self with the Excommunication of the Emperour Anastatius by the Popes Platina. Gelasins, (h) Anaestatius the Second, or by Baron. an. 502. Symmachus, because [Page 154] it may be, all will not agree of, what was the meaning and authori­ty of such censures in those times. We are also told that Eu­phemius, Patriarch of Constantinople, threatned to depose this Ana­stasius: if so, then it seems others besides Rome can unthrone Princes; but I wonder why An. 491. Baronius brags so much of this, it be­ing quite contrary to the Roman greatness and prerogative. But let us come to realities.

Tiberius the Second being dead, there succeeded him in the Em­pire Mauritius, famous in War, but he was tainted with covetousness. In this time, John, Patriarch of Constantinople, made the means to have himself call'd Ʋniversal Bishop: at this Title, Gregory the First, sirnamed the Great, Bishop of Rome, taketh great offence; and hoping to get this null'd by his acquaintance with the Emperour Maurice, having formerly been at Constantinople with Tiberius and him to prove a confirmation for Pelagius the Second in his Pope­dom, having also been God-father to one of Mauritius his Sons; as also himself confirmed in the Papal Chair by the same Em­perour.

Upon these, and suchlike good turns and acquaintance, he que­stioned not but to have this Title taken from John of Constantino­ple; to which purpose he sends to Mauritius, his Empress and o­thers, Letters after Letters, affirming it to be a Lib. 4. E­pist. 32. New name against Gospel and Canon; a title of vanity, profaness and blasphemy; a Id. Epist. 38 & 39. horrible and wicked word; Epist. 36. that none of his Predecessors had ever used such a profane title, to be abhor'd by a Christian minde; and suchlike, to be read in his Epistles. But the Emperour did not care to trouble himself with these paper-squablings, onely wish'd that they would not bring a scandal to the Church by this railing.

This troubles Gregory; yet he giveth the Emperour all the noble Titles that could be, calling of himself onely Lib. 6. Ep. 62, & 63, & 64. Dust and very Worm of the Earth, his most unworthy man or servant, &c. And indeed, he as well as Duarenus de sacris Ec­cles. Minist. lib. 1. cap. 5. and see more of this in Andr. Ri­vet. Jesuita Vapul. cap. 28. § 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42. pag. 539, 540, 541, 54 [...], &c. other Bishops of Rome in those times were ex­actly obedient to the Emperours (however the case is alter'd now) of which one instance at this time may satisfie.

This Emperour perceiving that every one in those zealous times, thought himself either cock-sure of Heaven, or lived more idle, or lazie, or freer from trouble or danger, if he got but a Monks Cowl on, and lived hum-drumming in a Cell or Monastery, made a Decree against (as I may say) run-away Souldiers (against whom I onely concern my self in the former censure:) In which he Ordain'd, that no Souldier, unless he was dismiss'd, should enter himself in a Monastery to turn Monk, except he were lame, or o­therwise unfit for the Wars. And this he sends to Pope Gregory, ordering him to see it put in practice and divulged. Gregory looks upon this as an unjust law, even contrary to Christianity; and de­sires the Emperour to consider how he can answer it at the day of Lib. 2. Ep. 62. Judgement; yet declared that he had fulfill'd his duty, by yeild­ing obedience to his commands, and so had accordingly published the Order abroad. But I warrant you Gregory the Eighth, and our Modern Popes, would not thus obey the Emperours; and yet they will not say, that this Gregory the Great, an holy Saint in their Ca­lendar, in this his obedience and humility was erronious, or commit­ted a fault.

In the Emperours Army there was one Phocas, a common Captain [Page 155] or Centurion, but a most cruel and wicked man, who upon a Mutiny in Sclavonia, made himself very active, so that they flew into open Rebellion; and in this humour, he plaid his Cards so well, that he became the onely Ring-leader (those that were loyal being forced to flee) insomuch, that they heaved him upon a Shield (an old Cere­mony not onely in Armies, but also in France and Spain, in pro­claming their Kings) and shouted him up for Emperour.

Having gone thus far in villany, he proceeds; and to loose no time, in all haste marcheth to Constantinople; and that with such a strength, that the Emperour Mauritius (who of late had led a very religious life, having sent to all places to be pray'd for) was forced to flee, and so in a little Bark with his Wife and Children, stole out of the City over the Chanel to Chalcedon [now call'd Scutari or Cal­citiu] but being overtaken by Phocas his Souldiers, was brought back to Constantinople, where Phocas had the Emperours Children, (which then he had seis'd on) murther'd before the Fathers face; the poor Mauritius onely repeating that of the Psalmist, Just art thou, O Lord, and righteous are thy judgements. And, which was more, the Emperour having there one of his Sons a little Childe, the kinde Nurse of it, through a strange pitty, love and loyalty, stole it away, and put her own Childe in its stead to be slain. But the Emperour not to be out done in compassion, unwilling to allow of such a cruel charity, withstood the design, and so had his own inno­cent Infant murdred before his face, and at last was himself also slain; then their heads were cut off, and their bodies exposed to all manner of contumelies. There were also murder'd Petrus, Brother to the Emperour, and many of the Loyal Nobility.

Theodosius, eldest Son to Mauritius, who had also been some years before Crown'd Augustus and co-Emperour to his Father, being sent upon this Rebellion to Cos [...]hoes of Persia, to desire his aid and as­sistance against Phocas, was also overtaken and beheaded. And to make the Tragedy compleat, one Scholasticus an Eunuch having saved the Empress Constantina [Daughter to the Emperor Tiberius; thus a Father-in-law and Predecessor to Maurice] and her three Daughters, hid them secretly in a Church; yet was not this so pri­vily done, but Phocas heard of it, and sent to have them delivered. Cyricius the Patriarch of Constantinople made some opposition, nor would he yeild them up, till Phocas had by Oath sworn to do to them no violence; which for some time he kept, thrusting them into a Monastery, but at the years end, had them all four most barba­rously butcher'd.

Here we have Phocas one of the most absolute Villains in the world: as for Mauritius, An. 602. § 23. Baronius himself cannot but give him many commendations; yet he will quickly shoot his bolt to finde out the Reason of all these Judgements against him; and all this, because forsooth he would not comply with the liberty of the Church, as they call it, and was not a sure Friend to Gregory; for this is that which he aims at.

And now let us see how Pope Gregory behaved himself towards this Villain; he no sooner hears of this abominable Murther, and how the Tyrant had made himself Emperour, but he hath the Sta­tues of Phocas and his Wife carryed through Rome in triumph, with a great many pretty cantings; and then with a great deal of state and glory placed up amongst the other Emperours. Nor was this [Page 156] all: for he writes to Phocas, congratulating his good success, as the Angels did the Nativity of our Saviour,—Baron. an. [...]3. § 3. Glory be to God in the highest, who, as it is written, changeth the times, and translateth Kingdoms;—For which we rejoyce that thou art come to the Empire: Let the heavens rejoyce, and let the earth leap for joy; and of your gracious actions, let all the people be exceeding glad.—In another Id. § 5. Letter to the same Tyrant, he rejoyceth, and thanks God that he is Emperour, and that Mauritius was taken away. And in another to Leontia, Wife to Phocas, he thus begins,—Ib. § 6. What tongue can declare? what minde can conceive, the thanks which we owe to God for your Empire?

And yet if we consult Historians, they will assure us, that this Pho­cas was not onely a cruel, furious and bloudy fellow, but also a drunkard, wencher, yea, and an Heretick too. But Ib. § 9. Baronius and Tom. 1. pag. 333. Coquaeus are very busie to quit him of the last fault, and so make him a good Roman Catholick. But be as bad as he will, 'tis confest that his Wife Leontia was guilty of the same vices. Whereby I can scarce think of Pope Gregory's Letters, but I must at the same time remember the flattering and wicked Addresses, of late days, made to Oliver and his Son Richard, by their canting Armies, and suchlike knavish Phanaticks; who in the hight of their wickedness would impudently pretend the Spirit of God to be their Informer. I do not here compare Pope Gregory to these Villains; yet I can easily perswade my self, that he had not (as the Turks story of their great Prophet) the Pigeon or Holy Ghost, at the writing of these Let­ters, directing him at his ear, as they say sometime he had; and so they always paint him.

The Patriarch of Constantinople having (as aforesaid) somewhat angred Phocas, for not delivering the Empress Constantina and her Daughters to his cruelty, without an oath of security; and the Ty­rant seeing himself thus bravely courted by the Infallible Roman, condescended to the request of Pope Boniface the Third, and so de­creed, That the Church of Rome should be the Hic Rogante Papa B [...]nifacic, statuit sedem Romanae Ec­clesiae ut Caput esset omnium Ecclesiarum; quia Ecclesia Con­stant [...]politana primum se omnium Ecclesiarum scribebat. Paul. Diac. de gessis Romanorum, lib. 18. in vit. Phocae. Head or Chief of all other Churches; and this in opposition to the Con­stantinopolitan Church, which had appropriated to her self the stile of the first Church. And her Patriarchs had took upon them the Title of Ʋniversal Bishops, which greatly troubled this Gregory the First, who in opposition to that other [f] Prophane and As Grego­ry himself call'd it. Blasphemous Title [viz. Ʋniver­sal] (but now made use of by all Popes) termed himself the ser­vant of servants of God; upon which Title their 1 Q. 7. c. Quoties cor­d [...]s. Gloss. & per te. Gloss affords us this Distich:

Servi erant tibi Roma prius Domini Dominorum,
Servorum Servi nunc tibi sunt Domini.
The greatest Kings once serv'd thee Rome, but now
To th' least of servants thou thy neck dost bow.

This Title hath been ever since used by his Successors, and not onely by them, but also other Bishops sometimes write themselves [Page 157] so, as Epist. to H [...]n [...]mer of France. Rabanus of Mentz, Will. Som­ners Antiq. of Cant. Agelnoth of Canterbury, Coquaeus, Tom. 2. p. 70. An­selme of Ravenna, Ib. S. Augustin himself, and many others; and indeed they confess, that that Title is Coeffeteau, pag. 807. il est commum à tous les Evesques. common to all other Bi­shops; and so is the word Vid. Fran. Duaren. de sacris Eccles. Minist. lib. 1. cap. 10. Papa too. But though Pope Gregory stiled himself so humbly, yet we are told that he declared, that he had Authority to depose the greatest Kings; in proof of which, thus they frame their Arguments.

About the time that this Gregory the Great was a Young man, there flourish'd in France one Medard, famous (as they say) for his holiness and miracles, and since Sainted; who was at the same time Bishop of two Places, viz Noyon in Picardy, and Tourney in Flanders; and this by the Popes approbation: though I doubt that Monsieur Hist. des Saints, Tom. 1. p. 689. Gazet is out, when he makes it to be Pope Hormisda, who must have dyed before this, according to the computation of Hist. Episc. Gal. p. 310. Chenu.

St. Medard dying, King Clotaire had his body carryed to Soissons in Picardy, and there buryed, where he began to build a Church for him; but being murder'd, his Son Sigebert finished it. To this they say, this Lib. 2. In­dict. 11. post Epist. 38. Gregory the First gave great Priviledges, with an ex­press Order that that King or Potentate should be degraded or Fran. Bozzius de Temporal. Monarch. p. 225. Bel­larm. de Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 8. deposed, who violated them: Of this —Vides lector Pontis [...]cis Romani esse sancire leges, quibus si ipsi Reges non pareant Regno pri­ventur. Baron. an. 593. § 86. Baronius makes a great boasting, how thus the Pope can depose Kings; and Gregory the Eighth made use of this instance for an Argument against the Em­perour Henry.

And what might not Gregory the Great do upon Earth over poor Mortals, whose jurisdiction reached so far, that they say he relieved the tormented soul of Trojan the Heathen Emperour out of Hell, and sent it packing to Heaven; in proof and vindication of which pret­ty action, their famous Vid. Cia­con. vit. Greg. I. Alphonsus Ciaconius wrote a particular Book.

Another instance they give us of Gregory's jurisdiction over Kings, viz. that Queen Brunechilde or Brunehaut built a Vit. Borth. Cassanaeum. Catal. glor. mundi, part 12. consid. 60. fol. 332. Monastery to S. Martin at Authum in Burgundy, where she her self was buryed. To which our Lib. 11. In­dict. 6. Epist. 10. Gregory the First granted also many Priviledges, but with the same Decree against those who violated any of them: Of which Anno 603. § 17. Baronius also taketh special notice, and triumpths thus of the Papal Authority in deposing of Kings, as he did for­merly. But some think these Deeds and Priviledges are Vit. Caron. Remonstrant. Hybernorum, part 5. pag. 68, 69. forged.

And truely, S. Martin Archbishop of Tours deserved both a good Church and great Priviledges, if that be true which they Pet. Natal. l. 10. c. 47. story of him; as how he rais'd three people from the dead, and [Page 158] cured folk by kissing, who had Angels to cover his arms with plates of gold, and those holy Choristers to sing his soul into Hea­ven, who was compared to the Baron. an. 583. Apostles and Elias, and of whom they tell many suchlike pretty stories; yet methinks his charity was very odd, to turn away his man, onely because he was V [...]lleg Flos Sanct. Novemb. 11. good­natured and vertuous.

CHAP. IV.

1. The deposing of Suintila, King of Spain.

2. The Murther of Childerick the Second, King of France, with his Queen great with Childe.

3. The unfortunate Rule and Murther of the Emperour Justi­nian the Second, and the troubles of Constantinople.

4. The Popes censures and troublings of the Emperour Leo the Third about Images.

5. The deposing of Childerick the Third, King of France.

Sect. 1. The deposing of Suintila, King of Spain.

ANd now let us turn to the West, and in Spain we shall finde the Pens of Authors in as much opposition, as the Swords of Souldiers: for though all confess that An 621. Suintila was lawful King of the Goths in Spain, yet Writers will not agree of his life and exit. For though Chroni­con. Isidorus, Lib. 2. c. 17. Rodericus, Toletanus, Cap 33. Alphonsus de Carthagena, and the other ancient Spanish Histori­ans do declare him to be one of the bravest Princes in the world, not onely for his Justice, Charity, Humility, and other excellent Ver­tues, but also Valour joyn'd with Success, whereby, they say, he drove the Romans out of those Territories; and so was the first of the Goths that obtain'd the absolute Monarchy of Spain:

Yet some of our Modern Writers lay all manner of Tyranny and Vices to his charge, drawn thereunto, I suppose, by that which they finde set down in the Fourth Council of Cap. 75. Toledo. Though me­thinks 'tis somewhat odd, that learned Isidore, the great Bishop of Sevil, and one Sainted in the Roman Calendar, should so soon write contradictions, as not onely by his subscription to this Council, to commend the usurping Sisenandus; but to declare Suintila [Cintila, Santila, or Suinthila] to be abominable vicious, tyrannical, a fugitive, and what not? whom a little be­fore he had Praeter has militares gloriae la [...]des plutimae in eo Regiae Maj [...]statis virtutes, fides, prudentia, industria in judicus exa­minatio, st [...]enua in regendo regno cura, prac [...]pua circa omnes munificentia, largus erga indigentes & I [...]opes, misericordia satis premptus; ita ut non solum Princeps Populotum, sed eti­am Pater Pauperum vocari sit dignus. l [...]dori Chron. magnified for a brave Souldier and King, for one vertuous, faithful, pru­dent, industrious, just, munifi­cent, and liberal; that he ought [Page 159] to be call'd the Prince of his people, and Father of the poor. He had done well if his Subscription had been true, to have corrected his History, that they might not stand thus at defiance against each o­ther to deceive Posterity; we cannot plead [...]sidores ignorance, see­ing he lived in the same time and Country: and why may not this good Character in his Chronologie be more true and authentick, than that other testified by his and the others subscription, since the first was writ freely, and privately, without any obligation to flatter, onely to inform Posterity, whilst the other (as is very Marian. de rebus Hispan. lib. 6. cap. 5. probable) was onely subscribed to gratifie and pleasure Sisenandus, a dis­sembling and powerful Usurper? But 'tis all one to my purpose, were he good or bad.

And here we have another rancounter amongst Historians: for, the aforenamed Rodericus Ximenius, Archbishop of Toledo; and Alphonsus de Carthagena, Bishop of Burgos; with De Reg. Hispan lib. 2. Michael Ritius, Arbori delle fami­glie Regall di Spagna. pag. 34. Cesare Campana, and several others, give not the least hint of any opposition that Suinthila had in his Government, but that he dyed at Toledo: and the learned Belgick Jesuit, Bibl. Hisp, Tom. 1. p. 163. Andraeas Schottus agreeth to the last, whilst other Writers are confident of his deposi­tion; the story of which is rather hinted at than told, but in sum thus:

One Sisenandus or Sisnandus, but of what relation Pens will not agree, great in Wars and Authority, having a desire to make him­self King, plotted Treason with some others of the Nobility: and the better to carry on this Rebellion, he sent to Dagobert, King of France, to desire his assistance; the which he obtain'd, by his great promises and treasure which he sent to this Dagobert (who sent the Wealth to St. Denis, where he had built the great Church; since that, the burying-place of the French Kings.) A strange piece of Policy (commonly in practice) for Kings not onely to assist, but (if beaten) to protect Rebels against their Soveraigns, when two to one it may a little after be their own case. And as this is a strengthing, so 'tis an incouragement, by the certainty (if overcome) of a refuge to Rebellion.

Dagobert accordingly sends Abondant and Venerand (or Jo. de Bus­siers Hist. Fran. Tom. 1. pag. 183. Vene­rabandus) with an Army of Burgundians, who enter Spain, and march straight-way to Saragoza: Upon this the Gothick Rebels re­volt, joyn to Sisenand; by which he grew so powerful and strong, that Suinthila with his Queen and Children were forced to flee, and so Sisenandus by his treason obtain'd the An. 631. Crown.

The Laity having thus proved themselves bold Rebels, let us see if their Church be cleer from this vice. Sisenand having thus u­surp'd the Throne, cunningly courted peace with all people; and in the third year of his Reign, pretending forsooth a great care for Re­ligion and the Church, [though his Jo. Ma­riana, lib. 6. cap. 5. design was to get himself fully setled, and the through extirpation of Suintila and his Re­lations] call'd a Council at Toledo, where met some LXX Spanish and French [i. e. that part of it then under Spain] Bishops.

The Bishops being met at Toledo in the Church de Santa Leocadia, [a An. 305. 9. Decemb. Virgin-Martyr] Sisenand like an Hypocrite, humbles himself before the Council; and with many tears and sobbings, upon his knees desires their blessings and prayers, and to mend the faults they found in the Church, and suchlike good words. After some Con­sultation, and the making of some Canons, they gratifie Sisenando to [Page 160] the purpose, not onely by declaring of him true and lawful King, and confirming of him in the Throne, but by dashing in pieces all the hopes of Suintila (whom they call Suinthilanis) against whom they raunt very dapperly, calling of him Fugitive and Runaway from his Authority. A pretty jest, that Titius should be call'd coward, Qui propria scelera me­tuens se ip­sum Regno privavit, & potestatis fa­cibus exuit. and worthy to loose his Lands, when being over-power'd by a com­pany of Robbers, he is forced to flee to save his life. And thus they deprive Suinthila his Queen and Children of all benefit there.

Having thus confirm'd Sisenando, they go on and make strange curses and threats against any that shall indeavour to disturb him in his Throne, or, who shall intend by sinister ends to aspire to the Crown. A pretty Type of Oliver Cromwel and his Parliament, who having beat out the true Heir to the Crown, and so made himself Lord Paramount, they vote it high-Treason for any to oppose that Government, or deny the Authority and Rule of his Highness for­sooth; as if it were vertue and godliness in him to depose a lawful Prince, but Treachery and Villany in others to withstand an Usur­per. And Mariana the Jesuit himself (though a great Patron to De Insti­tut. Reg. c. 6. Treason) doth confess that Sisnandus obtain'd the Kingdom, ei­ther by Treachery or Rebellion, though to me in the conclusion there is no difference. Another of the same Society, Sisenandi proditione an rebellione Suin­thila sublatus est. Jo. Marian. de reb. Hispan. lib. 6. cap. 4. viz. Andraeas Schottus, doth confess that Si­senando obtain'd the Kingdom by force or Sisenandus rex creatur, qui per Tyranni­dem Regnum fuit adeptus. A. S. Bibl. Hispan. Tom. 1. pag. 163. Tyranny: and so to conclude this story, we see not onely an action, but also a Vindi­cation of Treason and Rebellion, and that by one of their Councils. Nor is this any such wonder; for they say that the twelfth Council of Toledo did the same courtesie to Flavius Ervigius [or Ervingius, Erigius, or Hermi­gius] after he had Trayterously endeavour'd the poysoning of the renouned King Bamba, or Wamba, and so got the Crown, to which he had no Hist. of Spain, pag. 150. Rob. Tolet. l. 3. c. 12. Alphons. de Carthag. cap. 1940. Andr. Schott. pag. 170. Jo. Ma­rian. l. 6. c. 17. right. And so much at this time for Spain.

Sect. 2. The Murther of Childerick the Second, King of France, with his Queen great with Childe.

ANd now let us walk over the Pyrenean Mountains, and take a turn in France, where we shall finde Childerick the Second, King, but in short time most barbarously murdered; the story thus in short:

This Childerick, (but for what fault Authors will not tell us) had caus'd on Bodilo [or Gaguin. fol. 22. Bolidus] to be bound and whipt with Rods: Upon this he and some others of the Nobility contrive a Plot against their King, though at first in their Councils they could not agree; for though they concluded to take the Kingdom from him, yet some were onely for depriving him, and to have him shorne, and so thrust into a Monastery for a Monk; whilst others would be [Page 161] satisfied with nothing but his death, to which at last the rest con­sented.

Accordingly Bodille seeing the King one time hunting, and but few with him, having call'd his fellow-Traytors together, went and presently Anno 667. slew him; but this not satisfying, to increase their Villany, they took his innocent Queen Blitide, great with Childe as she was, and murder'd both her and the Infant.

Sect. 3. The unfortunate Rule and Murther of the Emperour Justinian the Second, and the troubles of Constantinople.

SOme few years after this, the Emperour Constantinus Pogonatus the Fourth dying, his Son Justinian the Second succeeded in the Empire; and being then but young, did several things unad­visedly, which procured him the ill will of many of his Sub­jects.

Amongst the rest Leontius, a'famous Souldier, and one that had been General, resolved to rebel, and make himself Emperour; which design he discover'd to Gallicanus, Patriarch of Constantinople, and other friends, who consented to the Treachery. Upon this, he pri­vately armed a great many men, who upon a day appointed, went to his house, where he headed them; thence went to the Goals, and set all the Prisoners at liberty: And thus having gathered a sufficient company, he went to the Emperours Palace, where he was pro­claim'd Emperour: and thus apprehending Justinian, very cruelly cut off his Ears and Nose, and some say his Tongue, and then ba­nish'd him to Chersonesus.

Leontius having thus made himself Emperour, sends an Army, but not big enough, against the Sarazins: the General John with this little Army troubled the Sarazins as much as could be, but earnestly sollicited Leontius for more supplies, but without effect; whereupon he himself posted privately to Constantinople to per­swade Leontius, and in his absence left as General one Tiberius Ab­simarus. The Army at last began to murmur to see themselves thus neglected, and proceeded so far as to perswade Tiberius to make him­self Emperour.

Tiberius having thus taken upon him the Title of Emperour, left his design in Asia, and in all speed ships his Army for Greece, where being landed, many of his friends joyn'd to him, and so went straight to Constantinople, where Leontius had fortified himself; but Tibe­rins by force took the City, and Leontius Prisoner, and cut off his Nose and Ears, and slew many of his Friends; and grew so jealous, that he banish'd one of his own dear Friends, viz. Philippus, onely for saying he dream'd that an Eagle alighted upon his head, as if by this he would aspire to the Empire, which after according­ly happened.

For more security, Tiberius Absimarus resolved to kill Justinian; of which he hearing, escaped, and fled into Sarmatia, where he marryed Theodora, Daughter to King Chaganus: but this King being [Page 162] corrupted by Tiberius, resolved to deliver up the Emperour; of which Justinian being informed by his Wife, fled secretly thence: and after long wandring up and down, he got to Trebellius, King of Bulgaria; who pittying his case, rais'd an Army for him, with which he marched to Constantinople, and took it and Tiberius, whom with Leontius he made to be carryed in disgrace through the principal Streets of the City; and then being brought before him in irons, they fell flat down at his feet, upon whose necks Justinian troad, and then they were both onely beheaded; and Calli [...]icus the Bishop had his eyes put out, and himself▪ sent as a present to the Pope. They say farther, that he was so incensed against the Re­bels who had done those great indignities to him, that he never wi­ed or blew his cut Nose [whence he was call'd Rhimetus] but he caus'd one of Leontius his faction to be slain.

Justinian being thus again restored, resolved to be revenged upon the people of Charsenesus, who had formerly designed his distracti­on, and abused him; and accordingly sends an Army against them. Upon this they prepare for defence, and desire the formentioned Philippus to head them; which he doth, calls himself Emperour, and many of Justinians Army revolt to him; and so being very strong, he marcheth towards Constantinople in two divisions, one com­manded by Maurus, who took Tiberius (a young Son to Justinian, but crown'd also Emperour) in a Church begging mercy at the Al­tar, whose head he presently cut off; and the other Army was commanded by Elias, who seis'd upon Justinian himself, and be­headed him with his own hands. And this was the end of unfortu­nate Justinian; and Philippus, sirnamed Bardanes, was held for next Emperour.

This Justinian desiring to see Pope Constantine, then sitting in the Chair at Rome, sent to him, and Hic Con­stantinum Papam ad se venire ju­bens hono­rifice suscepit ac remisit. Paul. D [...]a­con. vit. Ju­stin. & A­nastasius Bibl. commanded him to come to him at Constantinople; who accordingly obeyed, the Emperour going out to meet him, and in sign of humility, not onely imbraced him, but kiss'd his feet. And this we are Gene­brard. Chron. Tom. 2. pag. 706. Coeffeteau, pag. 481. told was the first Emperour that kiss'd the Popes Toe; which was not so much a fault in Justi­nian, as in Constantine to permit: which in my opinion is since that aggravated by placing a Cross at the end of the Shoe or Pantofle, to take away the objection of worshipping a man, since it would be a greater sign of Religion to place that Badge in a more honourable place; but whatever be the pretences, pride and policie (to pro­mote greatness and reverence) is the reason. Though for mine own part, since I finde the greatest Potentates submit themselves to such a salute, I should not scruple to kiss a worse part, if custom gave it authority; for those mens consciences are the worst part of their Religion, which take pet or boggle at those ceremonies, which time and fashion have made signs of civility: and who can now deny the Pope to be a Temporal Prince within his own Territories? And besides this, curiosity is a good prop to the Argument.

And thus by the An. 711. Murther of Justinian the Second, and his Son Tiberius, ended the Imperial Family of Heraclius, which had conti­nued just an hundred years.

Philippus Bardanes having thus made himself Emperour, the Pope [Constantine] and he fell out about Religion; and so the Pope ex­communicated him, and declared him an Heretick [but said nothing against his Rebellion or Murther:] but to end the strife, Artemius [Page 163] his Secretary and others conspire against him: and one day, he rest­ing year 700 himself after his disports on horse-back, they rushed into his Lodging, apprehended him, pluck out his eyes and banish'd him; and the next day they proclaim Artemenius Emperour, who changed his name to Anastasius.

Anastasius the Second sends a great Army against the Saracens, but they took a gig in their heads and revolted, chusing for Empe­rour one Theodosius, a good man, but of no great birth, being onely a Collector of Subsidies.

Theodosius thus Emperour, though really against his will, took Ana­stasius, and gave him his life, but made him a Monk: but he conti­nued not long, for Leo who was General to Anastasius the Second, resolves in vindication of his former Master to oppose him; and so having got a great Army, marched towards Constantinople, and in the way, took prisoner a Son of Theodosius. Upon this the Father began to grow fearful; and not daring to resist so great a power, yeilded himself upon promise to have his life secured, which was granted: Theodosius and his Son, as they say, being both shorne and made Monks. And Leo being thus successful, was made. Emperour, having three, who had sat in the Imperial Throne, his Prisoners, viz.

I. Philippus Bardanes, whom Anastasius had cast into prison, and pluck'd out his eyes.

II. Anastasius, who was forced into holy Orders by Theodosius.

III. Theodosius, who thus submitted to Leo, and was also put into holy Orders.

Sect. 4. The Popes censures and troublings of the Emperour Leo the Third about Images.

LEo the Third before this, call'd Isaurus Conon, from his Coun­try Isaurus in Asia, sirnamed also by his Enemies Iconomachus from his hatred to Images, for which cause Pope Gregory the Se­cond falling out with him, was the occasion of great mischief to Christendom.

This Leo Tollendi ut ipse dice­bat Idola­triae causa, Platin. vit. Gregor. II. declaring against Idolary, as he said, commanded that all Images in the Churches of Constantinople should be taken down; and sent to Gregory the Second at Rome to have his Orders there also obey'd: but this the Pope stifly withstands, affirming the Emperour to have nothing to do in things of Religion, and per­swaded all people in this to oppose the Emperour; which took such effect, that in Constantinople it self, some men did not onely reason against the Imperial Decree, but the women assaulted those who according to Order went about to execute Leo's commands; inso­much, that he was forced to use severity against those who opposed his Edicts.

And in Italy, so zealous were the people by the perswasion of the Church-men, that in Ravenna, where the Imperial Authority most resided, they flew into such open Tumults or Rebellion, that they [Page 164] murther'd Paulus the Fourteenth Exarch, being the Emperours Lieutenant or Deputy; in Rome it self they took Petrus the Duke, and put out his eyes; and in Campania they beheaded the Duke Exhilaratus, and his Son Adrian, who there took the Emperours part against the Pope, who now began to shew themselves Enemies; and two to one, if the Emperour could have got the Pope into his clutches, he had made him smart for his opposition.

But Gregory on the other side had play'd his Cards so well, that he had dwindled the Imperial Jurisdiction in Italy to nothing, by his Excommunication, and suchlike Censures, not onely forbidding any more Tax or Tribute to be paid him, but that he should not at all be obeyed. And here Quo toni­tru exitati fideles Occi­dentale mox desciscunt penitus à Leonis Im­perio, Apo­sto [...]ico Pon­tifici adherentes. Sic dignum posteris idem Gregorius reliquit exemplum, ne in Ecclesia Christi regnare si­nerentur haere [...]ci Principes, si saepe moniti in errore persistere obstinato animo invenirentur. Baron. anno 730. § 5. Baronius according to his custom, huggs and applauds Gregory for his Censures against the Emperour, whereby he got the people to his own Devotion; and also left a good Example to Posterity, not to permit obstinate Heretical Kings to Rule; as the Cardinal saith, who never lets any piece of Rebellion pass without commendation.

But for all this, Leo kept his Imperial Seat in Constantinople, and continued in his resolution against Images, and so had them pull'd down; nor could Gregory the Third, who succeeded his Name-sake, stop his proceedings, though by his Censures, with the consent of the Roman Clergy, he did not onely declare him deprived from the Communion of all Christians, but also deposed from his Empire. But Leo never thought himself the worse for these brutish Thunder­bolts, and so raigned as Emperour to his dying day, having sat in the Imperial Throne twenty four years. And his Son Constantine the Fifth carryed the same Opinion against Images, which did not a little perplex the Popes in his time.

But the Popes quarreling about these trifles, was the occasion that the Emperour of Constantinople lost his jurisdiction in Italy, Ra­venna being about this time taken by Aistulphus, the two and twen­tieth King of the Lumbards, in Italy: Eutichus the Fifthteenth and last Exarch forced to flee (this Exarchical Government having ruled as the Emperours Deputies, almost CC years in Italy, keeping their Seat at Revenna) but the Popes gain'd by this; for the Popes (as some say) having made Pepin King of France, in requital desired his assistance against the Lombards, who accordingly march'd into Italy, beat Aistulph, took Ravenna from him; which with many o­ther Cities he gave to S. Peter, whereby the Pope in a manner held himself Master of that which he now doth in la Marcha di Ancona, Romagna, di Ʋrbino, Bononia and Ferrara: which they say was confirm'd by his Son Charles the Great, with the Addition of the Dukedoms of Spoleto and Tuscany, and the Islands Sicily, Corsica and Sardinia, reserving to himself the Soveraignty of them: but some men give that which is none of theirs to give, and so might Charle­maign; but right or no right, the Popes do not use to loose any thing that is to be had. This Charles the Great also An. 774. beat Desiderius who succeeded Aistulph, and was the last King of the Lombards; and so that Kingdom and Rule ended, after they had triumph'd in that part of Italy (from them) call'd Lombardy, and the adjacent [Page 165] parts, for above CC years; and now the Pope began to strut it with the proudest, throwing off the jurisdiction of the Western Empire, having his daring Lombards thus brought to nought; and Charles the Great, the Champion of Europe his freind, doubly ingaged to him the See of Rome, authorising his Father Pepin to be King of France, the first step to Charles his greatness; and after, as they say, Crown'd him the first Emperour of the West, in opposition to that of the East or Constantinople.

Sect. 5. The deposing of Childerick the Third, King of France.

HAving here treated somewhat of Pepin and Charlemaign, let us see how they came to their greatness and government. There having raign'd in France Eighteen Kings, since Merouce (some say Grand-childe to Pharamund) who was the first that brought these German people into France, and there setled them; there then succeeded in the Kingdom Childerick or Helderick, by some falsely call'd Chilperick, of which name there hath also been two Kings of France.

About the year DLIX Clotaire the First set up the Office of the Du Haillan fol. 316. lib. 4. Majordom [Maire du Palais] being the principal Officer in the Kingdom, one Landregesile being the first that was chosen; these by little and little rais'd their Authority so high, that they disposed of all things. For though at first they were onely Stewards to the Kings Houshold, and could stretch their jurisdiction no farther; yet after the death of Clotaire the Second, they began to increase their power; and at last taking opportunity by the negligen [...]e and weakness of some Kings, they began to rule all things. The first that ad­vanced the Majordoms was Ebroin, in the time of Theodorick or Thierry the First, a very meek and patient King. In this Kings raign was also Pepin the Gross, Major of the Palace: Son to this Pepin was Charles sirnamed Martel, who had himself call'd Prince and Duke of the French; and in his Tomb at S. Denis he is stiled Carolus Martellus Rex. King; and the truth is, he ruled both King and People. Son to this Charles was Pepin sirnamed the short, who deposed his Soveraign, and made himself King; the story thus:

Pepin agitated by an ambitious humour, resolves to make himself King of France; and to facilitate his Treachery, he had several of his Creatures prompted to sound nothing but his commendation; and having thus got a good esteem amongst the Vulgar, (who love no­thing more than novelty) and having also gain'd over to his Faction and interest, what by former favours, future promises, and some awe, many of the great ones; he procures an Assembly or Parliament to be held at Soissons, by the Prelates and Nobility: for as then the third Estate or Commons had no authority in voting, onely the liber­ty of preferring their complaints.

The Assembly presently agreeth to the preferment of Pepin: nor was there any thing which lay in the way, but one scruple, viz. the Oath of Allegiance they had formerly sworn to Childerick. And if [Page 166] they could be but disingaged from this, they were then resolved to pull down their King, and set up the little Candidate.

To cut in pieces this Gordion-knot, 'tis concluded to send to the Pope Zachary, whom (to gratifie themselves) they would fancie to have the power to absolve Subjects from Allegiance and Oaths. And so two are pitch'd upon to go as Ambassadors to his Infallible Holiness, about the pretty, loyal and honest Errand.

The first was call'd Burchard [but now by a French Jo. de Bus­sieres Hist. Fran. Tom. 1. pag. 244. Jesuit er­roniously call'd Richardus] acknowledged by all men to be a Britain by birth; but of what Kingdom is the Question, since both Jo. P [...]ts de Scriptor. Angl. pag. 164. Eng­lish and Dav. Ca­merar. de Scot. fo [...]ti­tud. p. 100. Tho. Dem­s [...]r. Appa­rat [...]s ad Hist. Scot. Scotch declare him to be theirs; some will also have him to have been Bishop of Jan. de Serres, pag. 184. Bourges in France, but I see little reason for that opinion; neither Claudius Robertus, nor Chenu making any such name or man in their Histories of that Archbishoprick: And therefore we shall with the common opinion, conclude him to have been the first Bishop of Wirtzburg in Franconia: However, he is well enough, being Sainted in the Roman Calendar. The other im­ploy'd in this Ambassie was Tulrad, chief Chaplain to Pepin, and made Abbot of S. Denis.

These being got to Rome, and brought to the Popes presence, Burchard, as the better man, told his tale at large, stuft with the com­mendations of Pepin, and his Father Charles Marte [...], what great maintainers they had and would be to the Romish See: And as for King Childerick, they render'd him the worst of all Creatures; but what was worth all the rest, they promis'd him, that if he would do Pepin this favour, that he, when he was King, would assist the Pope against his Enemies the Lombards, and by reducing of whom, the Pope would in a manner Rule all Italy.

This was that which Zachary look'd for; and so the bargain be­ing thus struck, the Pope by some pretty knack or other, declares the French disingaged from the Oath of Allegiance, they formerly sware to Childerick; and with this good news the two Ambassa­dors return joyfully to their Associates at Soissons, the Pope having delegated S. Bonifacius to annoynt Pepin King.

This Boniface was then the first Archbishop of Mentz [which be­fore him had onely Bishops] he was first call'd Wenefrid; but when N [...]c Se [...]ar. Hist. M [...] ­gunt. p. 341. Gregory the Second consecrated him Bishop, he changed it to Boni­facius, from his good deeds: he was born in Britain, but both Scoth and English strive for him: and it may be that Hist. Mo­gunt. p. 438. Serarius mistakes the Italian Bonifacius for Spotswood, pag. 20. this, who is call'd the Father and Apostle of the Germans, he being the chief means of their Conver­sion to Christianity; and he was in all things a true man of the Popes, by whom he is declared a Saint and Martyr.

Bonifacius being accordingly come to Soissons, anoynts Pepin King; and then according to their ancient Custom, being lifted up by some of the Nobility upon a Shield, to be seen of all, is by the acclamation of the people shouted out King of France.

And thus was Childerick deposed, whose Heir they rounded or shortned, as a badge of infamy and degrading: and the better to un­derstand the ignominy of this, we must know that Clodion or Cloion the Second, King of the Francks or France, and Son to Pharamond, Jan. de Ser­res. made a Law, that none but the King, his Sons, or Princes of the Bloud-royal should wear long Hair, it being as with the Romans a sign of Rule and Authority; which occasioned their cropping of [Page 167] Slaves or Servants: and this Custom confirm'd by this Law of Clo­dio [...], continued a long time in France; insomuch that Clodamire, Son to Clouis, being slain in Battail by the Burgundians, was found and known from the rest of the dead men, by his long Hair. And which is more, this badge they observed with such Reverence and Devotion, that their Histories tell us that Queen Clotilde would ra­ther allow her Sons heads to be cut off than their hair; as if she ex­prest by that, an honourable death before an ignoble life. This King Clodion, for his establishing this Custom amongst his people, was sirnamed the Le Che­velu. Hairy.

But the dishonourable cropping was not all they did to their King Childerick; but as if to make him ever after incapable to sit in the Throne again, they had his Pole shorne or shaven, his Robes pull'd off, and a Religious Habit put on; and so forcing of him to be a Monk, thrust him into a Monastery: and they served his Queen G [...]selee after the same way, making of her be vail'd, and so thrust into a Nunnery. And thus ended the Royal Family of the Mer [...]u­ingiens [so call'd from King Merouce, the first that brought them out of Germany] after they had raigned over the French CCC years.

As for Childerick, I believe he was easie-natured-enough, apt to be cheated by every knave, being none of the wisest: but yet it will not follow, that he should therefore be deposed; but on the contrary, upheld by good assistants and councsels, himself being tainted with no vice or wickedness; but on the contrary, as Chilperico non si mosse punto dell' ingiuria fat­tagli, per haverlo privato del Regno, anzi essendo di natura pia, è pacifica, si arreccò à gloria l'esse fatto Monaco. Perche tutto il tempo che visse nel Monasterio, egli menò vita Angelica. Paolo Morigi Hist. de Personaggi il­lustri Religiosi. lib. 3. cap. 18. pag. 138. Paolo Morigi will assure us, very religious, good-natured, and peaceful: and all the time to his dying day in the Monastery led a very hea­venly life.

Here some raise an objection concerning the anoynting of Pepin, sirnamed the Le bref. short, for his littleness: for some will have him onely anoynted by S. Boniface, Archbishop of Mentz; others onely by Pope Stephanus the Third. But Hist. Mo­gunt. lib. 3. not. 38. pag. 522, 523, 524. Serarius thinks it no great wonder to have them both true, it being not the first time, as he sheweth, that a King hath been twice anoynted, as amongst the Israelites; and that Pepin was also Crowned by Pope Stephanus the Third, they with joy confess; and thus tell the story:

The Lombards being rampant in Italy, the Pope for his security, and to beg assistance, fled to Pepin, at his coming into France: P. Mexia vite di gl' Imperadori, vit. Constan­tin. V. fol. 306. b. Jo. de Bussieres, Tom. 1. pag. 249, 250. Grimston's Imp. Hist. pag. 371. Fulrad the Abbot, and Duke Rotaldus, were sent to congratulate him in the Kings name; and moving forward in his journey, Charles his Eldest Son waited upon him; and three miles off Paris, Pepin himself met him, alighted off his Horse, prostrated himself before him, kiss'd his feet, and [the more to curry-favour with that See, whence he had his Crown, and was now to desire another courtesie] very humbly play'd the part of a Lackey, himself refusing to ride, but on foot very dapperly leading by the Bridle the Horse on which Pope Stephanus rode. Whilst this Pope stay'd in France, he anoynted at S. Denis Pepin for King, Bertrad his Wife for Queen, and his two Sons Charles [afterwards Emperour, and call'd Charlemaign] and Caroloman, as Princes to succeed their Father; whom he publickly [Page 168] declared to be the true and lawful King; and that it should be un­lawful hereafter for the French to have any King, but of the Race of Pepin. The Pope having done this good turn to Pepin, he in re­quital beats the Lombards, and the Towns taken from them bestows upon St. Peter for the good of his soul; and having thus resetled the Bishop of Rome, returneth to France. And this Pepin, as Hist. de France, Tom. 1. Scipion Dupleix saith, was the first. Christian King that ever was anoynted.

I shall not trouble my self with the dispute of this Id. pag. 338. § 4. Dupleix against d [...] Haillan and Hotoman, whether the Kingdom of France be Hereditary or Elective: for if these great French Lawyers and Historians cannot agree, they will never grant a stranger to be Um­pire; though I shall willingly grant that Monarchy absolute and He­reditary.

And again, though some will have this deposition done onely by the Authority remaining in the French; yet I finde most of the Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 17. l. 5. c. 8. Gasp. Sciop. Ecclesiast. pag. 511, 512. Di [...]nys. Carthus. de Author. Pap. l. 1. art. 6. Celsmancinus de jur. Principat. l. 3. c. 3. Fran. Duarenus de Benefic. l. 1. c. 4. Fran. Ghetius Theol. Moral. v. Papa, § 10. S. Raymond. Sum. l. 1. tit. de Haeret. § 7. pag. 41. Jo. de Turrecrem. Sum. de Eccles. c. 14 propos. 4. Lud. [...] Param. l. 1. Q. 1. Opin. 4. § 55. Sylvest de Priero Sum. v. Papa, § 11. Dom. [...] Soto dist. 25. Q. 2. Art. 1. Alpho [...]s. d Castro de Haeret. punit. lib. 2. c. 7. Guil. de Monserrat de success. Regum. dub. 1. § 30. Jo. Quintinus Repet. in C. Novit. de judic. § 127. Jo. de Selva de Benefic. part 4. Q. 8. § 25. Fran. Duarenus de sacris Eccles. Minist. lib. 1. cap. 4. Romanists affirm it acted onely by the Popes authority; and so vapour with this story, as an example of the Popes power to depose Kings. And so I leave it, as I found it.

CHAP. V.

1. The Murther of Constantine the Fifth, Emperour of Con­stantinople, by his Mother Irene.

2. The miserable and troublesome Raign of the Emperour Lewes le Debonnaire, by the many Rebellions against him.

3. The Murther of Michael, Emperour of Constantinople: with Pope Adrian the Second his opinion of the Mur­therer.

4. Several Insolencies and Murders committed by the Venetians against some of their Dukes, about this time.

Sect. 1. The Murther of Constantine the Fifth, Emperour of Constan­tinople, by his Mother Irene.

WE have formerly seen a quarrel between the Emperour and Pope, about the worshipping of Images; and now we shall perceive a giddy zeal make a Mother monstrously unnatural.

Leo the Fourth Emperor of Constantinople being dead, his Son Con­stantine the Fifth succeeded; but being then young, his Mother Irene governed all: she was very earnest for the worshipping of Images, and (which hugely gratified the Pope of Rome) she had the use of them confirm'd by a Council at Nice: and though she was a woman, and the handsomest of her time, yet she wanted neither policie nor courage to sway the Imperial Scepter; and for that time she go­verned, she was esteemed by most.

But Constantine being now come to years, takes the Government upon himself, hath his Mother Irene to live by her self, shews him­self, as his Father and Grand-father had done before, zealous against Images, and willing that Priests should marry; and commands Stau­ratius, an Infant of his Mothers, not to meddle any more with State-Affairs: though at last he let Irene have a great hand in the Empire.

But she not content, unless she had all, conspires against her Son; and with the assistance of Stauratius, won the Army over to their Faction, and so violently seised upon the Emperour, (who endea­voured an escape, but could not) whose eyes she unnaturally ordered to be pluck'd out; which was acted with such violence upon him, that he dyed presently after. And some Historians tell us (which must be left to every mans belief) that the Christ. Be­sold. Synop­sis Hist. Uni­vers. p. 307. Sun, as disdaining to shine upon those who had wickedly pluck'd out the eyes of their [Page 170] Soveraign, vail'd himself up in blackness and mourning, that for seventeen days together there was no light upon the Earth.

As for Irene, there were some Overtures of a Marriage between her and Charles the Great, so to unite the Empires. But Charle­maign's Ambassadors coming to Constantinople, found that design spoil'd by a great alteration: for one Nicephorus having made the Army sure to him, besiegeth Irene, takes her prisoner, is himself de­clared Emperour, giveth an Oath of Allegiance to the Army, ba­nisheth Irene, confining her to the Island Lesbos, where she pines a­way with anguish and grief: and so Nicephorus struck up a peace with Charlemaign, and the Empire's divided.

Th [...] Charles was the first that was Emperour of the West or Ger­many, at whose Coronation the Pope did Adore him, as used to be done to ancient Emperours; that is, as (b) Dupleix saith, the Pope a Alors le Pape (au re­port de nos Annales) a­dora Charles à la maniere des anciens Empereurs, c'est à dire, s'humilia devantluy les genoux à terre, le re­cognoissant comme Empereur Romain. Scipion. Duple [...]x, Tom 1. pag. 449. § 4. kneeling on the ground, humbled himself before him, acknowledging him to be Emperour of Rome.

The French and Spaniard are yet at dispute concerning their Re­lation to this Charlemaign and the Empire; the Castilian affirming himself to have much of this Charles his bloud in him, being in part descended from him, and so hath more right to the Empire than the other; the Royal-line of Charles ending in France, by the coming in of Hugh Capet. This is as furiously opposed by the French; but being nothing to my purpose, I shall refer those of the Spanish Interest to the Reasons of Vindiciae Hispan. Chifletius; whilst those who stand for the French may consult the Answers to them by David Blon­dellus, where the Monsieur may clog himself with a bad method, and multitude of Genealogies; with a Preface, as some say, of the Gate of Myndus, bigger than all the other work or Building. And almost an hundred years ago, Matthaeus Zampinus wrote an Apo­logy for Hugh Capet, as descended from the ancient French Kings, and related also to Charles the Great. But this by the by.

Sect. 2. The miserable and troublesome Raign of the Emperour Lewes le Debonnaire, by the many Rebellions against him.

CHarles le Maigne [or the Great] being dead, there succeeded him, as Emperour and King of France, his Son Lewes le Debon­naire [i. e. the Courteous or Affable] by the Latines call'd Ludovicus Pius; one, though very good-natured and religious, yet was his life nothing but trouble and misery: I shall not say any thing of the Tumultuous Saxons, Hunns, Normans, and suchlike people; but tell you what oppositions he received from his own Kindred, and what Rebellions and Treasons were waged against him by his own Sons.

Bernard, Son to Pepin, Son to Charles the Great, and so Nephew [Page 171] to this Lewes le Debonnaire, was call'd King of Italy, and there year 800 lived to keep those people in subjection to the Empire: but by his inconsiderate Rebellion against his Uncle Lewes, he lost both it, with his liberty, eyes, and life too

Lewes having made Laws to restrain the excess of some Bishops, procured him the hatred of some of the proud Clergy; amongst the rest, three were most eminent in this Faction and Rebellion, viz. Anselmus Bilius the First, Archbishop of Millan; Wolfeldus, Bi­shop of Cremona in Italy; and Theodulphus, Bishop of Orleans in France: these fob'd up Bernard with strange hopes of success, if he would war against his Uncle Lewes; and in several discourses with him, play'd their Cards so well, that having at first breath'd into him discontent, to which his own proud humour perswaded him; then hopes of carrying all, at last ingaged him to appear in open Hostility, titling of himself P. Ber­thault Flo­rus Franci­cus, pag. 118. J. de Serres. King of France, which he also re­solved to seise upon; to which purpose he had got a strong Army, and fortified the Alpean passages into Italy.

The Emperour Lewes informed of this, imploys his whole care to provide himself with a sufficient force; which having gathered toge­ther from several places, marched towards his Enemy. Bernard understanding the great strength of Lewes, and his own Souldiers running away from him, whereby he knowing that he was not able to stand against him, having consulted several ways for his own safety, he found none that were probable to succeed, but his sub­mission; and knowing the Emperour of all men to be most merci­ful and good-natured, taking his opportunity, he goeth to Lewes, acknowledgeth his fault, and humbly begs his pardon; and so did o­thers, the chief of this Rebellion; by which means a full discovery of the design was made: but that which incensed most, was, that the Emperour by these confessions understood, that some of his own chief Councellors, and most intimate familiars, were privy to, and ingaged in the Treachery.

They are all imprisoned, and an Assembly being held at Aken in Germany, they are all there declared, according to their old Laws, guilty of High-Treason, and so the chief of them adjudged to death. The Emperour was very willing to spare Bernard, onely to have confined him to perpetual imprisonment. But the other Coun­cellors about him so aggravated the pride, arrogancie, and this Treason of Bernard, that Lewes, though with grief, consented that he should have his Jo. de Bus­sieres, Tom. 1. pag. 333. eyes pull'd out (it being the common pu­nishment in those times) which accordingly was Giacop. Filip. da Bergamo in his old Itali­an Chrono­cle, (it may be, through a mistake) declares the punishment thus: Bernardo essendomenato in Aquisgrana fu decapitate, fol. 304. b. done; and the third day after he dyed for grief. The Bishops, who were found guilty of this Treachery, were deprived of their Dignities, and thrust into little Covents.

As for the Emperour Lewes, he no sooner heard of Bernards death, but he was hugely troubled, publickly repenting that he had consented to such counsel, openly confessing his cruelty, as he call'd it, and order'd all the Plotters to be set at liberty, and restored to their former Beings.

But now let us proceed to a more unnatural Rebellion; and first, for the better understanding of it, the Reader, if he please, for me­mory-sake may glance upon this small Scheme.

Charles the Great, the First Empe­rour.
  • Lewes le Debonnaire, to him was first gi­ven France; but out­living his two Bro­thers, he be­came Em­perour.
    Her­mingardis, Daughter to Earl Ni­granus.
    • L [...]tharius, after the over­throw of Bernard made King of [...]aly, and was by his Fa­ther joyn'd with him in the Em­pire.
    • Pepin had Aqui­tane given him; he dyed before his Father, leaving two young Sons.
    • Lewes had Bavaria gi­ven him by his Fa­ther, and his Brother Lothaire was forced to give all Germany, and is call'd King of it.
    Judith, Daughter to Welfo, Earl of Altdorf.
    • Charles the Bald was King of France, and at last Emperour: he was poysoned, as some say, by his Physi­tians.

Some have indeavoured to declare the true grounds of this un­natural Rebellion, but others suppose that ambition was the real cause, whatever might be the pretence; one of them being this: Lewes fighting against the Moors in Catalonia (as his Father, Grand­father, and Great-grand-father had done before him) there was one Imperial Hist. pag. 392. Bernardo del Carpio, Nephew to King Alonso, who was so famous in those Wars against the Saracens for his great prudence and success, that the Emperour Lewes took a special liking to him; and being of such great Birth, and Duke of Barcenona, he took him to him into France, making him a special favourite. At this promo­tion of a Stranger, the French took pet; and at last, by rumours and false news so increased the charge, that the crime also fell heavily upon the Empress Juditha, as one too familiar with the said Bernar­do, and as one that had so much possess'd the Emperours affection, that she not onely ruled all, but intended also to get all for her Son Charles, from the Emperours other three Children.

But the truth is, these reports are by the Wisest held to be false and impertinent; for the Emperour, to satisfie the world of the first, order'd Bernardo to depart from him; which accordingly he did, re­turning into Spain: and for any other crime lay'd to him, having beg'd leave, he publickly challenged (according to the custom of those times) any his accuser, against whom he would clear his in­nocencie by Combat; but none appearing, he purged himself by Oath.

As for Judith, Lewes for peace-sake had sent her into a Nunnery; nor would he receive her again, till before her Enemies she had clear'd her self: And a late judicious Jo. Henr. B [...]eler. Comment. de reb [...]s sae­culi IX & X pa [...]. 65. Historian sheweth us, that the ancient Writers of those times do confess, that the accusati­ons lay'd against Judith were all false and lyes. And their other [Page 173] pretence, viz. the indeavours to have young Charles to over-top his Brothers, is very impertinent, considering how he had given to one a great part of Germany, to another a great command in France; and the Eldest, viz. Lotharius, he had had him crown'd Emperour (though himself then living) according to the custom of those times, the better to confirm his succession in the Empire.

But were these pretences true, I see no Authority to warrant this Rebellion, which all Authors cry out against, and acknowledge the cause of all, to be meerly Ambition, Arrogancie, with hopes of domineering.

To this Rebellion, several of their proud Prelates had an itching De Bussie­res, Tom. 1. pag. 349. humour, nourishing within themselves an hatred against the Empe­rour, because he had by Law restrained their Military Pomp, most of them then going habited, and acting like Souldiers, not troubling their thoughts with their Office as Bishops, onely to sweep up the Revenues. The chief of these were Ebo or Ebbo, Archbishop of Rheims, at first a beggerly fellow, but by the Emperours favour thus prefer'd. Jesse, Bishop of Amiens, and such like; and some of the chief Nobility were great promoters of this villany, as Hilduin, Hugo, Monfredus, &c.

And who must head these, but Pepin the Emperours Son? and so having got a considerable Army together, he marcheth against his Father, and in his way takes Orleans.

The Emperour upon notice of this, sends his Empress for security Anno. 830. or policie to a Nunnery at Leon in Picardy, himself going to Com­peigne neerer Paris. Pepin hearing of this, sends a party of his Con­federates to Laon, where by force they take out Juditha, and carry her to their General; where she is threatned with all manner of torments and deaths, unless she will use all her Arguments and In­terest to perswade Lewes to become Monk, and resign the Empire, and she her self to turn Nun. Upon this, she is carryed to Compeigne, where she privately perswades the Emperour to be as cunning as pos­sible in this great concern: and having discovered to him some o­ther hints, she returns to the Confederates, by whom she is sent to Poictiers, and there thrust into the Abbey of De S. Croix. S. Radegonde, and there by force vailed as a Nun: Pepin, and his Confederates, pub­lickly rejoycing at this fine act of theirs, thinking that now they had all at command, and as heart could wish.

Whilst these Insolencies were acted in France, Lotharius or Lotaire, the Eldest Brother, was in Italy at his command; but that he leaveth, and cometh to be an Actor with the rest. At his first coming in, his Councils were divided; for though he declared against any incivi­lity to be done to his Father, yet he punished all Don Bernardo's Relations he could met withal; one he banish'd, and another he com­manded to have his eyes pull'd out, and then did as much as ap­prove of all that had been hitherto done; and so the Empe­rour remain'd without any Power or Authority, excepting the bare Name.

Having gone thus far, 'twas at last supposed the most plausible means to bring their designs about, to have a publick Meeting or Assembly held; where they did not question, but their actions would be approved of, and the Emperour forced to resign. Upon this, it behooves Lewes to play his Cards well now or never; and having consulted all ways, at last he found none that had any hopes [Page 174] of security, but to trust to his old Friends the Germans, where if he could procure the Assembly to be kept, he question'd not but all would go well; for he thought that at this time he had little reason to confide in his Country-men the French, who had thus in time of such need left him in the lurch.

And accordingly he behaved himself so cunningly, that he not only got the Parliament to be held in Germany, but a so that none should appear at this meeting in a Warlike posture, and accompanied with no more than his own Family and Attendants. And having thus secured himself, he goeth to the place appointed with his Son Lothari­us, where seeing himself strengthned with the affection and assistance of a great many Germans, he pluck'd up his courage, and began to oppose the vapours of his Enemies; and in full Parliament, being informed that the two Lord Abbots, Halduin and Walachus, his main opposers, had come to the Meeting attended with Armed men, bold­ly ask'd them, how they durst appear so accompanyed against the Edict? and to punish this their insolencie, commanded both of them with their Souldiers to depart the place, confining the first to reside and winter at Paderborn in Westphalia, and the other at Corbie in Picardy.

This action quite broke the hearts of the rest of the Conspirators, and put them to their wits ends; and scarce knowing which way to turn themselves, the next night, the chief of them went to Lotha­rius, to consult what should be done: nor need this take up much time of consideration; for they found but two ways, either present­ly to put it to the venture of the Sword, or to withdraw them­selves from the Parliament, till they could increase their force, ei­ther to carry all France, which they doubted not of, or by some po­licie to get the Emperour out of the Germans protection; but by all means they perswaded Lotharius never to comply with his Father; and having thus vented their wicked counsels, they returned to their Lodgings.

The Emperour Lewes was not idle all this while, but kept his Spies on foot, by whom he understood the design of this Conven­ticle Upon which, next morning he sends to his Son Lothaire, ad­vising him not to be rul'd by such wicked counsel; nor to trust to such false Friends, who had rebell'd against their Soveraign, and would in time, to a [...]dvantage themselves, desert him too, for all their present fair promises; desiring him to leave the Confederates, and to come to him, where he should be lovingly received.

Lotharius at last thinks it best to obey his Fathers good advice, and accordingly goeth to him, where he was accepted with the dearest affection of a Father. The Conspirators inform'd of this, knew not what to do; but at last thought it best to perswade the Vulgar to Sedition, and so presently gave out that Lotharius was seis'd upon, closely clapt up in prison, and by the appointment of his inraged Father was presently to suffer, unless by violence he were released. The people upon this hurry into Tumults, and so in a tumultuous manner reel towards the Palace, breathing forth nothing but destruction, and the relief of the supposed Priso­ner; and in this fury fall upon the Emperours Life-guard, who loyally and valiantly, for preservation of their Master, defend the Palace-gates, and keep off the inraged Rabble and Confederates. Lewes informed of this outrage and danger, resolved to undeceive [Page 175] them; and taking with him Lothaire, shew'd themselves to the in­solent Rebels, whom he desired his Son to satisfie and pacifie. Lo­tharius having commanded silence, and obtain'd it, informed the people of their mistake; and in a large Speech declared the agree­ment and amity between his Father and himself.

The multitude by this means being pacified, the whole design of the Faction and Rebellion fell to the ground; by which means Lewes obtain'd so much courage and authority, that he had the chief of the Confederates seis'd upon, and in publick Parliament convicted of high-Treason, and so condemned to death. But such was the mer­cie of the Emperour, that he onely had the Clergy-men deprived, and some of the Laity, for security sake, confined to Monasteries: And as for his Rebellious Son Pepin, forgetting all animosity, he re­ceived him into the height of his paternal affection. And having thus eas'd himself of one Rebellion, he sent for his Empress Juditha from the Abbey of Poictiers, whom yet he would not receive to his bed, till according to his Laws, she had purged her self from all the crimes and objections lay'd against her. And thus peace being made between him and his Children, he dissolved the Parliament, sending his Sons to their respective charges, viz. Lotharius to Italy, Pepin to Aquitaine, and Lewes to Bavaria. But not content with this favour and mercie, to compleat his Charity, after the holy Feast of Easter was finished, he by a general Act of Oblivion pardoned all those whom he had before punished, deprived or confined, free­ly granting to every man the liberty of departing and injoying what they did formerly, according to their own humours and pleasures.

Now we might suppose that all would be quiet, the chief of the Rebels, by the Emperours mercie, not onely being shamed, but obliged into loyalty: but we shall finde the contrary. For the aforesaid Bernardo, having by his intreaty procured ano­ther Parliament to be held for the publick clearing of himself from all accusations lay'd against him; accordingly he came, and accord­ing to the unjust and heathenish custom of those times, offer'd to prove his innocencie by Combat; but none appearing to fight him, by Oath he publickly prov'd himself unguilty. The Emperour to satisfie all parties, sent to his Son Pepin, who seemed the greatest E­nemie, to be present at this meeting and purgation of Bernardo. But Pepin doth not presently obey, but protracts the time till the Parliament was dissolved, and all finished; which affront so much incens'd Lewes, that he commanded Pepin to be seis'd upon, who at last giving his Keepers the slip, escaped and fled to Aquitaine, where (upon what account I know not) he got Bernardo to revolt from the Emperour, and joyn with him in the same Rebellion: But Pepin being seis'd upon again, was, to prevent his farther mischief, carry­ed whence he had most sway, and confined to Trevers in Germany: but from this restraint and judgement he also escaped; and being at liberty, made it his whole design to molest and oppose his Father, filling all places he could with Insurrections; which so incensed Lewes, that (seeing by fair means he could not reclaim his Son) he de­prived him of all jurisdiction over, and to Aquitaine, and what­ever else he possest, giving the same to his Sons Lotharius and Charles.

Pepin seeing himself thus deprived of all, resolved to make others [Page 176] as bad as himself; and first, he felt the pulse of his Brother Lothaire, which with a little bad counsel, he moved to beat according to his own desire; and in this humour, they both resolved to renew the Rebellion, to depose their Father, and so rule all: and to this Trea­chery their Ipsi (que) An­tisti [...]es Buc­cinatores belli p [...]ae caeteris, voce, scripto, op [...], & multo maxime exemplo sactionem promovent. Jo. de Bussiers, Hist. Franc. Tom 1. p. 359. Prelates and Clergy were the main Trumpeters, by their preachments, scribling, and bad Example.

According to the plot, the Sons march'd against their Father: Pope Gregory the Fourth coming from Italy (some say with Lotha­rius) to the quarrel, but whether to end it, or foment it, I cannot swear; but the report went then strong, that the Pope assisted the Sons. By this time the Armies drew near one another in Alsatia, and were ready to joyn Battle in a large Field, call'd by the Ger­mans (b) Lugenfeld [i. e. the Field of lyes or deceit] between a Campus Mendacii. Basel and Strasbourg. But here the Pope seem'd to offer his assi­stance to a reconcilement.

The Sons perceiving that the more they delay'd, the stronger they would grow, by the hourly coming over to them of some of the Em­perours Army, desired Pope Gregory to enter into a treaty with their Father; who accordingly goeth to Lewes, whom he found armed amongst his Officers and Army. To be short, time is thus delay'd for several days, and then conditions granted by the Em­perour, with which Gregory returns to the Confederates. But this was the ruine of Lewes; for whilst this design was cunningly dri­ven on, the Sons by their Agitators, had so wrought with the Impe­rial Army, that the morning after Gregory's return, they did not one­ly run away by piece-meal, but upon a sign given, by whole Troops, Regiments and Squadrons, they basely revolted, and march'd over to the Sons, leaving the poor Emperour onely attendant with a few of his faithful and loyal Servants: from which cheating and treacherous action the place hath ever since, to this day, been call'd, as aforesaid, Lugenfeld.

The Emperour seeing himself thus left in the lurch by his perfi­dious Army, and so neer his Enemies, that there was no hope of e­scaping, and if he could, knew not whither to go; desireth his Friends, then left with him, to depart and shift for themselves, that so they might avoy'd the fury of their Rebellious Enemies, not will­ing that they should suffer ruine for their fidelity and honesty: and having thus perswaded them, with tears and sighs of both parties they stole away. And being thus left onely with his Wife, his young Son Charles, and a few Servants, he sent to his Rebellious Sons, that he would deliver himself into their hands; provided they would take care that no affront or violence should be done to him, and those few with him: the Sons consent to it, and command him to come to them; who forthwith mounting on Horse-back, with his few Friends, rode to their Camp, where the Empress was taken from him, delivered to his Son Lewes, and by him sent into Italy, and there thrust into a Nunnery at Tortona, in the Dukedom of Milan; and the Emperour with the rest of his Companions were also confin'd: And now they parted all amongst them, and reward­ed themselves; Pepin was restored to Aquitaine; Lewes had Bavaria, with some other Additions; and Lothaire possest the Empire, and [Page 177] most of France; and so the other Brothers departed to their Domi­nions.

Lothaire had his Father in his custody, whom he carryed to Sois­sons, and there thrust him into the Abbey of St. Medard, and his Son Charles into another Monastery; and having appointed a Parli­ament (for the better colour to his Rebellion) to be held at Com­peigne, at the time appointed they met, where the condition of the Emperour was considered, a company of lying accusations brought in against him, invented crimes falsely lay'd to his charge, and what not? to make him odious to the people. Hebo, the Archbishop of Rheimes, and other Prelates (the Ring-leaders of the Rebel­lion) spoke and acted furiously against him. In the mean time they sent to him, to see if he would quietly and freely resign the Empire, which he absolutely refused to do, declaring he would never part with his Authority; protesting against them as no Judges over him, he being their Soveraign, and they onely his Subjects.

But this put not the least stop to their villany; on the contrary, rather increasing their insolencie: and so in a formal way (like our bloudy High-Court of Justice) proceeding against him; whom, though not heard, nor permitted to approach or speak for himself, they adjudged not worthy to Rule; and by their pretended autho­rity, did there deprive him of all Right, Power, Jurisdiction, or in­terest he had to the Diadem; and so adjudged him to a Monasti­cal life, never to meddle hereafter in any Business. Nor was this all, but, that the Action might carry the greater shew of Equity with it, they by some false Friends had so cunningly dealt with the Emperor underhand, that for all his former resolution, for peace-sake he was over-perswaded or threatned to confess himself guilty, and that in the most publick and vilest fashion, to procure to themselves the greatest honour with the people, and most ignominy to himself. And the manner was thus:

Lewes was carryed to Compeigne, and then in the great Church of the Blessed Virgin, before the Parliament and People, he kneel'd down upon an Hair-cloth, and did publickly confess before them all, that he had done many things amiss, whilst he sway'd the Scepter: But this they thought not sufficient, and therefore the Bi­shops commanded him to make a farther and fuller acknowledge­ment of his crimes and offences; to which purpose, they had afore­hand drawn up a large writing, of a great company of sins, abuses and enormities, of all which he was there declared guilty. The forged Charge it self being long, false, and imperfect, I shall refer you to An. 833. Baronius, and the excellent French Antiquary, Hist. Franc. Scri­ptor. Tom. 2. pag. 331, 332, 333. Andrè du Chesne, to whose learned Collections his industri­ous Son Francis, five years after, added two other large Paris 1641. Volumes.

This slanderous Paper being given into the Emperours hand, he was made to read it before them with a loud voice, and with trick­ling tears, to acknowledge himself guilty of all those untruths; which done, the Prelates subscribed their names as Witnesses; and for a farther confirmation of it, 'twas then lay'd upon the High Altar, as a full and compleat Testimony against Lewes. Yet did not all this satisfie, for as yet the Emperour had not been dispossest of his Imperial Badges; and so to finish their malice, first, they make him take off his Sword and Belt, both which were laid also [Page 178] upon the Altar; then the Bishops pull off his other Royal Robes, instead of which, first they put on him an Hair-shirt, then the other Weeds belonging to a Monk; so Mass being ended, the people are dismist, and poor Lewes thrust into a Monastery, whence the Par­liament being dissolved, Lotharius leads him in that pittiful habit and condition to Aken (or Aix) in Germany.

Here have we seen a good, pious, and virtuous Emperour brought to the worst of ignominies, by his own Rebellious Sons and Sub­jects; and now his unnatural Childe Lothaire ruled and sway'd all according to his own pleasure, which stir'd up discontent in many, whilst the patience of the holy Lewes, at the long run, moved pitty and compassion in others. But not to dwell on this sorrowful sub­ject too long: to be short, several consult seriously about the busi­ness, resolve to be eas'd from their bondage, determine the restau­ration of Lewes; to which purpose after some consideration, some Grandees levy men, which at last, increase to a considerable strength, and so send to Lotharius to have his Father restored; who reply­eth, That none can grieve more than he for the hard dealings against his Father; but he being deposed by the Decree of the Bishops, he cannot be restored without their consent; and desires the presence of some of those Gentlemen to consult with him. In the mean time he had departed from Germany, carrying his Father Prisoner with him to Paris, and thence to S. Denis. But perceiving himself not able to cope with his Enemies, who came too suddenly upon him, he withdrew into Burgondy, leaving his Father behinde him. In the mean time, those who intended the Restauration of the Emperour, came to S. Denis, release Lewes; to whom they offer their service, and desire him to take upon him the Empire again. This he deny­eth, unless he were declared innocent, and restored by Bishops, be­cause by them he had formerly been deprived. Upon this some Bishops are got, who in the great Church at S. Denis, declare the former sentence illegal, with their own hands take off him his Monkish Attire, invest him with the Soveraign Purple, gird his Sword and Belt to him again; and all this publickly before the people. And so we have him Emperour once again.

But his Son Lotharius was far from submitting to, or acknow­ledging any legality in this action; and so having got a considera­ble Army, he ruineth all before him, making Vienne in Dauphinè, and other places there, submit to him; thence he returneth into Bur­gondy, where he taketh Chalons upon the great River Soane, which he destroyeth, and he headeth the two loyal Noblemen, Gosselinus [or Gotselin] and Sanila [or Samila] and to highten his cruelty and Rebellion, takes the Lady Gerberg out of a Nunnery where she profest, made her be put into a Wine-vessel, and so thrown into the River Soane, where she was drown'd; and [...]hence proceeded in his fury to other places in France. But the patient Emperour sent to his Son Lothaire a pardon, and took him into his favour again; the Son being the more willing to accept of it, because he now found that he was not able to withstand his Father.

And now we might think again that all would be quiet, and af­ter so many pardonings and favours, they would let the good Em­perour live in peace. But we finde quite contrary; for his Son Lo­tharius troubles him again in Italy: but this being pacified, his youngest Son Lewes rais'd forces and rebell'd in Germany; the news [Page 179] of which being brought to the good Emperour, so hugely troubled and perplext him, that it put him into a disease, which never left him till his dying day, which followed not long after; all which Anno 840. would be too tedious here to relate, the former action being satisfactory enough to any man, of the heinousness of these unna­tural Rebellions.

We have formerly hinted of Pope Gregory the Fourth, coming from Rome into France, in the time of these late Rebellions; and how by his means, time was protracted at Lugenfeldt, to the ruine of the Emperours Cause, and his Dethronization: To which I shall add nothing, but onely this by the by, that some will not at all grant, that the Pope himself had any design against Lewes, but meerly came upon a good intent to make peace amongst them: A­gainst which Objection I shall not trouble my self with a Reply, but onely refer the Readers to the Learned Collections of De rebus seculi I [...] & X. pag 68. Henricus Boecherus, and the Lord Myst. Iui (que) pag. 157. du Plessis, where they may finde, by some instances, that it was the opinion of the ancient Historians, and those who lived too about the same time, that the Pope joyn'd with the Sons in Rebellion against the Father. However it be, 'tis confest by all parties, that in France the Pope left a very ill name behinde him, for his too much (as they thought) compliance with the Sons.

The truth is, the Emperour might very well take some distaste against Rome, for that noted sedition there; in which Theodore, chief Secretary to the Church of Rome, and Leo the Nomenclator, had their Eyes pull'd out, and Noses cut off, and so slain in the Lateran it self; and no one crime objected against them, but their af­fection to the Emperour: Of which action Pope Paschal the First was accused by some; but he indeavour'd by his Agents to clear himself of this crime to the Emperour: but this not satisfying, and seeing Lewes farther resolved to finde out the business, he by his own Oath declared himself guiltless; and yet at the same time so stout was Paschal, that he would not permit those who had slain them to be punished, or to fall under any secular Judge; and the reason of all this was, because they were people that belong'd to the Fami­ly of S. Peter. A pretty Maxime; yet were it worse, it would be authentick enough in that houshold. And Jaques de Montholon [a false name, I suppose, for I think the true Author was the great Plaidoye pour les Pe­res Jesuites, res Jesuites, p. 403, &c. French Jesuite Pierre Cotton] when in this case he makes it his design to make an Apology for his Society, handleth the Question so slight­ly, cunningly, and with such Leger-de-main, shifting himself (ac­cording to his other Writings) this way and that way, that every man may take him as he thinks fit, and so may be of any side, either accusation or vindication. But this by the by.

'Tis true, Pope Paschal did also declare those who were slain to be guilty of death, and that they justly suffer'd; but this was so lit­tle satisfactory to Lewes, that he sent some again to Rome to examine and try the business: but the death of the Pope, in the mean time, render'd that Journey useless. By this we see that the Emperours yet kept up their Jurisdiction over Rome; nay, and the Pope too, in relation to their Elections. For when Gregory the Fourth was Hon. Boecl [...] ­rus, pag. 84. chosen at Rome, he was not Consecrated, nor acknowledged as full Pope, till the Emperour Lewes his Ambassadors had been at Rome, and throughly examin'd the Election, and informed the Emperour, [Page 180] who consenting, he was then Consecrated. And V [...]. Greg. IV. Platina him­self confesseth somewhat to this purpose, viz. This Gregory was of such modesty, that being chosen by the Clergy and people of Rome, he would not enter into the Popedom, till he had been confirmed by the Emperours Ambassadors, sent for that intent to Rome, and who diligently examin'd the Election: And the reason why Lewes did thus concern himself with the Popes Chair, was, as the same Platina saith, Ne jura Impe [...]i [...] a­mitteret. That he might not lose the Rights and Priviledges of the Em­pire. And some years after this, Leo the Fourth being chosen Pope, and Consecrated, without acquainting the Emperour Lotharius with it, yet was this action winck'd at by the Emperour, upon a reasonable and necessitating excuse, viz. the Saracens raging up and down Italy, they could not conveniently send with the ac­customed Grandeur information to Lothaire; and by reason of such Pagan Enemies, the delay of having an authentick Bishop was then dangerous. And their own Page 497.—lls n' o­s [...]ent le Consacrer sans le Con­sentement de l'Empe [...]eur, qui s'en estoit reservè la Connoissance, & qui d'ailleurs vengeoit severement le mespris s' [...]l n'y estoit appelle. Parmi cela c'estoit comme chose impossi [...]le d'envoyer vers luy, tout le pais estant convert de ces I [...]fidelles. Coeffeteau doth make this Apology, confessing that otherwise they durst not be Consecrated without the Emperours approbation or confirmation.

To which we may add, that the people of Rome at these times, and by the Popes order or consent, swore Allegiance to the Em­perours. These things (with some other Du Plessis, p. 154, 155. reasons mentioned by others) well considered, may give a notable blow to that which they call the Donation of Lewes to the Popes [as for those of Pepin and Charles the Great, they are talk'd of, but I have not seen them set down in set words.] And the vast Falmen Brut [...]m. pag. 181, 182, 183. disagreements in the Co­pies themselves, and yet all held authentick, may add to its suspition.

But as this is not exactly the intent of my design, no more is the History and Assertion of Pope Joane, who is said to have flourish'd about this time. But to be free, as for those who are resolved to de­ny the story and being of such a Woman-Pope, they may strengthen their Faith by the reading of Annotat. in Platin. Onuphrius, De Rom. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 24. Bellarmine, An. 853. Baronius, Fabula Joannae Pa­passae. Floromundus de Raemond, and of late Familier Es [...]laircis­ment de la Question. David Blondell, a French Protestant. As for those who are willing to be­lieve it, I shall refer them for more confirmation to Myst. of Iniq. p. 167. du Plessis, Hist. Ec­cles. tom. 1. cap. 9. p. 616, 617. Hottingerus, our learned Country-man Pope Joane, a Di­alogue. Mr. Alexander Cooke, with the two French-men, Joannae Papissa re­stituta. Samuel Marisius, and Le Sieur Traitè con­ [...]e D. Blon­ [...]ell. Congnard. As for my own judgement, I shall wrap it up with­out partiality or passion in this, that I am so far from being satisfied with the reasons brought against the being of such a woman Pope, that I may fancie those who assert a Pope Joane, afford better Au­thority, Testimony, and Arguments, than those who deny it: And as Cooke in English hath sufficiently answered Floromondus and the rest, so doth Marisius in Latine, and Congnard in French a­bundantly confute David Blondel, though a man of great read­ing. But be it this way or that way, it shall never trouble me; and so let every man think as he pleaseth, for so they must and will: Nor do I positively determine any thing here my self. And so much for our Pope or No-Pope Joane, a story that hath drawn forth to open Battalia, and siding, the greatest Pens in Europe; some [Page 181] to vindicate, others to annihilate the sitting of such a Lady in the Porphyrie Chair, as Infallible Head of the Romish Church: nor to this day will either party give ground or yeild, but still fight it out; and which is more, both singing Victoria, and triumphing as Con­querours: and thus it hath the happiness or misfortune to fare, as some other Articles of the greatest consequence in Religion, never to want Friends and Enemies

Thus have we seen the pious and victorious Emperour, Lewes le Debonnaire, miserably banded to and fro by his own unnatural Children and rebellious Subjects, and by the consent of the chief of his Clergy [and those too, as Historians observe, whom himself or his Great Father had rais'd and prefer'd from the meanest conditi­on to these chiefest places of Honour and Riches] used with all manner of reproach, villany, and ignominy; yet they farther ob­serve, that severe judgements fell upon the chief of them, who with­in Jo. de Bus­sieres. Tom. 1. p. 368. a year were taken away by a Plague or Pestilence from Heaven. And as for the sons themselves [except Pepin, who dyed whilst his Father lived] after the decease of the Emperour Lewes, we may finde them all together by the ears, prosecuting one another with all manner of violence and fury.

But we shall conclude this Tragical story of good Lewes with his Epitaph, as it is in the Monastery of St. Arnulf at Metz in Lorraine, which is according to the riming fashion of those times; by which we may judge the height of their Wit and Poetry: for 'tis to be suppos'd that such a great Emperour had none of the worst Poets of those days to celebrate his fame and memory thus upon his Tomb [and yet we have had many worse made since upon other Empe­rours and Kings.]

Imperii fulmen, Francorum nobile culmen,
Erutus à seclo conditur hoc tumulo.
Rex Lodowicus pietatis tantus amicus,
Quod Pius à Populo dicitur & Tumulo.
Heldegard sobiles Karoli Magni pia proles,
In Pacis metas colligit hunc pietas
Rumelicum villam, quicquidve refertur ad illam,
Arnulfo sancto contulit, huic (que) loco.
Stirps à quo Procerum, Regum (que) vel Imperatorum,
Quorum muneribus sistitur ille locus.

After this Lewes succeeded in the Empire his Son Lothaire, who at last willingly resigned [making himself a Monk] to his Son Lewes the Second; of whom I shall say nothing, but that in his time the Popes began by degrees to neglect to have their Elections confirm'd by the Emperours, whom by little and little they began to trample upon; the greatest Monarchs being now, I know not how, fob'd into a ser­vile reverence of those, whose Predecessors had formerly been their Inferiours, of which this Lewes the Second may serve for an Example.

Nicholas the First being chosen and Consecrated, this Emperour being then at Rome; one time the Pope in great State attended Anastas. vit. Nichol. I. Platina. with all the chief of the City, went to give Lewes the Second a vi­sit; who hearing of it, resolv'd to meet his Holiness; and being met, the Emperour alights from his Horse▪ and on foot with great [Page 182] humility like a Foot-boy led the Popes Horse by the Bridle, and at his departure did the same; though certainly it might have been commendable in Nicholas, not to have permitted so ignoble an acti­on, if not manners to have descended too, and gone a foot with the Emperour: but with the Proverb, When Humility vamps on foot, Pride may ride on cock-horse.

Sect. 3. The Murther of Michael, Emperour of Constantinople: with Pope Adrian the Second his opinion of the Murtherer.

BUt as this Chapter begins with bloud, so let it end: And first, we have about this time Michael [one whose life and rule I shall not commend] Emperour of Constantinople, murder'd in his Cham­ber by Basilius, one whom Michael had rais'd from the basest condi­tion, to the highest preferment; from a common Horse-courser, to the greatest Authority; and had declared him the next Emperour, as now he made himself by the Murther of his Master and Soveraign. But Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople [made so by Michael, Ig­natius being turn'd out] deny'd to give him the Sacrament, as guilty of such an abominable crime; and yet they declare this Basilius to be Basilius vero pius Orthodoxus. Coquaeus Antimorn. tom. 1. pag. 455. Pious and Orthodox, which we may English, a good Roman Catholick. And the truth is, no sooner was the murther done, but Pope Adrian the Second congratulates him by his Apud B [...]n. Concil. Ge­neral. Let­ters, calling of Michael a Tyrant; but as for Basilius, thus he sa­lutes him: Thou art in our time as another peaceful Salomon, who hast hearkned to the words of God thy father, and hast not forsaken the Law of thy Mother; that is, as they say, the Church. Which words put me in minde of Richard Baxter [that motly of Presby­tery] who call'd his friend and name-sake Dick Cromwell, the wise Salomon, and son of a valiant David.

Basilius, and his friend Adrian the Second, agree to have a Coun­cil at Constantinople, in which Photius is turn'd out and curs'd, and Ignatius restored: and here things were so carryed, that the Pope by the Power of Basilius had what he could desire. Can. 3. ae­quo honore cum libro sanctorum Evangelio­rum. Images [which the former Emperours of the East always withstood] are now declared to be held in equal honour with the Gospel, or Word of God. Can. 21. That the Church of Rome is above other Patriarch­ships; that none might speak or write against the Pope under pain of Anathema. That Can. 14. Bishops should not go forth to meet Princes, and if chance to meet, not to alight from their Mules or Horses, or kneel before them upon the score of reverence. That Bishops may be equal to Kings or Emperours. That these Can. 22. secular Monarchs should not interest themselves in the promotion or election of Bi­shops: Nor is it fitting that they should be present in their Can. 17. Sy­nods, unless they be General Councils. And thus Basilius and Pope Adrian gratifie one another. And this they call the An. 869. Eighth General Council, though the Greeks since that will scarce acknow­ledge it so, but rather that held (some hundred years since this) at An. 1435. Florence.

Other Histories might here be inlarged upon, which hapned a­bout these times, as that of Donald the Fifth, King of Scotland, one vicious enough, who was close imprisoned by his own Subjects; which so troubled him, that (as most Writers confess) he became his own Executioner, and An. 859. kill'd himself. And here I might speak also of Ethus, King of the same Nation, who was also put in prison by his Subjects, and within three days An. 875. dyed of grief. This Ethus is sirnamed the Swift or Light-foot; for that, they say, he could run as fast as a Buck or Hare.

Sect. 4. Several Insolencies and Murders committed by the Venetians a­gainst some of their Dukes, about this time.

ANd from these might I turn to a people held in those times more Petr. Mar­cel. de vit. Princip. Venet. Tho. de Fougasses. Ja. Howel Hist. of Ve­nice. Will. Thomas Hist. of Italy. civilized, and whose Government and Prudence hath been held, not onely the wonder of the World, but by some the Bulwark of Christendom, viz. the Venetians, of whom I might at large relate; they being weary of their popular Government, declared them­selves a Bastard Monarchy, by their An. 697. Ducal: And here I might tell how they slew their third Duke An. 737. Orso Hypato, and so changed their Government again to an annual Master or Consulship: the first being Dominico Leone. 2. Felix Cornicula, or Cornacchino. 3. Deodato, Son to the former Orso. 4. Juliano Ypato or Copario. And the fifth and last Zianus Fabritius, or Giovanni Fabritiaco, whose eyes the people put out, and so turned him out of his Office, and agreed to be govern'd by Dukes again; An. 742. electing to that pur­pose the fore-named Deodato, Son to their former Duke Orso; and having ruled thirteen years, they put out his An. 755. eyes too. Then was Galla the Fifth Duke, whose eyes they also An. 756. put out. Af­ter him they appointed to be Duke Dominico Monegario, or Meni­caccio, whose eyes they also An. 764. put out: After succeeded Mau­ritio; then his Son Giovanni, whom they An. 804. banish'd: To him suc­ceeded Obelerio, whom the people An. 809. cut in pieces, drew his guts a­bout the streets, and slew his Wife of the Bloud-royal of France. The next Duke was Angelo Partitiato; then Justinian; then his Brother Giovanni Partitiatio, who going to prayers to St. Peters Church, was seis'd upon, disrobed, and his beard and head being shaven, was An. 836. thrust into a Monastery in Grada. And after him was elected Duke Pietro Tradenico, or Gradenico, who was An. 864. mur­ther'd as he came from St. Zacharies Church. And so for this time I take my leave of the City Venice.

Chap. VI.

1. The deposing of the Emperour Charles the Third, sirnamed the Gross.

2. The jumbling of Emperours, by the obstinacie of the Pope; all which are made more plain by an exact Chronology.

3. The hurly-burly amongst the Popes themselves, whereby their personal Succession is shaken.

Sect. 1. The deposing of the Emperour Charles the Third, sirnamed the Gross.

NOw began the Popes Authority to increase to a wonder; and every man thought himself cock-sure, if he had but that Bishop of his party, who now in all Countries, and o­ver the greatest Monarchs, held himself an Infallible Judge; and if not submitted to, had the strength of his Coercive Power, and the terrible vertue of his Censures and Paper-thunder-bolts, va­por'd and prattl'd up by his Hirelings, to affright an ignorant and poor deluded people.

And to make this his Prerogative more formidable, and so to gain an easier passage, and firmer settlement into peoples belief; their Priests daily made use of pretty stories of Gods Miracles and Judgements [imitated by our late Puritans and Phanaticks] some­times in Purgatory, and sometimes God knows where: and this staple-cheat of reverence and aw was had up on every occasion. Are Images to be worship'd? then what strange Go [...]onus sec. 7, 8. Dauroult. c. 3. Tit. 67. stories have they against those who reject them! Is the Roman Church to be Su­preme? then they have pretty Dauroult. c. 4. Tit. 17. Tales to confirm it. Must not Kings and Emperours meddle with Church-affairs? they will tell you strange Id. ib. Tit. 18 wonders to prove it. And if any man question the Popes going to Heaven, they will assure you how Pope Id. cap. 8. Tit. 22. § 3. Pius the Second flew up thither, not onely cloath'd in white, but with his triple Crown on his head too: and with suchlike fopperies as used the ancient Monks and Fryars to stuff their Preachments, to the ter­rifying of old women, and seducement of the wiser. And well might those ignorant times give credit to such fancies, when of late days the chief of their Writers, such as Baronius, Nierembur­gius, Gononus, Dauroultius, Waddingus, Surius, &c. fill up their vo­luminous Pages with such lying trifles.

And that which made the way more easie for the Popes now to rise to their greatness, and over-top all secular jurisdiction, was the gross ignorance of the times of which we now speak; insomuch, that [Page 185] the Ninth Age is ignominiously branded by all parties, for the unhappy and ignorant Century, in which we can scarce finde any thoughts of good Literature, learning being in a manner quite for­got. Thus stagger'd the Temporal Jurisdiction; the greatest Mo­narchs themselves, either by easiness, or bad counsellors, neglecting their own Authority; and sometimes led by a zealous fear, other times by policie, or interest, were willing to think, and easily per­swaded, that the Pope had a greater power than St. Peter ever ex­ercised, or any of his ancienter and honester Predecessors ever thought they had, in relation to a Coercive Authority over Tem­poral Princes. And what they have once got or made, the peo­ple believe [right or wrong:] for the first they will never part with; and the second, they will make an Article of Faith.

And the truth of this may be testified by approved History. The Emperour Lewes the Second (of whom we formerly hinted) dying without Sons, a dispute arose about the Succession: but Charles the Bald, King of France, obtain'd it of Pope John the Ninth, as some call him, and that, as some say, according to the confession of their Vite di gl▪ Imperadori, fol. 326. b. Mexia, by gifts and Bribery: But after this, Charles le Chaune being An. 877. poy soned at Mantoa, by his Physitian Zedechias a Jew, the canvas began again.

Pope John was resolved for Lewes the Third, King of France; but many of the Italians were for Charles the Fat of Germany: and in this resolution both parties were so stubborn, that the chief of the Romans took Arms, seis'd upon the Pope, and imprisoned him; from whence he getting free, fled into France, where he be­stow'd the An. 878. Empire upon Lewes the Third, the Balbus, le Begue. Stammerer or Stutterer. But this humour lasteth not long; for a little after, the Pope being assisted by Charles against the Moors, then invading Italy, disanull'd the Coronation of the said Lewes the Third, and declared and Crown'd for An. 880. Emperour this Charles, sirnamed the Grosse or Fat. Though I wonder what honest man gave the Pope this power or right of disposing Kingdoms. But as the Proverb saith of Dogs, we may justly affirm, that whilst two strive for a Temporal Title, the Pope is sure to gain, if not the Thing, yet the esteem or honour to dispose of it, a foolish Zeal or Interest being the conveyers.

Yet was the end of this Charles the Fat deplorable enough; for having been Emperour eight years, and by reason of his excessive fatness, growing very dull and lazie, he was An. 887. forsaken by all his Subjects; who having cunningly order'd their plots, elected into the Government Arnulph his Nephew, bastard to Carloman, Son to Lewes the Second. Thus was Charles the Gross, one of the greatest sway then in the world, being Emperour of Germany, King of France, and other Territories, suddenly thrown down from his Glory: and though a man Nic. Se­rartus, Hist. Mogunt. l. 4. p. 664, 665. noted in History for his fortitude, piety, and liberality; yet thus in a moment was he deposed, neg­lected of all men, insomuch, that within three days he had not one to assist him, or take care of him: he that had commanded so ma­ny Dominions and Armies, hath not a boy to wait upon him; and he that had fed so many, had now scarce a bit of bread to put in his mouth, onely what Bishop Lintbert of Mentz, through meer cha­rity and pity did sometimes afford him; and, some say, that af­ter Arnulph, upon his Supplication and Petition, granted him a little [Page 186] allowance. And thus being deposed at a Convention at Fribur neer Mentz in Germany, he went into a poor Village in Swaben, Grimston Imp. Hist. p 4 [...]4. where, somesay, he lived in great want and misery, and so poorly dyed.

'Tis not unworthy the observation, that this Charles the Gross was the first that dated his Letters and Patents with the year of He [...]r. Bo [...] ­ [...]ler. pag. 189. Christ, which hath since been used by Christians: Whereas, the Eastern Princes, even until the Council of Basil, as Continu­at. of Sir W. Ral. p. 138. Rosse saith, used no other Computation in their Subscrip [...]i [...]ns, but that of the world, according to Eusebius his account, which, as some think, is erroneous enough; yet two to one, that amongst such variety and learned Chronologers, we shall finde never a Computation true from the Worlds Original.

And thus much for the unfortunate Charles the Gross, of whom they tell a strange story of a Vision he had, by which he saw many Wil. Mal­mesbur. de gest. Reg. Angl. l. 1. c. 2. Princes and Bishops tormented in Hell or Purgatory, for their facti­ous humours, and fomenting of wars; of which I shall oblige no man to credit any more but this, that as the Dream might be true, so the punishment there declared might possibly be a reward for such bloud-zealous Instruments.

Sect. 2. The jumbling of Emperours, by the obstinacie of the Pope; all which are made more plain by an exact Chronology.

THe deposing and death of Charles the Fat being known, the Empire fell out into great divisions; for the Italians had for­merly began to grumble, that the Emperours, for so long time, had not been elected within their Country, affirming Italy to be the true Seat of the Empire: On the contrary, the Germans stood as stiff for their soyl, declaring that by Charles the Great, the Empire was translated thither, and there it must remain; and so accordingly they chuse Arnolph for Emperonr, and acknowledge none other. In the mean time, the Popes (now also divided into Factions) and Ita­lians crown other men for Emperours; and so for almost LXXX years did each Nation live under their respective Emperors or Kings. And to this day, so resolved are most of the Writers of both Countries, that the Germans acknowledge none for Emperours, but who were chosen in their Country; whom, on the other side, the Italians reject as onely inferiour persons, and write onely those to be Caesars, who were elected on their side the Alpes. And here­in, Baronius is very zealous for his Popes and Country (viz. Italy) dashing out all along those of the German Elections; for which do­ing, he gives you this thundring reason, Eo quod nefas esset Imperatoris nomen assumere, nisi illud esset ab Apostolica sede collatum. Baron. an. 887. § 3. Because one cannot be truely Emperour, unless the Pope confer it upon him.

But the better to understand this jumbling of Emperours, take this following Chronology, in which I shall time the affairs accord­ing to Baronius, Panvinius, or other their chiefest Historians.

CHARLES the GROSSE deposed.
Germany.A. D.A. D.Italy.
ARnolph, Son to Carlo­man, Son to Lewes the Second, was chosen Empe­rour of Germany at Tribur, upon the deposing of Charles le Grosse.887888BErengarius, Duke of Friuli, and Guido Duke of Spoleto, upon the voyding of Charles the Fat, call'd themselves Kings of Italy, which by their facti­ons was miserably divided, making fierce Wars against each other. But Guido was more strong, being coun­tenanced by the Pope Ser­gius; yet Berengarius coun­terfeited to Arm for Ar­nolfus.
In Italy at this time was a great Faction about the Popedom; some stood for Formosus, others were as fierce for one Sergius: but by this means Rome it self was Ruled by force, the friends of Sergius being there more powerful. For­mosus to get himself eas'd of these troubles and ene­mies, sends privately to Ar­nulfe, and invites him to his assistance. 892Guido or Wido, Duke of Spoleto, in Rome is crown'd Emperour by Pope For­mosus: for which he con­firmed those Donations, pretended to have been formerly given to Rome.
Arnulphus having rais'd a potent Army, marcheth in­to Italy, and at last gets be­fore Rome it self; which he summoned to yeild, but they refuse: upon this lay­eth siege to it, and several times attempted to take it, but to no purpose, being still beaten off: At last he became Master of it by an unexpected accident, which was thus: 893Lambert, Son to Guido, (his Father yet living) was also declared Emperour by the same Pope.
An. 904.
But Ba­ronius, though he doth con­fess this, yet will not let him begin his Empire, till after the death of Lewes the Fourth, Son to Boson, viz. An. 904. But upon what ac­count he doth this, I know not. But
Vid. Jo. Gualt. Chron. Chro­nicorum, tom. 2. pag. 163.
Onuphrius makes him the sole Empe­rour after the death of his Father Guido, viz. 894. But in another
De Regn. Ital. An. 896.
place he will not let him be Em­perour till 896, and then Crown'd by Pope Stepha­nus.
A
Lepusculus. Car. Sigon. de Regno Italiae, an. 896.
Leveret or young Hare being one time got neer the Army, and affrighted with the noise of Souldiers, ran towards the City;
 894Guido or Wido dyeth in Italy.
[Page 188]a party of the Souldiers in a frolick ran after her: the Roman Watch seeing them run so siercely towards the City, and not knowing the cause, thought they came to assault the City, and ran a­way. The Germans seeing this opportunity, made up to the Walls, which some of them presently s [...]al'd, whilst other with a Ram batter'd down the Gate: And thus they enter'd the
U [...]bs L [...]onina, so call'd by Leo the Fourth, who com­passed it about with a Wall, that it might not lye open to all Invasions, An. 848. [...] vit. L [...]onis the Fourth.
Vati­can, and so took the City: Ser­gius fled, but all his partakers, who oppo­sed Arnul­fus, were slain without mercy.
   
Arnulphus being con­querour, had himself Crown'd Emperour with a great deal of pomp in St. Peters Church, by Pope For­mosus; and the Romans take this Oath of Allegiance to him.896899
De Regno Italiae.
Carolus Sigonius saith, that in this year Lambert was anoynted Emperour by Pope Stephanus the Sixth, having declared the Coronation of Arnulph to be voyd and null.
Testor Deum omn [...]s (que) Devos, & per Divina My­steria juro, me quo­ad vivam, fore in potestate Imperato­ris Arnulfis, ne (que) Lamberti aut Ma­tris ejus rebus fau­turum, ne (que) ut dig­nitatem al [...]q [...]am ad [...]p [...]scantur, a [...]t hanc [...]bem servi­tute premant, ope­ram daturam. Si­gonius de Regno g [...]or [...]. An. 896.
I profess before God and all the Saints, and swear by the holy Sacra­ments, to be a true Sub­ject to the Emperor Ar­nulf, so long as I live; and never to favour the party of Lambert, or his
Age­struda, A­ge [...]trud [...]s, or [...]ngultrude.
Mo­ther, [Page 189] or to assist them to the obtaining of any dignity, or to their bringing this little City into Bondage.
   
This done, Arnulf quits Rome, and Pope Formosus dyeth; after whom Boni­facius the Sixth sits a few days; and then Stephanus the Sixth, who was an Ene­my to Formosus, and all his actions; wherefore, they say, he presently calls Lam­bert to Rome, whom he creates Emperour, and de­clares the Coronation of Arnulf by Formosus to be voyd.   
Sigonius loco cit. 898And for the better con­firmation of Lambert in the Empire, as about this time, we are told how Pope
Coquaeus Antimorn. tom. 1. pag. 477, 478.
John the Tenth, (or the Ninth) call'd a Synod of LXXIV Bishops (Lambert himself being also there) at Ravenna. In which, a­mongst other things, Ar­nulph is declar'd no Empe­rour, and Lambert held for the onely Caesar: and if so, then it must be either in 898, or the next year, as is probable from the sitting of this Pope John, according to Onuphrius.
About this time Arnul­phus quitted this world.   
Lewes the Fourth, Son to the Emperour Arnulph (his Father being dead) was so­lemnly elected by the Ger­mans at Forchaim (in the Bishoprick of Bamberg in Frankenlandt) he was but very young, and so had Go­vernours or Tutors appoint­ed for him; and he was Crown'd at Aix by Hatto (the Tenth) Archbishop of Mentz.900900Lewes the Fourth, Son to Boson, Earl or King of Pro­vince, was call'd into Italy to oppose Berengarius (of whom formerly) and by Pope Benedict the Fourth was declared Emperour.
  An. 904.Berengarius and he had some fighting; but at last Berengarius cunningly (as some say) seis'd upon him at Verona, pluck'd out his Eyes, of which he dyed
[Page 190]  presently after, viz. 904.
Historians do now and then mightily mistake these two Leweses one for ano­ther; and sometimes by their grand errours about these other divided Empe­rours, the History of these times are very obscure.  
Anno 904. § 2.
Baronius tells us, that this Berengarius en­ter'd Rome with a great Army, and commanded Pope John to Crown him Empe­rour, which accordingly was done; but no sooner was he gone from Rome, but the Pope desireth Lambert to come thither, whom he pub­lickly Crown'd for Empe­rour: and having call'd a Synod at Rome, and the business proposed, the Co­ronation of Berengarius was declared void, but that of Lambert was pronounced legal, and so they held him for Emperour.
By the by, take one story of Equivocation: Adelbert or Albert, Earl of
By some old Authors Babenberg.
Bam­berg in Franconia, rebell'd against the Emperour; and in this broyl slew Earle Con­rade. Lewes besiegeth him in Bamberg; but after many attempts, found no proba­bility of taking it, or him. Upon this, the aforesaid Hatto, Archbishop of Mentz, perswades to policie, and undertakes the plot. Hatto goeth to Albert in his strong Castle of Bamberg, pro­miseth
Serar. Hist. Mogunt. p. 671. Rosse p. 140.
his pardon; how­ever, to restore him safe again to his Castle. Albert goeth out with him towards Lewes; but being gone no farther than the next Vil­lage Theurstat, Hatto pre­tends the conveniency of dining: Upon this, they return to Bamberg, dine, and then go to ask pardon of Lewes; whither being come, as a Traytor he is condemn'd to death. Albert challengeth Hatto of his promise, who replyeth, That he had kept it, because he had once return'd him safe and sound to his Castle: And so Albert was behead­ed; but how Hatto dyed Authors will not agree.
 904Lambert, Son to Guido, though he had formerly been declared Emperour, yet Baronius will not let him begin to Rule as Empe­rour till this year, being just after the death of Lewes the Fourth, Son to Boson.
Lewes the Fourth of Ger­many dyed at Ratisbone921910Lambert was slain by Hugo, Earl of Milan, as he was hunting.
[Page 191](or Regenspurg) in Decem­ber.   
Conrade, Duke of Fran­conia, came thus to the Empire: After the death of Lewes, the Nobily met, and elected Otto or Otho, Duke of Saxony; but he being old, desired to be excused, and so recom­mended this Conrade to their choice, and so was ac­cordingly Crown'd at Aix by Hatto, Archbishop of Mentz. 912  
This Conrade (Otho dy­ing a year after this Electi­on) was very jealous of Henry Duke of Saxony, Son to the said Otto, who got him the Empire; and upon this suspition endeavour'd his ruine several times, both privately and openly; for which some censure him of ingratitude. But at the last he made amends for all, appointing this Henry, his supposed Enemy, to suc­ceed him in the Empire. 915Berengarius formerly men­tioned, was now again de­clared and anoynted for lawful Emperour, by Pope John the Eleventh (or Tenth) and so
§ 3.
Baronius before this year will not acknowledge him for a law­ful Emperour; with which exception I shall not trou­ble my self, but let him and others like it as they please.
Henry the first, sirnamed Auceps, or the Fowler, for his love of
Vid. Boe­cler. p. 244.
Birding, Son to Otto Duke of Saxony, thus got the Em­pire: Conrade his enemy, finding himself sick and neer his end, throws by all his jealousie and interest, as­sembled the Nobility to­gether,
920  
[Page 192]and made a long Speech to them in commen­dation of this Henry, whom he desired them to ac­cept for Emperour after his death: they consented to it; onely Everard, Bro­ther to Conrade, grieved a little that he was not the man: but Conrade perswa­ded him to Patience. Then causing the Sword, Scepter, Robes, and the other Im­perial Ensigns to be brought him, he order'd his Brother Everard to carry them to Henry; which he obey'd, and lived a faithful Subject to Henry.   
This Emperour Henry used also an excellent piece of moderation. Arnold, Duke of Bavaria, having by his many Rebellions much troubled the Empire, Henry rais'd a great Army against him; and both parties being ready to joyn battle, Henry, though half certain of a Conquest, de­sired to speak with him; and then to Arnold so laid open the wickedness of Re­bellion, with a promise of pardon and favour, that Arnold presently submitted himself to him, and lived ever after a faithful Subject to him. 923Rodulph, Duke of Bur­gondy, was call'd into Italy against Berengarius; he went thither with a great Army, and call'd himself King of Italy: some call him Emperour.
  924Berengarius was over­come by Rodolf; and being in the City of Verona, the onely place then left him, he was murther'd by the treachery of one Flanbert, whom this Berengarius had prefer'd.
An. 924. § 1.
Ba­ronius saith, that Berengarius was deservedly kill'd. How­ever, Flambert was hanged for it by one Melo, friend to Berengarius.
[Page 193] 926Hugo, Earl of Arles in Province, was call'd into Ita­ly by the Nobility against Rodulph, and at Pavia was saluted King of Italy. Upon which, Rodolph left Italy, and return'd into Bur­gondy, of which he is call'd King.
Henry the Emperour per­ceiving himself neer death, he commended his Son O­tho to their choice. 932Arnold, Duke of Bava­ria, intended to make him­self King of Italy; but Hugo in fight overcame him, and so that design fail'd.
Otto or Otho, sirnamed the Great, the first of that name, as they
Otherwise the Second, if you reckon from ju­lius Caesar: the Eighth Roman Emperour being call'd Mar [...]us Silvius Otno.
common­ly say, and so we shall take him: upon the death of his Father, Henry was declared Em­perour, and accordingly Crown'd at Aken, or Aix, by Hiltibert or Hildebert, (by Pedro Mexia, corruptly call'd Olderick:) a Narra­tive of all the Ceremonies of that great solemnity, you may read in
Mogunt. pag. 677, 678, & vid. Boecler. p. 282, 283, 290, 291.
Nicholas Serarius.
936  Lotharius, Son to Hugo, was by his Father at Pavia declared King of Italy, and so they both ruled toge­ther.
Yet though thus he was declared, acknowledged, and Crowned for Empe­rour in Germa­ny;
Anno 962. § 1.
Baronius will not allow
 937Rodulph dyed in Bur­gondy.
[Page 194]him that Title or Honour, till above twenty years af­ter, that he had got his Consecration from, or by the Pope, viz. 962.   
Henry his Brother rebell'd against him, by the bad counsel of discontented
Eberard.
Everard, and others; and though he was several times pardoned, yet he as often rebell'd; but, some say, that at last submitted him­self, and acknowledged his fault, and so obtain'd a full pardon.
 946Hugo dyed in Province.
Luidolphus, Eldest Son to Otto, rebell'd also, which was the occasion of great mischief; but at last, he al­so submitted: the Empe­rour being on hunting, Luidolph came to him bare­headed, bare-footed, kneel'd before him, and with abundance of tears confessing his fault, desired pardon; which moved Otto so much, that he command­ed him to arise; and with tears of joy forgave and re­stored him to all his former honours, and so he conti­nued obedient till his death, some few years after.   
But the most implacable and dissembling enemy that the Emperour Otto had, was Frederick, Archbishop of Mentz. 949Lotharius, Son to Hugo, call'd King of Italy, dyed in Italy.
  950Berengarius the Second was call'd King of Italy.
   Albert or Adelbert, Son to Berengarius, was call'd King of Italy with his Fa­ther.
[Page 195]Of Otto's particular acti­ons in Italy, at his several times being there, I shall not here inlarge.  Against these two the Emperour Otto march'd in­to Italy, and made them flee or submit.
OTTO. 962Otto, that had formerly been call'd Emperour of Germany, was in this year Crown'd and Consecrated Emperour in St. Peters Church at Rome, by Pope John the Twelfth: And thus he is acknowledged Emperour by both parties. Baronius and others being so zealous, that they will let the West want an Empe­rour for many years, if n [...]t consecrated by his Holi­ness.

Thus we see the pretty whims and variations of Time and Pride, by the too much easiness and credulity of the one side, with the cheat of a terrible zeal on the other: that whereas formerly a Pope could not be without the Emperours approbation, the case is al­ter'd, and forsooth, a Caesar cannot Rule without the Popes Con­secration. As for Berengarius and his Son, they were forced to yeild up their interest to An. 964. Otho. Though the An. 965. next year af­ter, Adelbert or Albert the Son, with the assistance of the Lombards, made some opposition against the Emperour, and for some three years held up his head by War. In the mean time his Father Be­rengarius the Second (b) dyeth in Germany, and was buried at c An. 966. Bamberg. After which, Albert was over-power'd by Otho, had his Authority and Title taken from him, and not long after he An. 968. dyed. And thus much in brief, for the better understanding the jumbling and crossing of Emperours.

Sect. 3. The hurly-burly amongst the Popes themselves, whereby their personal Succession is shaken.

ANd now methinks it will not be amiss (by the by) somewhat to take a view of the tossings, tumblings, and hurly-burlies of the Popes, whilst these Politicks [...]re acting, which may affor'd some farther light to the former story: Though I shall not here undertake to give you an exact series of the Popes for this time, not knowing where certainly to finde or have it, the chief of their own Authors not [Page 196] in this agreeing, and yet every day we hear the meanest of their Tribe brag that they can shew a continued and uninterrupted Suc­cession; but many talk of Archery, who never saw Robin Hoods Bow, and some may talk of succession, who never undertook to compare their Historians or Chronologers. And he who in this, and the timing of their Popes, shall make their chiefest Authors agree, not onely those who have diligently read over the ancient Writers, but also with sweat and pains view'd and compar'd their Monu­ments and Originals (as they call them) in the Vatican it self, shall do more than Baronius, or any other that have done to this day.

But to the business in hand: We heard formerly how Pope John the Ninth (or Eighth) was imprisoned by the Romans for favouring the Empire of Lewes the Third; and how after this, unconstrain'd, on his own head he took upon him the Whim of nulling the Coro­nation of Lewes, and crowning Charles the Grosse for Emperour. After this John, we have An. 882. Martinus, or Marinus, some calling him one way, some another: if the first, you may call him Marti­nus the Second; if the other, then Marinus the First, of whom there is nothing observable, but that he obtain'd the Popedom by Malis ar­tibus ponti­sicatum ad­eptus. P [...]a­tina indirect and unlawful means. After him we have An. 884. Adrian the Third, who was of so Tanti ani­mi fuit. great a spirit, as Platina saith, that he made a Law, that in creating of Popes, the authority of the Em­perour should not be expected or required: but we shall not finde this always observed. After him followed An. 885. Stephanus the Fifth (or Sixth) who is said to make this Decree, Dist. 10. c. 4. Co [...]f. pag 575. Whatsoever the Church of Rome doth ordain or appoint, must be observed by all.

And now we come to the beginning of some notable garboyls and cross-grain'd actions, upon the score of the Election of Formosus Pope after the death of Stephanus; of which thus briefly: For­mosus (before his Popedom) was Bishop of Porto; from which Pope John the Ninth (or Eighth) had deposed him, Excommunicated him, and degraded him to a meer Lay-man; who departed the City, having sworn never to return, or to be Bishop again. After this, Pope Martin, or Marin, absolves him from his Oath, and restores him to his dignities. After the death of Stephanus, the people of Rome fell into Factions, one party chusing this An. 891. Formosus for Pope, the other elected one Sergius, of a powerful acquaintance, related to the Marquiss of Tuscane, then chief of the Tusulans: But Formosus kept the Chair, though the great Guido or Wido also favour'd Sergius: Yet at last, not able to withstand such opposi­tion, he calls in to his assistance Arnulph the German Emperour, who takes Rome, beats away Formosus his Enemies, and is by him Crown'd Emperour, of which formerly; and at last Formosus dyeth.

Upon the death of Formosus, An. 896. Boniface the Sixth, Son to A­drian the Bishop, is chosen. Platina, Chron fol. 301. da Bergamo, and some others, make him lawfully elected, and speak nothing against him; but Pag. 576. Coeffetean will have him to come in by Faction, and one that had been formerly for his wickedness degraded by a Synod at Rome, of his Deaconship and Priest-hood: let them agree about it, and if they can, of the years of his P [...]pedom.

After him we have Pope Stephanus the Sixth, Son of a Cardinal Priest; he was of the Faction of Sergius, and so grand an Enemy [Page 197] to Pope Formosus (though they say Formosus made him Bishop, and gave him the See of Anagni) that he did not onely abrogate and null all his Orders, rescind all that he had done; but, which was most inhumane, he commanded (and that publickly in a Habito Concilio Platin. Luitprand. l. 1. c. 8. S [...]gonius, de Regno Ital. l. 6. Coun­cil) his body to be dig'd out of the grave, and his rotten carkass, a­dorned with Priestly Garments, to be placed in the Popes Chair; and then gravely examin'd him, why he durst take upon him to be Bishop of Rome? and this formality of tryal being finished, and the Corps condemn'd, he had him disrobed of his Vestments, and commanded his Coquae us, tom. 1. pag. 477. three or Pl [...]tina. two fingers, wherewith he used to bless the people, to be cut off, and thrown into the River Tiber; and the rest of his body, as Il [...]sto del corpo fece sepillire nella sepol­tura de seco­lari simplici & villi. Baronius and Platina saith, was buried amongst the simple and vilest Lay-men. Nor was this all, but he also degraded whom Formosus had Ordain'd, and himself gave them new Orders: And which was most of all, he had all these actions confirm'd by a Synod at Rome, their own Tom. 1. p. 477. Co­quaeus doth confess. And all this, because he thought Formosus no true Pope, Pub [...]ice in Concilio Episcoparum decernit Formosum nunquam fuisse legitimum Pontificem. Bellarm. de Pont. Rom. l. 4. c. 12. being elected against his former Oath. And this he confirmed by a Council or Synod.

Addit. ad Platin Onuphrius, at the inhumanity of this action, seemeth so much troubled, that he will not take it for any thing, but to be a meer fable and lye: but in this case one Swallow makes no Summer, e­specially when Platina, Coquaeus, Bellarmine, Baronius and the whole body of their Historians, both before and after Onuphrius and Pla­tina, tells us, that in his time Pius the Second being dead, by the Conclave was elected for Pope An: 1464. Pietro Barbo, a Venetian, who being a comely and proper person, intended to take upon him the name of Formosus; but some Cardinals well versed in History, perswaded him from it, by setting this Formosus, as a bad man, be­fore him; upon which he call'd himself Paul the Second. Nor need we trouble our selves any farther, for the proof of this sacrilegious story against Onuphrius; their French Champion, Il n'est donc point besoin d'a­masser les Tesmoignages des Autheurs, pour exaggere l'enormite de cette action, puisque nous avoüons in­genuement que c'a este un horrible Sacrilege, digne d'estre brusle du feu du Ciel. Et encor qu' Onuphre remitte en doubte cette Histoire, elle est neantmoins receüe par la Commune voix de tous les Escrivains. Co­effet Response au Mornay, pag. 576. Nicholas Co­effeteau, of his own accord quitting of us from this labour.

As for Pope Stephanus, they say he was at last imprisoned by his Baron. Coeffet. Enemies, and there strangled; yet some onely say, in the common phrase, he dyed. To him succeeded An. 897. Romanus, being chosen by a prevailing Faction of the Romans (as Pag. 477. Coquaeus saith) against Albert, Marquiss of Tuscany: this obliged Romanus, as an Enemy to Sergius and his party, to favour Formosus, whom in a Synod he vindicated, condemning all that Stephanus had done against him; so did his Successor An. 898. Theodorus the Second. After him there was great strivings to have the former Sergius setled in the Popedom; but the contrary party carryed it, who elected John the Tenth (or Ninth:) his interest also lay for Formosus, whose actions he presently Platina. began to vindicate; but in this a great number of Romans opposing him, the Seditions and Tumults rose to such an hight, that both [Page 198] parties had like to have gone together by the Ears, and fought it out: but to carry his business more clearly, John leaveth Rome, goeth to Ravenna, where he gets LXXIV Bishops together, with Sigonius, an. 898. whom he condemns the proceedings of Stephanus against Formosus, and declar'd as sacrilegious those who had taken his body out of Coef p. 577. its Grave, and cut off his Fingers; and yet at the same time call'd Stephanus, a Pope of Id. p. 582. St [...]phanum p [...]ae recorda­tionis. Ba­ron. an. 904. § 4. holy and blessed memory. And some­thing he also did here in Temporals, according as his interest led him; for though he loved one, and hated the other [...]ope never so much, yet self-ends perswaded him to reject and approve at his own liking; for here he null'd the Coronation of Arnulph for Empe­rour as illegal, though 'twas done by his Friend Formosus; and on the contrary, received and declared as authentick that of Lamberts, though crown'd by his Foe Stephanus: the truth is, he loved not the German greatness to have too much countenance neer him, for which cause he desired L [...]mbert to be present at this Synod, for a farther confirmation of his honour. And having now a King or Empe­rour according to his hearts wish, the better to confirm the Pope­dom to his own associates or party, he establish'd by Decree, or re­new'd the ancient Laws, viz. Coef. pag. 577. That from that time forward, the Popes should not be Consecrated, but in the presence of the Am­bassadors, or Deputies of the Emperour: Thus was Adrian the Th [...]d his Constitution (contrary to this) null'd. And so much for this John, who is branded by Platina, as a Renewer or Reviver of the former broyls and seditions, which were almost neglected or forgot.

After John succeeds Benedict the Fourth, elected by the Tusculan interest, and Consecrated according to Contra Legem, sine author [...]tate Re [...]ia Sigon. anno 899. Sigonius against the Law, wanting the Royal or Imperial Authority Next to him we have Leo the Fourth, neither humane nor divine Law being then observed; and he was one neither wise nor fit for affairs, as the same Sigon. an. 904. Hi­storian observeth. Christopher his Chaplain, taking opportunity by Leo's weakness, assisted with other his Companions, seis'd upon and imprisoned him, and setled himself in the Popedom: but ungrateful Christopher remain'd not long in this glory.

For An. 906. Sergius the Third, who had formerly twice attempted year 900 the Papal Chair, and as oft thrust by, did now play his part so well, that he obtain'd his desire, seis'd upon Christopher, shut him up in a Monastery, and after into close imprisonment, where he mi­serably dyed.

This Sergius the Third again stirs up the dispute about Formosus, and was so zealous an Enemy against him, that he not onely thwarted all that had been done in vindication of Formosus by o­ther Popes, by his nulling and abrogating all that Formosus had decreed or done, having all those re-ordained, who had formerly received Orders of Formosus: but not content with this, he had his body Platinada B [...]rgamo, fol. 311. Genebrard, pag. 811. Carranza, pag. 7 [...]6. Naucler. Generat. 31. pag. 656. Volaterran. lib. 22. fol. 252. Ant. Coc. Sabellic. En­nead. 9. lib 1. fol. 209 La Cronique Martinian [...], fol. 103. dig'd out of its Grave again, and beheaded as a Male­factor, and so thrown into the River Tiber, as unworthy of Christian burial; and Acta Rom. Pont. pag. 129. Baleus saith, that the rest of his Fingers left on his righthand, were now also cut off.

But some I finde of late to be very willing to have this inhuma­nity of Sergius towards Formosus his Carkass, somewhat suspected or doubted, because they tell us, that Historians might mistake, though in this we finde them very positive. However, if this will not be granted them, yet if any question the innocencie or Religi­on of Formosus, they have a Miracle at hand to help bravely at a dead-lift, viz. that it chanced upon a time, that some Fisher-men found this body of Formosus, which they carryed to St. Peters Church, which whilst they were burying, all the Images there, did reverence to the Carkass: and if this be not good proof of his Infallibility, I know not where I can satisfie, or better my self.

And here I finde De Rom. Pont. lib. 4. cap. 12. Bellarmine, Pag. 579, 580. &c. Coeffeteau, Tom 1. pag. 479. Coquaeus, and some others in a peck of troubles how to quit these contradictory Popes, assisted by their contradictory Councils or Synods, from Fallibility, or being erronious. But here they onely beat about the Bush; and let them toyl never so much, they will scare quit these infaliible Popes from two Fundamental Errors, not onely of Fact, but of Judgement and Doctrine, viz. the acknowledging, or not acknowledging of the true Pope; and the re-ordaining those who had formerly, rightly, and legally received Orders, as if they had been but meer Tanquam nihil ab illo accepissent. Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. l. 4 c. 12. Laymen, for all their former Ordination; since they themselves confess, that an Episcopal Character is indelible, though he were never so wicked, otherwise they would make the vertue of the Sacrament depend upon the sanctity or wickedness of the Priest. Yet rather than grant Fallibility, their great Bell. ib. Car­dinal would gladly insinuate into us, that Stephanus might either not know, or not believe, that Martin had absolved Formosus from his Oath of never being Bishop, and so might judge him not to be capable of the Popedom. Very pretty indeed, that Stephinus an intimate acquaintance of Formosus, who gave him the Bishoprick of Anagni, should not know this as well as Bellarmine and others after him. But I knew a merry old Gentleman, who in 1645, being ask'd by some Troupers, whether he was for Ki [...]g or Parliament, [...]unningly seem'd so far from understanding their meaning, that he said, he never heard that they were fallen out, and desired to be in form'd of their worships, who let him alone as a mad-man or sool. And I think they would perswade us to believe Pope Stephanus to have used the same Art or Policie.

But to proceed, passing by Anastasius the Third and Lando, we have in the next place An. 916. John the Eleventh (or Tenth) whose story take thus in short: Theodora, Mother-in-law to Albert, Mar­quiss of Tuscany, ruled all in Rome as she pleased; and being one who chused her own recreation, she oast her affection upon this Luitprand. lib. 2. cap. 13. Sigon. lib. 6. John, when onely a Priest, whom she got Lando to make Bishop of Bologne, and then procured him the Archbishoprick of Ravenna. Here the people had no good wishes for him, yet Theodora had, not liking this distance (Ravenna being about 200 Miles from Rome) resolved to have her Friend in a corner neerer her; so getting of him to Rome, after the death of Lando, she had him made Pope, Nihil ex legibus au­tem est—ne (que) cleri suffra­giis, sed pro­priis opibus. Sigon. anno 913. without observation of any law or voices of the Clergy, but bribery, and the riches or power of her Son Albert. Thus have we seen his beginning, and now to his exit.

This Theodora had two Daughters, Marozia and Theodora; the first she married to Albert, Marquiss of Tuscany (and so she became [Page 200] his Mother-in-law;) Albert dying, Marozia was then married to Guido or Guy, Marquiss of Tuscany: these two resolved to rule all; but Pope John a little thwarting this design, they plotted a­gainst him, and taking opportunity, seis'd upon the Lateran Palace, slew Peter, Brother to John; and for the Pope himself, they cast him into prison, and choak'd or smother'd him with a Pillow or Cushion.

Platina saith, that after him another John succeeded, who was thrust out again; and the same is affirm'd by the ancient Fol. 104. b. Cro­nique Martiniane: but I finde some others in this silent. After him we have a Leo; then a Stephanus; then John the Twelfth, a bastard begotten by Pope Sergius the Third and the aforesaid Maroza, as all their own Authors confess, onely Fol. 104. 2. la Cronique Mar­tiniane makes the former John (Paramour to Theodora, and who succeeded Lando) to be bastard to Sergius; and it would be pret­ty if they should both be true. This John was thrust out, and with his Mother Marozia clapt up in Coquaeus, pag. 483. Prison by Alberick, Son to her and Marquiss Albert. Then comes Leo the Seventh, after him Ste­phanus the Eighth (or Seventh) a German: Alberick, Son to Ma­rozia, liked not this Election; and the Romans fell upon the Pope, beat him so grievously, that he was after that ashamed to appear in publick, by reason of his wounds and sores, and so dyed with grief. Coef. p. 589. After him sits Martin, or Marin; then Agapetus, who was followed by John.

This John the Thirteenth (or Twelfth) (a Youth of Baron. an 955. § 3, 4. eighteen years old (if so much) when he was made Pope) was Son to the former Alberick, Marquiss of Tuscany, by whose power and great­ness he obtain'd that Chair: A man given over to all manner of wickedness, but especially women pleas'd him most. Thus as Rome was ruled by women, so was all Italy troubled with Berenga­rius; against these, Otto the First the German Emperour was call'd, and was nobly received at Rome, he swearing to defend the honor of St. Peter, and Po [...]e John never to assist Berengarius, or his Son Adel­bert. But upon Otho's departure, John forgets his Oath, leagu [...]s himself with Berengarius, and so plots against the Emperour. Otho is troubled at this, but the Pope confesseth his fault, and pleads his youth; yet again, runs into the same error, and joyns with Adelbert. The Romans inform Otho of this, and desire his assistance; they in the mean time rise up, and seise the Castle of St. Paul. The Pope and Adelbert perceiving themselves not able to oppose, flee for't; and Otho is received into the City, the people swearing Allegiance to him; and, which was more, by express Oath add farther, that they would never chuse or ordain any Pope without the consent and election of the Emperour Otho and his Son.

Then was a Synod held of many Clergy, wherein the Pope was accused of many crimes, as, That he had celebrated Mass, and never Communicated: That he gave Orders to a Deacon in a Stable amongst Horses: That he had made Bishops for money: That he had made one of ten years old Bishop of Todi: That he was guilty of Sacriledge and Adultery: That he put out the eyes of Benedict his Confessor: That he slew Cardinal John, after he had gelt him: That he used to drink an health to the Devil: That playing at Dice, he used to call upon the name of Jupiter, and Venus, and all the Devils to help him, &c. These crimes they sent to him, and desired him to come and [Page 201] purge himself. This he refuseth, and expresly Excommunicates them all, if they proceed any farther against him: but they slighted his threatnings; and as one not fit to be Pope, by an unanimous con­sent, with the approbation of the Emperour they depose him.

This John, before he was Pope, was call'd Octavian; and not thinking that Heathenish name fitting for St. Peters Successor, was the first of the Popes (as Annotat. in Platin. Onuphrius saith) that changed his name; but Platina saith, that it was Sergius the Second, by rea­son of his ugly name, being first call'd Bocca [...]di Porco. Swines-face: But this the Learned Lib. 7. c. 16. Dr. Brown placeth amongst his Vulgar er­rours.

John being thus thrust out, they elected for Pope Leo the Third, who with the Emperour call'd another Synod, where amongst other things the Emperour is declared Patricius, and that for the future no Pope shall be chosen, but by the consent of Otho or his Succes­sors; the Decree it self you may see at large in Lib. 7. Sigonius, and the Dist. 63. c. In Synodo. Canon-law.

The Emperour departing, John returns to Rome, where the wo­men were active for his cause; he calls another Synod, deposeth Leo, and degrades those whom Leo had Ordain'd, and was very fierce against the Imperialists, cutting off the hand of one, the tongue, fingers and nose of another: but this triumph lasted not long; for one night lying with another mans wife, he was slain, some say by the Coef. pag. 596. Devil, others by the Womans Jo. Marius de schism. part 3. cap. 3. Hus­band.

Upon this deposition of John, De schis­mate, lib. 3. cap. 9, 10, 11. Theodorick à Niem, who lived two hundred years ago, and was Secretary to several Popes, is very zealous in vindication of the Imperial Authority, and indea­vours at large to prove that Emperours have Authority to depose Popes.

John being dead, the Romans chose Benedict the Fifth, without the consent of Otho, contrary to their Oaths; which so troubled the Emperour, that he marcht against the City, besiegeth it, and takes it; deposeth Benedict, degradeth him of his Priestly Orders, and re­settles Leo. And here I finde the Romanists in a grand bussle to pre­serve their Succession, not being able to agree about the lawful Pope. An. 963. § 38. Baronius, De visib. Monarch. l. 7. § 687. Sanderus, and some others, will have Be­nedict to be a true Pope. But Onuphrius rejects him as a Annot. in Plat. vit. Benedict. V. Schis­matick, and in plain terms calls him an Epit. Pon­tif. Anti-pope, and will ac­knowledge none but Leo the Eighth to be authentick; yet him Ba­ronius will not place amongst the legal Popes: and Cron. pag. 827. Genebrard confesseth; that their Historians in this cannot agree: Tom. 1. pag. 486. Coquaeus for the honour of his Church would gladly reconcile all; yet I know not when they will all pitch upon the Infallible Pontif.

Nor is it in this case alone, that they are nonplust to make good their personal Succession, and point you out the true Vicar; for they are in this to seek in several other persons, as their own De visib. Mon. l. 7. § 692. San­derus is forced to confess.

But to return: Leo the Eighth being dead, the Romans sent to Otho to know his advice about the next election; who sent to Rome the Bishops of Spire and Cremona, in whose presence was elected John the Fourteenth (or Thirteenth) Son of a Bishop; yet the tumul­tuous Romans imprisoned him also in the Castle St. Angelo; upon which the Emperour returns to Rome, and severely punish'd the Au­thors [Page 202] of these garboyls. After his death, their Authors are again at odds about the Order of the next Vicars; with which I shall not trouble my self, but follow Platina. After John comes Benedict the Sixth, who by the advice of Cardinal Bonifacius, was also impri­soned in the Castle St. Angelo, and there strangled or famish'd: Then followeth Onuphrius in his Ponti­fices Max­im [...] set out by Jo. Gual­ter in his Cron. Croni­corum, doth not name a­ny such Pope. Donus, or Do [...]nus the Second; after him Boniface the Seventh, who occasioned the murther of Benedict the Sixth [some will not reckon this Boniface amongst the tru [...] Popes.] But Benedict the Seventh thrusts this Boniface out of the Church, who rich with the robbing of Churches, fled to Constantinople. Benedict dying, John the Fifteenth (or Fourteenth) succeeds; which being known to Boniface the Eighth, he returns, imprisons John, who is starved; and Boniface once again is Pope; after whose death, John the Sixteenth (or Fifteenth) is Pope: he was the Son of Leo a Priest, and, they say, begot in Coquaeus, pag. 488. lawful Matrimony.

After him there is another John, who was forced to leave Rome for fear of Crescentius, a powerful Citizen there. But the people be­ing informed, that John had desired the assistance of the Emperour Otho the Third, desired him to return to Rome, and all should be quiet: John consents, and is honourably received there; Crescen­tius, and the chief Authors of these troubles, confessing their faults, Platina. and kissing his Feet. Yet Crescentius grew haughty; Otho marcheth into Italy. Pope John dying, the Emperour at Ravenna appointed to be Pope his Cousin Bruno, a German, wh [...] call'd himself Gregory the Fifth: And this L' Empe­reur au con­tentement de tout le mon­de establit. en sa place son Nepueu Bruno, qui depuis fut nomme Gregorie Cinquiesme. Coef. pag. 601. Coeffeteau confesseth was done to the sa­tisfaction and content of all men; and this may be one Argument of the Imperial Power.

But yet we have not peace: for Otho the Third being no sooner return'd, but Crescentius, who was made Consul by the Romans, op­pose the German interest; so that Gregory was forced to flee into Germany for assistance. In the mean time, the Romans chose for Pope, the Bishop of Placentia, who calls himself John the Eighteenth. Upon news of this, Otho returns into Italy, takes Rome, and besiegeth Crescentius in the Castle St. Angelo: at last Crescentius yeilds, upon hope of pardon, and is slain; and as for this Pope John, he had his hands, nose and ears cut off, his eyes pluckt out; then set upon an Asses back with his face towards the Tail, and so led about the City. And thus was Gregory the Fifth restored.

Platina saith, that this Pope Gregory the Fifth granted the Ger­mans liberty of chusing their own Emperours by the Electors; but Onuphrius affirmeth it to have been done first by Gregory the Tenth. Another dispute ariseth about the Papal Authority in this case; and De Tran­slat. Imp. Bellarmine is zealous for his Patrons: but for answer to him, I shall refer you to (e) Hermannus Conringius, who can tell you of f De Imper. Germanici Republica, p. 106, &c. others.

We need not question the misery of the Romish Church; which as we have here seen, hath been govern'd for so many years, onely with an high-hand. The Popes themselves being given to all man­ner Baron. an 912. § 5. of corruption and wickedness, not he that was the best, but he who was the strongest, sitting in the Infallible Chair; a thing that [Page 203] their own Authors do much complain of, and declare their wicked stories with grief: insomuch, that Hoc vero uno infaelix, quod per an­nos fete 150. Ponfices cir­citer 50—a virtute ma­jorum pror­sus de fece­rint, Apo­tactici Apo­staticive po­tius quam Apostoli [...]i, Cron. p. 807. Genebrard himself doth de­clare, that for almost an hundred and fifty years, there ruled in Rome neer fifty Popes, wicked people, being rather Apostates than Apostolical. But yet he would gladly quit the Romans from the blame, all which he throweth upon German Emperours; but how deservedly, let any judge, the Otto's being commended in story for their affection to the Roman See; nor did they use to trouble Rome with their company, but when they were call'd thi­ther to quell the Tumults and Seditions. But this, by the way, may be enough to see that Rome it self is as capable of Treason, Rebellions, Murders and Seditions, as other places, by them made incapable of Salvation. But before I end this, I must observe, that sometimes, as John the Eleventh (or Tenth) John the Thirteenth (or Twelfth) to serve their turns, they will grant one to be a true Coquae. pag. 482, 483. Pope, though illegally elected; and at other times, for their own ends, will deny one to be a true Pope, meerly for some fault in his Election: nor can they always agree, who was the true Pope; and yet the Succession of their Popes is infallible.

CHAP. VII.

1. The deposing of Charles the Third le simple, King of France.

2. The Murder of Edmund, and Edward the Martyr, Kings of England.

3. The Murders of Malcolme, of Duffe, of Culene, of Ken­neth the Third, Kings of Scotland.

Sect. 1. The deposing of Charles the Third le simple, King of France.

BUt now leaving off the quarrels and seditions amongst the Popes themselves at Rome, let us move a little North­wards, and see what Loyalty and Obedience we can finde towards Temporal Princes: and France in the first place offers it self, where passing by some troubles, we behold An. 892. Charles le simple in the Throne; a well meaning King, and Reli­gious.

But against him Robert, brother to Eudes, and Major-domo, and [Page 204] Grand-father to Hugh Capet, gets a party, and hath himself Crown'd King of Rheims by Merivee, Archbishop of that City: Charles in­formed of this, marcheth against him; both the Armies meet neer Soissons, fight, in which Robert is slain, some say by Charles himself, D [...] Buss [...]e­res, tom. 1. pag. 477. who ran his Lance into his mouth, and through his tongue. Howe­ver, though Charles here remain'd victorious; yet by negligence, or too much fear or confidence, he lost all; for instead of prosecuting his Victory, he desired peace and assistance of O [...] Heri­bert. Hebert, Earl of [...]ermandois (or St. Quentin) his enemy, and Cousin to Robert.

An. 923. Heribert glad of this, desires Charles to come to St. Quentin, that they might the better consult about his safety: Charles thinking all promises to be true, consents, and freely goeth thither. Herbert perceiving him now in his power, seiseth upon him, and tells him that France must now consult for a wiser King; so he is carryed to the Castle of Thierry, thence to Soissons, where the Parliament be­ing Cha [...]eau-Thierry, a Town in [...]a Ha [...]te Cam­pagne. call'd, according to Heberts humour, the innocent King is de­posed, and Rodulph [by the Frencb call'd Raoul] Duke of Bur­gondy (of whom we have formerly heard as King of Italy,) is de­clared and Crown'd King of France by Seulfus, Archbishop of Rheims; which Prelate was Jo. Chenu, Hist. Archi­episc. Gall. pag. 270. poysoned after by Hebert.

As for poor Charles, sometimes he was favour'd by a little liber­ty; but at last, he was clapt up close prisoner in Perone Castle in Picardy, where (having thus, for the space of five years, been hurried from prison to prison) he An. 928. dyed, being overwhelm'd with grief, and the nastiness of his Goal.

But before I end this story, it may be the Reader will not take it amiss, if we tell him what device and policie was used by Lewes, Son to Charles the simple, to make Hebert suffer by his own judgement, for his Treason against his Soveraign.

Eguina the Third, Daughter to Edward, sirnamed the Elder, King of England, and Sister to Ethelstan, or Adelstan, King also of England, was married to this Charles the Third, sirnamed the sim­ple, by whom she had Lewes the Fourth. She perceiving the misery of her Husband and King; to escape the same danger, with her Son Lewes, she takes her opportunity, and slips into England; where they stay with her Brother Athelstan, till the people weary of Rebellion, and other opportunities, settle him in the Throne of France; and from his thus living beyond Seas here in England, his Country-men call'd him Ultramari­nus, or Trans­marmus. D'oultremer.

Lewes, sirnamed D'oultremer, being thus restored, was resolved to be revenged on Heribert, Count of St. Quentin, for the deposing and imprisonment of his Father, Charles le simple: and having as he thought sufficiently secured himself with his Nobility and People, he held a Parliament at Laon, composed of his sure Friends; and thither, as to advise about the good of the Nation, Hebert came also amongst the rest. In the mean time, King Lewes had provided a trusty fellow, to whom he gave a Letter written by himself, with express Orders to the fellow, to put himself into an English Habit; and when the Assembly met, to come in and bring the Letter, as if from the King of England.

Accordingly the fellow cometh in, delivers the Letter, which was read whisperingly to the King; and whilst the Secretary was thus reading it, the King smiled: the Nobles at this thinking it to be some jesting business, desired of his Majesty the reason: Well, [Page 205] quoth the King, now I perceive the English are not so wise, as I took them to be; for my Cousin, the King of England, writes to me, that in his Country, a labouring man inviting his Landlord or Master to dinner at his house, caused him to be slain: and now, my lords, he desires your advice, what punishment this fellow deserves, and what he should undergo. Upon which, they with Hebert unanimously declared their Opinions, that he should be hang'd, that death being most ignominious. Whereupon, the King turning to Heribert, said, And thou, O Hebert! art this false servant, who by imprisonment murder'd in the Castle of Perone thy Lord and Master, King Charles my father; and so receive thy reward according to thine own judge­ment. At this, the Kings Officers provided on purpose come in, seise upon Hebert, carry him out to a Mountain close by, where he was hang'd or strangled: from which action, they say, the Hill is to this day call'd Mont-Hebert.

Tom. 1. p. 693. § 9, 10. Dupleix will have Heribert to dye a natural death, and is very angry with de Serres for asserting this story; though I can assure him that Serres was neither the first nor onely Author of this Pas­sage; for before him De l'estar. de France, l. 1. fol. 56. du Haillan hath it, and long before him again we have it told at large by De gestis Franc. l. 5. fol. 40. Robertus Gaguinus: but how­ever it be, there is no stress of any business lyeth upon it.

Sect. 2. The Murder of Edmund, and Edward the Martyr, Kings of England.

BUt now let us look a little neerer home, where we finde Ed­mund, Brother to Ethelstan, raigning in England, and commend­ed for his good Government and Laws; yet was he murder'd, but Hollinshead. lib. c. 21. Speed, l. 7. c. 39. Jo. Tre­visa, l. 6. fol. 290. how, Authors will not agree: some say, that being at his Mannor of Puclekirks in Glocestershire, seeing one of his Servants in danger at a quarrel, stepping in to save his Servant, was himself An. 946. slain. O­thers will have it, that at the same place keeping a Feast upon St. Augustine (Archbishop of Canterbury) his day, and seeing one Leof (whom for his misdemeanors he had formerly banished the land, and now return'd without license) sitting at Table neer him, was so inraged to see such an Outlaw in his presence, that he sud­denly rose from the Table, fell upon Leof, took him by the hair, and threw him to the ground: but the Villan having fast hold on the King, pull'd him down also; and then with his Knife ript up the Kings belly, that his bowels fell out, and there he dyed: As for the Outlaw, the Servants there fell upon him; but before they could dispatch him, he slew and wounded divers of them. John Harding, who flourished above two hundred years ago, saith it was done at Canterbury: And thus relates the story according to the Poetry of those times.

This Kyng Edmond was slain by a Felon,
Fol. 115.
Whiche of Malice and his false Treason,
That forfet had, and dampned was to dye,
For his forfet, and for his felony.
At Caunterbury, as the Kyng him saw on a day,
For yre on him, he ranne and sore him wound;
For whiche he stroke the Kyng for ay,
So they both two, there in that stound,
Eche of them, of his mortal wounde:
Which to a Prince, accorded in no wise
To put himself in drede, where law may chastise.

After this Murther, we have another more execrable: Edgar, sirnamed the Peaceable being dead, his Eldest Son Edward, sirnamed the Martyr, was An 975. Crown'd King at Kingston upon Thames, by St. Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury; of whom they tell so ma­ny pretty Miracles, to the great content and strengthning of Children and old Women.

Of this Kings vertues, there need not much be said, because all Historians do sound forth his commendations; and so passing by the grand Controversie about this time, viz. whether Priests might have Wives; and the Monkish story, how this dispute was decided by the speaking of a Crucifix in the Rood at Winchester, and the falling down of the Floor of the Chamber at Calne in Wiltshire, onely St. Dunstan, forsooth, remain'd dapperly perking up. We will come to the sad story of his Murther.

King Edgar had two Wives,
  • 1. Elthelfled, her Son was Edward.
  • 2. Elfrida, her Son Ethelred.

Edward as Eldest, and of the first Wife (though some here make a But Harps­field is for him, pag. 188. doubt) is King; Elfrida, his Mother-in-law, at this is troubled, wishing that the Crown were set on her son Ethelred's head: but this she kept cunningly to her self, nor had good King Ed­ward any suspition of her designs.

It chanced that King Edward hunting in the Island Purbeck in Dor­setshire, either by chance or design was separated from his compa­ny; and perceiving himself neer Corfe-Castle, where his Mother-in­law Elfrida, and her son Ethelred then lived, to both which persons he bare a great affection; he resolved to go see them, and accord­ingly rides up to the Gate. His Stepdame comes to him with a cheerful countenance, seeming very glad of his visit and kindness, and desired him to alight; but this he excused, pleading haste, and that he onely slipt from his company at that time, and then to his company again, just to see her, and his Brother; and so desired a cup of Wine to drink to them, who might be troubled by a long missing of him, they not knowing the occasion.

She perceiving that she could not bring her designs about within doors, resolves to do it without: so she appointed one of her ser­vants to stab him there. To be short, Wine is brought, given him; and he no sooner had the cup at his mouth, but the fellow struck him with a knife into the back. The King perceiving himself sore wounded, set spurs to his Horse, thinking to gallop away, for his pre­servation, to his more faithful Friends; but the wounds being great, and he fainting through loss of blood, fell from his horse, one of [Page 207] his feet being intangled in the Stirrop, by reason whereof his Horse drag'd him up and down through Woods and Lands: And thus was that good King Edward An. 979. murder'd, and was sirnamed the Mar­tyr; though Hist. Ec­cles. p. 188. in the Mar­gin. Harpsfield, or somebody else for him, will not stand upon it, that he ought in strictness to be call'd so, being not murther'd for his Religion, but his Kingdom.

After this murther, they go on, and tell a great many stories of him; as how his Step-mother Elfritha (for so some call her) had his body drag'd into a little house hard by, and there cover'd over with straw for the present necessity, that it might not be found; L. Surius, March. 18. Zach. Lipell. Guil. Garet. but a poor woman, who was born blind living there, by miracle had that night her sight given her: Elfrida troubled at this, fearing that by this discovery the body might be found, had it taken thence and thrown into the Marishes: but this would not do neither; for a year after God reveal'd to some men that the body was in those Waters; but the certain place could not be found out, till a fiery Pillar was pleas'd to point them to it, whence it was carryed and buryed at Warham, and having laid there some years uncorrupted, 'twas thence with great solemnity translated to Shaftsbury, neer the borders of Wiltshire.

And here might I tell the strange Miracles wrought by the vertue of this holy Edward, of blind receiving sight, deaf hearing, the lame and sick their limbs and health; but that I cannot oblige the Readers belief. As for the murthering Elfrida, although, they say, that at first she was punished by Miracles, as desiring to see the Tomb of her Son-in-law, the Horse on which he rode would by no means carry her thither; and though she tryed several, yet we finde all commanded by the same stubbornness, which making her more keen, she resolved to go on foot; yet though her will was never so strong, they say, she could not possibly do it. However, at last, we need not question Elfrida's Religion and pardon, since to quit and expiate her from the guilt of this horrid murther, she built two Nunneries, Ambres­bury. Almesbury in Wiltshire, and Warwell in Hampshire. An easie way of recompence for rich people, to ease themselves of the most crying sins: And though I am not obliged either to censure one, or vindicate the other; yet some may justly fancie, that several of those ancient buildings being thus founded upon blood and rapine, might as by a judgement call a destroying hand upon them. But far be it from me to oppose Monuments of Charity, which without question may hugely advance the glory of God upon Earth, and smooth the Founders way to Heaven: And I could wish that those ancient Monuments of Piety (for without doubt many of them were really so) nobly spread about by our Fore-fathers liberality, had either continued as good Examples, or been better imploy'd at their Dissolutions. But this by the way.

Sect. 3. The Murders of Malcolme, of Duffe, of Culene, of Kenneth the Third, Kings of Scotland.

ANd now let us cross the Tweed, and take notice of what obedi­ence we finde there; and here we meet with Constantine the Third, King of Scotland, who being troubled at the great An. 937. Victo­ry the English had over him, where most of his Nobility were slain, withdrew himself from the rule of his Kingdom, and became a Ca­non in the Abbey of St Andrews, where he liv [...]d some years, and then dyed. In the mean time, Malcolme, formerly declared Heir apparent, had the Government alotted to him, and upon the death of the other was An. 943. King, and commended for a good one; of whose actions we shall say nothing, but that being exact in the Execution of justice upon Offenders, procured to himself some Enemies, who conspired against him, and taking their opportunity, at Ʋlrande a Village in Murreyland An. 952. murder'd him.

After him succeeded Indulph, who in battle having beaten the Danes, through mistake chanced amongst some of them, and was slain; and then was An. 962. Duffe King of Scotland, who severely pu­nished all Thieves and Vagabonds, and made all people that had nothing to live on, to learn some Trade, that by their rapine and villanies, they might not oppress the Commons and honest la­bourers. This amongst the wicked got him a great many Ene­mies; and, which might seem more strange, several of the Nobles also hated him, because thus they were kept from their Tyranny and Oppression; many of their younger Sons having little to live upon, but these villanies; and most of them grumbled that Gentle­men, forsooth, should thus be hindred from rapine, and forced to get their livings by honest Imployments. But the chief murmuring was in Murreyland, who at last fell from words to blows, and slew the Kings Officers.

And that which most imbolden'd them to these Rebellions, was their knowledge of the Kings grievous sickness, whereby himself was disabled from prosecuting them; nor indeed would his Physitians let him know of their insolencies, lest trouble and perplexity might hasten his end.

As for the Disease it self, I shall not determine any thing; but because the story of it is somewhat strange and unusual to be e­qual'd in Chronicles, take it as I finde it in Hector Boetius, Holinshed, and some other Historians, upon whose credit let the truth of the story lye.

The Nobles of Murreyland being, as aforesaid, incensed against the good King, imploy'd Witches to bewitch the King to death. The King falls sick, and that into such a languishing Disease, that his Physitians could not tell what to make of it, so that all their Skill and Medicines was to small purpose. At last, no man knoweth how, or by whom, a report and rumour went amongst the people that the King was bewitch'd, and that by some of the Town call'd Forres in Murrey: In which Town was a Castle, the Captain of [Page 209] which was one Donwald, who had been faithful to the King amongst the Rebels.

Duffe informed of this flying rumour of Witches, sends some pri­vately to Donald to inquire out the business: It chanced that one of the Souldiers of the Castle kept a young Wench of the Town as his Lemmon; which being Daughter to one of the Witches, knew their actions, and in part discovered it to the Souldier, who upon this inquiry told it to Donald; who sending for the Wench, then in the Castle, made her by threats, and other means, confess all she knew: whereupon, learning by her in what house these actions were done, he sent some Souldiers forth about midnight, who breaking into the house, found the Witches roasting by a gentle fire an Image of Wax, resembling the King, made, as they thought, by the Devil; and by it a Woman sate reciting certain words of Inchantment, basting the Image with a certain liquor.

The Souldiers upon this seis'd upon them, and with the Image led them to the Castle; where, upon examination they confest, that their design was to make away the King: That the Nobles in Mur­reyland had hired them to do it: That as the Image wasted, so would the King: That their canting words kept them from sleep­ing, &c. Upon this, the standers by immediately broak the Image of the King, and had the Witches burnt to death; and 'tis said, that at the same time, the King was delivered from languor, and shortly restored to present health again. But however the story be, no sooner was the King well again, but he marched into Murrey a­gainst the Rebels, whom he forced to flee: as for them whom he took, he had them hang'd up, without respect of person or quality.

But if witchcraft fail in the Kings destruction, his own intimates under the visage of friendship will bring it about. In this Rebel­lion Donwald or Donaeld had some of his own Relations, for whom he beg'd his Majesties pardon, but 'twas denyed, and so they with the rest were executed; which moved a great discontent in Donald, which boyld in him so much, that his Wife perceived him troubled, nor would she let him alone till she understood the cause of his displeasure: she added fuel to his malice, and so thrust him on to revenge, that he was willing to make the King away; which, at last, by her evil perswasions, he resolves on; which was easie enough for them to accomplish, the King putting so great a confidence in Donald, that when he was in those parts, he used to lye in the said Castle of Forres.

At last they laid the plot, and pitch'd upon the night; which coming, and the King being in the Castle, they made all things rea­dy. At the same night, the King suspecting nothing, thank'd all those who had assisted him against the Rebels, and gave them ho­nourable gifts; and amongst the rest Donald was one: But for all this reward, he proceeds in his wicked design. And that night two of his Chamberlains having got him to bed, left him there, and went to Donald and his Wife, who had provided a noble Collation for them, where they plyed their cups so well, that being drunk, they were carryed to rest.

Donald having thus made all secure, call'd four of his Servants, whom before he had fee'd to this wickedness, who secretly enter the Kings Chamber, An. 966. cut his throat, convey'd the body out of [Page 210] the Castle by a Postern-gate, threw it upon an Horse provided for that purpose; but whither they carryed it, Authors do not agree.

The common opinion is, that they carryed it two Miles from the Castle, where being a little Brook, they got certain Labourers to turn the Course of it; then dig a deep hole in the Channel, in which they buryed the body, ramming it up so closely with stones and gravel, that turning the water again into its right course, no­thing of digging was perceived: And this, they say, they did up­on the Vulgar opinion, lest the body being found, the Murderer might be discovered by its bleeding at their presence. As for the Labourers whom they gat to turn the water, no sooner was the work finished, but they slew them, lest they should tell tales; and then the four Villains fled into Orkny.

But Buchanan rejects this story as improbable, but rather that they buryed it in some obscure place under a Bridge, which might be co­ver'd over with Turf, to hinder the appearance of their fresh delvings. And Mr. Scet [...], § Mur­ray. Cambden tells us the place was Kinloss, and that the body was found there; at which time and place Flowers did mira­culously spring up, whence at first it was call'd I. e. The Kirk or Church of Flowers. Kill-flos, but by corruption Kinloss or Killoss, where was formerly a famous Monastery belonging to the Cistercians, founded by St. David King of Scotland.

As for Donald, to prevent suspition, about the time of the Mur­ther, he went amongst those who kept the watch, as he had been careful of the Kings preservation, and there he continued till morn­ing; but when noise was raised that the King was murder'd, and his body not to be found (for they had taken special care that no bloud should be seen out of the Chamber; but his bed was all bloudy) he, as if amazed, and ignorant. of such a thing, ran suddenly to the Chamber, where finding the Chamberlains he slew them, as guilty of that heinous murther; and running up and down every place, as if to discover, finding the Postern-gate open, he threw the fault upon the Chamberlains, whom before he had slain, affirming them to have had the Keys of the Gates committed to their keeping all that night: And the truth is, he made himself so strangely busie in the discovery, that several began to mistrust him, though at that time they durst not speak of it. At this horrid murther, their Authors tell us, that for six Moneths after, neither Sun nor Moon appear'd in that Kingdom; but they had enough of strange tem­pests and thunders, which put the people out of their little Wits.

After this horrid Murther, Culene was King, who made it his bu­siness to finde out and punish the Murderers of King Duffe, which within half a year he accomplished, found and took up the body of the King; which, they say, was no sooner done, but the Air cleared, and the Sun appeared gloriously again. The body was by order buryed in the little Amongst the He­brides. Western Island of Scotland, call'd Colmekill, or Columbkill, from the The Irish say he was their Coun­tryman Scotch Apostle St. Columba, who some­times lived there (some think it the same with the Island Iona.) In which Island was a famous Abbey or Monastery, built by King Fer­gus the Second, which for many years was the burying place of the Kings of Scotland.

As for King Culene, he gave himself wholly over to sensuality and [Page 211] negligence, which made the Nobles resolve to depose him; to which purpose they summoned a Parliament at Scone (the place where the Scottish Kings were Crown'd:) Culene informed of this, and knowing himself not strong enough to oppose, resolves to go thither also; but being on his journey, he was An. 971. murder'd at Meffen-Castle, by one Radard or Cadhard, Lord or Governour thereof, whose Daugh­ter the King had ravished.

Upon this Murther, Kenneth the Third is King at Scone, one huge­ly commended for all manner of Kingly vertues; nor had he any thing to blemish that great Reputation he had justly deserved and got, but one wicked crime, viz. the poysoning of his Cousin Mal­colme, Governour of Cumberland; which heinous fault, though no man suspected him, yet his own Conscience accusing him, he confest it himself, and did really repent of that crime. But leaving this, let us see the manner of his end.

Cruthnet, Son to Fenella (of whom hereafter) the Chief Gover­nour of Merres, having been the occasion of great troubles, fewds and murders, was at last with his Companions taken, whom with the other chief Actors were executed by the Kings command; the poorer sort, as a people ignorant and misled, were pardoned, and let go to their respective habitations; which Justice and Mercy was much commended in his Majesty.

It chanced that the King having been at Fordon, a Town in Mer­nes, to visit the Reliques of St. Palladius (a holy Grecian, who came into Scotland about the year 431) which, they say, lay here in a little Church, to this day corruptly call'd from him Padi [...]kirk, went for curiosity to see the Castle of Fettercarne; then pleasantly seated in a Forrest, well stored with wilde Beasts, though now no such pleasantness about it. The Lady of this Castle was the fore­named Fenalla, or Finabella, as some call her, who received the King with a great deal of seeming kindness and nobleness.

Yet she resolved upon his Murther, being incensed against the King, for executing her Son Cruthnet; and what she intended, she brought to pass, but by what means I cannot positively conclude. Some there are that tell a pretty story of rare inventions and con­trivances to intice the King to his own ruine; as, that she knowing the King to delight much in buildings and rare curiosities, had pro­vided a place in the Castle richly hung with Tapestry and rich Ar­ras; and in it a noble brasen Image, holding in one of his hands a fair golden Apple, set full of precious Stones: all which was framed with that Art and Cunning, that if any one took the Apple out of its hand, several Arrows from artificial Cross-bows placed so cunningly, would fly out and kill him. The King after dinner was led into this Chamber by Fenella: Kenneth was presently delighted with the glorious Furniture, but above all with the Image; and asking the meaning of it, was answer'd by the Lady, that that rich Apple was placed there, as a poor gift, for himself. At length, after some looking and admiration, he went to remove the Apple, and present­ly the Cross-bows discharged their Darts, by which the King was An. 994. kill'd.

This story, though related by several old Chronicles, George Buchanan doth not think worthy of belief; nor indeed is it proba­ble that such great riches as their stories here speak of, such Art and such Workmanship, should meet together under the power of [Page 212] such a Lady, in such a part of the World, so long ago, and in such a little while. Whereupon he rather agrees with some other Wri­ters, that he was murther'd by four Horse-men, laid purposely for that wickedness in ambush, by the said Finabella; and his body was afterwards buryed at Colmkill.

I shall not here question by what Right or Title An. 987. Hugh Capet came to be King of France (because the present powers of that Kingdom may think themselves concerned in that dispute) onely 'tis confest of all hands, that Charles of Lorraine was the true Heir; and Pag. 495. Jean de Bussieres could even the other day, and that by publick Authority, call Capet an Invadour. And this was the beginning of the Capevingien Family, which yet continues; and the end of the Carlovingiens in France, that Imperial Line having before this ended in Germany.

The end of the third Book.

A CONTINUATION year 1000 OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonable Practises Of the ROMANISTS, In Deposing and Murthering of their Emperours and Kings: From the Year M, to the Year MCC.
BOOK IV.

CHAP. I.

1. The Murther of Edmund Ironside, King of England.

2. The Murther of Malcolme the Second, and of Duncan, Kings of Scotland.

3. The clashing of Popes, and the Emperours power over them at Elections.

Sect. 1. The Murther of Edmund Ironside, King of England.

HAving now past over the Millenary year, we shall pro­ceed, and with grief begin at home, where we shall finde a Noble Kingdom ruined by Treachery, and be­tray'd to Forraigners by an abominable Murder.

And for the better understanding of which sad story, we may know, that the Danes for some time made it their business to possess these flourishing Nations: and what by dissentions at home, and their multitudes, joyn'd with the terrour of their Cruelty [Page 214] and Heathenism, they bid fair for the carrying of the whole; but were still manfully opposed, and might for ever have lost their de­signs, if Treason had not been a better gamester than Valour.

Here lived in England one Edrike, Son to Egilricus, a man of a low Kindred; but what he wanted in birth, he supplyed by kna­very and a fluent tongue. Pag 90. Stow calls him Edrike of Straton: L. 7. c. 44. § 17. & § 49. Speed saith he was sirn [...]med Streton, or Streattane, or Hol [...]nshed, l. 7. c. 10, 11. Streona, for his covetousness: This fellow by his cunning rais'd himself to such an esteem, that King O [...] Egel­red, or E­theldred. Ethelred created him Duke of Mer­cia, and gave him his second Daughter Edgith in Marriage; yet could not all his favours keep him from Treachery; but perceiving the Daenes to be very powerful in England, to raise himself also by them, he betray'd not onely the Kings Council, but his Armies and Country to those Danish Invadors. But here passing by his many Treasons, and his as oftentimes receiving again into favour; I shall hasten to his murthering of his Soveraign Edmund.

This Edmund was Son to King Ethelred; and for his strength, valour and hardness, was sirnamed Ironside. He had pardoned this Edrike, Duke of Mercia, many faults, and winked at several of his treacherous actions, still receiving him into favour; and this too much lenity, they say, proved his own ruine: for this Edrike think­ing to make himself more beloved and trusted by the Danes, took An 1017. the opportuuity, and one time when King Edmund was Thus also was slain Godfrey, D [...]ke of L [...]rra [...]ne. Baron. an. 1076. § 38. easing himself, he procured him to be thrust from underneath into his bo­dy, with a Spear or Spit; which being done, Edrike de Streona cut off his head, and presented it to Canute, King of the Danes, with this fawing salutation—All hail, thou now sole Monarch of Eng­land; for here behold the head of thy Copartner, which for thy sake I have adventured to cut off.

Canute amazed at this so disloyal an action, and thinking that he who had thus murder'd his own Soveraign, might in time betray him; dissembling his intent, replyed, and vowed, That—in re­ward of that service, the bringers own head should be advanced above all the Peers of his Kingdom.—Which words hugely contented Edrike, who for some time thought himself in great favour; but at last, Kanute made his words good, by commanding Edrike's head to be cut off, and placed upon the highest gate in London.

I shall not here enter into a dispute with those who question the manner of the death, both of King Edmund, and the Traytor Edrike, seeing Authors will not in this case exactly agree amongst them­selves: but be it as it will, I shall look a little farther North.

Sect. 2. The Murther of Malcolme the Second, and of Duncan, Kings of Scotland.

IN Scotland we shall finde ruling Malcolme the Second, famous for his several Victories against the Danes, and his other excel­lent Vertues and Laws for the benefit of his Dominions. And having raigned several years with great prudence and liberality; at [Page 215] last, in his old age he grew very covetous (a vice commonly incident to such doting years:) upon which, several conspired against him; and being at Glammys in Anguis, several of the Plotters were con­vey'd into his Lodging, by his own faithless servants, where they murder'd him. Then thinking to escape on good Horses laid for Anno 1034. them, the Snow then covering the earth, they miss'd their way, rid to the Lough of Forfair, then frozen over, which having rid some part, the Ice broke, and they were all drowned; and upon the thaw their bodies found.

This is the common opinion; others tell it another way; yet all agree that he was Murther'd.

The next that succeeded in Scotland was Duncan, who having raigned a few years, was An. 1040. murder'd at Ennerness by one Mack­beth, who seised upon the Kingdom, and was Crown'd at Scone; and having Governed seventeen years, was also An. 1057. slain by one Mackduff.

Here I might recreate the Reader with some pretty stories about these times: As how three Weirds, Witches or Fairies told Mack­beth, as he was going to Forres Buchan. p. 200. others say, 'twas a Vision or Dream by night) that he should be King, but be slain: And Ban­quho, or Bancho, that though he should not be King himself, yet that from him should proceed those who should continue Kings. And that Mackbeth was told that he should not be slain, till Birname-Wood should be brought to Dunsinan Castle in Perth shire; nor by a man that was born of a woman. And how that King Malcolme the Third fulfill'd the first, by making every one of his Souldiers carry a bough of that Wood to the Castle; and how Makduff accom­plished the latter, by being ript out of his Mothers belly, and killing of Mackbeth. But I shall leave such Tales as these to the Miracle­mongers; which being as pretty as most they make use of, I mar­vel Baronius (who, upon every occasion stuffs up his Voluminous Annals with such thwacking wonders) passeth by this jest in silence. But possibly the Cardinal was not skill'd enough in the Caledonian Histories; for had he been as diligent in it, as he was in idle Mira­cles, he would never have so much inlarged himself upon Marianus Scotus, as to make us believe, that at this time a King of Scotland Anno 1050. § 15. should go in Devotion to Rome, the name of the King being Mache­thad, Mar. Scot. MS. in B [...]bl. Bodl. Oxon. Ma­chetad; whereas 'tis well known there was never any such King, unless by mistake we may take Mackbeth, who ruled in Scotland at the same time, but never went so far for Devotion. Be it as 'twill, it served his turn to promote a greatness and reverence in Rome; yet Pag. 207. Leslaeus hath a fancie that Marianus meant Malcolme the Third, though Scotus his words may well enough be understood, that the King had his liberality distributed by others, and not himself at Rome; and so the knot is untyed. As for the stories of these Elves, Witches or Hobgoblins, they may consult Hist. Scot. lib. 12. Hect or Boetius, or from him our Holinshed.

I shall say nothing here to the killing of Duncan by Makpender, Earl of Mercia; nor of the imprisonment of Donald, the putting out of his eyes, and miserable death in prison, because their Titles may be questioned. Nor shall I travel more Northward, and inlarge upon the An. 1088. Murder of King Canute of Denmark whilst he was at his Devotions; nor enter upon the more frozen [Page 216] parts, to insist upon the treacherous end of Ingo the Fourth, King of Scotland, because Religion was not there in a setled con­dition.

Sect. 3. The clashing of Popes, and the Emperours power over them at Elections.

BUt if I would trouble my self at the very Fountain of their Religion, viz. Rome, we might here shew that obedience yeilds place to sedition, and how troubled their Champions are to finde out an Infallible and true Vicar.

Here might I tell at large how Platina and some others declare Pope Sylvester the Second to be a Magician, and to have kept cor­respondence with the Devil; though others at large Apologize for him; nor shall I interest my self in the dispute. Here could I a­muze the honest Roman Catholick, by telling him that Benedict the Ninth was once held for the Infallible Head of their Church, and yet was but a Baron. an. 1033. § 6. boy of ten or twelve years old: And here might we puzzle their Succession, and make them pump and invent Rea­sons for a true Pope, when at the same time this Benedict said he was Pope, Sylvester the Third assured the World, that he was Christ's Vicar: and also one John affirm'd, that he was the onely man that was S. Peters true Successor; and every one of these Popes had many Followers. And to make up the wonder and number, Gregory the Sixth with money hired these men to lay down the Cudgels, and so made himself Pope also; which Title and Honour he was over-perswaded to yeild up by a Gene­brard, Cron. p. 865. Council; and yet this man must be a true Pope, and no way tainted with Simony: and to him by the consent of the Emperour succeeded Clement the Second, who being poysoned, Benedict the Ninth the third time entred in­to the Papal Chair: but the Emperour hearing of these troubles, sent Poppo, Bishop of Brescia, to Rome, who was chosen, and suc­ceeded as Pope, though his Raign was but short.

But be it short or long, their Authors are here in open War a­bout the legality of his Rule. An. 1048. § 1. Baronius, and some others, making him legally elected, and so a true Pope. On the other hand, Platina, Pag. 867. Genebrard, and some others, declare him to be an in­truder, and so no true Pope. And what must be the foundation of his crime, but because the Emperour had an interest in his promo­tion? though if this Argument will hold any water, they will quite break to pieces the Line of their Succession, by throwing aside many Popes formerly elected or confirmed by Emperours, and other se­cular Potentates. But fight Dog, fight Bear, I shall not trouble my self to reconcile them.

Yet though they now seem so dapperly against the Temporal Authority, it is not unworth the notice, that no sooner was this Damasus (first call'd Poppo) dead, but the Cardinals, and other Romans, sent into Germany to the Emperour, to desire him to ap­point [Page 217] them a new Pope, who accordingly sent them Leo the Ninth: and whatsoever they tell for excuse of Leo's changing his Opinion, at the perswasion of Hildebrand, is not much to the purpose, since it appears that they durst not refuse him; and Hildebrand's policy (if true) was but a meer trick and juggle.

And this practice will better appear by the next Vicar; for no Platina. sooner was Leo dead, but the Clergy, and others of Rome, sent Hildebrand into Germany to the Emperour, to desire him to give Baron. an. 1054. § 53. them a Pope; who accordingly yeilded to grant them Victor the Second, who by the Imperial Order was elected at Mentz, and thence sent to Rome. And thus humbly they behaved themselves to the Emperour, that they might not offend him, nor break their Oaths and Duty, which they had made to him. And something to this purpose we finde a little after; for this Victor the Second, and Stephanus the Ninth being dead, some at Rome elected and de­clared for Pope Benedict the Tenth. But the Chief of the Romans sent presently an excuse to the Emperour; protesting that for their parts they would keep their Allegiance, and not acknowledge any Coeffeteau, p. 644, 645. for Pope, but whom he approved of; and therefore desired him to send to Rome for Pope whom he pleased, who accordingly sent them Nicholas the Second; and so Benedict the Tenth was thrust from the Chair, as not capable of that honour, because he had in­truded himself into that Dignity Qui sine jussu Regis & Princi­pum. Lamb. Schafnaburg. Hist. Germ. an. 1059. Edict. Francof. 1583.—Qui injussu Regis, &c. Edict. Tubing. 15. 33. without the approbation of the Emperour and other Princes.

But we need not trouble our selves here with many Examples of the secular Authority in the Popes Election, having formerly in several other places, as they fell in my way, hinted at the practice: and besides all, at this very time they cannot but confess, that the very Romans yeilded up their interest in the Election of Popes, Genebrard, pag. 866. Coqnaeus, p. 505. Sigebert. an. 1046. and gave it to the Emperour; and, which is more, both in Grego­ry the Sixth's time, and Clement the Second his time, ingaged them­selves by Oath to the Emperour, never to chuse or consecrate any for Pope, but whom he should approve of, and consent to.

CHAP. II. The troubles and deposing of the Emperour Henry the Fourth, by the pride of Pope Gregory the Seventh, and other Incendiaries.

SHould I trouble my self to reconcile all the exceptions that might belong to this Chapter, I should be Voluminous to a wonder, and possibly not satisfie the Reader. But to leave such Disputes, in short, the question is betwixt the Emperour Hen­ry the Fourth, and Pope Gregory the Seventh; which of them was in the right, and which to blame: though one may affirm without offence, that both of them had their faults; yet Goldastus (and from him of late Father Remonst. Hybern. part 2. p. 89, 90, &c. part 5. p. 1, 2, &c. Caron) hath taken a great deal of pains to vindicate the Emperour, whilst Gretserus is as large in his several Apologies for the Pope; whither I shall refer the cu­rious for farther satisfaction.

And it was no small misery to Christendom, that the Emperour being very young, the Popes acted what they pleas'd without con­troul; though at last they drive on so furiously, that instead of making the Empire happy by tranquillity, they procured its ruine by fomenting new troubles and rebellions. For, whereas formerly the Emperours had the main hand in making Popes, and the power of nominating Bishops in his own Territories, whom he left to be Consecrated by others; Now, on the contrary, the Pope would take all power into his own hands, allowing no man to be Bi­shop, of what Country soever, but whom he pleas'd; by which means he would wrest all favours from the Temporal jurisdiction to himself.

And whereas formerly Clergy-men were commonly marryed, and their Dist. 28. c. si qu [...]s docu­erit c. si quis discernit. dist. 31. c. Om [...]no con­fitemur. c. Quoniam Romani. c. Aliter se O­rient. Canon-law it self grants them some favour in this case; Now the Pope proceeds severely against the married Clergy by Excommunication; and so in a manner deprived them of their Beings; which was the cause of great troubles in Germany. Nor was this all, but also Gregory the Seventh thrust himself up above all Dominions and Authorities in the world, by the assistance of a puny Synod at Rome, thus declaring his Prerogative,—viz.

That onely the Pope of Rome can depose Bishops.
Baron. an. 1076. § 31, 32, 33.
That his Legat must take place of all other Bishops in a Council, which
Legat hath power to depose other Bishops.
That the Pope can depose those who are absent.
That it is lawful for the Pope onely, according to the necessity of them
Time, to make new Laws, &c.
That the Pope onely may use the Imperial Ensigns.
That all Princes are to kiss the feet of the Pope onely.
[Page 219]
That his name is onely to be recited or mentioned in Churches.
That he hath Authority to depose Emperours.
That he onely can translate Bishops.
That no General Synod ought to be call'd without his command.
That no Book is Canonical without his Authority.
That his sentence ought not to be revoked by any body.
That no man ought to be Censured for Appealing to Rome.
That all Causes of great Importance, of what Church soever, must be referred to him.
That the Roman Church neither ever did or can err.
That there is but one onely name in the World, i. e. the Pope.
That the Pope of Rome, if he be Canonically Ordain'd, is undoubt­edly made Holy by the merits of St. Peter. And some other such­like Priviledges as these were also then concluded upon.

Thus by little and little did the Roman Bishops dwindle the Tem­poral Authority to nothing, by making themselves so great and powerful. Alexander the Second had null'd all Lay-Patronage, by making it unlawful to receive any Benefice from a secular Autho­rity, which then they call'd Simony (though gave Coquaeus, p. 513. nothing for it) as Pag. 874, 875. Id. pag. 868. Genebrard saith. And a little before this, Leo the Ninth seemed to ease the Papal See from the Imperial jurisdiction; but to no purpose, that Chair falling after into the Imperial Nomination, as it did also in him. But Gregory the Seventh, by a particular 26. Q. 7. Quoniam Investituras, Baron. an. 1078. § 26. Canon, null'd and voided all Investitures that should be made to Bishops, &c. by the Emperour, or the secular Prince: Though we are told that his Master, S. Hen. Spelman. Gloss. v. In­vestur. Gregory the Sixth, mainly com­mended this way of nominating or designing Bishops by a Pastoral Staff and Ring, by the Temporal Prince, whereby the other Bi­shops might with more Authority, and less prejudice, Consecrate him; and that this had also G. Carle­ton's jurisdi­ction, pag. 137, 138, 139, &c. formerly been the practice, cannot be denyed: and the power of Nomination is yet used by all Chri­stian Princes within their respective Dominions.

Suchlike actions as these procured some heart-burnings betwixt the Emperour and Popes, which at last fell to open divisions and animosity; to which the troublesome Saxons were not the least Authors, who had for some time born a spite against the Em­perour; from whose Authority and Protection they had several thoughts and consultations of withdrawing themselves. To pre­vent this, Henry had built several strong Castles and Forts amongst them, which incensed them more; insomuch, that they did not onely fortifie and defend themselves, but sent to Rome complaints against the Emperour of Oppression and Simony (which, Ʋrsper­gensis saith, were Accusatio­nes blasphe­mas & inau­ditas. false accusations.) Alexander the Second, then Pope, upon this took the confidence to send to Henry, com­manding him to appear at Rome, to answer before him such com­plaints as were laid to his charge; but the Pope An. 1072. dying presently after, this Tryal fell to the ground for a time.

After him was Pope Gregory the Seventh, who was first call'd Hildebrand, and under that name commonly met withal in Histo­ry; but the Germans, who above all things hated him, for jest­sake used to call him Hellebrand, i. e. a Firebrand from Hell; they looking upon him to be the cause of all their misfortunes, whilst some others magnifie him no less than a Saint.

Gregory had not been above a year Pope, but he sent his Legats into Germany, who, though they behaved themselves stoutly to the Emperour, yet could not procure the Priviledge of having a Synod held there by them, the native Bishops not being willing to submit to such Masters; the chief of the Opposers being Liemarus, Archbishop of Breme, whom they undertook to suspend; and the Pope after­wards thought he had completed it; and at last, An. 1075. excommuni­cated several Bishops, who adher'd to the Emperour. And not long after, sent an express summons to Henry himself to appear be­fore him at Rome; and that if he were not there by such a day, he should be forthwith excommunicated.

The strangeness and boldness of this Papal summons moved the Emperour so much, that he not onely sent away the Legats with scorn, but sent forth Orders to all Bishops and Abbots to meet him at Worms, there to hold a Council; who accordingly appear'd in a very great Am [...]l [...]ssi­mo numero. [...]am. Schaf­ [...]ab. anno 1076. number; where having drawn up many Accusations and Crimes against Gregory, they adjudge him not fit to be Pope; declare his Election void; whatever he shall do as Pope after that day, to be null and of no effect; and so deprive him from the Pope­dom: And to this having subscribed, they sent Rowland of Parma to declare the same at Rome.

In the mean time Gregory had call'd a Synod at Rome; which be­ing met, Rowland appears amongst them, and there boldly declares to the Popes face how the Emperour, and the Bishops of Italy, Germany and France, in a Council had deprived the said Pope. But Gregory to requite this kindness, the next day, excommunicates and deprives the chief of the Bishops who were at Worms; and for the rest, he appoints a set time for them to repent and submit to him; which if they did not obey, then were they also partakers of the same sauce. Nor doth he forget the Emperour, but very dapperly excommunicates and deprives him of his Dominions and Authority: The chief part of which Deposition runs thus:

Beate Petre Apostolorum Prin­ceps, inclina, quaesimus, pias aures tuas, & audi me servum tuum, quem ab infantia nutristi, & us (que) ad hunc diem de manu ini­quorum liberasti, qui me pro tua fidelitate oderunt & odiunt: tu mihi testes es, & Domina mea Ma­ter Dei, & B. Paulus frater tuus—Pro Ecclesiae tuae ho­nore, & defensione, ex parte Om­nipotentis Dei Patris, & Filii, & Spiritus Sancti, per tuam Po­testatem & Authoritatem, Hen­rico Regi filio Henrici Imperato­ris, qui contra tuam Ecclesiam in­audita superbia insurrexit, to­tius Regni Teutonicorum & I­taliae gubernacula contradico, & omnes Christianos a vinculo Juramenti, quod sibi fecere & [Page 221] facient, absolvo; & ut nullus ei sicut Regi serviat, interdico.

[Page 220]

O Blessed Peter, Prince of the Apostles, incline, I pray, your pious ears, and hear me, your servant, whom thou hast nou­rished from his infancie, and till this day hast delivered from the hands of wicked men, who hate me for my trusting in thee: Thou art my Witness, and our Lady the Mother of God, and your Brother St. Paul—that,—For the honour and defence of thy Church, on the part of Almigh­ty God the Father, Son and holy Ghost, by thy Power and Au­thority, I deprive from any Go­vernment and Rule of all Ger­many and Italy King Henry, Son to the Emperour Henry, who with an unheard-of pride hath [Page 221] opposed and rise against thy Church: And I absolve all Chri­stians from the Oaths of Obedi­ence which they have or shall make; and do here interdict and forbid any to serve him as a King.

In this I follow An. 1076. § 25, 26. Baronius, which is worded otherwise than that set down by Pag. 177. Platina: the reason of which difference and variations, let those look to it, who boast of Originals in the Vatican; though in this we may make one serve to interpret the other.

Presently after this, Gregory sends to the Germans to know whe­ther Henry would submit himself, and acknowledge his offences against St. Peters Church; but if he would not, that then another King might be chosen, who would be obedient to the Roman See, and he would confirm the Election. Upon this, the Chief met at Tribur neer Mentz.

The Emperour perceiving his case to be but bad, many of his chief friends forsaking him, and others for fear durst not seem for him, [so apt were the simple people then to be gull'd and terrified by those Roman bibble-babbles, or the seditious Nobles] was in a peck of troubles, seeing himself so neglected. And thus finding few friends, and no remedy, he sends to those who met at Tribur, de­siring their favours and pardon for what he had formerly done a­miss, and promiseth amendment, if they would onely look upon him as a Monarch: all this they refuse, pretending his Excommu­nication and Deposition by Gregory, and several other suchlike tri­fling excuses.

Henry thus seeing all hopes lost in Germany, resolves to submit himself to the Pope: to effect which, he designed a journey into Italy. The factious Germans informed of this, resolve to way­lay him, and if they could possibly intrap him, and get him into their clutches; but by making the farthest about, the neerest way to his journies end, he escapes all their Ambushments and Malice. Yet was his journey most difficult and hazardous, by reason of the extremity of the Frost, which put him several times in great danger, in his passage over the Alpes. Having entred Lumbardy, many Italian Bishops and Nobles wait upon him, entertain him with all respect, complain to him of the Popes actions, and wish that he had friends and strength enough to depose Gregory, of whose Popedom they were really weary.

Yet did not this much better the Emperours poor condition: Anno 1077. For those who had been his friends and well-wishers in Germany, and other places, seeing Henry himself brought so low, as to drudge for pardon, thought it their securest way to do so too; and so they also gad to Italy, and bare-footed, without any linnen about them, humbly beg absolution of the Pope; which after some hard­ship and waiting they obtain, with an injunction never to acknow­ledge Henry, till he had asked pardon of, and satisfied his Holi­ness.

Henry thus seeing his condition grow worse and worse, thought it wisest to make the best he could of a bad Market; and unwilling [Page 222] to loose the Empire, resolves to satisfie the Pope, if any thing can do it; and being informed that Gregory was at Canossa, a strong place in the Territory of Reggio, in the Dukedom of Modena; thither he goeth to supplicate for pardon and restoration. This Castle of Canossa was compass'd about with three Walls, and be­longed to Mathilda, or Maude, a Lady of great Revenues, and inti­mately acquainted with the Pope, seldom parting from him. 'Twas now the depth of Winter, nor had the memory of man known a severer Frost; yet doth Henry (some say also with his Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. pag. 332, 233. Empress and little Son) without any Princely Attire, or Linnen; and which was more, without Shooes, or Stockings, or Hat; thus bare-footed, bare-leg'd, and Blondus Ital. I [...]lust. de Lombard. pag. 357. bare-headed; some say, with a Mornay, pag. 253. pair of Sizzers and a scourge in his hands, (intimating that he was there ready to be polled and whipt) trudge it to Canossa, hoping to be let in to the speech and favour of his Holyness: to which purpose, he thought he had made way by some of the Popes friends; but here he found himself deceived: yet we may suppose he had some favour, being permitted to enter within the second Wall, where in this pittiful plight, he waited to be let in all day long fast­ing; but the Popes spirit would not yet come down. The night comes, the Frost continueth, and his stomach might well think his throat Blondus Hist. Decad 2. lib. 3. pag. 200. cut; yet doth he not stir, but with this cold comfort expects com­passion.

Having thus with pain, cold and hunger past over the tedious night, two to one but next morning he might hope for better suc­cess; but he was served with the same sauce as the day before: And thus he past over three days and three nights, enough to get desperation, if not death, in a better man than Pope Gregory, who thus despised the birth, dignity, and patience of so great an Empe­perour. But the fourth day, some others with Mathilda, as if ashamed of the arrogancie of Gregory, and the unparallell'd humi­lity of Henry, with much ado perswaded Hildebrand to allow the Emperour his presence: but yet before this was done, Henry was to deliver up his Crown, and the rest of his Royal Badges and En­signs to the Pope, and acknowledge himself not fit or worthy to Rule. And having gone thus far on his knees, he humbly begs Absolu­tion; which, after a great deal of clutter, was granted, though the remedy was as bad as the disease, by the hard conditions and pro­viso's it was clog'd withal; As, that he shall submit himself to answer Baron. an. 1077. § 9, 10, 11. Coeffetean, pag. 687. in the Assembly of the German Princes, to such accusations as should be laid to his charge. That he should submit to the judgement there given; insomuch, that though he should there be deprived or deposed of all sway, that he should not take it as an injury done to him. That in the mean time, he should not use any Royal Ornaments or Ensigns. That he should not concern himself with the Government, nor com­mand, or determine any thing as a Ruler. That all people, who had sworn him Allegiance, should remain absolved and free from obedi­ence. That those, who had been his chief Councellors and Friends, should be removed from him. And that, if at last, upon tryal and favour, he should be restored again to his Government or Empire, that he should not onely be a Defender of the Roman Church, but o­bedient to it. And Chro. tom. 2. pag 880. Genebrard mainly commends Gregory for his making the Emperour thus to dance attendance to him, in that naked posture and frozen weather.

History tells us, that Alexander the Fifth dying, the Cardinals then at Bologna, thought upon several as fit to succeed; but none of them would please Balthasar Cossa, Cardinal and Legat there; insomuch, that seeing no remedy, they desired him to nominate: upon which, quoth Cossa, Give me St. Peters Cloak, and I will give it to him who is to be Pope. The Mantle being given him, he puts it on his own shoulders, and said to them, I am Pope. Nor durst they oppose that Election, since it was the will of Cossa, who call'd himself John XXIII.

No man can be but satisfied, when he hath the power or liberty of setting down his own conditions, as Cossa had his hearts-wish when he had the Popedom; so could Gregory the Seventh desire or expect no more, than thus forcing the great Emperour to submit to his will and pleasure. Now he might suppose he had the world in a string, and had shewn a fair president to make Temporal Monarchs obedient; and the truth is, he had rais'd up his Seat many degrees above any of his Predecessors; though after-stories will shew this equal'd, if not out-thrown some bar-lengths.

But having now seen the disrespect of Gregory, with the humility and absolution of Henry; let us cast a glance on the actions in Ger­many. We gave an hint before of some heart-burnings between the Emperour and Saxons; which upon the Popes Excommunica­on, and ridiculous Deposition, they advanced to more formality, thinking then they had sufficient right and authority to renounce their Soveraign; and in his absence in Italy, about his absolution, they struck the nail on the head, quite renouncing their obedience to Henry, and chusing for their King or Emperour Rodolphus, Earl of Reinfeldt, and Duke of Schwaben, by some Historians cur­ruptly call'd Duke of Saxony. No sooner was this done and known, but both Henry and Rodolph desire the Popes assistance. Gregory gave good words, commanded them both to appear before his Legats in Germany, where they should have justice done them: And to his Legats, he gave express command, to reject him that seem'd refractory, but to confirm him that was obedient as King.

How they behaved themselves I know not, but An. 1077. and Matt. Paris, anno 1077. Guil. Barclay, de potest. Papae, pag. 40, 41. Sigebert, a diligent Chronologer, who lived in Germany at this time, tells us that this year the Pope sent to Rodolph an Imperial Crown with this Inscription:

Petra dedit Petro, Petrus Diadema Rodolpho.
The Rock did give this Crown to Peter,
And Peter sends't to Ralfe as meeter.

But Chron. Sclavorum cap. 28. lib. 1. Helmoldus affords us another Verse, though not much differing in the sence or purpose.

Petra dedit Romam Petro, tibi Papa Coronam.
The Rock gave Peter th' Roman Town,
And th' Pope doth give to thee this Crown.

And here methinks 'tis pretty to see what a clutter they make, [Page 224] to prove the Rock not to be the confession of, but Peter himself; the better thereby to intail Infallibility upon his Vicars; and yet here a great Pope makes them different things. But waving this, I wonder who gave Peter a Crown or Rome! or by what right he came to possess any Lands or Temporal Jurisdiction in Italy; not denying but that people may give away their own (provided they do not thereby begger and ruine themselves, Children and Fami­lies) but putting no trust or truth in that common saying, That Do­minion is founded in Grace or Saintship; seeing without doubt, an Heathen hath as much right to what is his, as a Christian, were he St. Peter himself, to what is his.

As for the first Verse, Baronius will not have it to be sent to Ro­dolph this year, but three years after, viz. 1080; but for this he shews no Authority, onely his own conjecture, not enough to weigh down the Testimony of Sigebert, living at the same time, and of old Matthew Paris. But I shall not trouble my self with the timing of these Verses, nor with a Narrative of every Battle and Victory be­twixt Henry and Rodolph: For now were they hard at it; Henry no sooner hearing of Rodolph's Election and Coronation by the Archbishop of Mentz (once his great friend,) but he raiseth what force he can, hastes for Germany, and doth his utmost to regain his Empire: but passing by the bloudshed, which continued some­time with eagerness of both sides, let us see what Gregory doth at Rome.

Where we finde him in a Synod, cursing with Bell, Book and An. 1080. Candle all Emperours, Kings, Dukes, &c. who shall give any In­vestitures, i. e. nominate (as all Kings do now) any man to avoid Bi­shoprick, or other Ecclesiastical Livings or Benefices, within their own Dominions or Jurisdictions, because (forsooth) he could have all those Donations to belong to him and his Successors; for which you may suppose, they good men desired no Politick Benefit, ei­ther the inriching of their Pockets, and the beggering of all other Countries by making all their Angels flee to Rome: Or, by thus having all the Clergy of the World at their Devotion, they might with more facility raise Rebellions at pleasure, and make the Temporal Jurisdiction but a meer shadow; the Kings themselves to be deposed, when their Holynesses pleas'd to withdraw their favours.

And this Council will afford us a good instance to this purpose, and that concerning our Emperour Henry. For here we have him a­gain Excommunicated, and deprived, with the salvation of all his Enemies. The form it self is long; but that which most concerns us is this.

Beate Petre, Princeps Apostolo­rum, & tu beate Paule doctor Gentium, dignamini quaeso aures vestras ad me inclinare, me (que) cle­menter exaudire.
O Blessed Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and O thou Blessed Paul, Doctor of the Gentiles, vouchsafe, I pray you, to bow down your ears, and favourably hear me.—

And then he tells to these Apostles a long tale in vindication of himself.

Quapropter confidens de judicio & misericordia Dei, ejus (que) piissi­mae Matris semper Virginis Mariae, fultus vestra authoritate; Saepe nominatum Henricum, quem Re­gem dicunt, omnes (que) fautores e­jus, excommunicationi subjicio, & anathematis vinculis alligo. Et iterum Regum Teutonico­rum & Italiae, ex parte omnipo­tentis Dei, & vestra, interdicens ei, omnem potestatem & digni­tatem illi regiam tollo; & ut nu [...]lus Christianorum ei sicu [...] Regi obediat, interdico: omn [...]s (que) qui ei juraverunt, vel jurabunt de Regni dominatione, a juramenti promissione absolvo.

Ipse autem Henricus cum suis fautoribus, in omni congressione belli nulla vires, nullamque in vita sua Victoriam obtineat. Ʋt autem Rudolphus regnum Teu­tonicorum regat & defendat, quem Teutonici elegerunt sibi in Regem. Ad vestram fidelitatem ex parte vestra, dono, largior & concedo omnibus sibi fideliter ad­haerentibus absolutionem omni­um peccatorum, vestram (que) bene­dictionem in hac vita, & in futura, vestra fretus fiducia largior. Si­cut enim Henricus pro sua super­bia, inobedientia & falsitate, a Regni dignitate jusiè abjicitur; ita Rudolpho pro suo humilitate, obedientia & veritate, potestas & dignitas conceditur.

(b) Agite nunc quaeso, Patres & Principes sanctissimi, ut omnis mundus intelligat, & cognoscat, quia si potestis in Coelo legare & absolvere, potestis in Terra Impe­ria, Regna, Principatus, Ducatus, Marchius, Comitatus & omnium hominum possessiones pro meri­tis tollere unicui (que) & concedere, &c.

Wherefore trusting in the judgement and Mercy of God, and his holy Mother the Virgin Mary, back'd by your Authori­ty; I do hereby excommunicate and curse the said Henry, whom they call King, and all his fa­vourers and partakers. And I do again, in the Name of God Almighty and you, interdic [...] [...]he said Henry the Kingdom of Ger­many and Italy, and take from him all Royal Power and Digni­ty; and command that no Chri­stian shall obey him as a King: and all who have or will swear obedience to him, I absolve them from the said Oaths.

As for Henry and his partakers, let them neither have strength or force in any Battle, nor ever gain Victory: But for Rodulph, cho­sen King, let him govern and de­fend his Kingdom of It seems the Pope would keep Italy to himself. Germa­ny. And in your names I do give, bestow, and grant to all those who shall adhere faithfully to the said Rodolph, absolution of all their sins, and your Benedicti­on in this life, and in that to come. For as Henry for his pride, disobedience and falsity, is just­ly deposed from his Royal Dig­nity; so i [...] the same Royal Pow­er and Dignity given to Rodolph for his humility, obedience and honesty.

Go on therefore, and assist, most Agite igi­tur Apolo­stolorum san­ctissimi Prin­cipes, & quod dixi vestra au­tho [...]tate in­terposita confirmate, ut omnes nunc demu [...] intelligant, si potestas in Coelo l [...]gare & solvere, in Terra quo (que) Imperia, Regna, Principatus & quicquid habere mortales possunt au­ferre & dare, nos dare posse, &c. Platina vit. Pont. holy Fathers and Princes of the Apostles, that all the World may understand and know, that you who can binde and loose in Hea­ven, can also on Earth take away Empires, Kingdoms, Principali­ties, Dukedoms, Marquessdoms, Earldoms, & all mens Possessions, and give them to any other, &c.

Platina, here again, much differing from Baronius; I have placed the latter part of Platina in the Margent, that one may give a light and addition to the other.

The Emperour informed of this harsh dealing against him, calls a Synod at Brixen in the County of Tirol in Germany, next the Ter­ritories of the Venetians, where several Bishops of Germany, Italy, and France met, who declare the Pope Gregory guilty of Simony, Ʋsurpation, Persecution, Perjury, Homicide, Negromancy or Con­juring, and other crimes; for which they depose him by Vote, and elect into his place as Pope W [...]rt, or G [...]rt, or W [...]chert [...]s, or [...], or [...]gbert. Guibert, Archbishop of Raven­na, who call'd himself Clement the Third.

This done, the Emperour Henry marcheth against Rodolph; both Armies meet in Misnia, not far from Geraw, where they contend v [...]antly for an Empire: But at last, Rodolph having the misfor­tune to have his right-hand cut off, he was carryed to Mersburb for ease and cure, but there he dyed. Some H. Mut [...]us, lib 15. pag. 130. Jo. Na [...]cier. gen. 37. p. 708. [...]lmold. Hist. Sel [...]. c. 28, 29, 30. Authors report, that, perceiving himself neer his end, by the great effusion of bloud, to some Bishops then about him, he shew'd the cut▪ off right-hand, confessing it to be a just judgement, because by that he had for­merly sworn his Allegiance to Henry. Before this Ba [...]tle hapned, An. 1080. Sigebert, an Author then living, tells us, that the same year Gregory undertook to Prophesie, that this year the false King must dye, meaning Henry; but it seems his Friend and Champion Rodolph proved to be the man. Rodolph thus dying, was buryed very nobly; of which magnificent Funeral, when some ask'd the Emperour, Why he would permit such pomp to a Rebel? Henry replyed ingeniously—I wish all mine Enemies were as honoura­bly buryed.

Rodolph being thus slain, Germany began to submit; so Herny An. 1081. perceiving not much work there to do, resolves for Italy, to per­fect what he had begun; and thitherward he marcheth with his Cle­ment the Third: but by the hardness of the Winter he could not be there as soon as intended; yet at last he enters Italy, marcheth An. 1082. against Rome, layeth siege to it, which was famous for the many skirmishes and length, it continuing three years. In the mean time, the unruly Germans elect against Henry one Herman; but he wanted strength to make any great Opposition. The next year Henry took the Civitas L [...]mana. Vatican, and Clement the Third was Inthro­nized as Pope; and the An. 1084. year after this, he took the City it self. But Hildebrand with his Cardinals, and some other friends, had withdrawn themselves, for security, into the strong Castle St. An­gelo, where all the Imperial Force could not reach them, or make them submit, knowing they should be relieved.

In the mean time, Henry and his Wife Bertha are Crown'd Empe­rour and Empress by Clement in the Lateran: From which time Baronius begins to reckon this Henry for an Emperour, though he had Ruled twenty seven years before; all which time he acknow­ledgeth to be no Emperour, and so makes a vacancy for so many years; and all this nullity, because he was not Crown'd by a Pope: And this is the humour of many Roman Historians, though others account without any such Papal Ceremony.

Gregory perceiving himself at a loss, had formerly sent to Robert G [...]iscard, Chief of the Normans, and Lord of Pulia and Calabria, to beg his help at a dead-lift; who, though then in Wars against the [Page 227] Grecian Emperour Alexius, sends him sufficient relief, who deliver him from Castle St. Angelo; thence they convey him to Salerno in the Kingdom of Naples, where he An. 1085. Baron. anno 1098. § 13. dyed. Sigebert, and lately Father Remon­strantia Hi­bernorum, part 5. p. 2. Caron tells us, that being neer his death, he confess'd that he had stirr'd up all these troubles by the suggestion of the Devil, &c. But the Popes Champions would not have us to believe this; but, on the contray, that he is a Saint: for more confirmation of which, they have placed his name in their 25 May. Calendar; and if we look for Miracles to prove it, we might begin at his Infancie, where we finde him, being the Son of a Carpenter (which An. 1073. § 16. Baro­nius thinks a good hint) strangely to foretell by his Fathers Chips, his own Dominion over the World from Sea to Sea. And if we take him towards his latter end, lest his actions (which so many question) should be held as illegal, or any what amiss; we are told Baron. an. 1084. § 10, 11, 12. pretty stories, how they were all approved of, and declared au­thentick from Heaven by the holy Ghost. And thus much for Gregory the Seventh, or Hildebrand, after whom his partakers in I­taly chose Victor the Third, who followed the steps of his Prede­cessor Gregory; by which divisions Italy and Germany were pittiful­ly harass'd, especially Rome, having daily wars and fightings in her very streets, between the Souldiers of the two Popes, Clement and Victor; but the latter lived not long, dying the second year of his Popedom.

After whom the Anti-Imperialists chose Ʋrban the Second, by An. 1088. some jeeringly call'd Turbanus, who also shew'd himself a fierce E­nemy against the Emperour; which broyls were no small detri­ment to Christendom, Clement and Ʋrban cursing one another and their adherents to the purpose; insomuch, that between them, there were few Christians in Germany and Italy left uncurst or damn'd, and blest and save [...] again at the same time. But that which great­ly strengthned Ʋrban, was the revolt of Conrade, Eldest Son to Henry, whom the Emperour leaving in Italy in his absence, he re­bell'd An. 1093. against his Father, and took part with Ʋrban, who acknow­ledged him to be King of Italy, and accordingly was Crown'd so at Millan; and to make him more sure, they had him marryed to the Daughter of Roger, Duke of Sicily; besides this, they had taught this their young King so much obedience to the See of Rome, as to hold the Popes Baron. an. 1095. § 8. Stirrop. And this revolt or unnatural rebel­lion lost Henry all his interest in Italy; many of his old Friends adoring the rising Sun, not thinking but Conrade would be Em­perour.

But death spoils many a design, for Conrade dyed before his Fa­ther, year 1100 and so did Ʋrban and Clement: Upon which, several pre­tended to the Chair of St. Peter; but Paschal the Second got the surest footing, between whom and the Emperour was no more a­greement than with those gone before: This Paschal confirming all the thundring Excommunications and Deprivations against Henry, who was now fallen into a great trouble.

For his now Eldest Son Henry (Conrade being dead) was per­swaded by wicked counsel, that it was best to look about him, and take the Government upon him, his Father having no right to Rule by reason of the Roman Decree against him. And many fine words did they tell him of St. Peter, of Christs Vicar, of the power of the Church, &c. And thus under the pretence of piety, was he [Page 228] perswaded to rebel against his Father. This being known, Germany was divided; some standing for the Father, others for the Son; and both parties behaved themselves so carefully, that both their Armies were powerful, and between them much bloud was shed: but at last, the Marquess of Austriae and the Duke of Bohemia An. 1105. turn'd tail, and fled over to the Son, basely leaving the old Empe­rour in the lurch; which so lesned his Force, that he was con­strain'd to take advice, and shift for himself, with a few trusty Friends.

Being thus down the winde, there were small hopes of recruting, every one now running over to the Conqueror. To be short, a meeting is appointed at Mentz, where meet many Bishops and No­bles, and trusty cards for young Henry; and to carry more Autho­rity, Paschal had sent thither his two Legats; and to make all sure, young Henry himself was there, who made pretty canting Speeches to the people, telling them, that he intended no harme to his Fa­ther, neither desired his deposition, onely took care for the Glory of God, and the honour of St. Peter, and Christ's Vicar, &c. which hony-words pleas'd the seditious people exceedingly; so that here they conclude the old Emperour not fit to Rule, and that his Son ought to be the man and Governour.

Having gone thus far, it was not now for them to look back; and so they very fairly go and have him deposed: The story it self be­ing somewhat lamentable, take as followeth out of their own ap­proved Authors.

The Bishops of Mentz, Colen, and Worms, were order'd to go to Car. Sigoni­us de Regno Ital. anno 1106. Hel­moldus Hist. Sclavorum, c. 32. A [...]b. Krantzius Hist. Saxon. lib. 5. c. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. him, and to bring from him the Imperial Ensigns, viz. the Cross, Lance, Scepter, Globe or Golden-ball and Crown, with the Sword: They went and demanded of him these Badges; of which things he demanded the reason; they replyed, Because he had committed Simony in nominating to Bishopricks and Abbies. To whom the amazed Emperour thus answered: You, my Lords of Mentz and Colen, tell me, by the Name of God, what I have received from you. They confess'd that he had received nothing. Then, said the Em­perour, Glory be to God, that in this We are found faithful; for your great Dignities might have brought great gain to me, had I gone that way: My Lord of Worms likewise knows that he received his Bi­shoprick freely. My good Fathers, break not your Oaths: I am now old, and you need stay but a little. But if there be no remedy, I shall deliver the Crown to my Son with mine own hands.

But they making offer to lay hands upon him, he retired himself, put on his Imperial Ensigns, and returned to them, saying, The goodness of God, and the election of the Princes, gave these to me; and God is able to preserve them unto me, and to with-hold your hands from this action, although We want Our Forces, though I doubt not of any such violence, &c. Hereupon the Bishops stay'd a while, as if they knew not what to do; yet at last, incouraging one ano­ther, they bolted up the Emperour, took the Crown from his head, and then taking him out of his seat, took from him all his Royal Robes. The grieved old Emperour fetching a deep sigh, spake to this purpose, The God of vengeance behold, and revenge this ini­quity you commit against me: I suffer ignominy, the like whereof was never heard of: But it is God that justly punisheth me for the sins of my youth: Yet for all this, are not you free from this offence, [Page 229] having broken your Oaths, and so shall not avoid the revenge of a just Judge. Let God never prosper you upon earth, but let your por­tion be with him who betray'd Christ.

I know some hint so slightly on this story, as if they were willing to pass it by in silence: And others, to mitigate the crime, would gladly perswade us, that the Emperour did willingly on his own head depose himself. But 'tis a poor excuse, to conquer a man by force, beat him soundly with an intent to make him deliver, and then to say, that he gave his purse freely, when he was not able to keep it, and you were resolved to have it. And that the Father had really no minde to part with his Authority and Dominion, his former battles against his Son for keeping them may testifie, and his after-actions may sufficiently confirm it: for getting liberty, as con­veniently as he could, he withdrew himself to Colen, thence to Liege, and by his Letters declares to all Christian Princes and Peo­ple, how basely he had been used: for a taste of which hard u­sage, you may peruse his complaining Letter to Philip King of France; it being somewhat long, I shall refer you to the reading of it in An. 1106. Sigebert. And that he indeavour'd to restore himself by Arms, by the assistance of the Duke of Lorraine, History will tell at large: And are all these signs of a willing and free resig­nation?

But at last, young Henry gets his old Father again into his clutches, where we cannot but suppose that the ancient Emperour was brought into excessive misery; for proof of which, take this one story testified by their own Historians.

This Henry, amongst other buildings of Devotion, had built at Spire a Monastery, dedicated to the Virgin Mary; and seeing thus all means of a free livelyhood taken from him, applyed himself to Gebhard, Bishop of Spire, one to whom he had been a special Friend, having not onely indowed the Church well, but also ad­vanced him to his honours: Of this Bishop, he desires one favour, and that but a poor one too, viz. that he would grant him the cour­tesie to live as an assistant in that Church, which he himself had built and indowed; telling of him withal that he was somewhat qua­lified for such an imployment, because he had been brought up at his book, and had some skill to assist in the Chair. To which small request, the ungrateful Bishop tartly replies with an Per Ma­trem Domini non faceam tibi quod pe­tis. Helmold. Hist. Sclav. cap. 33. Oath, that he should not there be entertain'd; though according to their 16. q. 7. Quincun (que) fidelium. Et Lancelot. Inst. Can. f. 1. Tib. 28. § defertur au­tem. Canon-law, he should not have been denyed, being the Foun­der. Which uncharitable denyal so afflicted the ancient Emperour, that he could not refrain from tears and sighing; onely saying to the people then about him, in the phrase of the patient man, Job 19, 21. Have pity upon me, have pity upon me, at least you my friends; for the hand of God hath touched me. And thus overwhelmed with grief and poverty, he presently after dyed at Liege, having sway'd the Scepter above fifty years.

Now may we suppose that the living friends of the old Emperour went all to wrack, when the dead could not escape the tyranny of their Popish Enemies. Clement the Third his body, after it had laid in the Grave five years at Ravenna, was dig'd up again as un­worthy of that holy Earth; and so were the Bishops of his Conse­crating served. Nor did the Corps of the deceased Emperour fare any better: for though at first it was buryed at Liege by the Bishop [Page 230] of that City; but these men being under Church-Censures for their affection to old Henry, they were not permitted to be received into Absolution and Church-Communion again, till they had dug up the Imperial Corps, and without any Ceremony laid it on uncon­secrated ground; and to this their Archbishops and Bishops gave their consents. This being done, with the approbation of young Henry, it was convey'd to Spire, and there laid by the Ant. Dauroult. Flor. Ex­empl. cap 7. Tit. 16. § 8. Baron. an. 1110. § 4. Popes command without the Church and Church-yard, in a Sepulcher, without any form of buryal, where it remain'd five years: At the end of which time, it pleas'd his Holiness, Paschal, to consent that it might have Christian buryal; yet to this Christianity he was forced, being then a Baron. an. 1111. § 20. Prisoner to Henry the Son.

As for Henry, he is much commended in History for his Noble­ness and Valour, having fought bravely in sixty two battles, more than Caesar himself had done: And his good benefaction to Churches makes him no enemy to Devotion; yet would the Pope­lings from him raise up a new name of Heresie, with which they severely brand him: and this they call'd in those times Henrician (and some Guibertine, or Clementine, from Clement the Third) He­resie, which they would make to be the same with Simony: and what great Monster this Henrician Heresie is, one of their great Rabbies, and enemy to all good Government, viz. Ex ejus nomine, quod ipse jus Investiturae mordicus sibi vendica [...]et, simonia dicta est Henrici­ana heresi [...], Cron. p. 898. Genebrard, shall inform you; onely this, to chalenge to himself the power of giving Investitures to Bishops, which now all Christian Kings do: And yet about this did the Pope then keep such a clutter, as if Religion it self were singing her Requiem. But this puny supposed Heresie, Lib. 8. Pr [...]teolus passeth by without any notice, though he affords us an Henrician Heresie: but from another man, and upon different Principles, which are nothing to my purpose here.

A man might think that young Henry the Fifth having thus got the Empire, should be great friend to the Pope, and they two be hand and glove: But storie tells us the quite contrarie; insomuch, that now he thinks he is obliged to vindicate the rights of the Em­pire, though against the Pope himself; which he formerly looked upon really, (or was perswaded by the flattering Romanists to fan­cie so) to be no less than abominable Heresie.

He being Emperour, Pope Paschal declares his intent to meet him at Ausburg in Germany; but upon some jealousie, he turns into France, and at Troyes holds a Synod, where they fell to taking away the Emperours power of Investitures: but against this, Hen­ry by his Ambassadors protested, alledging, that the Bishops of another Country were not to be judges of his jurisdiction. Upon this, the business is here laid aside, and put off till a Synod at Rome; and so the Pope returns for Italy.

Henry the Fifth intended to be Crown'd by the Pope, marcheth for Italy, and at last gets to Rome; where (to be short) he kisseth Paschals Toe, desireth Coronation, and the right of Investitures. The Pope is puzzled; the Citizens and Souldiers fall out; and the Italian and German Writers here, are in as great contradictions as their Country-men fighters; all which I pass by: yet the Pope and some of his Cardinals are seised upon by the Imperialists, and im­prisoned, nor restored till Henry was satisfied in his requests: So he is Crown'd, and Investitures given him, part of which form is this following:

[Page 231]Paschalis Episcopus, servus ser­vorum Dei, charissimo in Christo filio Henrico glorioso Teutoni­corum Regi, & per Dei omnipo­tentis gratiam Rom. Imperatori Augusto, salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. ********* Illam ergo dignitatis praerogati­vam, quam Praedecessores nostri vestris Praedecessoribus Catholici Imperatoribus concessere & pri­vilegiorum paginis confirmavere, nos quo (que) dilectioni tuae concedi­mus & presentis privilegii pa­gina confirmamus ut, viz. Regni tui Episcopis & Abbatibus libere praeter violentiam & Simoniam electis, Investituram virga & annulo conferas; & post Investi­turam, canonice consecrationem accipiant ab Episcopo ad quem pertinuerint. Si quis à Clero vel à populo praeter assensum tuum electus fuerit, nisi à te investitia­tur, à nemine consecretur (a) [Ex­ceptis illis qui vel in Archiepi­scoporum vel in Romani Ponti­ficis solent Investitura consistere] sane Archiepiscopi vel Episcopi libertatem habeant à te investitos Abbates & Episcopos canonice consecrare. ********* Si quis vero inflato spiritu ad periculum animae suae contra hu­jusmodi authoritatis nostrae de­cretum agere praesumpserit, sciat se vinculo Apostolicae maledictio­nis & Anathematis in hoc seculo & in futuro nisi resipiscat esse alligatum at (que) submersum.
Paschal the Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to my dear
Jo. N. ucler. Gen. 38. p. 738.
Son in Christ, Henry the renown­ed King of the Germans, and by the Grace of God Emperour of the Romans, greeting and Aposto­lical Benediction. ********* Wherefore the same prerogative, which our Predecessors did grant and confirm, as a priviledge to your Predecessors the Catholick Emperours, We do also grant, and do hereby confirm to you, viz. that you may bestow Investiture by a Staff and Ring, to the Bishops and Abbots in your Dominions freely elected, without force and Simony; and that after such Investiture, they may according to the Canons receive Consecration from their respective Bishops. And if any, either Clergy or Laymen, be elected without your approbati­on or Investiture, let none dare Consecrate him;
Baronius hath not this Exception in his Copy, an. 1111. § 25.
[but still excepting those (as some Privi­ledge-places) who by custom are to receive Investitures from their Archbishops, or the Bishops of Rome] and undoubtedly Arch­bishops or Bishops may have liberty to Consecrate canonically those whom the Emperour hath Invested. ********* But if any to the danger of his soul shall presume to act against this our Decree, let him know himself to be bound and ruined in the Chain of the Apostolical Malediction and Curse, not onely in this world, but in that to come, unless he repent.

Besides this confession of the Pope, all the Citizens in Italy sware this following Oath of Allegiance to the Emperour.

Ab hac die in antea fidelis ero Domino in Regi Henrico: non ero in Concilio vel in facto, quo ipse perdat vitam vel membrum, vel quo capiatur, vel assiliatur contra suum velle: adjutorio ero ei re­tinere Civitatem nostram, & [Page 232] Burgas & suburbia, Episcopatum, comitatum, omnem usum & hono­rem Regni & Imperii, quem Prae­decessores sui Reges & Impera­tores habuerunt in praedictis locis, contra omnes homines qui volue­rint auferre vel minuer [...]: nulli mortalium in praedict a Civitate vel locis obediam pro Episcopo, immo pro posse eum prosequor, nisi illi soli, quem praedictus Dominus Rex eidem Civitati concesserit Episcopum dono & Investitura sua: haec omnia ob­servabo, it a me Deus adjuvet.
[Page 231]From this day forward I will be faithful to our Lord King Henry: I will do nothing by advice or action, whereby he may loose life or limb, or be taken or set upon, against his own will: I will be assistant to [Page 232] keep to him our City, the Towns and Suburbs, the Bishoprick and County, with the benefit and honour of the Kingdom and Empire, which his Predecessors Kings and Emperours had in the said places, against all those who would take away or lessen them. I will obey no man as Bishop in the said City or Places (but on the contrary, according to my power withstand him) but him onely, whom our Lord and King shall grant to be Bishop by his Gift and Investiture: all these things will I keep and perform, as God me help.

Yet for all this, no sooner was the Emperour gone out of Italy, but the Pope calls a Council in the Lateran, where he nulls the former grant of Investiture, as being 'Quod est contra Spiri­tum San­ctum. against the holy Ghost, and obtain'd by force; though he had formerly damn'd —Divises sit à Regno Christi & Domini qui pactum istud rumpere aut violare ten­taverit. Ba­ron. anno 1110. § 26. those who should break it. In Germany, Albert Archbishop of Mentz bandies against Henry, and is by Order imprisoned: but the Em­perour going to that City to hold a Diet or Parliament, is assaulted by the Citizens, and in danger of his life, they threatning to kill him, if Albert be not set at liberty, and other favours granted him. Yet was he further troubled, some Bishops, and others at Colen, seeking to deprive him, because Excommunicated by the Pope; but having blown away these, he marcheth to Italy, where he had himself Crown'd again by Maurice Archbishop of Braga in Portu­gal, whom afterwards (Paschal being dead) he nominated Pope, and was call'd Gregory the Eighth, in opposition to Gelasius the Second, whom Henry said could not be Pope, because elected without his consent.

But at last, Henry was so pester'd in Italy and Germany, that to save himself, he was forced to be reconciled to Pope Calistus the Second, (who succeeded Gelasius) and to grant to him the Inve­stitures of Bishops; and so was absolved from his Excommunica­tion. So much mischief had the Popes stubbornness to keep Inve­stitures made in the World, though now all Catholick Kings keep the same Priviledge, either by Conge d'eslires, or suchlike no­minations.

Some Historians tell us, that formerly the Popes used to date their Bulls, Epistles, &c. from the years of the Emperours Raign; but Paschal the Second first alter'd this, and dated his Letters from the year of his Popedom. And now I talk of datings, I might speak here of Philip the First of France, of his Excommunica­tion; An. 1100. and how some would thence conclude, that he was thereby deprived from his Kingdom, and bring for a proof some datings not with the Raign of the King, but the year and Rule of Christ, under this form—Regnante Christo:—But seeing Hist. de France, tom. 2. p. 89. § 5. Sci­pion Dupleix slights it as of no validity, and that vastly read [Page 233] David Blondellus hath in a particular large De formu­lae Regnante Christo usu. Treatise shewn its mistake, and that such Forms have been many times used when no Excommunication or Censure obliged it; I shall not trouble the Reader nor my self any farther with it.

CHAP. III.

1. The Kings of England denyed the Popes Coercive Authori­ty over them, or their Dominions.

2. The troubles of England, by the arrogancie and obstinacie of Thomas à Becket, against his Soveraign, King Henry the Second.

Sect. 1. The Kings of England denyed the Popes Coercive Authority over them, or their Dominions.

HAving now seen in part how the greatest Emperours have been tost about by the Popes, it will not be amiss, to hint at their indeavours to reduce England to the slavery of their humours; and what may we not expect from their pretended grand Spiritual jurisdiction, when we shall see an Archbishop, and a born Subject too, bandy against his Soveraign, Henry the Second? which story is here related.

As for England, the Pope would be Lord over it, as well as o­ther Nations; nor did his Religion any way advance the Obedi­ence and Allegiance of Subjects. For though one Pope had ap­proved of King William the First his Conquest, by sending him a Speed, book 9. c. 2. § 2. consecrated Banner, an Agnus Dei, and one of St. Peters Hairs, in way of his good speed: Yet the next Pope, viz. Gregory the Seventh, demands fealty from him, as may appear by the Kings Dr. Geo Hakewell's Answ. to Dr. Cariers Let­ter, pag. 141. Answer, in Sir Robert Cottons Library.

Hubertus Legatus tuus (Reli­giose Pater) ad me veniens, ex tua parte me admonuit, quate­nus tibi & successoribus tuis fi­delitatem facerem, & de pecu­nia quem Antecessores mei ad Romanam Ecclesiam mittere so­lebant melius cogitarem; unum admisi, alterum non admisi: fi­delitatem facere nolui, nec volo; [Page 234] quia nec ego promisi, nec Ante­cessores meos Antecessoribus tuis id fecisse comperio.
[Page 233] Hubert your Legat (Holy Fa­ther) coming unto me, advertised me as from you, that I was to do fealty to you and your Succes­sors; and that I should bethink my self better of the Money which my Predecessors were wont to send the Church of Rome; the one I admitted, the other I admitted not: The fe­alty [Page 234] I would not perform; nei­ther will I, because neither my self promised it, nor do I finde that my Predecessors performed it to yours.

Upon which refusal, some suppose Gregory returned that furi­ous and uncivil Letter (seen amongst his other Lib. 7. Ep. 1. Epistles) to his said Legat Hubert; in which he accused the King of Impudence, and that he had done more against the Church, than all the Nemo om­nium Regni etiam Paga­norum, con­tra Apostoli­cam sedem hoc prae­sumpsit cen­tare, quod is non e [...]ubu [...] facere. Ib. Pa­gan Kings themselves had offer'd.

Nor did his Son, King Henry the First, acknowledge any subje­ction to the See of Rome; for though Pope Paschal the Second ex­pected it, and accordingly thus wrote to him, to put him in minde of it.

Paschalis servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio Henrico illustri An­glorum Regi, salutem & Aposto­licam Benedictionem.

Cum de manu Domini largius honorem, divitias, pacem (que) susce­peris, miramur vehementius, & gravamur, quod in Regno pote­state (que) tua Beatus Petrus, & in B. Petro Dominus honorem su­um justitiam (que) perdiderit: Sedis enim Apostolica Nuntii vel li­terae praeter jussum Regiae Maje­statis, nullam in potestate tua susceptionem vel aditum prome­rentur: nullus inde clamor, nullum inde judicium ad sedem Apostoli­cam destinatur.

Paschal the servant of ser­vants of God, to our beloved Son Henry, the renowned King of England, health and Apostolical Benediction.

Since you have plentifully received Honour, Riches and Peace from the hand of the Lord; We exceedingly wonder, and take it in ill part, that in your Kingdom, and under your Government, St. Peter, and in St. Peter the Lord hath lost his Ho­nour and Right, in as much as the Nuntio's and Breves of the See Apostolick are not thought worthy entertainment or admit­tance into your Dominions, with­out your Majesties Warrant: No Complaint now, no Appeal comes from thence to the Apo­stolick See.—

To which King Henry the First (after some terms of Comple­ment) replies in this manner:

Eos Honores & eam Obedi­entiam quam tempore Patris mei Antecessores vestri in Regno An­glia habuerunt, tempore meo ut habeatis volo; eo videlicet tenore, ut dignitates, usus & consuetu­dines, quas Pater meus tempore Antecessorum vestorum in Regno Angliae. Ego tempore vestro in eodem Regno meo integre obtene­am, Notum (que) habeat Sanctitas vestra, quod me vivente, Deo [Page 235] auxiliante, Dignitates & usus Regni Angliae non minuentur: Et si Ego (quod absit) in tanta me dejectione ponerem, Optimates mei, imo totius Angliae populus id nullo modo pataretur.

Habita igitur, (Charissime Pa­ter) utiliori deliberatione, ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vestra, ne (quod invitus faciam) à vestra me cogatis recedere obe­dientia.

[Page 234]

—That Honour and Obedi­ence which your Predecessors had in the Kingdom of England, during the raign of my Father, my will is, that you should have in my time, with this condition, That my self fully and wholly enjoy all the Dignities, Prero­gatives and Customs, which my Father enjoy'd in the said King­dom, in the time of your Pre­decessors. And I would that [Page 235] your Holiness should understand, that during my life, the Digni­ties and Prerogatives of the Crown of England, (by Gods Grace) shall not be diminished. And if I should so far debase my self (which God forbid) my Lords and Commons would by no means indure it.

Wherefore (most dear Fa­ther) upon better advice, let your gentleness be so tempered towards us, that I be not in­forced (which I should unwilling­ly do) to withdraw my self from your obedience.—

But to save my self trouble, I shall refer the Reader to Sir Rep. part 5. Edward Coke and Mr. Hist. of the the Popes in­tolerable U­surpations. Prynne, where he may abundantly satisfie himself, that the Kings of England not onely slighted the Papal Co­ercive Power, but all along exercised Authority in and over Ec­clesiastical Causes: Though the Pope made it his business to tram­ple upon all Temporal Jurisdiction, and make it a meer ridicu­lous shadow, without life or soul, but as it received a being from Rome.

But leaving these, we might tell you, how a little after, the Eng­lish had got the Whim of a conditional Covenant, and which is as bad, Perjury. For though they had sworn Allegiance to Maude Speed, § 1, 4, 30. the Empress, yet her they reject, and swear a broken conditional subjection to Stephen: Yet when they saw him a little downward, then they cast him off, and play the same conditional knack to the Empress Maude.

Sect. 2. The troubles of England, by the arrogancie and obstinacie of Thomas à Becket, against his Soveraign, King Henry the Second.

HOwever, waving these, (though treasonable enough) we shall come to the next, viz. King Henry the Second, of part of whose Reign it will not be amiss to give some hints, seeing so great a man as Thomas Becket is concerned in it, whom, some call Saint and Martyr, whilst others allow him no better title than a Traytor. But of this with all brevity.

This Thomas Becket was Son to one Gilbert Becket, a Citizen of London; and by the favour of Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, was made an Archdeacon in that See, and was placed about the person of Henry, then but Duke; who coming to be King, advanced him to be Lord High Chancellor of England; and upon the death [Page 236] of the former Theobald, made him Archbishop of Canterbury. Having thus seen the great rise of Thomas by the Kings love, grace and favour; let's now see how he lost the affection of King Henry.

For some time he thus lived in great repute with the King, though Henry was a little troubled at the humour or design of Thomas, to throw up his Chancellorship without acquainting him with it. After this, the Pope call'd a Council at Tours, whither went the two Archbishops, and several Bishops of England; having first procured the Kings Per missi­one Regis. Matt. Paris, an. 1164 leave for going thither: Where an ancient Guil. Neu­brig. lib. 2. c. 16. Histo­rian tells us, that Thomas privately surrendred up his Archbishop­rick to the Pope, as if the Kings Nomination or Investiture had not been sufficient, which was restored again by the Pope, and so Thomas was cocksure of both Presentations and Authorities. And probably this underhand-dealing, and nulling of his jurisdiction, might somewhat alienate the affection of Henry, although [c] Ba­ronius d An. 1163. § 29. will not allow of any such surrender at this time, though for his dissent we must not be content onely with his word, neither producing Reason or Authority for his so doing; since 'tis probable enough, being thus back'd with the Testimony of Neubrigensis, that Thomas might yeild it up now in his Prosperity for a farther confirmation; and in his low condition do it also, to procure pity, and so make his party there the stronger against his King and Sove­raign, which was then his main design.

Add to these, the strange Priviledges the Clergy boasted of, by exempting themselves from all secular jurisdiction, were the crime never so villanous; insomuch, that a Priest of the Diocess of Sarum having murder'd one, Thomas had him deprived and placed in an Abbey, that so he might not fall under greater punishment (according to his desert) by the Kings Justiciaries, lest, forsooth, he should suffer twice for one fault. And upon this last pre­tended Priviledge may we lay the Foundation of the following troubles.

For the King perceiving no signs of Peace and Tranquillity a­mongst his Subjects, if this exception of the Clergy was permitted, the people of that Coat having committed above an hundred Mur­thers in the short time he had yet Reigned; was resolved, that all the Clergy, who were taken in any Robbery, Murder, Felony, burning of Houses, and the like, should be tryed in Temporal Courts, and suffer, as well as Laymen. Against this wholesome Law, the Archbishop opposeth himself, and will onely grant that Speed. § 14. all Clergy-men so offending should be tryed in the Spiritual Courts, and by men in Orders; who, if they were found guilty, should for the first time onely be deprived of their Office and Benefice; yet he granted that for the second time they might lye at the Kings pleasure, as some think, though Baron. an. 1163. § 31. others confess that he would not allow them at any time to be delivered over to the Tem­poral Authority.

And for these irrational Priviledges, Thomas was so resolute, that at Westminster he openly opposed the King, and got others to do so too; which mightily incensed his Majesty, but pleased Pope Alexander the Third to the purpose; yet fearing their hearts might fail them, he sends his incouraging lines into England, commanding them by vertue of their obedience, to stand firm for the Exemption [Page 237] of the Clergy, nor at all to consent to the King; and that if he, or Baron. an. 1163. § 39, 40. any of the rest had in these times promised obedience to the King, not to keep such promises: but all this did not much prevail.

For the King was resolved to have the Laws and Customs of his Ancestors kept up in full force; and carryed his business so well, that at last, he had not onely the other Bishops of his opinion, but Thomas also consenting, who faithfully promised, and sware to ob­serve them. And for their farther ratification and authority, the King calls an Assembly at Clarendon in Wiltshire, where the Bishops and Nobility meet him, and John of Oxford sat as President. But here Thomas, for all his former promise, at first absolutely falls off, and denyeth consent to the Constitutions; though at last he was so far worked upon, one way or another, that he there publickly sware, that in the word of a Priest, and sincerely, he would observe them to the King and his Heirs for ever. But when the King would have him to Subscribe and Seal to them (as the other Bishops had done) he absolutely refused, and retracted what he had formerly sworn.

The Constitutions in all were sixteen; but those which Thomas op­posed, were such as these:

  • That Priests guilty of Felony, Murther, &c. should be tryed be­fore the Secular Judges.
  • That it should not be lawful for any Archbishop or Bishops to de­part the Kingdom, and go to the Pope upon his summons, without the Kings License.
  • That no Bishops should Excommunicate any holding of the King in Capite, or put any other of his Officers under interdict without the Kings License, or information to the Judge.
  • That if the Archdeacon cannot decide the Controversie they may go to the Bishop, and from him to the Archbishop, and lastly [...] the King; so that none shall appeal to the Pope of Rome, for any cause whatso­ever, without the Kings License, &c.

These and suchlike were approved of at Clarendon by all, onely Thomas excepted, who thought himself to have sinn'd so grievously for the former consenting to them, that by way of Penance, he suspended himself from his Priestly Function; but the Pope pre­sently Matt. Pa­ris, anno 1164. restored him to that, and absolved him.

The King, we may suppose, was more and more incensed against Thomas for his obstinacie: and for to close up all, a Parliament was held at Northampton, where Thomas was to appear, though he had indeavoured to flee beyond Seas; but being beat back by cross windes, he conceal'd that purpose, and looked as if he had intend­ed no such thing. All being met at Northampton, Thomas is ac­cused of several things; and whilst they are consulting concerning him, he caused to be sung before him at the Altar, The Princes sit and speak against me, and the ungodly persecute me, &c. Thus would he have the Office for St. Stephen, though it was not then his day; and against the Custom, he wore the Pall. This being fi­nished, he took up his Silver Crosier in his hands (an action not heard of before, as they say) and so enters into the Court, though se­veral of his well-wishers perswaded him from such a defying po­sture, as if thereby he carryed his Protection, Exemption or Ap­peal. [Page 238] The Bishops advised him to submit; but he refusing, they adjudged him guilty of Aliquando noster fuisti Archiepisco­pus, & tene­bamur tibi obedire; sed quia Domino Regi fidelitarem jurasti, hoc est vitam membra & terrenam digni­tatem sibi perte fore salvam, & consuetudines, quas ipse repetit conservandas, & tu eas interis destruere, praecipue cum spectent ad terrenam suam dignitatem & honorem: idcirco te reum perju [...]iis dicimus, & per­juto Archiepiscopo d [...]caetero non habemus obedire. Bar. § 29. Perjury, which they declared to him by Hilarius, Bishop of Chichester, and so disclaimed from that time forward all obedience to him, as a perjured man.

The Nobility also pronounce him a Traytor: but he, slighting them all as no competent Judges over him, holding up his Crosier, appeal'd to the Pope of Rome; and so withdrawing himself, with what speed and secresie he could, he wafted himself over into Flan­ders, and so to go to the Pope; to whom he resigned his Arch­bishoprick, but had it presently confirmed to him again. Thus was Thomas caress'd by the Pope and King of France, let the King per­swade what he will to the contrary; yet the King thought it was good policie and security, to shew his disdain and resolution against him and his: Whereupon he Orders the Sheriffs and Judges of England, to seise upon all those who appeal'd to the Pope or Matt. Paris, an. 1164. Thomas, with the neer Relations of all such men as were with Tho­mas; had also Thomas's Revenues seis'd upon, and the livings of those who went with him sequester'd; and St. Peters Pence to be gather'd, but not pay'd to the Pope till farther Order.

However, there were some means used towards a settlement, to which purpose Messengers were sent to and fro, between the King and Pope; and at last, a meeting agreed on between them, the better to decide the business: But this design was spoil'd by Thomas, who perswaded the Pope to have a care of the Kings cun­ning, and not to treat with him, unless he were also present, inti­mating Baron. anno 1165. § 10. to [...]e Pope, as if the King were a jugler or dissembler. Thus did Thomas gain so much upon the Pope, that this meeting vanished; the Pope over-perswaded not to treat, but in the pre­sence of Thomas, though against the former Agreement. And so Henry was resolved not to confer any thing with the Pope, in the presence or competition of Thomas his Subject.

This meeting or half-agreement thus broke off, not long after Thomas writes to the King, beginning,—Expecting, we have ex­pected, Baron. anno 1166. § 45. that the Lord would look upon you; and that being converted, you would do penance, departing from your perverse ways—And then tells him how Bishops used to Excommunicate Kings; and also writes to the Bishops of England, commanding them to issue out Censures against those who hinder Appeals to the Pope, &c. absolves Id. § 54. all from the Oaths they made to keep any contrary Constitution. And to carry up Thomas against all opposition, and to make his Au­thority more glorious and formidable to his Enemies, the Pope creates him Legat in England.

Alexander servus servorum Anno 1167. Bar. § 21. Dei, Dilecto fratri Tho. Archi­episcopo Cant. salutem & Apo­stol. Benedictionem.

Sacro-Sancta Rom. Eccles. [Page 239] digniores personas, & eas ma­xime, quas honestate, prudentia & literatura, & eminentia virtu­tum praefulgere cognoscit: ampli­ori consuevit charitate amplecti gloria & honore praevenire.——Inde est, quod nos tibi Le­gationem totius Angliae (excepto Episcopatu Eboracensi) benigno favore concedimus, ut ibi vice nostra corrigas quae inveniri cor­rigenda, & ad honorem Dei & Sacrosanctae Romana Ecclesiae, & salutem animorum, statuas, aedi­fices & plantes, quae statuenda fuerint & plantanda.

Dat. Anagniae.

[Page 238]

Alexander, servant of the ser­vants of God, to our beloved Brother, Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury greeting, and Apo­stolical Benediction.

The most Holy Church of [Page 239] Rome always used to embrace with great chariry, and prefer in glory and honour persons of eminent worth, and them espe­cially whom she knoweth to be most famous for honesty, wis­dom, learning, and excellencie of vertues.——This is the cause, that with Our loving favour, We grant and bestow on you the Legantine Authority over all England (excepting onely the Archbishop of York) to the end, that within your jurisdiction, in Our place and authority, you correct what you finde worthy amendment; and that to the honour of God, the holy Church of Rome, and for the salvation of Souls, you do constitute, build and plant, whatsoever is to be setled and planted.—

Given at Anagni.

Being thus rais'd above himself, countenanced and upheld a­gainst all opposition, he hurries into England to the Bishops a threatning Letter against the King, and the Constitutions confirm'd at Clarendon, telling the Bishops—

That We have too long, and too much forborn the King of Eng­land; Baron. § 26. nor hath the Church of God gain'd any benefit by this Our in­during. It seemeth dangerous and intollerable for us to leave any longer unpunished (as hitherto We have done) so great excesses of Him and his Officers against the Church of God, and Ecclesiastical persons; especially, since We have very often endeavoured by Mes­sengers, Letters, and all manner of means (as became Ʋs) to recal him from his perverse purpose: Because therefore, he will hardly af­ford Ʋs the hearing, much less attentively listen unto Ʋs; We have, with Invocation of the Grace of the holy Ghost, publickly condemned and declared as void, that Deed of Writing, with the Authority of that Indenture, wherein are contain'd not the Customs, but rather the wicked divices, whereby the Church of England is disturb'd and con­founded. And have hereby also Excommunicated all the Observers, Exactors, Counsellors, Assistants, and Defenders of the same. And do also absolve by the Authority of God and Ʋs, all you Bishops from that promise, whereby you were bound, contrary to the Constitu­tion of the Church, for the observation of them. And then he re­hearseth the said six Constitutions in controversie between the King and Him; and then nameth several persons of Quality, whom he did thereby Excommunicate.

Of these things he also giveth the Pope notice, repeating in a manner the same reproaches against the King, with an additional Id. § 34. commendation that he grows worse and worse, whom he was also [Page 240] resolved to Excommunicate. Upon this, the English Bishops write to Thomas, how they had once some hopes of a peace, hearing how he gave himself to prayer, fasting, &c.—The way to recover the Id. § 43. benefits of a peaceable reconciliation: hereby was conceived an hope that you might from above bring into his Majesties heart such fa­vour, that he would out of Kingly mercy relent in his wrath to­wards us, and never recall to minde the injuries offer'd by reason of your departure. Your friends and well-wishers regain'd some ac­cess unto his Majesty, whilst these things were thus divulged of you; insomuch as he graciously admitted all such as were suitors for re­storing you into his former favour. But now, by the relation of some, we understand, which we cannot but with grief remember, that you published against him a severer Commination; wherein you let pass all salutation; wherein you practice no Counsel or Petition for Grace; wherein you neither advise, nor write any thing that savoureth favourably; but with all extremity do rigorously menace Interdiction or Excommunication against him: Which were it as sharply executed, as it is bitterly spoken, we should not then hope for peace, but should fear to be inflamed with an irrevocable and eternal hatred.—Thus,—whilst, as it were, with a drawn sword you joyn battle, you have not left for your self any place for Petition. Wherefore (O Father) we charitably advise you, not to heap labours upon labours, and inju­ries upon injuries; but setting threatning aside, you would rather imbrace patience and humility. Commend your cause to Divine Cle­mencie, and your self to the grace and mercy of your Soveraign; and in so doing, you shall heap and cast together coals of fire upon the heads of many.—It is better to be highly com­mended for voluntary poverty, than to be openly taxed by all men for ingratitude for a received Benefit. It is deeply rooted into the mindes of all men, how gracious our Lord the King hath been unto you; un­to how great dignity he hath rais'd you from poor degree, and received you into his favour so freely and frankly, as the ample bounds of his Dominions, reaching from the Northern Sea, to the Pyrenean Moun­tains, were by him so absolutely subject unto your power, as through all those Principalities, they were onely accounted happy, who could finde but favour in your sight: And that no worldly mutability might over­throw your prosperity and glory, he laid your foundation most firm, in the possession belonging to God: And, notwithstanding his Mother disswaded, the Kingdom cryed out against it, and the Church of God (so far as she could) sighed and groan'd thereat; he indeavoured by all means possibly to raise you unto the dignity of your present preferment, hoping he should hereafter Reign blessedly, and enjoy your assistance and counsel with exceeding security. If therefore, where he expected security to defend him, he shall finde a sword to offend: What rumour will be spread of you by all men? what a re­ward? what a remembrance will this be of a requital never heard of before? Forbear therefore (if you please) to wrong your fame: forbear to injure your Renown, and indeavour to overcome with hu­mility your King, and your son with charity, &c.—And at the end, tells him of his preposterous and rash Excommu­nication of the [...]ocelin. Bishop and John of Oxford. Dean of Salisbury, before the offence was examin'd.—A new order of Judgement, and hitherto in the Laws and Canons (as we hope) unknown, first to condemn, and then to examine the offence▪

The English Bishops write also to the Pope, giving great com­mendations of their King, and telling the Pope the occasion and story of these troubles between Henry and Thomas, viz. How that the King—finding sometimes the peace of his Kingdoms not a little molested with the outragious excesses of some insolent Clerks, with due reverence to the Clergy, referred their offences to the Bishops, Judges of the Church, that one sword might assist another, and that the Spiritual Power might confirm and establish in the Clergy that peace, which he maintain'd in the people. Wherein the zeal of each party appear'd more plainly; the Bishops affirming that murther, or any other like crime, should onely be punished in the Clergy by degra­dation: The King, on the contrary, being of opinion, that this pu­nishment did not sufficiently answer the offence; neither was it pro­vision enough for maintenance of peace, if a Lector aut Acolythus. Reader or sub-Deacon killing some famous man renowned for Religion or Dignity, should escape free, with loss onely of this Order.

The Clergy therefore upholding the i. e. of ho­ly Orders, or Clergy. Order established from Heaven, and our Lord the King persecuting onely the offence (as we hope) with a just haetred, and intending to plant his peace more deeply; a certain holy contention arose amongst us, which (we trust) the plain and honest intention of both parties may excuse. Here­upon, not with any ambition of inlarging his Dominions, not with any conceit of oppressing the Churches Liberties, but with a desire of setling and confirming peace; it went so far, that the King would produce to light the Customs of his Kingdom, and Dignities anciently observed, and quietly and reverently yeilded by persons Ecclesiasti­cal to former Kings in the Kingdom of England: and to the end that hereafter no longer the thred of contention might be spun, he would have the same openly known. Wherefore the most ancient Bi­shops and great Peers of the Realm, being first sworn by their faith, and the hope which they had in Almighty God; and then making search into the state of fore-passed times, the Dignities of the Crown being sought, were laid open, and by the testimonies of men of the greatest accompt in the Kingdom were published. Loe here the cru­elty of our Lord the King against the Church of God, which fame hath so spread over the whole world! Behold here his persecution! And these are the works so divulged for wicked, both here and e­very where!

And then they tell him, how willing the King is to be advised by the Church, that peace might be——And truly (Father) our sollicitation had long since (as we hope) obtain'd the desir'd end of this wished peace, had not our Father the Lord of Can­terburies bitter provocations stir'd up afresh this discord, now laid asleep, and almost absolutely extinguished. For he from whose pa­tience we hitherto expected peace, from whose modesty the recovery of the Kings favour, assailed him afresh, and without respect of his Majesty (at such time as he led his Armies lately against the Peace­breakers) with severe and terrible Letters, nothing savoring of fa­therly Devotion, or Pastoral Patience, but most bitterly threatning him with sentence of Excommunication, and his Kingdom with an Interdict: whereas, on the otherside, he rather ought with admoniti­on to have mollified him, and with merits and meekness overcome him. If the Kings humility be so requited, what will be deter­min'd against the stubborn? If the ready devotion of obedience be [Page 242] esteem'd so slightly, in what manner shall wilful obstiuacie be re­venged?

Nay father, to these so grievous threats, are added yet matters far more grievous; for he Excommunicated some of his Majesties Liege­men, most inward with our Lord the King; the Principal of his Privy Council, who managed the counsels of the King, and the affairs of his Kingdom: and all this, being neither cited, nor impleaded, neither (as they say or call it) guilty of any crime, nor convicted, nor confessing any thing.

Yea, he went farther yet, insomuch, as he suspended from his Priestly and Episcopal Office, our reverend Brother, the Bishop of Salisbury, being absent, undefended; neither confest, nor convict; before ever the cause of his suspension was approved of by the advice of those of the same Province, or any others If therefore this course of proceedings in judgements so preposterous (we spare to say inordinate) be followed concerning the King and Kingdom, what will be the end (considering the time is evil, and yeildeth great occasi­on of malice) but that the band of grace and favour, whereby the Kingdom and Priesthood have hitherto been united, will be rent asun­der, &c?—And so they appeal against the Archbishop Thomas.

The Church being somewhat troubled with these divisions, it was the earnest desire of several to procure a peace; and this the Pope himself wish'd, having work enough to do with the Empe­rour Frederick. To accomplish this, upon the desire also of Hen­ry, An. 1168. he sends two Legates a Latere, viz. Cardinal William and Cardinal Otto; and accordingly impowered them with instru­ctions to manage that accommodation in France. He writes also to Bar. anno 1168. § 3, 4. Thomas, desiring him by all means to give himself to peace; and rather than not to have concord, to wink at some things, and yeild for a while. Yet, as if Thomas were not great enough before, he intended to raise him above all in France; to which purpose, he resolved to make him Legat also over all those Churches; but be­fore he could bestow upon him that Legantine Authority, he was to desire the King of France his leave, which accordingly he did by § 7, 8, 9. Letter.

As for the manner of the Treaty of Peace between the King and Thomas, take the story of it from the Legates themselves to the Pope. § 33.

To our most blessed Father and Lord, Alexander, &c. William and Oddo, by the same Grace Cardinals, &c.

Coming to the i. e. in France. Dominions of the renowned King of England, we found the controversie between him and Canterbury aggravated in far worse sort (believe us) than willingly we could have wished. For the King with the greatest part of his followers affirmed how the Archbishop with great vehemencie Speed, § 29. This Accu­sation Tho­mas denyed. incensed the most worthy King of France against him; and in like sort induced his Cosin, the Earl of Flanders, (who before did bear him no malice) to fall out with him, and raise the most powerful war he could against him: and this he knew of a certainty, and it appear'd so by several evident demon­strations. For, whereas the said Earl departed from the King very friendly; the Archbishop coming into his Province, to the very seat of the War, incited, as much as in him lay, as well the King of [Page 243] France, as the said Earl to Arms—The King affirm'd also, that the Informations concerning the ancient Customs of England deliver'd to you, were false and not true; which also the Bishops there present did witness. The King offer'd also, that if any Customs since his time were devised contrary to the Ecclesiastical Laws, he would submit them to your judgement.

Calling therefore to us the Archbishops, Bishops, and Abbots of the Kings Dominions, that the King might not deprive us of all hopes of peace, but rather suffer himself to be drawn to have a Conference with the Archbishop, as well concerning the peace as the judgement: Sending therefore Letters unto i. e. Tho­mas. him by our Chaplains, we ap­pointed a certain and safe place, where we might have conference with him, on the Feast of St. Martin: he nevertheless pretending ex­cuses, put off this Conference until the Octaves of that Saint; which truely vexed the King more than could be imagined. But when we saw that the Archbishop (although we offer'd him safe conduct) would nevertheless give us no meetings in any part of the Kings Domini­ons next the French; we being willing to yeild to him, that there might be nothing wanting in us which might redound to his profit, came to a place in the Realm of France, which himself appointed.

Being come to the Conference, we began most earnestly to perswade him, that he would behave himself to the King, who had been his singu­lar Benefactor, with such humility, as might afford us sufficient matter on which to ground our Petition for peace. At which retiring himself aside with his friends, after some consultation with them, he answer'd, that ‘He had sufficiently humbled himself to the King, without impeaching the honour of God, the liberty of the Church, the reputation of his own Person, the possessions of the Church; and farther, the justice due to him and his friends. These things so numbred up, we seriously perswaded him (as it was necessary) to descend to particulars; but when he would alledge nothing, either certain or particular, we demanded of him, if in the matters specified in your Letters, he would submit himself to our judgement, as the King and Bishops had already promised to do: to which he presently replyed, that he had received no Mandat from you to this purpose: ‘But if he and all his might first be fully restored, he would then proceed, according as the Apostolick See should direct him. So returning from the Conference, since his words neither tended to judgement nor agreement; nor yet would he by any means enter into the matter: We manifested unto the King some things; but concealing other passages (as it was convenient) and tempering other things what we heard, &c.

Thomas Bar. § 38, 39, &c. writes also to the Pope, and informs him of the same conference, and in a manner confesseth all here set down, expecting his instigating the French against King Henry. And another § 53, 54. Let­ter he writes to the Cardinals at Rome, pitifully complaining that King Henry is not punished, against whom he rants to the purpose.

The Legats again endeavour a peace, and therefore they try Henry, to see how far he would yeild. To whom the King reply­ed, That for his part, for the love he bore to the Pope and Cardi­nals, he would permit the Archbishop, Thomas, to return in peace § 67. to his See, and dispose of his Church, and all things thereunto be­longing; and because there had been long contention about the Customs, he said, That he and his Children would be content with those which his Ancestors had enjoy'd. And yet if this condition [Page 244] of peace did not satisfie Archbishop Thomas, he affirmed he was ready to stand to the determination, as well of the Bishops of Eng­land, as those beyond Seas, as of Roan, Baieux, and Le Mans: And if this were not yet enough, he would submit himself to the judgement of the Pope, with this Salvo, that he would not im­peach his Childrens right; for during his own life, he was content that the Pope should abrogate what he pleas'd: But yet could not these condescentions do any good.

All these indeavours failing, Lewes the Seventh, King of France, undertook the business, he and Henry being now made friends: and in this he behaved himself so wisely, that he had wrought pretty well upon Thomas; and so having procured a meeting, Tho­mas § 85, 86, humbled himself at the feet of Henry, saying, I commit to your determination the whole controversie, which hath been the cause of dissention between us, still excepting the honour of God: Which last reservation greatly troubled Henry, Thomas always making use of such Salvo's that render'd all but conditional, and so void when himself fancied. Henry at this turns to the King of France, saying, See, my Lord, if it please you, let any thing not fit this mans hu­mour, and he presently condemneth it as contrary to the honour of God, whereby he challength not onely his own, but also whatsoever belongeth to me. But that it may appear, that I withstand not the ho­nour of God, nor yet of him (i. e. Canterbury) I make this offer. There have been many Kings of England, my Predecessors, of greater or less Authority than I am: and there have been many Archbishops of Canterbury before him, of great worth and holiness; what therefore the more eminent and virtuous of his Predecessors, have done to the least of my Predecessors; let him allow the same unto me, and the Controversie shall be ended. Upon which followed great Acclama­tions that the King had humbled himself enough.

Thomas holding his peace, the King of France said, My Lord Arch­bishop, will you be greater than other holy men? will you be greater or better than Peter? what do you doubt? loe, peace is even at the door. At last Thomas fell a commending his Predecessors, but that they had left something for him to do; and then extol'd Peter, for resisting the Tyrant Nero with the loss of his life, &c. Thus the Peers of both Kingdoms, England and France, seeing no good to be done with him, turn'd all against him, imputing the want of peace to his Imputan­tes arrogan­tiae Archi­episcopi im­pedimentum pacis, Bar. an. 1168. § 87. Arrogancie; one Earl protesting he ought to be cast out of France, as he had been out of England; nay, the very Courtiers who had been Mediators for his peace, did now in his presence deeply charge him, that he was Semper su­perbus, ela­tus, sapiens in oculis suis, propriae sem­per sectator volunta & sentencia, &c. § 88. always proud, high­minded, wise in his own conceipt, a follower of his private fancie and opinion. Adding moreover, that it was an exceeding mischief, and great damage and danger to the Church, that he was ever made a Governour thereof; and that the same being already partly ruinated, by him, would now be quite overthrown. Yet they tell us that the King of France presently alter'd his opinion, and countenanced Thomas as much as ever.

All these indeavours failing, the Pope once again undertook the year 1169 business, and so sent two Nontio's, Gratian an Vivian, to take up the Controversie: but when it came neer the conclusion, they could not agree about the formality of the words▪ and so returned as wise as they came. Yet did not the Pope give over, but sent two [Page 245] other, Simon and Bernard, who earnestly perswaded Thomas to humble himself to his King, and so to please him with prayers Baron. an. 1169. § 39, 40, 43. and ready service. And to work more upon him, the King of France, the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Lords there present, earnestly advised him to the same.

Thomas seeing no remedy, and all against him, condescended to their desires, went to King Henry, and kneeling down, submitted himself to God and the King; but still with this reservation of the honour of God and his holy Order. But this Henry rejects as imper­fect, alledging that Thomas, by that Salvo, would upon any occa­sion exclude the honour of his King. However, Henry declared that he required nothing of him, but that he, as a Priest and Bi­shop, should before them all truely promise without any deceipt to observe the Customs which the holy Archbishops of Canterbury had observed to their Kings, and which Thomas himself had once promised him to do. But Thomas would consent to nothing, with­out such Salvo's as formerly mentioned; which conditional obedi­ence so vext the King, that he affirmed, Thomas should never enter England, till he had done to him as he ought to do; and had under­taken to observe what others had observed, and what himself had formerly promised. And thus broke off this business.

And the truth is, the King might have some reason to be more and more incensed against Thomas, who instead of seeking the fa­vour and friendship of his Soveraign, had excommunicated his chief Friends; and went so far against others, that there was Speed § 32. scarce found in the Kings own Chappel and presence, such as might perform the wonted Ceremonies. And besides, did daily threaten an Interdict against his whole Dominions; and had done it, but that some more prudent over-perswaded him to the contrary; and the Pope himself thought it best to lay his commands on him not to do it till farther Order.

But this was not all, for they proceed yet more and more to vex his Majesty: For he being now about fifty years old, and seeing the uncertainty of obedience, and not knowing what the pretence of Church-authority might do to his Children, if he should dye excommunicated, as it was daily threatned him; or not in favour with the Pope, as he might suspect upon Thomas his account: Upon these and other reasons, he rosolved to settle his Succession by the Coronation of his Son Henry, now fourteen years old.

This resolution being made known, the Pope thought that now year 1170 he might compel the King to admit of Thomas, or neglect the Coro­nation, under the pretence that that Ceremony belong'd of right to the Archbishop of Canterbury; and so to hinder any other from performing it, he wrote an Bar. anno 1170. § 3. Express to the Archbishop of York, and the other Bishops of England, not to anoynt him, or meddle in the business; thereby to necessitate the recalling of Thomas. But this design wrought otherwise than intended; for the King inraged at this Prohibition, forthwith caused all his Subjects from twelve years old to sixty, Stow. pag. 151. col. 1. Speed § 35. to abjure the Popes Obedience, or take an Oath not to obey the Popes Constitutions: And then had his Son Crown'd at Westminster by Roger Archbishop of York, the other Bishops assisting; where the young King was Speed, § 36. Bar. § 16. sworn to observe the ancient Customs of the Nation, without any mention of the Churches liberties.

This resolution of the King, or something else, did a little cool the Pope; and having put on his considering cap, he seem'd not so violent against the Coronation, as formerly, though Thomas cryed out, that he and his authority was undone by it: but to pa­cifie him, the Pope sent him a Paper-remedy, viz. that that action should not for the future be any Bar. § 14. prejudice to his rights and pri­viledges: And to give Thomas more content, he Id. § 17. suspended Ro­ger, Archbishop of York; and this terrible sentence he sent to Tho­mas himself, to make the best use of it.

Now had the world for almost seven years been troubled with this quarrel between a King and his Subject; insomuch, that all parties grew almost weary of it. And now once more to try if any good could be done, a treaty was brought about again. For this, the Pope sends his Legats, and some threats against Henry, if peace not presently made; and Thomas also used his humour to procure an Agreement, viz. threatning to Id. § 24. Interdict the Kings Domini­ons, and ranting against his Soveraign to the Legats, declaring him to be no other than a Id. § 25. Deceiver, Jugler and Cor­rupter. And are these words savouring of an obedient and peace­ful subject?

But in brief, a Conference was had between the King and Tho­mas, in a place call'd by the Inhabitants, Pratum Proditorum. Traytors-Meddow, where, [though Thomas took upon him to upbraid the King for opposing him and the Church, and resolved not to yeild to him a­bout the Customs, his Sons Coronation, or the loss of his own li­berty and honour, as he call'd it; yet] the King shew'd himself so plyable, that a peace was struck up between them; Thomas himself confessing to the Pope—That Ille verbum acceptans, annuit & nos & nostros qui aderant, recepit in gratiam su­am. Baron. anno 1170. § 30. the King accepted all in good part, yeilded us our request, and received us with all ours there present into his favour. In this Treaty the King twice held Thomas his Horse Matt. Pa­ris, an. 1170. pag. 122. bridle, whilst he mounted on Horse-back: was not Thomas proud to permit it, or not dislike it?

Now might we suppose all to be calme and quiet, but we shall finde nothing less; for Agreement thus made, Thomas hastes for England, where being come, he having desired the Pol. Virg. l. 13. p. 212. Popes Au­thority, suspends or Excommunicates the Bishops for Speed, § 40. Crowning the young King: And thus instead of being peaceable and pati­ent, he reneweth the old broyl, and provokes again to displeasure, by Censuring those, who had been the Kings friends; and by so do­ing, r [...]flected upon his Majesty. Upon this, the King would have Thomas to absolve them again; but that he refused, unless they would swear absolute Obedience to the Pope; which, they said, they would not do, without the Kings consent, whose dignity it did most touch upon.

The Father-King, then in France, being informed of these ex­travagant actions of Thomas against the peace and tranquillity of his Subjects, fell into such a displeasure, that in a sudden rage and passion, he wonder'd revenge was not done upon Thomas: which four of his Courtiers hearing, interpreting the words to a wrong sence, without any Warrant or Authority, thought they could not do the King better service, than by killing the Arch­bishop. For which purpose they haste into England, so to Canter­bury, where they cruelly murder'd Thomas in the Cathedral Church, at a place yet call'd the Martyrdom. But the Barth. Gavant. Thesour. Sa­crorum Ri­tuum. tom. 2. pag. 140. certain [Page 247] day on which he suffer'd, they cannot positively tell, yet they con­fidently appoint a day in the Calendar, as they do many others, up­on uncertainties.

The names of these four Courtiers were
  • Sir Richard (or Hugh) Breton or Brito; the name of a Family yet
    Tho. Ful­ler's Church-Hist. l. 3. § 66.
    extant in Northamptonshire.
  • Sir Hugh Morvill of Kirk-Oswald in Cumberland, where his Sword wherewith he slew Becket, was kept a long time, in me­mory of that fact: his Family at this day extinct.
  • Sir William Tracy,
    Stow, p. 152. col. 2.
    Baron of Brains and Morton, whose heirs yet flourish at Todington in Glocestershire.
  • Sir Reginald, or Reynold (some say Richard) Fitz-Ʋrse, or Bears son: his Postery was afterwards men of great Lands and Com­mands, in the County of Monaghan in Ireland, being there call'd Mac-Mahon, which in Irish signifieth the son of a Bear.
  • To these was assisting one Hugh, call'd the Ill-clerk, an Officer of the Church.

But though these kill'd him never so surely; yet are we told a pretty Bar. anno 1170. § 59 story, how that the next morning, prayers being ended, he lifted up his hand, and gave the Monks his Benediction: and well he might, when Pet. de Natal. lib. 2. cap. 13. Angels in the Choire appear'd, and helped to sing his Requiem. These four having slain Thomas, fled into the North, and for some time hid themselves in Knaresbrough Ca­stle in York-shire, whence they went to Rome; where (though at first the Pope had Excommunicated them) they obtain'd their Bar. anno 1172. § 22. Absolution and Pardon from Alexander the Third, being en­joyn'd by way of penance to visit the Holy-land. And we are told that the Clergy having thus exempted themselves from the tem­poral Laws; so the Speed, § 44. punishment of a Priest-killer, was not then Death, but Excommunication: till about the year 1176, it was de­clared by this King Henry, that such Murderers should suffer loss of life. We are also told, that whilst these men remain'd under Excommunication, that Bar. an. 1172. § 22. Dogs, though never so hungry, would not take bread from their hands: as true as many other old-wives tales in Baronius, befitting the credit of a learned Cardinal. How­ever, that the memory of the men, and their bloudy action, might not be forgot, their Will. Som­ner's, Antiq. of Cant. p. 164. Statues of Stone were set up in the Cathedral Churches Porch at Canterbury, as a premonition, that no man for the future should lay violent hands on Bishops, or their Possessions. But if the Statues of all such sacrilegious people were now to be erected, neither the Porches nor Churches them­selves in all England and Scotland could contain them.

Old King Henry was now at Argentan in Normandy, when news came to him of the Murther, which so afflicted him, that he was o­ver-whelm'd Bar. anno 1171. § 4. with tears and lamentations, changing his Royalty into Hair cloths and Ashes, almost for three days together, retiring in­to his private Chamber, not receiving either meat or comfort; insomuch, that the people about him fear'd he would pine away with grief: though for the clearing of his innocency he protested, [Page 248]Omnipo­tentem De­um se testem invocare in animam suam, quod opus nefandum nec sua voluntate nec Conscientia commissum est, nec artificio per­quisitum. Baron. As Almighty God should judge his soul, that that ac­cursed deed was neither acted by his will or consent, nor done by a­ny device of his.

Neither was this any counterfeit or dissembling grief, but real and true; and that so great, that as a —Sa Pe­nitence fut si grande, qu'on nec lit point es Histoires, que au [...]un Prince Christien ayt faict Penitence avec plus grande humilité. Guil. Gazet, Hist. des Saincts, tom. 2. pag 980. Romanist confesseth, never could any History afford such an Example of Penance and Humili­ty in a Christian Prince.

For the King did not onely submit himself to the Papal Censures, and (as they say) reject the ancient and wholesome Constitutions (which we are told, were not long after Spelman Consil. tom. 2. pag. 111. confirmed again in the presence of the Popes Nuntios) but also the Pope Bar. an. 1173. § 6, 7. having Cano­nized Thomas for a Saint in Heaven, Henry to compleat the rest of the Penance Speed, § 75. Bar. an. 1174. § 6. injoyn'd him by the Legats, went into England; and being come within Speed, ib. three or Fullers Ch. Hist. l. 3. four miles of Canterbury, clad onely in one woollen Coat; went all that long way bare-footed to the Church, the bloud running from his tender feet, by the piercing and cutting of the sharp stones; and in the Church be­stow'd a whole day and night in fasting, watching and prayer; and the next day return'd, without eating and drinking all the while, bare-footed as he came. Nor was this all, for he also received on his bare back from the Monks, above fourscore lashes with Rods. To such an height of Extravagancie had the awe of Papal Censures and Absolutions flown over the greatest Monarchs, though really no way subject, either to them, or their brutish-Thunderbolts.

The Kings purse paid for it also, by maintaining a great number of Souldiers, by the Popes Order, in the Holy-Land. And what good-will he really had for Thomas, may appear by his charity and care for his Relations: one of his Sisters call'd Mary, she not in­tending Fullers Ch. Hist. l. 3. § 6 [...]. to marry, he made Abbess of Berking-Nunnery: and another of his Sisters being married to one of the Botelers, or Butlers, he transplanted with her Husband and Children into Ireland, con­ferring upon them high Honours and rich Revenues; from whom the Dukes of Ormond are descended. Nor was this all, for he founded an Abbey, call'd Thomas-Court in Dublin, in memory of our Tho­mas Becket, indowing it with large Revenues.

Thus have we seen the story of Thomas Becket, which we have taken out of the Histories writ by his friends and admirers; and followed that which hath most probability of Truth. And we can­not but suppose, that where a man is declared a Martyr for the Church, and a Saint in Heaven, but that Church-History will be crouded with his commendations, by which we can expect but a partial relation, at least little or nothing against him; it being held an unpardonable crime, not to believe with the Pope, or to hint any thing against him whom his Holiness hath thrust into Heaven: Yet enough may be gathered, not onely from those who most commend, but also from some ancient Historians, where­by we may justly lay the fault rather upon him, than his So­veraign.

For the King looked upon his cause to be so just, having all the other Bishops of his Dominions approving of him, that he freely offer'd the Controversie to the Tryal, even of the Speed, § [...]4. Parisian Di­vines, and the Church of France, though their King shew'd him­self a great friend to Becket. But Thomas was so cunning, that he would stand to no mans judgement but his own and the Popes; for then he was sure to come off Conqueror.

And if Thomas durst not stand to the determination of those Churches, who in all probability understood the business best; and to oppose all his own Country Bishops, as if none of them were as wise or honest as himself: And farther, seeing presently after Thomas his death, nay, and Canonization too, it was a strong dis­pute amongst the Divines beyond Sea, whether Thomas was Caesarius Hist. Memo­rab. l. 8. c. 69. damn'd for his Treason, or a true Martyr; I see no reason why we should be so confident of his Saintship and merits, however, as to use his bloud for a means to our Salvation, as those do, who pray

Horae B. Virg. secun­dum usum Sarum. Paris 1534. fol. 53. b.
Tu per Thomae Sanguinem, quem pro te impendit,
Fac nos Christe scandere, quo Thomas ascendit.
For Thomas his bloud sake, which he for thee did spend,
Let us, O Christ! where Thomas is, ascend.

Again, when we consider the malapert humour of Thomas with his betters; as, because the King would not agree to his humour, he must accuse him of Bar. an. 1166. § 45. perverse ways, as Id. anno 1167. § 26. criminous; that he § 34. grows worse and worse; that he is a Id. anno 1170. § 25. jugler, a corrupt man, and a deceiver. Again, when we consider how all the other Bishops declared him guilty of Id. anno 1164. § 29. Perjury, of An. 1167. § 45. injuring the King, of ingratitude, of his rash and preposterous Excommunications; that he by Ib. § 61. his bitter provocations stir'd up the discord; that his actions savour nothing of fatherly devotion, or pastoral patience; and that to the Pope himself they all Ibid. vindicate the Kings acti­ons. And farther, when we see the Peers not onely of England, but also of France, impute the want of peace to his An. 1168. § 88. arrogancy; and those who had been the very Mediators for his peace, yet could not but tell him that he was Ibid. always proud, high-minded, wise in his own conceipt; a follower of his private fancie and opinion; and that it was a mischief to the Church, that ever he was made Archbishop. Nay more, when we see the Popes Legates, and the Archbishops and Bishops of France, earnestly perswade him to humble himself to his King: And again, the Legates to accuse him even to the Pope, of his An. 1168. § 33. provoking the King of France, and Earl of Flanders, against his own Soveraign; of writing lyes to his Holi­ness against his own King; and that his words neither tended to judgement nor peace. And lastly, when he hears the Nobility, and others of his own Nation pronounce him a Speed, § 23. Bar. anno 1164. § 3 [...], 31. Traytor to his face: And John Harding, a zealous Romanist, and one that be­stow'd most of his time in search into our English History, a­bove two hundred years ago, could boldly thus pronounce him a Rebel:

[Page 250]
He exiled then Thomas of Canterbury
Chron. Chap. 1 [...]1.
Out of England, and
Feel of his liance, so a Manuscript.
many of his aliaunce
For cause of the Churches governaunce: So have I read it in an old Manuscript, Arch. Seld. in Bodle [...]an. Oxon. But one may perceive that the Manuscript hath herein been abused, by some bodies scraping out the first copy.
For cause of his rebellious governaunce;
And as he came fro Rome, by Fraunce away,
With language fel, he prayed the Kyng that day.

We might suspect that he was not so good and true a Subject as some would have him; however, not to deserve to be Bar. anno 1173. § 2. yoak'd with St. Thomas the Apostle, or to Ib. § 7. exceed all other Saints, or to be honoured with more Devotion and Will. Som­ners Antiq. of Cant. p. 248. Offerings than Christ himself.

When again we consider that 'tis the Cause that makes a Martyr, and yet all the English Bishops declared to the Pope himself, that this Controversie was meerly about Ex levi & minus utili occasione. Bar. anno 1164. § 47. Trifles; when also we know, how strangely the word Martyrdom hath been mistaken by hasty Zealots, as the Prat [...]ol. l. 4. § 14. Donatists, who would seek their own deaths, when others desired it not; and would kill others, unless they would Parsons three con­vers. part 3. pag. 168. kill them, to make them, forsooth, Martyrs; as if they were all of Prateol. l. 14. § 16. Petilians opinion, who affirm'd him a Martyr that kill'd himself for his own sins; or like the Id. l. 3. § 19. Circum cellions, who would kill themselves, if others would not do it for them. Why should Thomas Becket be a Martyr, when he might have saved his own life, as is very probable, either by Guil. Gazet. Hist. des Saints, pag. 999. tom. 2. withdrawing himself, as his Monks perswaded him, or, by making resistance, which he forbad; insomuch, that he would not have the doors shut or de­fended against them?

But farther yet, since Vid. Andr. Rivet. Jesuita va­pul. p. 127, 2 [...]8. they tell us, that the people did for a long time Bellarm. de Purgat. l. 1. c. 7. worship one for a Martyr, who took the pains after­wards to tell them that he was damn'd; And the An. D [...]u­r [...]t. [...]a. 8. T [...]. 14. § 4. Parisian Do­ctor was held a vertuous and holy man, till being dead, he told them he was damned; and Hyrcanus, whom Albertus Magnus put into his Letany, is declared by T [...]h [...]res lib. 2. cap. 28. Serarius to be an Heretick: Why should we be so confident that Thomas Becket is in Heaven, as to make him the W [...]ll. Somner, p. 250. Titular Saint of Canterbury, or to flock in Pilgrimage to him, to have the benefit of his merits, in such num­bers, as at one time there was about an Id. pag. 249. hundred thousand wor­shippers of him in Canterbury from several places?

And when they tell us, that presently after his death, they began to Caesarius, Hist. Mem. li [...]. 8. c. 70. counterfeit the Reliques; and experience tells us, that the Jo. Poly­and. disput. p. 4 [...], &c. Teeth of Moles, the Bones of Mice and Cats, the Tails of Beasts, and suchlike, have been worshipt for Reliques of great Saints: Why should they be so confident of having truely his body, as to bestow so much good and precious Stones upon it, as Stow, pag. 576. twelve or fourteen men could scarce carry? And that the world was cheated with false ware, will thus appear: His Bar. anno 1172. § 17. brains were sent to be [Page 251] kept in St. Maria Maggiore a [...] Rome: His Erasm. Colloq. peri­grinat. Relig. pag. 270. face was set in gold, and shew'd in a little Chappel behind the high-Altar at Canterbury; his Ib. p. 269. Skull in another place of the Church; a Foot of his in the Vestry; and a great deal of his bloud, and a piece of his Crown was convey'd to Will. Som­ner, p. 167. St. Augustins Abbey in the same City; for which the Abbey gave to the Cathedral Church several houses, and a piece of ground. And yet when in Henry VIII's time the Shrine was defaced, there was found in it Will. Lam­bard's Pe­ramb. of Kent, 337. a whole intire body, head and all, as of one but lately dead. And much of the same truth was that Erasm. ib. p. 273. upper-leather of his old Shooe, which they offer'd to Travellers to London to kiss, but really to beg by.

And lastly, if that be true which they tell us, viz. In Barth. Fumus Sum­ma Aurea. verb. de Ca­nonizat. § 2. that those Reliques must not be worshipt, if there be any doubt that they are not really of Saints; then hath the world been cheated by the supposed Reliques of Thomas Becket: And I know no reason by the same rule, why they should so venerate Thomas, since they can­not positively swear his being in Heaven, unless they will subscribe to that fond Rule in De Purgat. l. 1. cap. 9. Bellarmine, that the Pope is also infallible in Canonization, so that, whom he declares a Saint, must of conse­quence be in Heaven, though he were in Hell before.

As for my self, I am superstitious and curious enough in things of Antiquity; but seeing of Reliques there is scarce one true amongst five thousand, I am less credulous and careful. To conclude with Thomas, as I have no power or authority to determine of his Saint­ship, so I shall suspect his Martyrdom and Allegiance, but freely grant that he was murthered. The most memorable actions fell to him upon Matt. Pa­ris, an. 1169. pag. 116. Tuesdays, as some observe Thursdays have been the worst days to the Kings of England.

CHAP. IV.

1. The murders and misfortunes of several Kings and Princes.

2. The Imperial Authority despised by the Popes, and made a meer slavery.

3. King Lewes VII. of France Interdicted.

4. The troubles of the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa, and the odd Coronation of the Emperour Henry VI. by Pope Caelestine II's feet.

Sect. 1. The murders and misfortunes of several Kings and Princes.

HAving wearied our selves in England, though I might have inlarged, how King Henry II was also troubled by the rebel­lions of his own sons; Let us take a short turn or two be­yond Seas.

And here I shall not tell all the circumstances how King Suer­cherus year 1150 II of Swedland was murdered by his ignoble groom; how St. Ericus IX, Monarch of the same Dominions, was made away by the Treachery of his own Nobility, lying open to the corruption year 1160 of the Dane; nor of the untimely death of Suercherus III, as a Prologue to which, the Swedish Historians will tell you an odd sto­ry Jo. Loccen. p. 44. of a devilish Horse, flying through the Air: possibly wanting Shooes, the hard ground might hurt his feet; and the story in part confirms this conjecture.

Nor shall I here inlarge how Pope Callistus II had William the great, Duke of Apulia, as his foot-boy, and Yeoman of his Baron. an. 1120. § 12. Stir­rop; nor how the inconstant Neapolitans imprisoned their King William I, and promoted his Son Ruggieri, or Roger, whom they also, altering their humours, presently besieged in his Palace; and which was more, shot to death, and then restored his Father Wil­liam. Neither will I trouble my self to unriddle the doubt in the Polish Historians, concerning the death of their good King Casimire year 1194 II, though the general Opinions that he was poysoned at a Feast, and these verses of their Chronologer testified as much.

Mista dedit domino scelerati aconita ministri
Inter solennes perfida dextra dapes.
Alex. Guagnin. Rerum Po­lon. tom. 1. p. 90.
A wicked Varlet, void of grace or fear
Mixt deadly poyson 'mongst his Royal cheer.

And here I might also tell you how the furious Venetian mur­dered their innocent Duke Vitalis Michele II, because the well­meaning man was not as successful against his deceitful enemies, year 1194 as they would have had him, as if ill Fortune were onely the com­panions of knavery.

Sect. 2. The Imperial Authority despised by the Popes, and made a meer slavery.

BUt waving these, let us see how the Popes lord it over the Em­perours, as if they had been their Vassals or Slaves; but the others, by I know not what whim, the Infallible disposers of the world: And so I warrant you, they are not a little proud of Car­dinal Gratianus his answer to King Henry II of England, when he seemed somewhat angry at the Popes actions against him—Domine noli minari, nos enim nul­las minas ti­memus, quia de talis curia sumus, quae consuevit Imperare Imperatoribus & Regibus. Baron. an. 1169. § 12. Sir, Threaten not, we fear no menaces, because we belong to that Court, which useth to command both Emperours and Kings.

And the truth is, by degrees they intended to sweep up all the Imperial Priviledges to themselves; and as formerly they had made a good progress, so they now continue; for here we finde Pope Helvic. Chron. an. 1107. Paschal II to alter the date of the Papal writings: for whereas, for­merly, they used to be dated with the year of the Emperours Raign, he rejects that form, and subscribes the year of his own Pope­dom; which custom hath been since continued by his successors. But the chief of all was the pretty conceited custom of their Crown­ing the Emperours, which as they had hitherto several times carry­ed on under pretty pretences, and a specious awe of their Paper­censures; so would they not willingly leave off that design, making thereby an Argument, that none can be Emperour, but of their Co­ronation or Approbation; and from their making, drawing out a­nother of their power in nulling or disposing.

And thus had they awed or gull'd the greatest Monarchs to their Lure. Thus the Emperour Lotharius II, who succeeded Henry V, meeting Pope Innocent II at Liege in Germany, became the (b) Yeo­man a Baron. an. 1131. § 9. to his Stirrop, in one hand carrying a Switch, as if it were to keep off the throng; and with the other leading his Holyness his white Palfrey. And thus did the Pope permit the Emperour to wait upon him in this servile posture on foot. And two years af­ter, he guarding the said Pope into Italy, was by him Crown'd in the Lateran; upon whose walls he caused to be painted himself sitting in his Pontificial Chair, and Lotharius on his knees re­ceiving Sigon. de Reg. Ital. Krantz. Me­trop. l. 6. c. 35. the Crown of the Empire from his hands, with these wise Verses.

[Page 254]
Rex venit ante fores, jurans prius urbis honores:
Post homo fit Papae, sumit, quo dante, Coronam.
The King doth come before the Gates,
Swears th' Customs of the Town:
Then him the Pope his Liege-men makes,
And after doth him Crown.

Sect. 3. King Lewes VII of France Interdicted.

LEaving Germany, I might step into France, and tell you a sto­ry, how Alberic, the Archbishop of Bourges, dying, this Pope Innocent II taking upon him to be Lord of all Nations, consecrated one Peter, his dear friend, as Prelate of that City, against the Kings will; which so inraged his Majesty, viz. Lewes VII, that he publickly Ma [...]t. Pa­ris, an. 1146. and solemnly sware, that the said Peter should never enter into that City: Upon which (as my Author saith) the Pope Interdicted the King; insomuch, that into whatsoever City, Town or place the King enter'd, there was no Divine Service said: And this Interdiction continued for three years time; and then the King was forced to submit, and not onely admit of the said Peter to be Archbishop, but for a farther Pennance, was to visit the Holy-Land. Thus the Thief would steal Rushes to keep his hand in ure; and the Pope will take any occasion to trample upon Temporal Princes; so that the Vicar takes more upon him, than either Christ or St. Peter would do. And thus thanks to his Holyness for making the King infalli­bly forsworn, the Oath, though hasty, being lawful; he having, for ought that I know, as much power then in his Dominions, as the French King hath at this time, who will not let the Pope thrust Bishops into his Cities.

Sect. 4. The troubles of the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa, and the odd Coronation of the Emperour Henry VI, by Pope Caele­stine II's feet.

BUt well may the Kings of France indure this, when they see far greater Ignominies done to the Emperour, of whom, passing Conrade III, let us see what was done to Frederick I, sir­named (from his red beard) by the Italians Barbarossa. Being chosen in Germany, he must trudge to Rome too to be Crown'd, or else all the fat was in the fire. And now was Pope Adrian, or Ha­drian IV, born at Abbots-Langley neer Kings-Langley in Hartford­shire, [Page 255] and was first call'd Nicholas Break-spear, the onely English­man that ever was Pope, though Apparat. ad Hist. Scot. p. 48. Dempster would willingly hook him in to be a Scotchman, and (b) Fuller would increase the num­ber of English Popes, and both with the same Authority, that is, c Ch. Hist. l. 3. none at all.

Frederick come into Italy, meets Adrian at Viterbo, where the Emperour held his Stirrop, whilst his Holiness alighted from his Horse. But the mischief was, Barbarossa not used to such slavery, year 1155 though ignorance held the left Stirrop; which so incensed the Pope, that he told the Bishop of Bamberg (who had made a Speech in Aelmold. Hist. Sclav. c. 18. Commendation of Frederick) that what he had said, was but meer words; for that the Emperour instead of honouring had disho­noured St. Peter; for instead of holding the right, he had held the left Stirrop. The Emperour as well as he could excused himself, alledging it was meerly through ignorance, that being the first time that ever he held one in his life. But this no way satisfied the Pope, intimating, that if he pleaded ignorance for his neglect of small things, there was little hopes of his performing the greater. The Emperour a little angry at these frumpish humours, desired to know whence that custom came: for if it were onely of good will, he had done enough; and if it were upon duty, he had shew'd his humility, though he mistook the Stirrop. And thus in a pet they both parted for that time; the Pope affirming he would not Crown him, till he had done his duty.

This story related by that ancient Historian, Helmodus, who lived at this time, and so might know best, is a little varied from by An. 1155. § 12, 13, 14. Baronius, who tells it to this purpose: The Emperour and Pope being met, Frederick refused to hold his Stirrop; whereupon the Cardinals were out of their little wits, and shuffled away; and the Pope was as troubled as any of them, not knowing what to do, yet he permitted the Emperour to kiss his feet; but denyed him the kiss of peace; and why he did so, he thus tells the Emperour—Because thou hast not done to me that wonted and due i. e. to hold his Stirrop—Reddi Roma­ni Pontifici­bus Stratoris obsequium, Cogu. tom. 2. p. 71. ho­nour, which thy Predecessors, the Orthodox Emperours used to perform, even till this time, to my Predecessors the Popes, for the honour of the Apostles Peter and Paul; until thou dost satisfie me in this point, I shall not receive thee to the kiss of peace.—To whom Frede­rick reylyed, that it was not his duty. Well, this Controversie held all the next day; and at last, it went cleerly against the Emperour, and proved, forsooth, that he ought to do it.

And so he yeilded to it; and for the more honour of the Play, the Emperour must go a little out of the way, and all his Army drawn up to see the shew, then must his Holiness be mounted up­on his bonny Palfry, ride along, as if nothing were; whom the Em­perour seeing a pretty way off, very mannerly met him, and very dap­perly performed his duty at the Stirrop: and then his Humbleness received Frederick into his favour, and no question but he buss'd him to the purpose.

And thus take which of the stories you please, no question but you will think that the Vicar thought Christ mistook himself, when he said, his Kingdom was not of this world. So now, thanks to our Country-man Adrian, we see it brought to that pass, that if you will not be a slave at my Stirrop, you shall not be Crown'd; and so according to them no Emperour. For now that Frederick had [Page 256] proved himself a white boy, and plyable to all manner of drudgery; the Pope took the pains to Crown him, but told him, that he should win Apulia, and suchlike petty lands to the Church, there­by to shew his respect to St. Peter: the Emperour in the mean time, looking very demurely at these canting documents, though shew'd his indignation at the Picture of Conradus his kneeling to Inno­cent, and the verses, of which there was promis'd amendment.

But here before I go any farther with the Pope, let me tell you one remarkable passage which hapned in Germany, which may be as an Item against Rebels, and disturbers of the Peace.

Whilst Frederick was thus busie in Italy to obtain his Coronation, year 1155 upon some account, Arnoldus Archbishop of Mentz, and Her­man [by some through mistake call'd Pezel. part. [...]. pag. 249. Henry] Count Pala­tine fell out, between whom there was a great deal of mischief done in Germany: but upon the Emperours return, all was quiet; yet not so forgot, but he was resolved to have the Laws inflicted Nic. Serar. Hist. Mo­gunt. p. 818, 819. upon the guilty. Now we must understand, that it was the custom amongst the Francks and Schwablanders, that if in the Monarchs absence a Riot or Sedition began, the guilty Noblemen, by way of Ignominy, were each of them to carry lugging at their shoulders a Ott. Frin­singens, de pestis Frid. l. 2. cap. 28. Mart. Cru­sius Annal. Suev. part 2. l. 10. c. 14. Rosse, pag. 176. Dog, holding of him by the hindmost-legs, into the next County; and this publickly before all people, and then to be condemn'd to dye as a Traytor: the inferiour sort were to undergo the same Ce­remony; onely instead of a Dog, they carryed a Sella. Seat or Bench: a Plough-man carryed a Wheel of a Plough. And accordingly Frederick at his return, calls a Diet at Worms, where Herman, and several others of the Nobility were adjudged to undergo this Sab. M [...]nster. Cosmogr. pag. 475. Harenscaran punishment, as they call it; which accordingly was performed, to the terror of all evil-doers. As for the Arch­bishop, considering his Age and Function, they were perswaded to pardon him that ignominy, though some favourably offer'd to carry Dogs for him. The thing it self is thus related by Guntherus Li­gurinus, an ancient Historical Poet.

—Vetus mos est, ubi si quis Rege remoto,
Lib. 5. p. 351.
Sanguine, vel flamma, vel seditionis apertae
Turbine, seu crebris Regnum vexare rapinis,
Audeat: ante gravem quam fuso sanguine poenam
Excipiat, si liber erat, de more vetusto
Impositum seapulis ad contigui Comitatus
Cogatur per rura Canem Confinia ferre,
Sin alius, sellam. Cujus dispendia poenae
Ille Palatinae custos Celeberrimus aulae
Non potuit vitare Comes, cunctis (que) videndus
Portavit scapulis passus plus mille latrantem.
Hanc quo (que) tunc alii simili pro crimine poenam
Sustinuere decem Comites; totidem (que) coacti
Foeda tulere canes generoso pondera collo.
Cujus inauditae poenae timor altus in omnes
Irruit, ut null us Procerum praesumeret ultra
Armata certare manu; sed pace sequestra,
Judicis arbitrio sua quis (que) reposceret aequi.
[Page 257]
By ancient Law, if when the King is gone;
Any presume to raise sedition
Fy Sword, Fire, Rapines, for his final doom,
For his deserv'd peace-breaking crimes do come:
If nobly born, must on his shoulders carry
Ʋnto the Confines of th' next Territory
A Dog; but if he be of low degree,
An heavy Bench or Seat for Infamy.
Nor could the Palsgrave Herman shun the shame,
But publickly to satisfie his blame,
Ʋpon his shoulders for above a Mile
Behinde him lug'd a Dog, howl'd all the while.
Ten more Earls for the same crimes did so too,
Bearing Dogs on their necks as he did do.
This Strange disgrace and punishment so fear'd
The sturdyest Nobles, that no more was heard
Of Rout or Violence; but all relyed
To be in peace by justice rectified.

And after this manner of shame, Ludovicus sirnamed Ferreus Lantgrave of Duringen Otho Me­land [...]r [...]oco­seria, § 328. whipt his Rebellious Nobles at the Plough.

And now let us return to the Pope, whom we finde at some odds with Frederick: one cause of this dislike was, as they say, be­cause a Bishop of London returning from Rome into Spon­dan. Epi [...]. Baron. an. 1157. § 2: Co [...]ffeteau, pag. 809. Ba [...]. anno 1157. § 15 England, was seized upon by some certain (but we know not what) peo­ple in Germany, and there detain'd; although I have no rea­son confidently to affirm this story to be true, though Pope A­drian tells it boldly enough, as we finde it in his Letter, afforded us by Lib. 2. cap. 9. Radevicus Frisingensis the continuator of Ottho. For at this time I cannot finde any Bishop of England whose name begins with an Venerabi­lis f [...]ater no­ster E. Lon­donensis Ar­chiepiscop [...]. Baror. anno 1157. § 4. E. Nor can we suppose, that London was an Archbishops See at this time, as the Pope words it in his Letter, which he, an Englishman, might infallibly know to be no such thing. 'Tis true, Hist. Angl. anno 1134. Matthew Paris tells us of a Bishop of Landaff, and another of London, dyed in their journey to Rome; but the first was call'd Ʋrban, and the other Gilbertus Ʋniver­salis; besides, these dyed twenty years before this Letter. And lastly, 'tis strange that none of our English Historians should take notice of any such thing, many of them at that time being b [...]s [...]e in lesser concerns.

But however it be, and let the design of sending on this er­rand two Legates a latere seem never so fair; yet 'tis confest that there lurk'd in it a [...]ome [...] ­tum & occa­sionem ma­sorum latu­isse. Baron. § 2. nourishment or design of farther mischief. For in this Letter, the Pope several times accuseth the Emperour of dissembling and negligence; and besides, tells him that it was the Benefici­um. grace and favour of him the Pope to confer the Impe­rial Crown upon him; which did not onely incense the Emperour, but all his Nobles; insomuch, that Count Palatine Matius chron. [...]erm. pag. 163. Otho would have slain one of the Legates for vindicating the Popes ex­pressions, if the presence and counter-commands of Frederick had not deter'd him. But Barbarossa with all speed return'd the Legates to Rome, expresly prohibiting them to turn out of their way, to visit either Cathedral Churches or Abbies, lest [Page 258] they should rob such places of their Treasury and Ornaments, or sow discontent and treason amongst his Subjects, according to the custom of such Creatures; for which purpose, they had ma­ny Bar. § 12, 1 [...]. blank Schedules seal'd about them to imploy as occasion Id. an. 1159. § 7. served: of which he presently gave notice to all the Empire: And gave express command, that Monks and suchlike should not Id. § 18, 22. trudge to Rome upon every bibble-babble, but when they had good reason, and the consent and testimony of some Bishops.

The Pope upon this sent a complaint to the Bishops of Ger­many, but their answer was not altogether to him as his heart could wish, they tooth and nail vindicating their Em­perour, Id. § 20. and complaining that his Letter first gave the occa­sion.

At last Hadrian upon In melius mutato con­silio. Baron. anno 1158. § 1. better advice sends other two Le­gates a latere to undeceive Frederick; who being brought to the Emperours presence, very reverently and modestly began their speech, telling him that—Prae [...]ul S. R. Ecc [...]ae— [...]a [...] ves— [...]an­quam Domi­num. & Im­pera [...]em [...] & or­ [...]s. Bar. an. 1158. § 3. The Bishop of the holy Roman Church—did salute him—as the Lord and Emperour of the City and the World.—At these words Baronius is a little troubled, and without fear or wit would gladly give his Friend Radevicus the [...]ye; all his reason being, because Gunther the Poet doth not set down the very same words in his Verse; and yet he doth as much as could be expected in Verse.

Te velut eximium Regem dominum (que) salutant.
They do salute you as their Lord and King.

Having ended, they deliver the Popes Letter, in which he thus interprets the offending expressions in his last Epistle to the Empe­rour: Id. § 4. 5. That by Beneficium, he did not mean feudum a foe, or meer grace on condition; but onely bonum factum, a good deed, and so that he had done well in Crowning him. And that by the o­ther phrase of exception, [Imperialis Insigne Co­ronae li [...] e [...] ­ [...]lime con­se [...]ens, t [...]e words of the first Letter. Bar. anno 1157. § 5. Contulimus tibi insigne Imperialis Coronae] We have given to thee the sign or bage of the Imperial Crown, he intended no such thing as was suggested, onely that he did Crown him; for by the word Contulimus, he meant nothing but Imposuimus, that is, set the Crown upon his head: in sum, that he onely intended the action, not any power or right. And thus a peace was struck up between them. And thus the Popes interpretation of his own Authority is worth remem­bring.

But this quietness lasted not long: for Adrian not Bar. anno 1159. § 1. forget­ting his supposed injuries (e) took any occasion to fall out with Frederick, to whom he sends, taxing him with ingratitude; and to increase the affront, sent this message to him by an unworthy and vile Fellow, who as soon as the Letter was delivered, before it was read over, sneak'd away: which strange contempt, with the denyal of some other requests, somewhat troubled Barbarossa; but he requited it by commanding his Secretary for the future to set the Emperours Id. § 5. Name before the Popes, and to salute the Pope in the singular number; giving this reason, That either the Pope should write to him after the custom of his Predecessors, or he would in his letters do as other Princes had done.

This nettles Adrian to the quick, writing thus to the Empe­rour,—Bar. anno 1159. § 6. Jo. Naucler. gen. 39. pag. 761. Mutius Hist. Germ. l. 18. p. 162. We marvail not a little at your wisdom, for that you seem not to yeild so much reverence to St. Peter and the holy Church of Rome as you ought to do; for in the Letters which you wrote to us, you set your name before ours; whereby you do incur the note of insolenc [...]e, not to say arrogancie.—Nor was this all, for the Bar. an. 1158. § 11, 12, 13. Milanois and other Lombards having a little be­fore yeilded themselves as Subjects to the Emperor, and given him all their Regalia and Priviledges as their Soveraign; Adrian sends several Id. anno 1159. § 9. Naucler. Gen. 39. pag 764. Letters amongst them to incite and perswade them to Rebellion; and as another aggravation, sends presently to Fre­derick (then in Italy) to demand a grant of him to several Arti­cles, which Eberard Bishop of Babenberg (once greatly § 14. com­mended for his Piety and knowledge) doth confess were very Capitula durissima, § 16. hard and difficult to desire; yet the Emperour offer'd to do the Pope justice in these, if he would do the like to him in o­ther matters; but this was denyed, for Adrian would receive a benefit, but do none; and all this, forsooth, because the Pope is not to be judged by any. And whatsoever Overtures of Peace were proposed, vanished to nothing: for the Pope, as § 22. Fre­derick complains, stood upon several new grievous and unheard­of businesses.

And we may well believe that he opposed the Emperour as much as possible he could, seeing he was just now going to ex­communicate him, being thereto Dota pe­cunia [...]m­mensa Do­mino Adri­ano Papae, ut Imperato­rem excom­municaret. Naucler. pag. 764. Bar. anno 1160. § 25, 30, 31. 1159. bribed and hired by moneys, as Nauclerus confesseth. But this trouble had a little stop by the death of Hadrian at Anagni; but whether he was choaked by a Fly or the Squinsey, is nothing to my purpose. Yet before his death, he had so carryed his design, that he had brought his favourites to swear, not to chuse any after him, who wished well to the Emperour.

Upon this a Schism ariseth, two pretending for the Popedom; Roland, who was one of the Legates that carryed the Popes offensive Letter to the Emperour in Germany, was one, and called himself Alexander III; Octavian was the other, who call'd himself Victor IV. Though 'tis confest that Alexander had above four suffrages in the Conclave for the others one, yet both of them having many followers, they made a great hubbub in the World, and Ex­communicated, curs'd and damn'd one another to the Pit of Hell.

Frederick to end this Controversie, Bar. anno 1159. § 64. & anno 1160. § 2. according to the custom of other Emperours in the time of Schism, calls a Council at Pavia, whither he summous both the Popes; Alexander refuseth, Victor obeys; the Council Ib. § 2. meets, where are from several King­doms fifty Archbishops and Bishops, with an infinite company of Abbots, besides the Ambassadors of many Countries: The Empe­rour withdraws himself from the Council, leaving the business wholly to the determination of the Clergy; who after VII days consultation, declared Victor to be the true Pope; for which they declared many Bar. an. 1160. § 3, 4, 5, 6. ad 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, &c. 33. 35. Reasons, too long here to be repeated; and so having Ib. 24. curs'd Alexander, ador'd Victor, and kiss'd his Toe, which also the Emperour did, with the addition of the holding his Ib. 23. Stirrop and Nau [...]ler. pag. 76 [...]. leading his Horse, the Council broke up. The Emperour by Ib. § 44. Edict commanding all to acknowledge Vi­ctor for Pope; yet Alexander again Ib. § 44. Excommunicated Victor, [Page 260] and all his Complices, especially the Emperor, whose subjects he also absolved from their Oaths of Allegiance. But these thunder-bolts made no great noyse; a little after, another An. 1161. § 21. Council at Lauden in Franconia confirming Victor.

Yet Alexander had the Kings of England and France as his fa­vourers; and so seeing no safety for him in Italy, he sails to France. And here give me leave to tell you one story of a queer come off, upon the credit of Gen. 39. p. 767. Mutius p. 169. Nauclerus, and others. Frederick ha­ving a mind to end the quarrel, desired Lewes VII. to give him a meeting, and to bring with him Alexander, and he would bring Victor, that the business might again be examined: the thing is a­greed upon, and by oath; the place appointed was neer Dijon in Burgondy, at the River Soane. Alexander refuseth to meet, though Lewes would, to save his promise. Yet having no mind to discredit Alexander for his refusal, the trick was thus ordered; Lewes goeth to the River at the first day appointed betimes, washeth his hands in it, and hath a Cryer to call the Emperour to the meeting; and so saying he had kept his word, away he hasts home again. The Emperor presently comes, with the Kings of Scotland and Bohemia; but finding how he had been gul'd, re­turns angry into Germany, and sends Victor to Rome.

And that Alexander thought himself no small man in France, we may guess by these following honours done to him, where we have our Henry II. going to visit him, Bar. an. 1162. 14. kissing his feet; and a little after, the same King of England, and this Lewes of France, meeting Alexander at Tossack upon the Loyre, very prettily plaid the B [...]. an. 1162. § 15, 16. [...]. Bussieres Hist. Gal. Tom. 2 pag. 59. Genebrard Tom. 2. pag. 9 [...]1. Yoemen of his Sti [...]r [...]p, the one of one side, and the other of the other, tripping along on foot, leading his Holinesses Roso­nante by the bridle. Baronius at this story is quite over-joy'd, and out of his raptured zeale, cannot refrain from running to his Bible, as if he had a mind to prove it to be of divine right: but much good may doe the cockles of his heart with this one story of two Kings, since I believe he's never like to have such another: Though the very next year, we find the King of France acting Bar. an. § 1. 1163. 1164. the same part of the Comedy, and bussing his feet to the pur­pose.

The next year Victor dyeth, in whose place is elected in oppo­sition to Alexander, one Guido, who call'd himself Paschal III. But Alexander now began to gain ground; whereupon he left France, and returned to Italy, and was kindly received at Rome. year 1165 Though Paschal was acknowledged and confirm'd as a true Pope, by a Council or Diet at 1166. Wortzburg, with Fredericks ap­probation. But Alexander is quit with the Emperour, not onely excommunicating, but An. 1168. § 69, 70, 71. depriving him by sentence of all his Dominions, and absolving all men from his obedience. At last Paschal dyeth, and then the Romans chose one John, who calls him­self 1170. Calixtus III.

But to leave off these wranglings, let us come once again to a peace. Some say that Alexander by flight stole privately into Venice, where under the disguise of a Cook or Skullion he lived some [...]177. time; till by chance he was known, and then by the Duke ho­nor'd as a true Pope. Others say, that he was publickly condu­cted in with a great deal of joy: but be it as it will, there we find him. At last the Emperor and he came to capitulations; and an agreement being struck up, Frederick cometh to Venice, waits up­on [Page 261] the Pope at St. Marks Church. Alexander bids him humble A phons. Ci­aconi [...] [...] vit. A [...]ex. I [...]I Paprr. Mas­son. l. 5. fol. 205. Trist. Calchus Hist. Medi­olan. l. 12 p. 247. Hub. Goltz. & Casp. Gevart. Icones Imp. Rom. pag. 286. Azor I [...]stit. Tom. 2. lib. 5. c. 43. Naucler. pag. 776. Phil. da Burgamo fol. 351. Mutius p. 176. Pet. Justinian. Hist. Venet. lib. 2. p. 48. Fran. Duarenus de sacris Eccles. Minist. lib. 1. cap. 2. vid. Rivet. Jesuit. vapul. c. 28. § 4. p. 496. himself, and ask pardon: Frederick prostrates himself at his feet: the Pope set his foot upon the Emperours neck, saying, It is writ­ten, Thou shalt walk upon the Asp and the Basilisk, and shalt tread upon the Lyon and the Dragon. The Emperor replyed, that he did not humble himself so to him, but to Peter. Nay, quoth the Pope, Both to me and to Peter. This being done, the Pope recei­ved him into favor, and then peace was made.

Baronius is not a little troubled at this, it savouring of so much pride and insolency, that he cannot fancy that a Pope would be guilty of, and so throweth it by as a An. 1177. § 12. Fable. But when I consider how many Popish Historians do confess it, and the nar­rative of it is carefully preserved in the Archives of the great Bar. an. 1177. § 2, 4, 5. Library at Venice, even to this day; how the Laur. Banck, de Tyran. Pap. pag. 468, 469. Picture of this story hangs yet publickly up in the Senate-house of that City; and, which is more, the same story, with the Popes foot on his neck, is yet also to be seen painted by the door of the Chappel where the Pope himself and Cardinals commonly go to Prayers; all which must have some reason for their being: I say, upon these considerations I shall not yet neglect it as a Fable; however, the ostentation of those Pictures is almost as bad as the fact; though there is examples enough besides this, to testifie the pride of the Popes; and so Baronius need not make this an argument against it, if he did but remember how Gregory VII. made the Empe­rour Henry dance attendance several days, almost naked, in an hard [...]rost.

Alexander for the great kindness shewn to him by the Venetians, bestowed several priviledges or graces to the Dukes of that City; as, to go under a Canopy, to have silver Trumpets before them, to seale with lead, whereas before they did in wax, &c. and gave the Adriatick gulf to the City, to which once a year, viz. on Ascension-day, the City is marryed, by the throwing in of a gold ring; the Duke and Senate being row'd along in that large Barge, by them called Bucentoro, or Buccintoro, which is yet kept in the Arcenal, and, as they say, is the same that Pope Alexander was carried in; but with such alterations and amendments, that you may suppose not an inch of the old wood in her.

Passing by the several warrs that this magnanimous Emperour Frederick Barbarossa had in Europe, and the Holy-land, I shall tell you a story of his Punishment of Rebellion; which, with the for­mer of the dog-carrying Count Herman, may terrifie the unruly into peace and obedience.

The Empress Beatrix, wife to Frederick, being in Italy, had a Krantz. cro. Saxon l. 6. cap. 36. Sab. Mu [...]st. Cosmogr. pag. 165. Propos. Me­morab. p. 19. 20. desire to see Milan; to which purpose thither she goeth: but be­ing entred within the City, the people having no affection to the Emperour, took her, set her on a Mule, with her face backwards, making her hold the tail in her hands for a bridle; and in this po­sture of derision, led her through the City, out of another gate. The Emperour justly incensed at this affront, besieged the City, and at last forced them to yield upon mercy, or conditions as bad, which were these, That those who would redeem their lives, should [Page 262] take or catch with their Teeth certain Figgs hanging at the Geni­tals of a Mule: some prefer'd life, and did it; others suffer'd ra­ther than would do it. Hence they say, that saying of reproach a­mongst the Italians, putting one Finger between two,—Ecco il fico, See here a figg for thee. And the truth is, that the Milanois had so often inraged the Emperour, that one time having taken it, he destroyed it to the very ground, and some say, made the Earth be Plough'd and Sowen with Salt. At which time, a­mongst other things, the Bodies of the Magi or Wisemen, said to be at Milan [first carryed to Constantinople by St. Helen, thence to Milan by St. Eustorgius Archbishop of that City] were con­veyed to Colen by Reinoldus Prince Elector of that See, where they yet lye, commonly call'd the three Kings of Colen. But for the farther knowledge (true or false) of these Magi (let their Bodies be where they please) I shall refer the Reader to the Hi­story of them, as it hangs up in Tables in St. Peters Church at Colen, which he may see in honest Crudities, pag. 594, 595. &c. Tom Coryat.

But at last Frederick dying much lamented, his Son Henry VI succeeded in the Empire, and was Crown'd by Pope Caelestine III at Rome; the manner how, take as followeth:—Baron. an. 1191. § 12. R [...]ger Ho­v [...]d [...]n An­nal part. 2. pag. 689. The Pope being set in his Pontifical Chair, holding the Imperial Golden Crown between his Feet; then the Emperour Henry, and the Empress Constantia, bowing down their Heads, thus The Pope l [...]t fall the Crown upon the [...]m [...]e­rours head. J [...]. Trevi­s [...]'s Tran­slat. of Ran. [...] Polycron. [...]. 7. cap. 26. receive the Coro­nation from the Popes Feet: Then immediately the Pope striking the Emperours Crown with his foot, kick'd it from his head to the ground.—And what was the meaning of the Papal Complement, the same Authors will tell you—signifying, that he had power to depose him from the Empire, if he desired it. And then the Cardi­nal standing by, took up the Crown and put it again on the Empe­rours head.

But as if this Interpretation were not large enough to make the Catholick Reader understand the Popes meaning by his moping action, or lest we should not from hence gather some strange ju­risdic [...]ion adherent to his Holiness; Baronius adds his learned Comment, viz. That it is in the pleasure of the Pope, to give, keep, maintain, and take away the Empire: And by this action he would have Henry to know as much. And if any man should be so wise as to doubt of this Author, the Cardinal, in another place, will silence him with this doughty Question: An. [...]157. § 13. What, is it not in the power of the Pope, upon cause, to take away or give the Empire to whom he pleaseth and thinks worthy? for whosoever shall receive the Empire without his consent, is no Emperour, but a Ty­rant and an invader.

And so I leave his Holiness to make good cheer with this Infal­lible Doctrine; and the German Electors to shake their ears, having nothing to do, according to this Principle, but to gape for, expect, and obey the Dictates and Hests of the Pope, who is as cock-sure as Infallibility it self; and whose Power and Authority is far above Pembrokes Parliament, that would do all things, but make a man a woman, and a woman a man.

The end of the fourth Book.

A CONTINUATION year 1200 OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonable practices Of the ROMANISTS, In Deposing and Murthering of their Emperours and Kings: From the Year MCC, to the Year MD.
BOOK V.

CHAP. I.

1. The Murther of the Emperour Philip.

2. The Emperour Otho the Fourth deposed.

3. The troubles and deposing of the Emperour Frederick the Second.

4. The Guelfs and Gibillins, with other troubles of the Empire.

Sect. 1. The Murther of the Emperour Philip.

THe Emperour Henry VI dying, the Germans fell in­to divisions, some chusing Philip his Brother, and son to Frederick I, and Duke of Schwoben, whilst others elected Otho Duke of Brunswick for Empe­rour.

Both parties would willingly have the Pope, then Innocent III, to befriend them. But Philip, though the Popes Legat honoured his Coronation in Germany by his Pet. Mex [...]a, fol. 416. presence, and also Sporidan. anno 1198. § 7. [...]b­solved him from his former Censures; yet the Pope himself had [Page 264] such an I [...]. § 8. Bzov. anno 1198. § 13. hatred to him for the cause of his Father and other Relations, that he would by no means permit of his Rule; yet he would fairly tell Philip's Ambassadors, that he neither would, nay, nor Se nequa­quam contra j [...]s aut [...]as posse aut velle decer­nere. Bzov. anno 1199. § 22. could decree any thing but the right: yet he as con­fidently affirmed, that it was his jurisdiction to C. Vene­rab. de E­lect. Bzov. anno 1199. § 24. approve of, or reject an elected Emperour. And having thus voted him­self an Infallible authority, he (though the Germans had formerly chose young Frederick, son to Henry King of the Romans, and sworn Allegiance to him) declares himself for Otho, Excommu­nicates Philip and all his partakers.

But passing by the several mischiefs that fell upon Germany by these Divisions; Otho at last being not able to withstand Philip, the Pope was consulted for a Peace, who desired on his part that the Emperours Daughter should be married to his Holinesses Ne­phew, so to renown his own Family in Italy with divers Lands: but at this Rex & Principes au­dita Roma­ [...] Pont. pe­tulant [...]a, in [...]i [...]m per­mo [...]. Nau­cler. Gen. 41. p. 802. malipert request the Germans (d) laught heartily. Well, at last it was concluded that Philip should Marry his said Daughter to Otho; to make way for which, he should be di­vorc'd from his first Wife Mary, Daughter to the Duke of Bra­bant, and be espoused to Beatrice Daughter to Philip, for which the Pope must grant another Dispensation to null their propin­quity in blood. All this being done, Philip is to be Emperour, and after his death Otho. And the Pope is now as infallible for Philip, as he was formerly for the other.

Yet here peace lasted not long: this which Philip hoped to have been his quiet, was his ruine; for the Palsgrave Otho de Wit [...]l­spach having been formerly a Suitor to Philip's Daughter, and see­ing himself thus deprived of her, for it might be till now he might have some hopes, though Philip had formerly Besold. S [...]nops-Hist. Univers. p. 435. denyed him for a murther that he committed, is resolved to revenge him­self on her Father.

To this purpose he conveys himself to Bamberg, where the Em­perour then was; and joyning to him Eckenberg Bishop of the same City (whom yet I finde much Jo. Gault. Cron. Cro. [...]icor. pag. 1101. Tom. 1. commended) and some others, he goeth to the Palace, where the Emperour that day after dinner, had laid himself down on his bed, being newly let bloud. Witil­spach calls at the door, and Philip being informed who it was, commands the door to be open'd, though he had then none with him, but his Chancellor the Bishop of Spire, and a Page without any weapons: the Palsgrave at his entrance draws his Sword, and wounded the Emperour in the throat; of which he presently year 1208 dyed, and then he and his Complices fled; but Witilspach himself was not long after slain by Philips Steward. This Murder was committed in the year 1208 according to this old Distich.

Anni milleni, bis quatuor at (que) duceni
Extant, quando pius Rexoccidit ense Philippus.

Sect. 2. The Emperour Otho the Fourth deposed.

PHilip being thus murder'd, Germany was mainly troubled by the Hoc uno Ph [...]lippo pe­rempto, Ger­mania sum­mis Insidus Pont. Rom. agitata. Naucler. pag. [...]0 [...]. Treacheries or ground-deceipts of the Pope, as one of their own Historians words it. But now Otho IV goeth currant for Emperour, Pope Innocent Bzev an. 1208. § 2. 1209. forbidding any to be elected but him, whom also he lets know how much he is beholden to his Holiness for undergoing a great deal of ill will for his sake; how zealous he had been for his promotion, and bids him have a care of the hopes or designs of young Frederick, and suchlike good words.

Otho IV being acknowledged and elected in Germany, goeth to Rome for his Coronation, where he must also dance attendance at the Popes S [...]irrop. Yet peace would not continue; the Romans and Germans falling out, above a thousand of the Emperours men were slain; which did not a little trouble Otho, who Naucler▪ pag. [...]05. su­specting the Pope as contriver of that uprore, withdrew himself from Rome, and demanding several Lands as belonging to the Empire, by force endeavoured to have them. Innocent adm [...] ­nisheth Otho of his actions, telling him, that he the Pope is ap­pointed year 1210 and set up over all Nations, to root out, destroy and break in pieces, &c. And then Excommunicates him and all his Partakers; and at last deprives him by Censure from his Empire, and absolves all his Subjects from their Oath and Allegiance which they had sworn and owed to him. All which Censures are also hasted into Germany, and pronounced by Sigefrid Archbishop of Mentz, whose Commendatory riming Epitaph is as fol­loweth.

Migrans vir fidus, quinto Septembris in Idus,
Praesul Sigfridus, fulget Coelo quasi sydus.

The Germans terrified at the Papal Fulminations, withdrew their Obedience from Otho, and according to the Popes desire E­lected year 1212 young Frederick for Emperor, alledging that it was his right year 1213 to be Emperor, because he had been formerly chose and sworn King of the Romans; at which Innocent greatly rejoyced, though he Pet. Mexia, fol. 423. could not but know that this reason was as valid, when he was formerly so zealous for Otho, and resolute against all others what­soever.

Frederick comes into Germany, is Crowned at Aix. Otho makes what opposition he can, but is overthrown, and so forced to with­draw and neglect the Empire: And thus being deposed again, Frederick remain'd as Supreme, and so had himself, with the Popes consent, the second time Spon. anno 1215. § 4. Crown'd at Aix. In the mean time was held a Great Council at the Lateran, whereby Transubstan­tiation got a good footing, and Temporal Princes were to be by the Pope deposed, and their Subjects absolved from their Alle­giance, if they neglected to extirpate out of their Dominions that which the Pope call'd Heresie.

Otho having been three years turned out, dyed; but, they say, so penitently, that he made the Bzov. an. 128. § 19. Spond [...]n. § 7, 8. Skullions of his Kitchen tread upon his neck; and though he remained a while in Purgatory, yet at last he was help'd into Heaven. Nor need we question his sanctity, seeing, as they tell us, being sick and weak, his side opened to let the Eucharist fly in, and then closed again; and I be­lieve it was as true in him as it was in Bonaventure.

Sect. 3. The troubles and deposing of the Emperour Frederick the Second.

FRederick II being thus Emperour, goeth to Rome, where he [...]220. was Crowned by Honorius III: but this peace lasted not long, Frederick having been abused by several in Italy, pretend­ed that the Pope took their parts: On the other side, Honorius would have the Emperour to go and reduce the Holy-land: Frederick pretended to retreeve and regain the Territories that formerly had belonged to the Empire; Honorius affirm'd they now belong'd to the Church and St. Peter: And thus bandying to and fro, some say that Honorius threw about his Excommu­cations.

Honorius dying, Gregory IX succeeds, and threatens Frederick year 1227 with Excommunication, if he set not sail for the Holy-land by such a time. The Emperour neglecting, is Excommunicated, and so seeing no remedy, sails to Syria, where he makes peace 122 [...]. with the Sultan, having Hierusalem and other places deliver'd to him: And yet is Gregory Pap Greg. [...]nus mo­lo [...]re ferens, quod Rom. Imp. Ex­communica­tus & Rebel­lis, ad terram Sanctam transierat. Mat. Paris, anno 1229. angry that he went thither, being Excommunicated, and a Rebel against him; and so intends to de­throne him: sends into Asia to the Nan [...]er. pag. 818. Hospitallers and Templers, that they should no way assist Frederick, but look upon him as a publick Enemy: who accordingly endeavour'd to Matt. Pa­ri [...]. p 35 [...]. betray him to the Saracen; but the Souldan out of a Noble Spirit scorned Treachery, and discovered it to the Emperour.

The Pope in the mean time having as he thought [...]ut him out work enough to do in the Holy-land, resolves to take opportuni­ty in his absence: so he sends into England, Mat. Pa­ris, p. 361. accusing of him of horrible-terrible Piccadiglio's, that he being Pag. 368. Excommuni­cated, should enter the Church at Hierusalem, and be Crowned, and then go to his Palace before his Souldiers with his Crown on; and then inviting several of the Noble Saracens to a Feast, did for recreation-sake let some Christian women dance before them. And to aggravate these, how he had taken some Church-monies probably to pay his Army, &c. but the burden of the lamentation was, that he might have some English moneys to help him in his Wars against the Emperour, whom he thinks it Justum esse & fidei Christianae necessarium, [...]t tam vali­ [...]ius Ecclesiae persecutor a fa [...]u Imporii depelle [...]etur. Mat. Paris, Ib. just and ne­cessary to have deposed from the Empire.

And what vast sums these canting stories obtain'd, is easily guess'd, when in England, Wales and Ireland, the very Church-Ornaments and Plate were sold or pawn'd to satisfie the [Page 267] Matt. Paris, anno 1229. pag. 361. 362. anno 1234. p. 400, 401, 40 [...], 554, 566, 613. 622, 623, 641, 645, 655, 658, 659, 660. 667, 691, 699, 700, 716, 722, 728, 818, 875, 956. Nic. Harps­field Hist. Eccles. pag. 477. Fox Tom. 1. pag. 369, 370. avarice of Rome: for if they gave not presently, the Nuntio threatned Excommunications and Interdictions; such a childish fear had the Papal Censures then possess'd men with, and to such an height of tyranny and impudence, to say no worse, had the Bishops of Rome stuffed out and swell'd themselves to, as if they had a Divine right over all the Moneys and Riches in the World: and thus is the case alter'd; Christ and St. Peter, rather then not pay their dues and tribute to their Temporal Prince, would be at the expence of a Miracle; but now the Kings and Princes must beggar and ruine themselves and Subjects, to satisfie the avarice of the Bishop of Rome, who pretends to be but a Vicar to the former; for if you deny this, he hath an hobgobling in his Budget, to boggle you to your ruine here, or damnation hereafter; though wise Kings should not regard such Censures upon such unjust grounds, and from those who have no Authority over them.

Gregory having thus got Money enough, falls upon those Lands which the Emperour pretended to in Italy, making the people Naucler. pag 818. rebel, and withdraw themselves from their (b) Allegiance, whereby he took many places: Frederick hearing of this Papal dealing, having made peace with the Souldan, resolves to return. The Pope informed of this, Matt. Pa­ris, anno 1229. pag, 364. way-lays him, hoping to seize up­on him when he little thought of it; but Frederick having notice, escaped all his snares, and landed safely in Sicily; and having strengthned himself, regain'd some places again. At last a 1230. peace is made between him and the Pope.

Not not longer after, the Pope and the Romans fell out, in­somuch that Gregory was glad to leave the City; but here the Emperour Matt. Pa­ris, anno 1 [...]34. pag. 408. 409. helps him at a dead lift, joyning his Forces to the Pope's, whereby the Romans were bang'd to the purpose. But let us see how the Pope requites this good turn. The Milanois a little after rebelling against the Emperour, he resolves (as it be­came him) to reduce those Traitors to obedience: Gregory per­swades him from that design, and would have him again forsooth to turn his Army into the Holy-land. But Frederick wisely thought Matt. Par. an. 1236. pag. 433. it was fitting to pacifie all at home first, and did not a little mar­vail that the Pope should interest himself for such perfidious peo­ple. But for all his wondering, Gregory assists the Milanois, sends them a great deal of money, and for further incouragement promiseth them more: the Milanois take courage; but whilst the Emperour is engaged against them, the Austrians, stir'd up either by the Id. pag. 4 [...]4, 439. Pope, or Fredericks Enemies, rise up against him, where­upon he was forced to forsake his design at Milan.

But having quiered all in Germany, he returns against the Re­bels year 1237 in Italy, earnestly desiring the Popes assistance against these Traytors. But Gregory after a Matt. Pa­ris, p. 444. 1238. dissembling manner made shew as if he also fear'd the Imperial Armies, and so neglected his aid. Frederick marcheth on, beateth the Milanois, conquering all the Rebels before him. The Pope seeing thus all to go well on the Emperours side, sends to him to spare the people, and accept of a peace. But these things not fadging according to the Popes humour, he Leagues himself with the Venetians and Genovois a­gainst Frederick, and then 1239. Excommunicates him, and absolves his Subjects from their Allegiance. And this be sends all over, with many aggravations against the Emperour, all which Frede­rick undertook to Matt. Pa­ris, p. 493, 494, 495, 496, 501, 520, 521. Pet. de Ven. lib. 1 Ep. 1. 50. answer.

At last, the breach widening, (and who would not be angry to loose an Empire?) disdain turn'd their Prose into Poetry: And Bzov. anno 1239. § 7 thus they Libel one another; which you may take as themselves relate it, with their variations. And first, they say, the Empe­rour thus shews himself.

Roma diu titubans
Variis.
longis erroribus act a
Totius mundi.
Corruet, & mundi desinet esset caput.
Rome so long shook with divers errours, shall
Now cease to be head of the World, and fall.

To which the Pope thus returns:

Niteris incassum navem submergere Petri,
Fluctuat, at nunquam
Mergitur illa.
desinet esse Ratis.
In vain thou striv'st to drown St. Peters boat,
It ne'er shall cease to be, but always float.

To which thus again Frederick:

Fata
Docent.
volunt, stellaque
Moment.
docent, avium (que) volatus,
Totius malleus unus erit.
Quod Fredericus ego Malleus Orbis ero.
The Fates, the Stars, and Auguries decree
That I the Conquerour of the world shall be.

And at last Gregory gives this return:

Fama re­sert.
Fata volunt, Scriptura docet, peccata loquuntur,
Quod tibi vita brevis, poena perennis erit.
The Fates and Scripture tell, your sins report,
Your pains shall never end, though life but short.

Acts & Mon. Tom. 1. p. 409. John Fox affords you other Verses to this purpose.

Gregory having thus, by his toyish Censures, deprived Frede­rick, as he thought, [and some Italian writers look upon him for the future as no Emperour,] consults for a new Election, and at last pitcheth upon Robert Brother to the King of France. But this by the French St. Lewis is rejected as ridiculous, alledging the Matt. Paris p. 517, 518. Jo. de Bus­sieres, Tom. 2. pag. 134. Pope to have no power over the Emperour, and that Frederick was a good Christian, Neighbour, Friend and Ruler: And so this design fell to the ground. The Pope being thus frustrated by so great a Monarch, entred into a Treaty with Frederick; but though agreement made, being fickle-humoured, he would Id. pag. 541. stand to nothing, to the amazement and grief of his own Legates. How­ever, Gregory resolved to undo the Emperour, summon'd a Coun­cil to confirm his deposition; but this was hindred by Fredericks seizing of some Cardinals and Bishops going thither, and the Popes year 1241 death; who had given Mutius, pag. 209. Indulgences to all those who would take up the Croisaidy against the Emperour.

The death of Gregory ended not the troubles of Frederick; for Innocent IV was as furious against him as the former, though a [Page 269] friend to him when a Cardinal; which made the Emperour, upon notice of his Election (knowing that Authority commonly alters the man, and Popes used to be enemies to the Empire) say, That he had lost a good Cardinal friend, but got a mortal enemy being Pope: And this proved true. Yet the Emperour being stronger in Italy, Innocent fled into France, where he excommunicates Frederick; of which Mat. Paris tells us this following story.

A certain Curate of Paris having received the Order to excom­municate year 1245 him, and not liking such dealings against the Emperour, yet willing in some way to satisfie the command, thus bespake his Parishioners:—Give ear all good people, I have received or­der Mat Paris an. 1245. p. 654. to pronounce the solemn sentence of Excommunication against the Emperour Frederick, the Candles put out, and Bells ringing. But not knowing the reason, though I am not ignorant of the great quarrel and inexorable hatred between them; and I know also that one of them doth injure the other, but which is the offender I know not: Therefore, so far forth as my power doth extend, I excom­municate and pronounce excommunicated one of the two; namely, he that doth injury to the other: and I doe absolve him that doth suf­fer the injury, which is so hurtful to all Christendome.—At which honest meaning humour, the Emperour was very well plea­sed, whilst the Pope on the other hand was as much offended. Who, to make his cause more plausible, gets a Council call'd at Lyons, where the Emperour is again excommunicated, though the Pope would not permit him to come there in person to answer for himself, nor remit any of his fury towards him, though the Kings of France and England would ingage for his good behaviour and due obedience.

Frederick being informed how the Pope and Council had de­clared him deposed, plucks up his spirits, plays the man, despiseth their trifling authority over him, affirms himself no subject to their Mat. Paris p. 679. deposition, calls for his Crown, puts it on his head, and bravely and wisely resolves to keep it there.

On the other side, those on the Popes faction looking upon 1245. 1246. Frederick as deposed, consult another election, and at the Popes Instigation chose Henry Lantsgrave of Turinge, (of whom or some other they had Mat. Paris p. 608. formerly the same thoughts) and Crown him at Aken. Though St Lewes King of France, upon many rea­sons would gladly have Id. p. 697. perswaded the Pope to a recon­ciliation with the Emperour Frederick, but Innocent would not.

Henry the Lantsgrave enjoyed not his Title long, being woun­ded year 1247 to death, as some say, as he was besieging Ʋlme; after whom, and a design upon some Mat. Paris p. 808. others, by the same means was ele­cted William Earle of Holland, who Notae in Hadr. Barland. Hist. com. Hol­land, p. 67. 1250. some say was afterwards Crown'd by Pope Innocent at Genoa, whom we shall leave rejoy­cing at the departure of Frederick, who dyed in Italy, some say poysoned, others think stifled. However it be, he was an excel­lent Scholar and Linguist, speaking French, Italian, German, Latin, Greek and Arabick; and indued with many rare vertues: yet some do so dote upon a blind Pontificall Obedience, that they will impudently take upon them the part of an Omnipotent Diety, and tell you that he is V [...]d. Spon­dam. an. 1250. § 19. damn'd; and all this, I suppose, because he would not let his Empire be childishly and foolishly taken and [Page 270] pluck'd from him by his Holiness, who hath as much autho­rity to depose Kings, as Cromwell or Ravillac to murther them.

Sect. 4. The Guelfs and Gibbillins, with other troubles of the Em­pire.

AT these times those who took part with the Popes were cal­led Guelphs, and those who sided with the Emperours, Gib­bilins; the occasion of which denomination some Authors tell as followeth, though the beginning of the story every man may be­lieve as he pleaseth.

Irmentrudis, Wife to Isenbard Earle of Altorff, not only abu­sing Pezel. part 3 p. 109. a poor woman for having several children at a birth, but also causing her to suffer as an Adulteress, as if by a judgement, was the next year after her self brought to bed of twelve Sons; and fearing to suffer by her own former judgement, ordered a woman to drown eleven of them, she reserving onely one. The woman hired to obedience, goeth towards the River, meets the Earl, who asked her what she was carrying; she replyed, Whelps: he desi­red to see them; she denyeth, but by force he obtains, makes the Woman confess the truth, at which we may suppose him not a little troubled: he hath them conveyed to a Miller, there pri­vately nurs'd up, and the woman to keep Counsel, but to re­turn, and tell her Lady that she had drowned them. Six years af­ter the Earle makes a great Feast, hath these eleven Boys clad as the twelfth was, and brought in; and inquired of his guests what punishment was fitting for those who would have killed such pret­ty children: at which the Lady suspecting, swounded; but com­ing to her self again, upon her knees confest all, pleaded sim­plicity, and desired pardon, which was granted her: but for memory of the story, the Earl ordered that their sirnames should be Whelps, or Guelfs, i. e. little young dogs or whelps. Thus much for the original name of these after Dukes of Saxony and Bavaria. But Hist. de Guelfis prin­cipibus. vid. Hen. Can [...]s. Antiq Lecti­on Tom 1. pag. 179. Altorfensis, or Weingartensis tells other sto­ries of this name, as probable as the former, and it may be all alike.

As for Gibelin, the common opinion is, that the Emperour Con­rade III. or his Son Henry, was either born or nursed at a Town so called in Schwaben; and that this Emperour being very powerful in arms, the Italians fear'd him, and so the better to keep him imployed at home, Roger King of Sicily stir'd up the Bavarians Naucler p. 750. and others against him. The two Armies joyning, the Bavarians cryed out, Hie Guelff, their General being called Guelpho; and the Imperialists shouted out as loud, Hie We [...]b [...]ingen a Castle not far from Stut­gart [...] in the Dukedom of W [...]rin [...]burg in Se [...]n. Gibelin, in relation to their General, young Or Con­rade himself. Christ. Be­s [...]ld. Synop­si [...] hist. p. 406 Henry, so called from the Town of his birth or nursery. And the Pope in this was concerned too; In­nocent II. being supposed to have an hand in this Revolt and war against the Emperour. But these Names, some say, were almost forgot, till they were again revived in the days of Frederick the II.

Others will not go to Germany for this story, but lay its origi­nal in Italy, & that when there were deadly feuds between the Pet. Mexia, selva rino­vata, part 2. c. 39. Cancellieri and Panciatici in the City Pistoia in Tuscany, at what time also there chanced to be two Potent Brothers called Guelfo and Gibellino, the one siding with one party, and the other with the other, and that with such eagerness, that from them each faction after took denomination, (as Tho. Lans. consult. orat. contra Ita­liam; p. 816. Italy hath been several times rent by such private feuds) and afterwards Frederick adhe­ring to one, and Gregory joyning to the other, the Imperialists were called Gibbelins, and the Popelins Guelfs; under which two names Italy for several years suffered infinite miseries; not only Cities and Towns, but Families and nearest Relations being di­vided in this quarrel, whereby they prosecuted one another with all fury imaginable; Father against Son, Brother against Brother, nay, the Wife and Husband oftentimes indeavouring one anothers destruction. Of which unnatural Hatred and Tyranny, the old Mendicant Fryer Figurae Bi­bliae, fo [...]. 65, 66. Anthonius a Rampengolis, according to his old way, will tell you many Scripture-Allusions. But to conclude, some say they took beginning first at Pisa, there the Faction first arising.

After the death of Frederick II. some of the Italianized Histo­rians are willing to have the Empire voyd for some years, some more or less; but be it as it will, I shall hastily run over some passages between the Popes and those, by others held for Empe­rours of the West.

William, we see the Pope cannot well deny, having been so great an instrument to his promotion, and Bzov. an. 1251. § 2. Spond. § 1. perswading of him again to it: and yet we find him very earnest with Mat. Paris an 1251. p. 808. Haco King of Norway to take the Empire upon him.

Now Innocent seeing Frederick dead, resolves for Italy; and it is pretty to observe with what a complement he took his fare­well of Lyons, where he had been entertain'd all this while. For the more glory of the business, by a Cryer all the Citizens are Mat. Paris p. 819. warned to attend his Holiness; and being all met, Cardinal Hugo, in the Name of the Pope, made a Farewell-Sermon to them, con­cluding thus,—Loving friends, we have performed much good, and done great Alms since our being in this City: for when we first came hither, we found but Tria vel quatuor Pro­stibula in­ven mus, sed nunc rece­dentes unum solum relin­quin [...]s, ve­rum ipsum durat conti­nuatum ab orientali p [...]rta [...]lvita tis us (que) ad occidenta­lem. Mat. Paris p. 856: Mat. Paris p. 892. three or four common Stews or Brothel-houses; but now at our departure, we leave you but one, but such an one that extends it self all along from the East-gate even to the West-gate of the City.

Innocent being in Italy, bends himself against Conrade, Son to Frederick, by the Germans call'd Emperour, by others King of Naples and Sicily; whom he perswaded William to root out of the Empire, assisted with his Excommunications and Deprivations, and sollicites Richard Brother to our English Henry III. to take upon him the Protection of Conrades other Territories in Italy. For this, Richard desired some assistance from the Pope, and some Frontier Towns, whither upon occasion he might retire: but the Pope denying all conditions, as if all people were obliged to fight for him, and he take his ease; Richard knowing that without these concessions he could not be able to conquer Conrade, wisely replyed to Albert the Legat, that the Pope might as well say, Loe, I sell or give to thee the Moon, ascend and take her. Whereupon this treaty fell. But the Pope then falls to work with King Henry [Page 272] himself, whom he knew to be Ad damna propria pro­num, & cre­dulum. Ib. credulous, and apt to run into his own ruine. Henry easily consents to this, sending the Pope a great deal of Money; and the Pope, as if to requite him, stays the Croisado-Forces designed for the Holy-land, that they might serve the King of England against Conrade, to the grief of the Christians in Palestine: which must be a crime in him, if it were any in Frederick.

And to make Conrade more odious, he bespatters him with multitude of Accusations; to all which Conrade Vid. Will. Wats Addi­tamenta Matt. Paris, apud fi [...]em, p 192, 193, 194. answered at large, and at last dyed, as most men say by Poyson. Not long before him, dyed at Bugden in Huntingtonshire Robert Grost head (Capito or Great-head) Bishop of Lincolne. The Pope no sooner heard of the death of Conrade, but with a cheerful heart, a smiling countenance, and a triumphing voice, he cryes out—Matt. Pa­ris, p. 89 [...]. Truly I rejoyce, and let all us that belong to the Roman Church be glad, because two of our greatest Enemies are taken away, Robert Bishop of Lincolne, and Conrade King of Sicily.—And yet for Ro­bert of Lincolne I dare boldly say, that he was the greatest Scho­lar and most knowing man in his days in the World. And the Nic. Harpsfield Hist. Eccles. p. 477. Jo. Pistreus, p. 326, 227. Romanists themselves will magnifie him for all manner of Vertues and Holiness, and not stick to say that his many Matt. Pa­ris, p. 876, 880, 88 [...], 903. Har [...]s­fie [...]d, p. 47 [...]. Mi­racles were evident signs of his Saintship.

But to pass by these things, Pope Innocent himself dyed pre­sently after. And if they will put now any credit in Visions, [of which they have formerly so much gloryed, as to bring Argu­ments from them to prove their Religion, as you may see at large in Daurovetius] both a Pope and a Cardinal will assure them of the Matt. Pa­ris pag. 897, 903, 904. miserable condition of this Innocent in the other World, for his bad living in this. But this I leave to them onely, who de­light in and vindicate themselves by such ware.

Yet before I part with this Innocent IV, give me leave to tell the Reader, that this is him, who once in a rant, thus vapour'd out his Authority—Nonne Rex Anglo­rum noster est vassalus? & ut plus di­cam, manci­pium; qui potest eum nuta nostro incar [...]erate, & ignominiae man [...] p [...]e. Matt. Paris, anno 1 [...]53. pag. 872. What, is not the King of England our Vassal? nay, and to say more, our SLAVE; whom at a beck I can cause to be imprisoned and exposed to all ignominy.

After Alexander IV, Ʋrban IV, then Clement IV sate in St. Pe­ters Chair (as they phrase it:) which Clement before his Popedome was B. Car­ranza, sum. Concil. pag. 814. Bzov. anno 1265. § 1. Spondan. Io. Guil. Ri­shanger con­tinuat. Matt. Paris, p. 999 Genebrard Con p 9 [...]5. 1272. [...] p. 975, 976. marryed, and had several Children. After his death the See of Rome was void three years, the Cardinals not agreeing, but wrangling amongst themselves, every one hoping to be the man. These self-ended interests and designs, and yet all pretending the Elections to be by the Infallible inspiration of the Holy Ghost, made one of the Cardinals, it seems of a more free humour than the rest, thus jeeringly advise them,—Let us open the top of the Conclave, for the Holy-Ghost cannot descend upon us through so many Roofs.—At last Theobald Archbishop of Liege is chosen, who call'd himself Gregory X. Of this wrangling Election the for­mer Cardinal of Porto made this riming Distick.

Papatus munus, tulit Archidiaconus unus,
Quem Patrem Patrum, fecit discordia fratrum.
An Archdeacon's made Pope, and at Rome sits a vicaring,
Made Father of Fathers, by the Cardinals bickering.

But returning to Germany, William of Holland departing out of this World by violence, some say, the Prince Electors differ about a new Emperour: Some stand for Richard Duke of Corn­wall; and him, they say, the Pope favoured, the main reason being his Riches, according to the Proverb,

Nummus ait pro me, nubit Cornubia Romae.
For me the money speaks it self;
Rome Marries Cornwal for his pelf.

Other Electors chose Don Alphonso X, King of Castile and Leon, so famous for his love to Astronomy and other Sciences. But Richard made more haste, and was Crown'd at Aken: yet some will account neither of these for Emperours, though De jure status, l. 3. c. 4. p. 287, 288. Bo­zius confesseth that of necessity one of them should and ought to be Emperour; yet the same Romanist will easily dash away the necessity with his almighty Argument, viz. because it was not the Popes pleasure to confirm either of them. And yet they confess that Pope Spondan. anno 1259. § 8. Alexander IV earnestly desired our English Richard to go to Rome and receive the Imperial Crown. And after Ri­chards death, Alonso of Spain could not obtain it. But the Ele­ctors then went to a new Election, and chose Rodulph Earl of Habsburg (upon the Northern Coasts of Helvetia.) I shall not trou­ble my self here with the Original of this Family, whether Ger­man or Italian, but refer you to a late Tract, said to be a Post­hume of that busie-pated Gasp. Sciop. de August. Dom. Au­stria Ori­gine. Scioppius, and a later and more large Volume by Germania, Part. 3. & vid. M [...]c. Eyzinger: Genealog. Princ. Au­st [...]ae, & Spond. anno 1273. § 8. Gabriel Bucelinus, who will refer you to others. Yet this we must grant, that from this Family, the famous House of Austria, and almost all the German Emperours to this day have sprung.

This Emperour Rodulph, the Pope would gladly have had gone into Italy to receive his Crown of him; but Rodulf utterly refused it, Pet. M [...]xia, fol. 444. Spond [...] anno 1277. § 3. alledging for his reason Aesop's Fable, how the Fox would not go to the Lyon, because he observed no Foot-prints of any beasts returning safe out, of those who had formerly go [...]e to visit him. And this he took to be the case of the Emperours his Predecessors, few of them but loosing by their journey, and having cause to repent of their expensive and abused travails. And this some others observing, Italy in time fell off from the Empire: The Pope by no means allowing of a Neighbour so neer and so potent.

Rodulph dying, Adulph Earl of Nassaw was elected, by the cun­ning year 1292 of Gerhard Archbishop of Mentz his Kinsman. But having ruled VI years, and Albert son to Rodulf being strong in Arms, the Prince Electors meet, and depose him, and elect the said Al­bert Duke of Austria. Adulf, not willing to loose his Empire so easily, raiseth what force he could; meets his Enemy, fights him, and is slain in the field. The time of his death or murther, his Nic. Serar. Hist. Mo­gunt. p. 847. Na [...]cler. p. 867. Epitaph in the Monastery of Frowenfeldt will tell; some place it a year or two sooner.

Anno milleno
Trecentis bis minus annis
trecenteno minus uno
In Julii mense, Rex Adolphus ruit ense:

CHAP. II.

1. The troubles of John King of England.

2. The Murther of Erick the Sixth, and Erick the Seventh, Kings of Denmark.

3. The deposing of Baldwin the Second, Emperour of Con­stantinople.

4. The beheading of Conrado the young King of Naples.

Sect. 1. The troubles of John King of England.

HAving lately seen the troubles of the Empire, by means of Papal Tyranny, let us now take a view of some other parts of Christendom; and first at home, we may meet with King John in a lamentable condition, by the Popes Usurpati­on, and his own Subjects disobedience: of which briefly thus:

Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury dying, a company of the Adolescen­tes, Matt. Paris, pag. 212. young Monks, that they might have their humour, presently, at midnight, before ever Huberts Corps was buryed, without ever acquainting the King with their design, meeting secretly together, made a solemn Election, and chose Reginald their Sub-prior, placing him upon the High Altar, then in the Archiepiscopal Chair, singing Te Deum. But lest the King should have knowledge of this their actings without his consent, they oblige Reginald by Oath not to behave himself as Elect, till their farther allowance; nor to discover it to any, till he had got to Rome and designed the Popes Confirmation.

Reginald with some of the Monks, the same night, departs in haste towards the Pope; but being got into Flanders, he would not keep Oath or secrecy, bravely telling what he was. The Monks hearing of this, thought it best to send to the King to have an Election; some say, the Fox, Acts Mon. Tom. 1. pag. 324. Elder Monks sent to the King to desire his license to go to Election, as if they had known nothing what the younger had done. The desire of the Monks for an Election, the King very Benigne [...]. Mat. Paris. favourably granted, recommending to them John Grey Bishop of Norwich, it behooving of him to have such a trusty Friend in that great Place, remembring that all went not well with him by the late Hubert's too much complying year 1206 with the French. Accordingly the Monks of Canterbury Elect John; and to make him without all exception, the Pope was sent to for confirmation.

In this business the suffragan Bishops of Canterbury bestir'd them­selves, [Page 275] sending also to Rome their complaint, because the Electi­ons were made without them: but the Pope stopt their mo [...]ths, by declaring that they neither had, nor should have to doe there.

And now the Monks act their parts before the Pope; the youn­ger fry standing for Reginald, the others for John Grey; alleadg­ing that the election of Reginald could not be of any force, being stoln, cheatingly done, at midnight, without the Kings consent; and so desired the confirmation of John, as being done by the gra­ver and Paris, p. 22 [...]. major part of the Monks, publickly at day time, the King present, and consenting. To these the other party had no­thing to say, but that if Reginalds election had been just or un­just, they ought to have null'd it before they went to a second. And Innocent willing to be satisfied with this poor shift of the younger Monks, and to strengthen himself by another election, null'd both, commanding neither John nor Reginald should be held for Arch-bishops of Canterbury.

This being done by his potent Holiness, he commends to their choice Stephen Langton an English Cardinal; but the Monks de­sire excuse, honestly alleadging, that they would not doe it with­out the Kings consent; and farther, that they had no authority for such an action committed to them by their Covent; and indeed they were but a few sent to Italy, to plead about the two former elected. The Pope angry at these reasons, too too strong and honest for him to answer, dishonestly told them, that they had the whole and compleat power of Canterbury committed to them; and far­ther, Paris, p. 222, 225. that it was not the custome to attend the consent of Prin­ces touching elections made before the Pope; a Doctrine too ridi­culous to be confuted, and therefore he did command them upon their obedience, and pain of the highest curse, to chuse him for Arch-bishop whom he had appointed. To these non▪ sensicall Thundrings, the poor Monks for fear of excommunication obey'd; though very unwillingly, and not without grumbling; onely one play'd the Christian and Honest man, and refused to consent to such stuff.

This being done, Pope Innocent, hoping to work the King to his will, very gravely sent him four gold rings, and as many stones, for a bribe; for every Goose must be a Swan that comes from Ho­ly Rome: and lest the King should not know the meaning of such a sanctified present, his Holiness takes a great deale of pains to tell him, after this (I will not say canting) fashion.—The roundness of the Ring signifies eternity; their number, the four chief vertues, Justice, Fortitude, Prudence and Temperance. As for the four Stones, the Saphire signifieth Hope, the Pome­granate Charity, the Emrald Faith, and the Topaz a good work. The King at first was a little new-fangled with them, but then re­jected them as trifles.

After this Pageantry, Innocent sheweth his design, desiring the King to admit of Langton for Arch-bishop. But though to the King he made his request humbly, yet to the Prior and Monks of Canterbury he altered the case, commanding them upon their o­bedience to admit of Langton; whereby, under his humble Vi­zard to the King, was discovered a peremptory injunction, re­solving that at least he should be as obedient as the Monks.

At this the King was angry, but most at the Monks of Canter­bury, [Page 276] for bringing him into this noose, declaring them guilty of Treason, for chusing Reginald (the occasion of all this mischiefe) contrary to the Prerogative of the Crown; and then again for electing in Italy, Stephen Langton, his Inimicum suum publi­cum. publick enemy; for which he had them banished his Dominions: then writes to the Pope, wondring at the intrusion of such a man as Langton, one altogether unknown to him, and one brought up all along amongst his enemies in France, and one not rightly elected. Adding, that for his part he would stand for the liberties of his Crown till death; Nor would he let the election of John Grey be null'd; and if in these things he were slighted, he would permit no more of his sub­jects to trudge to Rome.

The Pope atts him again, whetting his stile, bidding him re­member how Becket dyed for the Church; and writes to the Bi­shops of London, Ely, and Worcester, to interdict the whole King­dom, if they found the King Contuma­cem & Re­bell [...]m. disobedient and rebellious. They acquaint the King with this Mandate, who is willing to conde­scend, with the Salvo's Pr [...]ns Hist. of Popes in­tol. u [...]u [...]pat. bo [...]k 3. c. 1. p. 251. that his rights, liberties, and digni­ties may not be violated. But the Bishops would allow none of these conditions, (and yet we must think it hard that Becket might not have the liberty of Salvo's) which provoked the King so much, thus to be trod upon by his own subjects, that he swore (per dentes Domini) that if they or any other of his subjects should presume to interdict his Dominions, he would send them with the rest of their fraternity to their friend the Pope, and confis­cate their goods; and so warn'd them from his presence.

Stephen Langton had in England a Brother call'd Simon, who also came in the presence of the Bishops, to desire the admittance of his brother to Canterbury: to whom the King proffer'd to do so, Pryn p. 252 saving only his right and dignity. But no sooner began the King to mention this Salvo, but Simon replyed in an insolent manner—He would do nought for the King therein, unless he would wholly refer himself into his hands, without any such sa­ving.—The Bishops seeing the King would not dance after their pipe, without fear or wit interdict the whole Kingdom; which continued almost six years; by which means there was no use of divine service, only Christening of Children, and giving the Sacrament to the dying; insomuch that the Church-doors were shut up, some say, wall'd up, and the bodies of the dead carried out into the fields, and thrown into ditches or high-ways like Corpora defunctorum decivitatibus & villis [...]ffe­rebantur, & mora canum in biv [...]is & fossatis sine orationibus & sacer [...] [...]n ministe­rio sepelie­ba [...]tur. Paris p 226. Dogs, without any prayers or Christian offices. An ex­cellent sign of the meekness and charity of him that glories to be Christs Vicar, to unchristen (as I may say) a whole Kingdom for one mans fault, supposing him an offender; though the case be­ing truly stated, the contrary will appear, or at least not meri­ting so grand a punishment. For, if the Pope hath power to no­minate to all Bishopricks, he must have it either by divine right, and so unalterable (and therefore the now Roman Catholick Kings, who deny such power, are guilty, and the Popes too, for allowing or winking at it) or by the Kings concessions, which is of no validity; no Monarch having authority to transfer his Pre­rogatives to a forraign power; and if they doe so, of no force to bind their successors: besides, story tells us, that a little before this, the Bishops of England rejected the designs of the Bishop of St. Davids, meerly because he was elected at [...]rus Hist. of Popes u­surpat. l. [...]. c. 1. p. 236. Rome: whereby [Page 277] we may judge Pope Innocent to have been more faulty and ex­travagant than King John.

The Bishops aforesaid perceiving to what inconveniency and danger, being Subjects, they had run themselves into, by op­posing their Soveraign, in behalf of a Forreign Power, stole out of the Kingdom, Excommunicating those who obey'd the King.

The King seeing himself and Nation thus trampled upon, seized upon all the Church-mens Lands that obey'd this Interdiction, and refused to celebrate Divine-Service; yet was so favourable, as to allow the Dissenters and Rebels to sell their Corn for their better provisions. And the white Monks, in obedience to God, the King, and their Duty, continuing to say Divine-Service for the benefit of Christian people, were again suspended by the Pope, and for their compliance to their duty, they were not after allowed the same Priviledge as others, who right or wrong obeyed the Pope and his Forreign Authority.

The King weary of these troubles, was willing to comply with 121 [...]. the admission of Langton, and the restauration of others, whom he had exiled for their disobedience. But give a little, take an Ell; if he condescended so far, they doubted not to make him grant more; and therefore they would have him refund the Treasures of the vacant Churches, by reason of the banishment of the turbulent spirits. This he refus'd as an impossibility, having imploy'd them for the security of his Dominions in these tulbu­lent times. Being not satisfied in this trifle, they scorn to agree with him; which made many leave their Flocks here, and go be­yond Seas to the Kings Enemies. Upon which the King wisely and bravely, by Proclamation, orders all to return to their respective Churches by such a day, or to forfeit their incomes; and that all should be seiz'd upon, who brought any Order or Bull from the Pope into his Dominions for that time; knowing such things could then bring no peace to him or his Kingdom.

The Pope seeing King John stand so resolutely for his Pre­rogative, year 1212 and Freedom of his Subjects from Forreign yoaks, goeth to his last refuge, pulls out his Nut-cracker and Louse-trap, by which he deprives the King of his Dominions, absolves his Sub­jects from their Allegiance, curseth all those who take the Kings part. And because this of it self hath no more power then a Dogs barking over the Moon, he sends to the King of France, P [...]is, p. [...]31. desiring him to seize upon the Kingdom of England; for he, liberal man, had given it to him and his Heirs, (he might as well have given the Moon:) and to carry this the more clearly, he commanded all the Nobles, Knights, and other Warriors in se­veral Countries to assist the King of France, and cross themselv [...]s (a Military Badge appointed for those who went against the In­fidels in the Holy-land) for this enterprise: and they need not doubt of a reward, he having order'd that their souls in this war­fare, shall have the same benefit as those who visit the sacred Sepulchre; which we may suppose to be no less than the In remissi­onem suo­ [...]um pecca­minum. Pa­ri, p. 233, 238. Paris, p. 232. [...]ryn, p. 266. par­don of all their sins.

And the better to withdraw Englishmen (observed to be apt to give credit to tatling Prophecies) from their obedience, they had thrust up one Peter of Prontfract. Stow. p. 169. Peter Wakefield of Poiz, to Pro­phesie the death or downfal of the King by such a day; to which [Page 278] a great many idle people gave too much credit; but being found a false cheating knave, according to his deserts he was hang'd.

The King, to preserve himself and people from the French, had year 1213 got to the Sea-Coasts a mighty Army and Navy; but a compositi­on hindred their action. For Pandolphus (who had been in England once before) the Popes Legate, landed at Dover, tells King John with what a great force the French were coming against him, with whom joyn'd many of the English Clergy, and that almost all his Nobility would fall from him, having contrary to their Allegi­ance ingaged so to do: And therefore perswaded him to submit himself to the Pope, to hinder those inconveniences, and thereby to keep himself a King.

The King m [...]inly troubled at these treacherous dealings of his own Subjects, not knowing where to turn himself, was I know not how terrified and overperswaded into an Ignominious con­descention to the Pope, by admitting of Stephen Langton to be A [...]chbishop, and the rest of his Rebellious Subjects to their for­mer conditions; and then, unkingly, to resign up the Kingdoms of England and Ireland to the Pope, by taking off his Crown, kneel­ing, giving it to Pandolphus, and laying the Royal Scepter, Robe, Sword and Ring at the Legates feet: which Pandolf kept five days, and then allow'd the King to have them again. A thousand Marks [...] Silver he also paid there for the Pope, which the Legate as in a triumph trad upon: for we must not think that he de­spi [...] [...]nd left it behind him.

[...] so having thus gotten all that heart could wish, takes off the [...]ict, and lets England turn Christian once again: Though [...] us that King John's submissions were of no force to [...]erity, no King having power to give away his King­ [...]ake it tributary to a Forreigner, no way akin to the [...]. Nor could a Christian Bishop, by following our Savi­ou [...]s, whose Foundation lay onely on Spirituals, thus make it h [...] business, and wicked haughty design, to make all Kings and Kingdoms Tributary or subject to his deposing and disposing of. But for a farther nullity of King John's grant and concession, I shall refer you to Mr. Hist. of Popes Usurp. p. [...]0 [...], [...]91, 2 [...]2. [...]0 pag. [...]20. Prynne. And as for this Innocent III, who thus domineer'd over Temporal Princes, though these actions were enough to tell you what he was, yet Matthew Paris in plain words will inform you, that he was Super om­ [...]es morta [...]es [...]osus [...], & su­ [...]bus, pe­ [...] (que) siti­tor insatia­ [...]ilis, & ad [...]nia scele­ra pro prae­müs, datis v [...]l p [...]o [...]sis cer [...]um & [...], M [...]. Paris, pag. 245. the proudest and ambitious man in the world, most greedy and covetous of Silver; for which he was apt to do all manner of wickedness.

When the Pope had thus, as he thought, obtain'd King John to be his Vassal, and so the Kingdom his, he took his part after a­gainst his Enemies, thereby the better to preserve what he had at last got in England. And so passing by the several Rebellions against the King by his own Subjects, their renouncing their Alle­giance to him, and declaring themselves subject to Lewes of France, and suchlike; King John dyed, but the cause of his death is not agreed upon, some saying a surfeit, others grief, and others that he was poysoned by the Monks of Swinsted-Abby in Lincolnshire, who were of the Cistercian Order, who thought them­selves opprest by King John.

Father W [...]r [...] [...] pag. [...] [...]20. Parsons is very furious against any that shall say this King was poysoned, nor will he grant any Authority for it before [Page 279] Caxton and Trevisa: though by his favour, besides those ancient Authors mentioned by Speed and Fox, [...]ryn, pag. 366. others, I my self have seen several old Fol. F. [...]2. fol. R. 67. Q [...]arto l. 35. Arch. Cant. in B [...]bl. Bodleian. Oxon. & Chron. Anti (que) in English Verse Manuscript, lib. Digb. numb. 196. & Manuscript Digb. numb. 186. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Manuscript-Histories of England writ before Caxton, who expresly declare the manner of his poysoning. But be it as it will, 'tis certain that it is no Protestant invention, but first recorded by Romanists themselves.

Sect. 2. The Murther of Erick the Sixth and Erick the Seventh, Kings of Denmark.

HAving entertain'd you somewhat long in England, we shall be the shorter abroad; and first, looking Northward into Denmark, Ericus VI [Henry] was murdered by the contrivance of his Brother Abel. The story in short thus: Abel longing for year 1250 the Crown, took an occasion (when the King once went to visit year 1251 him) to entertain him with all manner of love and respect; but while he was playing at Chess or Tables with a Nobleman, Krantz. Dan. lib. 7. some Souldiers appointed rush into the Chamber, take out the King, carry him on Ship-board, cut off his head, tye some weight to his body, and throw it into the Sea, not far from Sleswick.

And not long after this, was King Erick VII of the same King­dom, year 1286 murdered in bed by his own Subjects, receiving upon his body about LVI wounds.

Sect. 3. The deposing of Baldwin the Second, Emperour of Con­stantinople.

I Have not troubled you a long while with the Eastern Empi e, because they would object it not to be of the Fellowship with Rome: but now a word or two will not be amiss.

Baldwin II being Emperour of Constantinople, and a Tho. Bo­zius, de jure status, pag. 287, 288. law­ful one too, as they confess, was by force without any pretence or right thrust out of it by Michael Palaeologus, who to add wick­edness to wickedness, contrary to his Oath, put out the eyes of John the young Heir; yet because there is no villany without some sign and pretence of sanctity, An. 1259. § 6. Bzovius flyeth out in com­mendation of his Piety and Holiness, because when he was about this Rebellion, he had the Image of the Virgin Mary carryed be­fore him into Constantinople.

Baldwin complains to other Princes, and he is like to have as­sistance, Pope Spond an. 1261. § 10. Ʋrban IV being for him too against Michael. Upon this, Palaeologus is in a peck of troubles, fearing to have [Page 280] more Enemies upon him than he can cope with; and in this sad condition, he findes no remedy like making the Pope his friend. A strange attempt, to fancie that the Infallible holy Father would have any friendship with such a Rebel: but on he goeth, cunning­ly pulls out his bait, and sends to the Pope that a S [...]ond. an. 1263. § 6, 7. Union might be made between the Graecian and Roman Churches; and, which must not but be brag'd of, he gave him all the finest good morrows and glorious Titles of Bzev. an. 1203. § 13. Holiness, Father of Fathers, Prince of all Priests, Ʋniversal Doctor of the Church, &c.

Pope Ʋrban at the receipt of this Letter is almost mad for joy, Id. anno 1264. § 2. writes back to Palaeologus, adorning him with all the glorious Titles he can think of, not a little proud that now there was hopes for inlargement of the Popes Dominions, by his Sub unus pasioris re­gimine. sole governing the Eastern as well as the Western Churches: a Sway and Authority which for many Ages the Popes had earnest­ly gaped after.

In the mean time Ʋrban IV dying, Clement IV succeeds, with whom the same League was driven on: but some might have thought that all would have been spoil'd, when the Pope per­ceived Michael to play the jugler, and underhand to Id. anno 1266. § 9. plot with Romes Enemies, and that all his fair pretences were onely to get the ruine of his Lord Baldwin. But no such matters; for if the Pope got but his design, he would wink at the others petty contrivances. But this Pope ruled not long; and after him the See being void for above two years, by reason of the wrangling of the then few Cardinals, no great matter was done, onely Mi­chael to look to himself.

At last Gregory X is set in the Roman Chair. In the mean time Baldwin, to strengthen himself, marrieth his Son to the Daugh­ter of Charles King of Sicily or Naples. Charles seeing himself so neer related to an Empire, resolves to gain it; to which pur­pose he rais'd many Forces. This puts Michael to his wits­ends, in this distress scarce knowing whither to turn himself: at last he knew the Pope used to be good Friends to such as he at a dead lift; and therefore he sends to Gregory X newly made Pope, to have the Union between the two Churches setled, pro­vided he would Modo Ca­ [...]ol [...] expediti­onem aver­teret. Bzov. anno 1271. § 5. hinder Charles from his attempts against him. And so the story of the Union goeth on, not belonging to my purpose.

In short, Michael Palaeologus must be true Emperour of Con­stantinople, and Baldwin rejected; nor must we think any injury done in this, onely because it pleas'd this Gregory X so to order it: and of this Example and Jurisdiction De jure status, l. 3. c. 4. p. 287, 288. Thomas Bozius is not a little proud; and how should the Pope, who is infallible, and hath power over all Kingdoms, do injustice or wrong?

Sect. 4. The beheading of Conrado, the young King of Naples.

HEre I might inlarge in relating the Popes Usurpations over the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily. But I shall only instance in the misfortune of young Conradino, who without any shew of Reason or Justice was basely deprived, by the plots and contrivance of Pope Clement IV, who putting his Oar in another mans Boat, and year 1266 medling with that, with which he had nothing to do, very impu­dently gives these Kingdoms to the French Charles of Anjou, and accordingly Crowns him King; though I wonder how either he or St. Peter came to have any right to dispose of those Territo­ries. But thus is Theft, Robbery and Treason sanctified and made legal by the Popes fiat.

Young Conradinus marcheth out of Germany to redeem his right Inheritance, knowing none but Fools or Knaves would va­lue such an Antichristian Donation. Clement seeing Conradino not willing to loose his Kingdom, sends to him to desist, or else he will curse him with Bell, book and Candle, and prohibits all people to assist him. Conradine knowing such Censures not to have been year 1268 justified to maintain wickedness, marcheth on; then the Pope falls to his Dog-tricks, Excommunicates and deprives him, and all those who take his part, and q [...]its their Subjects from their Al­legiance. And because Conradine would not desist from his law­ful engagement, Bzovius in a fury shoots his Bolt, and calls him an Insolens juve [...]s, an. 1268. § 2. Insolent youth.

The young Prince thus put to it, makes his lamentable case known to the World, in which his Secretary, or the Historian doth sometimes play the quibler. He complain'd how—Pope Inno­cent Naucler. gener. 43. p. 839. had abus'd him an Sibi inno­centi nocu­erit. Innocent; for Conradus his Father King of Scicily, by will left him a young thing in the care of the Church; and then that Pope Innocent, under the pretence of a Tu­tor, seiz'd upon the whole Kingdom; then endeavour'd to extinguish his name, distributing his Lands amongst his own Kinsfolks: [...]hat Manfredo pretending to be his friend, had cheated him too: That Innocent dying, Pope Alexander succeeded, who also abused him, inviting others to take possession of his Kingdom: That Pope Ur­ban dealt very Sibi [...]erat [...]urbanus. inurbanely, perswading Manfredo to take the Kingdom to him; but this bargain failing, he would have Charles to undertake the business: That this Pope dying, the next, viz. Cle­ment, had used all Con [...]a [...] ­um incle­menter ege­rit. inclemencie againct him, setting up a Antiregem. false King, Excommunicating him, and depriving him of his lawful Title.

But see the misfortune of War! the Armies of Conradinus and Charles meet; Conradinus is overcome, he and Frederick Duke of Austria are taken, carryed to Naples and there imprisoned. Then a Convoca­tis ex toto Regno Syn­dicis Civita­tum. Spond. anno 1269. § 7. Parliament (or bloudy Rump) call'd, where King Con­radinus and the Duke are condemn'd to dye; a Scaffold is set up publickly in the City, and for more pomp cover'd with Silk-Tapistry; the two innocent Princes are had thither: Frederick of Anstria is first beheaded, whose head Conradinus kisseth; then the young King having declared the injustice, vindicated his own [Page 282] innocencie, and pronounced Some say Peter of Ar­ragon. Frederick (some say Henry) of Castile, his Aunts Son, to be the Heir to the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily; as a token of which Investiture, he threw his Glove amongst the people, kneel'd down, and had his head cut off.

Thus dyed Conradinus and Frederick, neither of them being eighteen years old; and to add more ignominy, their Corps were not permitted to be buried in Consecrated ground, because not absolved from the Popes Excommunication; yet they tell us that Frederick of Austria's Bzov. an. 1268. § 11. head call'd upon the Virgin Mary, after it was cut off; and that a wonderful Mark remains in the place where this execution was done.

That the Pope perswaded to this cruelty I cannot say posi­tively, though Page 841. Nauclerus hints as much, and others affirm, d Page 841. that his advice being asked about it, he return'd this answer, that—Vita Con­radini mors Caroli, mors Conradini vita Caroli. Conradines life is Charles his death, and Conradines death is Charles his life.—However it was, no sooner was this wick­ed act done, but the Heads-man was also slain, that he might not boast of his spilling such Royal Bloud. A poor come off! as if those who pronounced judgement, by this act could clear them­selves from the guilt. And some make it the worse, and with reason, because Charles himself was a spectator all the while to this bloudy Execution. Though certainly the Pope might have saved all this bloudshed, by permitting young and innocent Con­radine to possess that which was left him by his Father: and how unjustly his life was taken away, Page 841, 853. Nauclerus will inform you.

CHAP. III. The troubles of Philip the Fourth, sirnamed Le bel, King of France; with the pride of Pope Boniface the Eighth.

THe first thing that offers it self in this Century, is the year 1300 quarrel between Pope Boniface VIII, and Philip IV sir­named Le Bel [i. e. the fair] where the Pope will appear most in the fault, being a busie-body, medling with that with which he had nothing to do. But first it will not be amiss to see how he came to the Pontifical greatness.

Nicholas IV dying, the Chair was void about two years: the Cardinals not agreeing in the choice, at last one Petrus de Morone a pious Hermit was elected, and call'd Caelestine V. All of their Authors acknowledging him for a true and legitimate Pope, and accordingly the several Cardinals by him created, legal.

Yet if their Canon-Law be Authentick, and in this case ought to be observed, as the Pope severely injoyneth, then must this Caelestine be no Pope, because he was never a Dist. 79. c. Oportebit. c. Nullus un­quam. Cardinal, out of whom onely the Popes are to be chosen: (nay farther, I am not assured that he was in Fr. Ma­son Conse­crat. of Bi­shops, page 25, 16. Orders:) and if this hold water, then I fear Clement V and his Cardinals will run the same hazard, and [Page 283] then I know not how they can make up a true Pope since that time; by which rule the Bead-roll of their Pontiffs ended above three hundred years ago.

As for this Caelestine V, he was but a small Polititian, more ac­quainted with his private Devotion, than State-Affairs, easily to be cheated by his crafty Courtiers; his good and easie nature prompting him to think the best of bad men, and give too much credit to flattering words.

This made some, after he had been Pope a little while, consult his deposition; to which they thought it no hard matter to get his own consent; and he who most concern'd himself to procure this degradation, was (according to the common Opinion of their own Writers) Cardinal Volater. l. 22. fol. [...]56 Ant. Sab [...]l. en. 9. fol. 258. Naucler. p. 865, 866. M [...]x [...]a, fol. 441 L. Wad­ding. Hist. Minor. Tom. 2 [...] an. 1294. Benedict us Cajetanus, who, as some say, cheated him with false Miracles, as by a counterfeit Gen [...]bra [...]d, p. 998. Pla­tina [...] Car­ranza sum. Concil. pag. 818. voice convey'd into his Chamber by a Pipe or hollow-Trunk, per­swading him to resign up his Popedom, the better to save his own soul: and this stratagem was carryed so, as if it had been a voice from Heaven.

However it was, at the last Caelestine was over-perswaded to resign, as one unfit for that imployment; and then, as the Fil. da. Ber­ga [...]o, fol. 377. Plot was laid, the said Benedict Caetan was elected for Pope (he making fair promise to the King of Naples) and call'd himself Boni­face VIII. 'Tis true, at that time, 'twas a grand dispute whether a true Pope could resign up his Office; of which it seems the then Cardinals were somewhat aware, and therefore that no rub might stop their designs, they perswaded Caelestin [...] before he was de­graded, to make a Decree that a Pope might resign: a pretty trick, if he could not do it without such an Order. However, the J. Rubeus de Bonifac. p. 144. French and some others strongly maintain'd the Negative, and therefore for some time held Boniface but for an Antipope. And 'twas somewhat strange to have him deposed for insufficiency, since as long as Cardinal Latinus lived, affairs were carried well enough; and had he been weaker than he was, rather than di­sturb the Church with such an innovation, Benedict (wise and cunning enough) or some others, might by advice and assistance have prevented any inconveniencie to arise from his too much good nature, or negligence of worldly things.

But the Vizard is too open, and the design so thin, that every Childe may see through it: For it must be private ends to make them lay aside a man whose Election (as themselves confess) was as by Vid Co­effeteau, p. 1003. Co­quae. Tom. p. 177. Cia­con. Divine Inspiration; that himself was not onely good and virtuous, but of such exemplary Holiness, that when alive, he did many Miracles; and when dead, a glorious Saint in Heaven, and as such have they placed him, by their Canonization, in their Martyrolo­gies & Calendars; so that it seems he was too good to be a good Pope.

Yet against all this, the Cardinals reason'd that the Church might be in danger by such a man; and therefore they must mend themselves by the choice of one more fit for Christendom, and to be Christs Vicar. But this objection is formerly answered; but suppose not, their after-Election quite destroys the supposi­tion: for who doth their wise judgements (and we must not doubt of the Holy Ghosts Jo. Rubens de Boniface VIII. p. 18. assistance) pitch upon, but the foresaid Cardinal Caetan, now call'd Boniface VIII?

And if you would know what he was, their own Writers will assure you, that though he was a subtle man, well learned, and a [Page 284] good Lawyer, yet withal that he was Platina, M [...]x [...]as, Bargamo, Nauclerus, Sabellious, Ciaconius, B [...]nius, Massonus, Trevisa, lib. 7. cap. 40. Rob. Gagu [...]n, Jo. Marius, de Schism. Guil. Barclay de potestat. Pa­pae, pag. 34, 36. Proud, Dissembling, Arrogant, Scornful, Malitious, and a Wicked man, a stirrer up of Wars and Discord, a great Persecutor of the Ghebillines, a Tram­pler upon Kings and Kingdoms, and one very ungrateful, for he clapt up poor Caelestine in prison after his resignation, which they sup­pose shortned his life. And to these they add some of his other ver­tues, viz. that he was Vid. Jo. Marian. Hist. Hisp. lib. 15. c. 6. Spond. anno 1303. § 14. cruel, and sordidly avaritious and cove­tous, and an astonishment and wonder to all the world. And to these we may give the more credit, seeing Monsieur Coeffeteau indea­vouring to clear him from what blemishes possibly he could, yet doth not deny, but that he was guilty of Response, pag. 1005. great faults, and it may be a Pastor vitious enough; and plainly confesseth that he was Pag. 1008, 1009. not moderate in his doings, but too much passionate: and the Church of Rome hath disavow'd some of his a­ctions.

These are the common sentiments of him of their own Writers; but against all these, within these few years, one It may be an English­man under that foolish Vizard of Latinizing of Sirnames, a custom too much vainly used by some men, as if they were ashamed of their Country or Relations, being scarce known under such a fond disguise. Johannes Rubeus hath undertaken an Apology for this Boniface VIII, being thereunto perswaded by the Cajetans (of which House this Pope was) and by them furnished with materials, to try if he could possibly make Boniface a good Religious Pope, and so wipe an old blot from their Family.

Rubeus falls to work, and with a resolution to do as much in this grand and daring enterprise, as his Skill and Materials would afford: and two to one his eagerness made him affirm more than he was really able to prove; for at the first step he boldly declares him one of the glories of the World, for Proem. p. 31, 32. Prudence, Tempe­rance, Fortitude, Holiness, Justice, Wisdom, and suchlike Vertues. And if this be not enough, he will bring out Scripture too, to prove that there was not Pag. 265. his like amongst all the people. But these things are sooner said than made good; and with the ju­dicious, will go amongst the Paradoxes of Erasmus in commenda­tion of Folly, Cardan of Nero, Dedekindus of Nastiness, Opsopaeus of Drinking, and suchlike pieces of Raillery; seeing he hath so many of their own Writers and Historians to oppose him. But I dare say the Romanist will think this Prologue too long; and so let's go to the story.

The Popes had for a long time made it their common and cun­ning practice, when they saw any King great and powerful, to perswade (I and threaten too) them to go to the Holy land, and redeem it from the Saracens: and so zealous or foolish, for this laudable Enterprize, was then the giddy world, that all sorts and sexes, without fear or wit, conduct or discretion, would gad and trudge thither, never doubting of Heaven, if they had but the happiness to be knockt on the head by an Infidel; such a bles­sing was it to belong to the Crossado, and so had the Popes de­luded the world by their Indulgences, and suchlike ware; inso­much, [Page 285] that at one time, we find an Army of Senar. hist. Mogunt p. 743. Bishops, who de­served punishment for gadding from their Flocks; at another time we meet with an Army of almost twenty thousand Spondan. an. 121 [...]. § 2. boys, onely fit for the rod, nay Fullers Holy-war. Women, Cripples, &c. all must be Martyrs in the Holy-land. And when the Pope had got the Princes imployed there, he knew how to make him­self more formidable in Europe: for those whom he could delude neerer hand, he might easily abuse abroad.

Pope Boniface VIII, of a stirring humour, sends Bernard Bishop of Apami­ensis. Some mistake, and would have it to be the Bishop of R [...]mini in I­taly. Spond. an. 1300 § 9. Pamiers in the County of Foix (then newly from an Abba­cy rais'd to a Bishoprick) to King Philip le Bel, to exhort him to go to the Holy-land, and there to bestow his men and treasury. Phi­lip excused himself, as being ingaged in war against Flanders. Ber­nard, who must (forsooth) take no denyal, coming from the Pope, from this falls to threatning, and that in no moderate way, being no less then the loss of his Kingdom, viz. a de­posing, if he obey'd not, and marched to the holy war, as they call'd it.

Philip troubled at this boldness, but which was more, Bernard Spond. an. 1301. § 5, 6. being his subject, and yet proved to be in actual Treason against him, by plotting with the Aragonians, and other his enemies, a­gainst him, by falsly aspersing the King as a Bastard, a cheater of the people with false coyn, &c. Accused of 32. Articles. had Bernard seis'd upon, and delivered to the security of Aegidius Ancellin Arch-bishop of Nar­bonne: nor was this done in a passion, but by the serious advice of his Parliament, both Lords Spirituall and Temporall; and Bernard himself took it for a favour to be delivered up to a Church-man.

The Pope informed of this, sends Jaques de Normandis Arch-Deacon of Narbonne to King Philip, to release the Bishop of Pami­ers, to go to the Holy-land, to meddle with his Temporal busi­nesses, and let the Clergy alone: if not, that he should know that the Kingdom of France devolved to the Apostolick See, and so he to be excommunicated and deprived, and his subjects absolved from their Oaths to him, and their Duty and Allegiance: and far­ther, that the Bishops and Doctors of France should come to Rome, there to hold a Council, how to dispose of their King, and the af­fairs of the Kingdom.

The King was highly offended that the Arch-deacon of Nar­bonne, his own Subject, should offer to come upon such an errand, especially to be the conveyer of such mad and insolent letters and threats, which were so scandalous even to the French Nobility, that the Earl of Artois snatch'd them from the Arch-Deacons hands, and threw them into the fire, where they were burn'd. Yet for all these extravagancies, the King releas'd Bishop Bernard, but commanded him and Jaques de Normandis forthwith to depart the Kingdom.

Philip forthwith summons a Parliament, where the Pope is ac­cused as a busie-body, or a troublesome fellow; his strange actions against the King and his Prerogatives are censured; the King de­clares that he holds his Kingdom immediately from God onely; the layety defend the King, the Bishops do so too, and consent to all; desire the Pope to use moderation, (in which Vid. Bzov an. 1302. § 6. and John Fox Acts and Mon. Tom. 1. pag. 453, 454. Letter of theirs to him, his faults are reckoned up) and intreat the King that he would be pleas'd to give them liberty to wait upon the Pope; but that is expresly deny'd them.

For, the King doubting lest some of his Clergy, according to the then seditious custome, should upon this falling out, leave their flocks and trudge to the Pope, carrying with them vast treasuries, to the impoverishing of his other faithful subjects, and the enrich­ing of his enemies; and also suspecting, that the Pope, according to the vanity of these times, would send out his interdicts and cur­ses against him, absolve his subjects of their Allegiance, which the Fools and Knaves were apt to obey: Upon these and other con­siderations, the King, wisely to provide for the security of him­self and people, by express order forbids any gadding to Rome, and transportation of Gold, Silver, and suchlike riches out of his Dominions; and upon the borders appointed several to take care that no Popish Bull or Censure be brought into his King­dome.

The Pope angry at this, nulls all the priviledges and favours formerly granted by the Popes to the French (and what were those toys, that the King and they would not enjoy without his con­cession?) prohibits all Clergy-men to assist the King with any aid­mony, or to part with any of their riches, to be imploy'd in Tem­poral affairs; and, as some Historians say, thus writes to the King:

Boniface Bishop, Servant of Gods Servants, to Caron. Re­monstr. Hy­bernorum, part 5. p. 13, 14 Be l [...]fo­rest les Chroniques de France, 10. 178. Nic. Vigni [...]r Hist. de l'Eglise, p. 515. Idem Biblioth. Hi­storiale, tom. 3. p. 428. Premes de libertes de l'Eglise Ga [...]licane, p. 124. Philip the French King.

Fear God and keep his Commandments. We will thee to understand, that thou art subject to us both in Spirituals and Temporals. No collation of Benefices or Prebends belongs to thee; and if you have the Vacation of any, reserve the fruits thereof to the successors: If you have made any Collation, we judge that to be of no force, and do revoke them as null. And we think all to be Some co­p [...]es read fa­tuos, others Haereticos. Fools (or He­reticks) who think otherwise.

To which was returned this following answer. Philip by the Grace of God, King of the French, to Boniface bearing himself a Pope, little health or none at all.

Let your great Sciat tua maxima fa­tuitas. Foolship understand, that in Temporal affairs we are subject to no man; That the Collation of Churches and Pre­bendaries belong to us by Royal Prerogative, and the fruits thereof during their vacancy. That the Collations already made, or here­after to be made, are of good force and validity; and that we will defend the possessors thereof against all men; reputing all to be fools and madmen who think otherwise.

The Pope seeing the King resolute for the priviledges of his Kingdom, goeth another way to work, Jo de Bus­sieres, Tom. 2. p. 220, 221. Jo [...] [...]us p. 211. Spondan. an. [...]03. §. 11 stirs the people of Flanders to rebell against him, desires the King of England to fall upon him; curses, excommunicates, interdicts, and by his fond censures deposeth the King, absolves his subjects from their Alle­giance, [Page 287] perswades them to rise against their Soveraign, intreats Albert Emperour of Germany to invade and seise upon his Do­minions, which he giveth to the said Albert, for winning and keep­ing. And because the Ʋniversity at Paris stood for their King, he declared them to be no University, nulling all their priviledges, prohibiting all exercises, &c.

The King seeing the Pope thus madly to run on against him, summons a Parliament, where the King is vindicated, and the Pope accused of Heresie, Nigromancy, Simony, Sodomy, Murther, Ʋsury, Ʋncleanness, &c. all which Articles being too long for this place, I shall refer you to Acts and Mon tom. 1. p. 448, 449, 450, 451, 452, 453. Fox, and the two late Volumes of the Traites des droit & li­bertes de l'e­glise Galli­cane, Tom. 2. pag. 140, 141, 14 [...]. liberties of the Gallican Church, collected and set forth by the learned Frenchman, Mons. de Pais [Puteanus.] But for all this, the next Pope but one clears him, and makes him a good man. In this Parliament the King appeals from the Pope to the next Council.

But this trouble ended by the suddain death of the Pope, though after what manner Authors will not agree; some say by a Feaver, others grief, and many affirm by despair, if not madness, yet Fu [...]enti si­milis. Spond. an. 130 [...]. § 13. Marian hist Hispan. l. 15. c. 6. next door to it. However it was, considering with what subtlety he attain'd the Popedome, with what pride and arro­gancy he domineer'd, and his talked-of strange death, he procu­red this Proverb to be fastned upon him—Intra vit ut vulpes, reg­navit ut leo, mortu [...]s est ut canis. He entred like a Fox, ruled like a Lyon, and dyed like a Dog.—Lucretius de­scribes the Poetical Monster thus:

Prima leo, postrema draco, media ipsa Chimaera.

And of this Pope, thus another alludes:

Ingreditur vulpes, leo pontificat, canis exit,
Jo. Rubeus, p. 258.
Et sic revera, nova dicitur illa Chimaera.

I have formerly given you the Character of this Pope, accor­ding to the Romanists themselves; and for farther proof, you shall hear Platina himself speak. Pope Boniface Qui impe­ratoribus, [...]e­gibus, princi­pibus, natio­nibus, popu­lis, terrorem potius quam Religionem injicere conabatur; quique dare regna [...]auferre, pellerehomines, & reducere pro arbit [...] ani­mi conabatur, aurum undi (que) conquisitum plus quam dici potest, sitiens. Platina vit. Bonifacii VIII. rather endeavour'd and studied how to terrifie Emperours, Kings, Princes, Nations and People, then to promote Religion; he strived and endeavoured to give and take away Kingdoms, to trample upon all men according to his pleasure, being covetous of wealth beyond all report.

This judgement of Platina is also confirm'd by Gener. 44. p. 870. Nauclerus: and his own actions will testifie as much; for having appointed a Jubilee, the first day he appears in his Pontificalibus, but the next day he shews himself in an Krantz. Saxon. l. 8. c. 36. Cus [...] ni­an vit. Al­bert. Imperial habit, with a Crown on, having a naked sword carried before him, crying out, Luke 22 3 [...]. Behold two swords; childishly alluding to his own blockish Extra Com­mun. de ma­jor & obed. c. unam san­ctam. comment upon the Apostles and our Saviours words, as if the two Swords there mentioned, implyed the Pope of Rome to have spiritual and temporal authority over all men. Another story they tell of him. Jacobus de Voragine Arch-bishop of Genoa, that great wri­ter of pretty miracles, dying, Porchetto Spinola succeeded; and be­ing at Rome on an Ash-Wednesday, he amongst others fell down at [Page 288] the Popes Feet, to be signed on the Fore-head with a Cross of holy Ashes. Boniface thinking him to be his Enemy, alters the Platina, Nauclerus, Coquaeus, Tom. 2. pag. 178. Spond. anno 1296. § 11. Scripture, telling him thus:—Remember that thou art a Gibel­lin, and with the Gibellins thou shalt return to Ashes;—and so cast the Ashes in his eyes, and deprived him of his Archbishop­rick; but gave it him again, when he heard that he was mistaken in the man. At this action Pag. 1005. Coeffeteau is a little troubled, and doth confess that (if it be true, as there is no reason to doubt of it) that it was a kinde of Sacriledge that cannot be excused.

Of this Boniface, who before his Popedom was call'd Benedict, one made these Verses.

Nomina bina bona tibi sunt praeclarus amictus,
Eberhardi Annal. an. 1303. apud Hen. Ca [...]s. An [...] (que). lec [...] ­on. Tom. 1.
Papa Bonifacius modo, sed quondam Benedictus,
Ex re nomen habe, Benefac, Benedic, Benedicte,
Aut cito perverte, Malefac, Maledic, Maledicte.

But for diversion sake, you may here peruse the Rimes of John Lydgate, the old Monk of St. Edmondsbury,

Among these wofull Princys thre
The fall of P [...]nces, lib. 9
Which shewyd theym so uggly of their chere:
Pope Boniface by great adversite,
The VIII of that name gan to approach nere,
A thousand IIIC accompted was the yere,
Fro Cryst's birth by computation,
Whan that he made his lamentacion.
This same Pope caught occasion,
Which undre Petre kept governaunce,
To Interdict all the Region,
Time of King Philip regnynge tho in France,
Direct Bulls down into Constaunce,
To
Nicholaus Benefractus Archdeacon of Constance in lower Normandy, being sent by the Pope, to carry the Orders to Interdict the King, was seized up on at Tryers, and imprison [...]d.
Nicolas made by Boneface
Archdeacon of the same place.
Of holy Church the Prelates nygh ech on,
Busshoppys of Fraunce felly have declared;
Prevynge by
Of these Articles a­gainst him I spake be­fore, telling where you might see them, viz. in Jo. Fox. p. 448, 449. and Traitez des droits & libertes de l'Eglise Gall. Tom. 2. p. 14 [...], 141.
poyntes many mo than one,
In a great synne pleynly and nat spared,
By him the Church was [...]urte and not repared:
Put on him crymes of great mysgovernaunce,
Denonucynge enemy to all the Londe of Fraunce.
Put on him many great outrage,
Wrongly howe he had done offence
To a Cardinal born of the lynage
B [...]n [...]face was a mor­tal enemy to the Family of the Co­lonne, ba­nishing the Cardinals, and making them and others of that house incapable of any preserment; and it may be they might provoke him to it: they were restored again by Benedict IX and Clement V.
De Columpnys a kinrede of reverence;
For which cause he kept him in absence,
Out of the Court drough where he was born,
By which occasion the Pope his lyf hath lorn.
De Columpnys the Lynage hath so wrought,
Sciarra Co [...]lonna & others s [...]d­denly s [...]ized upon the Pope in A­nagni: some say they car­ryed him prisoner to Rome; others say that he was rescued, and went to Rome of his own accord; and if so, then he was not imprisoned in Castello S. Angelo.
Toke Bony face for his [...]ruelte;
With great force and power they have him brought
Ʋnto a Castel which stode in the Cite,
Called Sancta Angeli, gave auctorite
To Cardinal, and by commyssion,
Power to do full Execution.
Of these maters hangynge in balaunce,
A twene partyes, were it right or wronge;
Both of Romayns, and Prelates eke of Fraunce:
The Pope ay kept within the Castel stronge,
Of aventure abydynge there nat longe;
Fyll in a flixe, and afterwarde for nede,
For hunger
So saith Boccace, Trevisa, Walsingam; but some others deny it.
ete his handys as I rede.
Howe af his dyeinge it is made mencion,
Aboute the Castel was mervelous lightnyng,
Where the Pope lay fettred in prison,
None such a form was seyn in their lyvynge, &c.

The death of Pope Boniface might be reckoned for a blessing to Christendom: for if this quarrel between him and the King of France came to such an height and extravagancie in the small time of two or three years, with what combustion and miseries would it in all likelyhood have fill'd Europe, had the lengthning of this Popes life prolong'd, and so more stir'd up the mischief?

Boniface VIII dying, Benedict IX succeeded, who ruled not long, being taken away as is supposed by poyson. Then after him was elected Clement V, though no Cardinal; and besides, he basely and illegally obtain'd the Chair, by the interest of this King Philip; to whose feet he humbled himself, not onely Simo­niacally promising, but also Jo. Rubens pag. 288. Bzovius, Spondanus. swearing before the Eucharist, and giving farther security too, that if he would let him be Pope (for the King then carryed a main stroke) to gratifie Philip in se­veral Concessions, as to condemn or rase out the very memory of Boniface, &c.

Clement V having thus obtain'd the Popedom, removes the Pa­pal Seat from Rome into France, where it continued many years. At his Coronation at Lyons there was a great deal of hurley­burley by the falling of an old Wall, whereby Charles the Kings Brother, the Duke of Britanny, with several others, were hurt; the Pope himself tumbled from his Rosanante, by which fall he lost a rich Jewel from his Tiara, or Pontifical Diadem. And the King hardly escaped the scowring, having like a dapper Page on foot waited on his Holiness and his Horse, holding the Spond. an. 1305. § 6. reins of the Bridle; and when he was weary of that unkingly slavery, or thought he had done enough, Coeffe [...]. pag. 1018. his two Brothers, others say Charles, and the Duke of Britanny, one on one side of his Horse, and the other on the other, performed the same humble service; but the stones of the old Wall so knockt them for their pains, that [Page 300] ten to one they repented of their servility, and wished themselves farther off his Holiness.

After all these glories, Clement reconciles all between France and the Popedom, absolving those whom Boniface had Excom­municated; restored the Family of the Colonni, vindicating the King from any bad intentions in his actions against Boniface; yet he would not be as good as his Oath to dash out the very memory of Boniface, though Philip several times urged him ear­nestly to it. But Boniface he makes no Heretick; yet as unwilling that his actions in this quarrel should be remembred, he com­mands under pain of Excommunication, all Spond. an. anno 1310. § 3. Acts, Writings, Registers, &c. of these things to be taken off the File, abolish­ed, and razed out; nor never for the future to be re-assumed, or discovered to any. And we are told that he also granted, that the Coeffet. p. 1024. Kings and Kingdom of France should never for the future be Excommunicated or Interdicted. The which, if true, must be thought a brave priviledge in those wrath-denouncing times.

To conclude with this Clement, take one story: several Monks had bought great priviledges of the Pope, of which they were as proud, as he glad of their Cash. The Fryar Minorites go to Market too, and offer Clement above forty thousand Florences of Gold, for a dispensation to possess Riches contrary to their Or­der. Tho. Wal­singham in [...]aw. I. p. 19. Fox, p. 480. Clement bites at this goodly bait, asked them where their Money was; they reply, In the Merchants hands, and ready: The Pope bids them come again the third day. In the mean time the Pope absolves the Merchants of their Bond made to the Fryars, and commanded them to deliver him the Moneys. The Mer­chants absolved, obey; and the Pope tells the Fryars, that he would not violate the Rule of S. Francis. And so the poor Fryars went sneaking away gull'd of their Moneys. Clement be­ing too cunning for such hoorders up of Wealth. And so much for Clement, who was a lover of Women as well as Riches.

CHAP. IV.

1. The Murther of the Emperour Albert.

2. The death of the Emperour Henry the Seventh.

3. The troubles of the Empire by reason of the Papal ar­rogancy.

4. The strange Tumults acted at Rome by Nicholao di Renzo, and Francisco Barencello.

5. The Dog-trick used by the Venetians to take off the Popes Censures against them. 6. The bloudy actions in Hungary.

Sect. 1. The Murther of the Emperour Albert.

YOu were formerly told how Adolph the Emperour was de­posed and slain by Duke Albert, which Albert now carry­ed himself as Emperour, having the voice and consent of the Germans; and though at first Pope Boniface VIII refused his confirmation, yet at last, hoping to make use of him against King Philip the fair of France, he also acknowledged him for Empe­rour, confirm'd him in the Throne, approved of all that he had year 1303 done, and commanded him to be obey'd; and so according to their Rule, he is now a lawful Emperour, and we need not question but a good and clear man, being thus absolved, and fortified with the Popes blessing.

But we shall see his end to be miserable: for John his own Nephew troubled that he kept some lands from him, conspired with some others his death, which thus they brought to pa [...]s: Albert riding once out to take the Air, accompanied onely with these Conspirators, who seem'd his great friends, at last they took their opportunity, so that the Nephew John stab'd him into the year 1307 Throat, another cleft his head; nor did his body escape with­out several wounds, so that there they left him dead, and fled for it.

Sect. 2. The death of the Emperour Henry the Seventh.

THe Imperial Chair being now void, after some canvassing, the Electors by the Popes Instigation, (fearing they other­wise [Page 302] they would have elected Philip of France) chose for Empe­rour Henry VII Earl of Lutzenburg; which Election is confirmed by Clement V, then at Avignion in France, provided Henry would go into Italy, there to do his drudgery.

The Emperour marcheth for Italy (which no Emperour had done for many years before, and at Buonconvento in Tuscany, not far from Sienna, dyeth, not without great suspition of being poysoned, (and that too at the receiving of the Sacrament) as many of their Platina, vit. Clement V. Gene­brard, pag. 1011. Jo. Bapt. Egnat. lib. 3. Raph. Volaterran. lib. 23. fol. 279. Mexias, p. 459. Nau­clerus, p. 876. Da. Bergamo, fol. 383. Anton. Sabellicus, En. 9. fol. 261. Compilatio Historica a­pud Scriptor. Germ. anno 1313. Paul. Langius, Chron. Citizens. Wern. Rolewinck fascic. Temp. Albert. Argent. chron. Jo. Cuspinian. de Caesaribus. Alb. Krantz, in Saxon. l. 9 c. 7. Gabr. Bu­celin. German. Annal. anno 1313. Hubert. Goltz. & Casp. Gevert. Icones Imperatorem. Gon­zal de Il [...]escas, Hist. Pont. part. 2. fol. 8. Historians do confess, though others will al­low of no such thing.

As for any to be poysoned by the Eucharist, it is not im­possible; and they report the like to have hapned to Matt Pa­ris, anno 1154. p. 91. Henry Murdack Archbishop of York, and also of Pope Alph. de Carth gena. Anacephal. Victor III. Of the Emperours being poysoned at the receiving the Sacrament, by a sacrilegious Priest, thus laments one of their old Poets:

Jure dolet mundus, quod sit Jacobita secundus
Judas, quod restat, mors Caesaris hoc manifestat
Anno milleno tercenteno duodeno
Ʋno non pleno, privati luce Veneno.
Another as good a Rimer as the former, thus:
Caesaris Henrici mortem plangamnus amici,
Qualiter hic vitam finivit per Jacobitam,
Per Corpus Christi venenum tradidit isti,
Hinc in la [...]de Dei moritur die Bartholomaei,
Est Pisam latus, & cum fletu tumulatus
Anno milleno Tricenteno Terdeno.

But methinks that famous and learned Henry Estiene (to whose Family the Common-wealth of Learning oweth very much,) upon this subject is most unluckie and biting.

Les Pagens nec vouloyent mettre au nombre des Dieux
Apol. pour P [...]rod. pag. 284.
Ceux qui au genre humain estoyent pernicieux.
Si le Dieu de Paste, est un Dieu qui empoisonne
(Dont l'Empereur Henri tesmoignage nous donne)
Que diroyent les Pagens de ces gentils Docteurs,
Qui les hommes ont faict de luy adorateurs?
Car si leur Dieu ne fait de meurdris Conscience,
Entre leur Diable & Dieu quelle est la difference?
Heathens no Gods ordain'd, but such as did
Do good to man, and wickedness forbid.
If your Cake be a God that takes away
By poyson life, what may the Pagans say?
For if he thus will murther and do evil,
What difference 'twixt your God then and your Divel?

Sect. 3. The troubles of the Empire, by reason of the Papal arro­gancie.

AFter the death of this Henry VIII (be as it will) some a [...] ­count the Empire to be void for above XXX years. Others esteem Lewes of Bavaria for the Emperour, whilst some think no less of Frederick of Austria, though several, as aforesaid, reject them both. However, by this dissention Christendom suffer'd much, and may justly be supposed, that much bloudshed and mischief had been saved, had the Popes been less stubborn, and more studious for the benefit of Religion, than their private passi­ons and interests.

For the Electors dissenting, one part chose Lewes of Bavaria, the other Frederick Duke of Austria; the first having Gene­brard, pag. 1016. four to the latters third; though Fredericks party retorts, that the Duke of Brandenburgs Ambassador or Representer (for himself could not come) voted against his Masters commands, and so would have it null. Be it as 'twill▪ Authors differ in their Nar­rations, and An. 1314. Spondanus scarce knows what to think of it. However, both parties declared himself Emperour, and was Crown'd, both sent to the Pope for Confirmation, and both denyed; nor did he trouble his pate with the mending of the business, so that it seems 'twas all one to him, fight Dog, fight Bear; the lesning of Emperours, being some cause of his greatness.

By these divisions Germany was pitifully rent to pieces: for now the sword must try the business; and at last Lewes is Vi­ctorious, and takes his Antagonist Frederick prisoner, whom some thought he would have put to death, but he was more noble, onely year 1322 retaining him for his own security [though 'tis said that Frederick at first hired a Villain to assassinate Lewes, who was discover'd, and punished for his desert.]

Lewes now thought all was done, but he found another sort of warfare; for Pope John XXII favouring Frederick, pulls out his tools against Lewes, accusing him of seizing upon the Empire (and why did not the Pope then long before provide for this?) assisting of Hereticks and Schismaticks, (and no wise man but will look every where for assistance) and so gave him three months time to appear before him, and clear himself of those things al­ledged against him. Lewes sends Ambassadors to him, to vin­dicate himself; but the Pope careth not for this, and so Excom­municates him, declares him deprived of the Empire, and curseth all those who take his part. Against these, Lewes vindicates him­self, and the Imperial Authority, and appeals from the Pope to a General Council.

And now the Pens fall to work, every man vindicating as he was perswaded: The Pope had Alvarus Pelagius a Spaniard, Petrus de Palude a Frenchman, but above all, Augustinus Trium­phus of Ancona, a Mendicant Italian Fryar, who by the com­mandment of this Pope John XXII, undertook to display the Papal Authority; who according to his Masters humour, hath made him so great, powerful, and supreme above all things, that, [Page 304] but that a Cat may look upon a King, no mortal eye durst behold his Holiness.

On the other hand, Lewes wanted not learned Champions, such as were Marsileus Patavinus, Johannes de Janduno, Dante famous for his Poetry, Wit and Memory, and our famous Country-man William Ockam, who used to say to this Lewes Defen [...]e me gladio, & ego te desen­dam verbo. Protect me with your Sword, and I will defend you with my Pen or learning; but the Pope used his usual tool to confute their Arguments, viz. cursing and Excommunication.

In this hurly-burly, Lewes makes peace with Frederick his Pri­soner, year 1325 and sets him at liberty: some say that Frederick retain'd the Title of Emperour, others deny it; however it was, they were both good friends; by which means the Pope by using more moderation, might have shewn himself a good friend to Peace and Christendom. But though it seems that these two were agreed on the business, Pope John would not by any means permit Lewes to be Emperour, but damned him again with his Censures: Which made Lewes reject John as much, proceeding also against him with his Censures, nulling all that he had done against him, and at last by advice declares him to be no Pope, and so [...]ashe [...]rs his Holiness: which made some wags call him but Pres­byter-John, or Prester-John; which being done, he creates a new year 1328 Pope, who calls himself Nicholas V.

The quarrel having gone so far, Frederick of Austria dyeth, and year 1329 so Lewes remains alone, and peace might have been concluded at an easie rate: to which purpose also Lewes himself writes to Pope John, but nothing is done in the business; and some time after John dyeth, and Benedict XII is elected to sit in the Papal Chair. year 1335 And in it was he searce warm, when he began to follow the foot­steps of his Predecessor, renewing his Censures against him, and approving of, and con [...]irming all that John had done. However, Lewes sends to him that an Agreement might be struck up; which year 1336 Benedict seem'd to hearken too; but the conditions were so intol­lerable, that the design fell to the ground. Yet the Bishops of Germany pitying the distractions and miseries of Christendom by these divisions, send also to the Pope, to desire him to hearken to peace; but the Messengers after long stay, return'd home as wise as they went, nothing being granted them.

Lewes seeing nothing would do, summons a Diet (or Parli­ment) where the state of the Question being canvas'd, he vindi­cateth his Imperial Authority, denies the Popes jurisdiction over year 1338 him or it, and shews the Incroachments of the Pope: The Decree it self being manly (not after the Papal Bulls Canting and Qua­kering stile) and worth the reading, but too large for this Breviary, a Generat. 49 pag. 8 [...]6, 887, [...]88. I shall refer you to (b) Nauclerus.

Benedict dying, Clement VI succeeds, who also renews the Thun­derbolts against Lewes, who sends to his Holiness, desiring an Agreement. Clement shews himself willing, provided Lewes will declare—himself no Emperour, acknowledge all the Errours, He­resies 134 [...]. a [...]irm'd against him, and that he was a Schismatick; to re­nounce all right to the Empire, resign it up unto the Pope, nor to undertake it again, unless the Pope thought good to give it him; and farther, that Lewes his person and his sons should be at the Popes disposing.—Lewes his Ambassadors, how circumvent­ing I know not, subscribe and swear to these intolerable [Page 305] Articles, at which the Pope did not a little wonder.

But when they were brought to Lewes, he was amazed to the purpose at such an action done without his acquaintance, and, forsooth, summons a Diet at Franckford, where by the una­nimous year 1344 voice of all that Assembly, these Articles were declared intolerable, destructive, and pernicious to the Empire, and by no means to be consented to; though Lewes offer'd himself then ready to obey the Pope, if they pleased, but they would not yeild upon such harsh and severe conditions.

Pope Clement informed of this, runs to the Papal Dog-trick, pulls out his tool of Censure, declares Lewes an Heretick, Schis­matick, And Bella [...] ­m [...]ne ma [...]es th [...]se C [...]n­s [...]es an A [...] ­gument of the Popes Tem­poral Autho­rity to de­pose Princ [...]s. Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. lib. 5. [...]2 [...] 8. and what not? pronounceth him deprived of the Empire, curseth all those who take his part; for which cause also he de­prives Henry III Archbishop of Mentz, and commands the Ele­ctors to look upon Lewes as no Emperour, and so to go to the Election of another; recommending to them Charles, son to John King of Bohemia. Some of the Electors obey the Pope, meet, and elect accordingly the said Charles, which is confirmed by the Pope. And not long after, to the great comfort of Clement and Charles, Lewes unfortunately ended his days by an unluckie [...]all from his Horse, which was hastned and occasioned by poyson gi­ven year 1347 him a little before. For whose death T [...] Deum laudamus was sung to the People.

Thus, after above XXX years troubles and vexations, ended Lewes, whom I finde grealy commended for his Devotion to­wards the Gononus, pag. 312. Virgin Mary: yet did not Germany injoy peace and happiness; for several of the Electors not submitting to Charles, elected and sent to Edward III King of England for Em­perour, but he for some reasons refused it; then they chose Fre­derick Marquess of Misnia, who also desired to be excused; then by a Majority of the Electors was nominated Gunther Earl of Swarzenburgh, who accepted of it, and was Crowned, and had many followers; but he at last being poysoned, Charles ob­tain'd his desires. But of these things an hint is sufficient.

Sect. 4. The strange Tumults acted at Rome by Nicolao di Renzo, and Francisco Barencello.

WHilst these things were acting in Germany, there hapned an odd passage in Rome, that had it gone on, would have alter'd and non-plus'd all the Counsels and Contrivances both of Pope and Emperour; which being somewhat strange, not unlike the late bravado of Thomas Anello at Naples, take it thus in short for a diversion.

Whilst Lewes, Charles, and Pope Clement were bandying it for the Empire, there started up at Rome one Nicolaus Gabrinus, son year 1347 to one Laurentius or Rentius, and so by some Italians call'd Ni­colao Bzovius. Spond. di Renzo, who was by profession a publick Notary, but one well seen in History, politick, and bold to any undertaking. This man considering that the Popes for several years had lived at A­vignion, [Page 306] at which he knew the Romans to be somewhat discon­tented, took this opportunity, perswades the people to redeem their ancient Priviledges and Liberties. They apt to change, joyn with him, whereby he became so strong, as to seize upon the Ca­pitol, depose the Senators, and take all the Government to him­self.

Having thus got absolute Authority, and all the people obedi­ent to his beck, through an odd humour he would have himself again baptized; which was performed with great solemnity in the Lateran Church. And the more to advance his own vain-glory, in all his Letters and Deeds he appropriated to himself lofty and swelling Nicolaus cand [...]datus Sp [...]tus San­cti miles, se­ver [...]s & cle­mens, libera­tor U [...]is, ze­lator Italiae, Am [...]or or­bis, Tribut us, Augustus. Titles, as the Candate Souldier of the Holy Ghost, the Tribune of Peace, Liberty and Justice, the Redeemer of the Ro­man Common-wealth, Augustus, and suchlike.

He made and Ordain'd Senators, disposed of all places as he pleas'd; yet behaved himself so, that the people admired and loved him as one sent from Heaven: and for that time, never was there more Peace and Justice in Rome, so that all men remain'd satisfied; and by consequence he grew so strong and powerful, that his fame ran all Europe over; the inferiour people loved him, the greater sort, and Princes of Italy, feared him, sent Ambassa­dors to him, sought his friendship and favour.

And being thus rais'd to the top of greatness, he thought him­self secure and strong enough, and so inlarged his pretended juris­diction; he sent to Pope Clement to come to Rome by such a time, or else he would depose him, and elect another: he also sent to Lewes and Charles to appear before him, and to shew by what title and pretence they laid claim to the Empire; and also com­manded the Electors to come to him too. He declares Rome to be the Head of the world, and the Foundation of Christianity; all the Cities of Italy to be free, and Rome and all Italy to be­long to the Imperial Monarchy.

This vanity having continued a few months, he perceives great designs against him, and the people weary of their own Idol; wherefore he steals from Rome, and is found with Charles, who sends him to the Pope, by whom he is imprisoned.

He remain'd a prisoner about VI years, at latter end of which he grew into great favour with Pope Innocent VI. About which time there hapned an action somwhat like the former.

One Franciscus Baroncellus, a Notary too, considering the greatness and glory that Nicolao di Renzo once had, fancyed, had he been in his Authority, he should have kept it better: full of these thoughts, he resolves to play the same game, contrives his Confederates, raiseth a Tumult in the City, cryeth up Liberty, seizeth upon the Capitol, thrusts out the Senators; by his fair speeches charmes the people to applaud him, who finds fault with several Tyrannies and Vices, and rails dapperly against the Pope at Avignion. Thus having brought all to his lure, he becomes their Governour under the specious (b) title of Tribune and Consul a Fran. Ba­ [...]oncel [...] Dei gratia, secun­dus Tribunus Almae urbis ac Romanus Consul. of Rome. This being done, he writes to the Princes of Italy to joyn with him, and to Charles to come and receive the Empire. And he did not forget to do Justice, that is, to have any one kill'd and rob'd whom he pleas'd.

Pope Innocent informed of these mad-pranks, by advice, thinks it best to drive out one Peg with another; and so having [Page 307] made Nicolas Renzo his friend, sends him for Rome with Cardi­nal Aegidius to quiet these Tumults.

The people hearing of Renzo's coming, turn with the Tide, and joyn with him, and kill their late favourite Barencellus, after he had scarce triumphed four months. Renzo and the Cardinal are received with all joy that can be imagin'd; Olive-branches carryed before them, Triumphal Arches erected; the Streets straw'd with Flowers, and all sorts of Musick and Hymns. Renzo is made Tribune again, and the people think themselves now the most happy in the world under such a Governour.

But this joy lasted not long: for Nicolas turns Tyrant, op­presseth them to the purpose; whereupon they rise up against him, seize upon him, and kill him, and happy was he that could get a stroke at his body, which for more reproach they hang up by the feet for two days and a night, then burn it to ashes, and threw them into the River. And thus much by the by for the giddy-headed Romans.

Sect. 5. The Dog-trick used by the Venetians to take off the Popes Censures against them.

ANd here cometh into my memory a pretty Dog-trick of the Ant. Sabel. En. 9. l. 8. fol. 261. Petr Mar­cel. Hist. Ve­n [...]t. Venetians to redeem themselves from the Censures of a stub­born Pope. Azzo da Este II Marquess of Ferrara, having by his first Wife one Frisco, upon her death Marries again. Frisco upon some account fearing by this means to be out of favour, and at last to loose his right of Government, by the advice of some of the Ferrarians, seizeth upon his Father, imprisons him, where he dyes, and then takes the Government upon himself.

The people upon this is divided, some for Frisco, whilst other oppose him: in this condition, Frisco not being sufficient of him­self to conquer all, desires the assistance of his Friends the Vene­tians; they yeild to his request, by which means Ferrara is re­duced. Pope Clement the V (of whom we spake formerly) in­formed of this, Excommunicates the Venetians, and perswades all people to be their enemies, as opposing a City which the Pope declared to belong to the Protection of St. Peter. By this means the Venetians either in Travail or Traffick are abused every where; and, as some say, people thought they could do no bet­ter service than kill them where ever they met them.

However it was, the Venetians still went home by weeping cross; they sue, send and intreat for pardon, but it will not be granted. At last they sent Francisco Dandalo, one of great repute amongst them, to use all his endeavour to get off this Interdict: Dandalo goeth to France, where the Pope then kept his Court, and after much intreaty, was admitted in, but denyed. Dandalo resolved, if any thing could do it, not to return without it; gets a great Iron chain, one end of which he puts about his neck, with which like a Dog, under the Popes Table, he lyeth on the ground so long, that [Page 308] the Pope being thus overcome, recals his Censures, and nulls the Interdict. A great sign of the Ambassadors patience; but 'tis need makes the Old Wife trot: and the Venetians were forced to this Slavery, by the great misery they were brought into by the Popes Interdiction, whereby every one looked upon them to have no benefit of Christian Law or favour. And if every one ought thus to truckle, that either seized upon other mens Dominions, or assists others so to do, how many Popes before this time had had their necks honour'd with an Iron-collar, and drag'd a Chain after them to the Table of Kings and Emperours? And a worse punish­ment and ignominy doth he deserve, that dispossesseth another wrongfully. But the Pope after so many intreaties and confessi­ons of fault, might have indulged this renowned Common-wealth, Fulgas. Hist. of Ven [...]ce. without this Dog-like disgrace: And some accordingly are apt to think, that the Venetians were not onely freed from these Censures, but also favour'd with a Priviledge, never to be Ex­communicated, Censured, or Interdicted again: Which if true, Pope Paul V, of late days, looked upon it but a piece of non­sence, and of no validity, by his contrary actions against that Republick.

Sect. 6. The bloudy actions in Hungary.

ANd here might I speak of the miseries of Hungary, what dis­sentions Bzov. 1327. Spond. 1330 and broyls that Kingdom was troubled withal, by the Popes intermedling with their affairs, betwixt whom and the Natives there was no small strife, whether they or he should nominate the King. What great danger their King Charles I. was in by the treason of one Felicianus, who entred the Presence-Cham­ber, draweth his Sword, wounds the King, cuts off four of the Queens fingers; and if he had not been slain by Johannes Palo­chus, had designed to have murdred the King, Queen, and their Children? And from him might I go to Charles II; who Lewes I. dying, and leaving his Eldest Daughter Mary for Queen, by the instigation of some Nobles, cometh from Naples, and thrust her from the Throne.

Nor did his injoy this honour long: for Elizabeth the Widow of Lewes, and Mother to Mary, takes her opportunity, and in­vites him to a private meeting, where he was slain or poysoned; in revenge of which, Johannes Banus de Horvath hath the Heads of the Assassinates cut off, and Elizabeth drowned in the next River; and had proceeded against Mary too, but that he was terrified by the approach of Sigismond Marquess of Brandeberg her Husband, with a great Army to her relief. Which Sigismund was then made King of Hungary, and was after that Emperour of Germany.

CHAP. V.

1. The deposing and Murther of Edward the Second, King of England.

2. The deposing and death of King Richard the Se­cond.

3. The grand dispute and troubles amongst the Cordeliers, concerning the trifling and childish Questions of the large­ness of their Capuchin or Hood, and the usage and right of the Bread and meat which they eat.

Sect. 1. The Deposing and Murther of Edward the Second, King of England.

BUt leaving these mischiefs abroad, if we look at home, we shall not finde England better or more Christian, yet as much Roman Catholick as their Neighbours.

Here now ruleth Edward II, sirnamed of Carnarvan in Wales the place of his birth, and son to Edward I. A Prince too apt to be abused by his self-ended Courtiers, and, as the Nation thought, too much complying to the Dictates of the Spencers; by which means he obtain'd the displeasure of some of the people; and which was more, several of the Bishops turn'd his Enemies; but which was most of all, his own Queen Isabel, Daughter to Philip le Bel King of France, was his greatest Enemy, and made it her whole business to procure his deposition and ruine.

And to make the way more easie for this their wicked design, they had spread abroad that Pope John XXII had Bzov. an. 1326. § 10. Spond. § 3. absolved all the English of their Allegiance to their King Edward. A brave World and Faith, that people should be so Antichristian, as to think the Pope had really any such power: but when the Bi­shops of Rome had the Impudence to affirm as much, well might the simple people be gull'd and cheated by such Popes, and such a faith, to any Villany or Rebellion.

The Nation thus abused, the King was not able to defend him­self; whereupon the Queen and the rest march boldly to Oxford, where Adam de Orlton Bishop of Hereford preacheth to them a Comfortable but wicked Sermon, taking this for his Text—My head grieveth me—: From which words he declared to them, that a bad King ought to be removed, though by the same rule his head ought to be cut off for aking.

From thence they marched to London, where they were joy­fully received; and a Parliament being held, King Edward II [Page 310] is judged unfit for the rule, and so declared deposed, and his El­dest Son Edward III, (the Father being at last forced to consent) made King; the Archbishop of Canterbury making a Sermon as bad as the former, from these words:—Vox Populi, vox Dei.—When the King had thus been forced to resign, being a close Pri­soner, (some Lords and others being sent down to him at Kenil­worth Castle to procure his resignation) S. William Trussel Knight and Speaker to the Parliament, thus bespake the King,—

I William Trussel, in name of all men of the Lond of Eng­lond, Trev [...]sa, 17. cap. 43. and of alle the Parlement Procuratour, I resigne to the Ed­warde the homage that was made to the somtyme. And from this time forthward I dyffye the, and Deprive. pryve the of all Royal Power, and I shall never be tendaunt to the as for Kynge ofter this time.

And then Sir Thomas Blunt, Steward of the Kings Houshold, brake his white Rod, resigned his Office, and thereby signified that the Kings Houshold had free liberty to depart, and serve Edward no more.

King Edward II being thus deprived of his Dominions, Isabel Tho. de la Moore, Hist. de vita & Mor [...]e Eaw. II. Jo Stow's Chron. Gal­frid. le Ba­k [...]r de Swynabroke c [...]er. de v [...] a & morte Re­gum Ed­wardorum I. & II. fol. 107. Manu­script. Cod. XL super A. B. A [...]t. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. his Queen, who is thought to hate him mortally, thinks he is too well used at Kenilworth Castle, by Henry Earl of Leicester his Kins­man; and therefore with the advice of the Bishop of Hereford, he is thence removed, and delivered to the custody of Sir Thomas Gurney, and Sir John Maltravers his mortal Enemies, who convey him to Corf-Castle, thence to Bristol, and so to Barkly Castle. In which private journeys, the King indured all manner of ignominy and scorn by these two villanous Knights; as they made him ride bare-headed, would scarce allow him any sleep or victuals, and contradicted and cross'd him in every thing. One time Gurney made him a Crown of Hay, and put it on his Head, and crying with the rest—Tprut avant Syr King, and Fare forth Syr King; (i e. go on.) Another time they would shave as well the hair of his head as his Beard: for which purpose they made him light from his jaded Horse, set him on a Mole-hill, took water out of a Ditch close by, saying, that should serve for that time: which so overwhelmed the King with grief, that he told them, That would they nould they, he would have warm water for his head; and so at their inhumanity began to weep and shed tears plentifully.

And when he was a Prisoner in Barkly Castle, they used him much after the same way, (though Thomas Barkley then Lord of the place, greatly pittyed his sad condition, wishing it in his power to redress it). At last Queen Isabel and her sure friend in mischief Adam de Orlton, upon advice thought it best to have him taken out of the world; whereupon they chid his keepers for keeping him so delicately, and gave hints enough to discover their meaning; but the most cunning of all was, the direction which the crafty Bishop of Hereford sent down to them, in these words:

Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est.
To kill Edward will not to fear it is good.

Or thus rendred into verse by Stow,

To seek to shed King Edwards bloud
Refuse to fear I think it good.

All which being written without any Point or Comma, carries a double sence like the Pagan Oracles, either to kill or save Edward; by which means the knavish Bishop could interpret it for his own vindication, if he were questioned for it.

Gurney and Maltravers receive the direction, and interpret it according as it was desired; and so they bend their studies to pro­cure his Murther. Once they indeavoured to stifle him by the stench of Carkasses and suchlike Carrion. smell; but that failing, they went a sure way to work; for one night, they, assisted with some fifteen other villains, rush'd into his chamber, he being in bed, and with many Feather-beds and Tables laid upon him they smo­thered him; and for more sure work and torment, they th [...]ust an hot piece of Iron into his bowels, through a certain instrument like a Glyster-pipe in at his fundament; and that instrument they used, that no wound might be found upon him.

As for the Murtherers, they found (contrary to their expectati­ons) Isabel and the Bishop of Hereford their mortall enemies, con­struing their directions for the preservation of the King, by which means they indeavoured to vindicate themselves to the people; but Gurney and Maltravers being thus overpower'd by their own Pa­trons, fled for it.

Such another like double-meaning sentence as this, are we told of concerning Gertrude Queen of Hungary and Mother to S. Eli­zabeth, Jo. Fox Mon. Tom. 1 pag. 348. so famous amongst the Germans.

Reginam interficere nolite ti­mere bonum est, & si omnes con­senserint non ego contradico.
To kill the Queen will ye not to fear it is good, and if all men con­sent thereunto (yet) not I (I) my self doe stand against it.

And these devillish knaveries and double dealings, possibly took their first thoughts from suchlike delusions as these of the Pagan Oracles, let Satan or Man be the inventor and speaker,

Ibis, redibis nunquam per bella peribis.

Thus Croesus that wealthy King of the Lydians was ruined by trusting to this Oracle,

Croesus Halyn penetrans magnam pervertit opum vim.

as Iyrrhus King of Epire was by this of Apollo,

Aio te Aeacide Romanos vincere posse.

But to leave Heathen Fables, let us return to Romanish Rebel­lions.

Sect. 2. The deposing and death of King Richard the Second.

ANd here passing by King Edward III, so famous in Wars, and that impudent Rebellion of Wat Tylor, Jack Straw, and such­like beggerly Villains in King Richard II's time; a Prince unfor­tunate to be left to rule very young, and under bad counsel, which brought him into some inconveniencies in his after-Reign; which procured him the ill will of many, whereby he was made more capable of loosing not onely his Kingdom, but his life.

For having Reigned some twenty two years, and whilst he was in Ireland, in quelling the Rebellion there, Henry Bullenbrook Duke of Hereford and Lancaster landed in York-shire, whither most of the Nobility and Bishops flockt to him, raiterously owning him as their Lord: and to make his way more easie, Thomas Arundel Arch­bishop of Canterbury preached to the people against King Ri­chard; and (which Rebellion never can want,) shew'd a Bull pro­cured Stow, p. 3 [...]0. from Rome, promising remission of sins to all those who should aid the said Henry against King Richard; for which trea­son year 1339 they should be placed in Paradise. Brave Papal Doctrine from the Infallible Tripos of the Romish Bishop, who is privi­ledged with an unerring spirit.

By suchlike irreligious tricks as these, the Duke increased to an hundred thousand strong, seizeth upon the King, who upon this news was return'd out of Ireland; hath him up to London, where a Parliament being call'd, he is overperswaded to resign his Crown, which the Duke claimeth, and hath it: The Archbishop J. Hay­wardes Hist. Hen. IV. pag. 96. 1 Sam. 9. 17. Behold the man whom I spake to thee of, this same shall reign over my people. of Canterbury making a Sermon upon this Text:

Henry being Crown'd, King Richard was removed to Pontfract in York-shire, where he dyed: some hint as if for grief he pined away; others, that every day he had good cheer set before him, but not permitted taste of it; but the common Opinion is, that (and by the desire and hints too of Henry) he was murdered vio­lently by Spond. an. 1 [...]99. § 8. W [...]ll. [...]x [...]on co [...]uat. of Polycion. lib. ult. cap 9. Weapons; the wicked Author of which, they say to be Sir Pier [...] of Exton, a Knight and favourite of Henries.

However it was, for diversion sake, take it thus from the Poems of Samuel Daniel, one held to be very knowing in our English Histories and Antiquities.

Book II. § 99.
And now the whilst
King R [...] ­chard II and his Queen Isabel meet­ing together and lame [...]t­ing their con­ditions.
these Princes sorrowed,
Forward ambition came so near her end,
Sleeps not, nor slips th' occasion offered
T' accomplish what he did before intend:
A Parliament is forthwith summoned
In Richards name, whereby they might pretend
A form to grace disorders, and to show
Of holy right, the right to overthrow.
100.
And could not Majesty be ruined
But with the fearful power of her own name?
And must abus'd obedience thus be led
With powerful Titles to consent to shame?
Could not Confusion be established,
But Form and Order must confirm the same?
Must they who his Authority did hate,
Yet use his stile to take away his State?
101.
Order, how much predominant art thou,
That if but onely thou pretended art,
How soon deceiv'd mortality doth bow
To follow thine, as still the better part?
'Tis thought that reverent Form will not allow
Iniquity, or Sacred Right pervert:
Within our souls, since then thou dwel'st so strong;
How ill do they that use thee, to do wrong?
102.
So ill did they, that in this formal course
Sought to establish a deformed right:
Who might as well effected it by force;
But that men hold it wrong, what's wrought by might:
Offences urg'd in publick are made worse;
The shew of Justice aggravates despight:
The Multitude that look not to the Cause,
Rest satisfi'd, so it be done by Laws.
103.
And now doth Envy Articles object
Of Rigor, Malice, private favourings,
Exaction, Riot, Falshood and neglect;
Crimes done, but not to b' answered by Kings:
Which Subjects may complain, but not correct;
And all these faults which Lancaster now brings
Against a King, must be his own, when he
By urging others sins a King shall be.
104.
For all that was most odious was devis'd
And publish'd in these 32. or 38.Articles abroad;
All th' errors of his youth were here compriz'd,
Calamity with Obloquie to load:
And more to make him publickly despiz'd,
Libels, Invectives, Rayling Rimes were sow'd
Among the Vulgar, to prepare his fall
With more applause, and good consent of all.
§ § § 107.
Ʋpon these Articles in Parliament
So heinous made, inforc'd and urg'd so hard,
He was adjudg'd unfit for Government,
And of all Regal Power and Rule debar'd:
For who durst contradict the
Henry IV.
Dukes intent?
Or if they durst, should patiently be heard?
Desire of change, old wrongs, new hopes, fresh fear,
Being far the major part the cause must bear.

The King being thus deposed, the Poet goeth on to declare how Henry, the better to keep himself secure, wish'd the death of Richard, and how his meaning being understood, the murther was barbarously accomplished.

Book III. § 56.
He knew his time, and yet he would not seem
Too quick to wrath, as if affecting bloud;
But yet complains so far, that men might deem
He would 'twere done, and that he thought it good,
And wish'd that some would so his life esteem,
As rid him of these fears wherein he stood:
And therewith eyes a
Sir Piers Exton.
Knight, that then was by,
Who soon could learn his lesson by his eye.
57.
The man he knew was one that willingly
For one good look would hazzard soul and all;
An Instrument for any villany,
That needed no Commission more at all:
A great ease to a King that should hereby
Not need in this a Court of Justice call,
Nor seem to will the Act; for tho' what's wrought
Were his own deed, he grieves should so be thought.
58.
So foul a thing O thou Injustice art,
That tortrest both the doer and distrest:
For when a man hath done a wicked part,
How doth he strive t'excuse to make the best,
To shift the fault, t'unburthen his charg'd heart,
And glad to finde the least surmise of rest;
And if he could make his seem others sin,
What great repose, what ease he findes therein?
59.
This Knight, but yet why should I call him Knight,
To give Impiety this reverend stile?
Title of honour, worth, and vertues right
Should not be given to a wretch so vile:
But pardon me if I do not aright,
It is because I will not here defile
My unstain'd Verse with his opprobrious name,
And grace him so to place him in the same.
60.
This Caitif goes, and with him takes eight more
As desperate as himself, impiously bold,
Such Villains as he knew would not abhor
To execute what wicked act he would;
And hastes him down to Pomfret where before
The restless King convaid, was laid in hold:
There would he do the deed he thought should bring
To him great grace and favour with his King.
61.
Whether the soul receives intelligence
By her neer Genius of the bodies end,
And so imparts a sadness to his sence
Foregoing ruine whereto i [...] doth tend [...]
Or whether Nature else hath conference
With profound sleep, and so doth warning send
By prophetizing dreams what hurt is near,
And gives the heavy careful heart to fear.
62.
However so it is, the now sad King
Tost here and there, his quiet to confound,
Feels a strange weight of sorrows gathering
Ʋpon his trembling heart, and sees no ground;
Feels sudden terror bring cold shivering:
Lists not to eat, still muses, sleeps unsound;
His senses droop, his steady eyes unquick,
And much he ails, and yet he is not sick.
63.
The morning of that day which was his last,
After a weary rest rising to pain;
Out of a little gate his eyes he cast
Ʋpon those bordering Hills and open Plain;
And views the Town, and sees how people past,
Where others liberty makes him complain
The more his own, and grieves his soul the more,
Conferring Captive Crowns with Freedom poor.
64.
O happy man, said he, that loe I see
King Ri­chards com­plaint in Pomfret.
Grazing his Cattle on those pleasant Fields!
If he but knew his good, how blessed he
That feels not what affliction Greatness yeilds,
Other than what he is he would not be,
Nor change his state with him that Scepters weilds:
Thine, thine is that true life that is to live,
To rest secure, and not rise up to grieve.
65.
Thou sit'st at home safe by thy quiet fire,
And hear'st of others harms, but feelest none;
And then thou tell'st of Kings, and who aspire,
Who fall, who rise, who triumphs, who do mone:
Perhaps thou talk'st of me, and dost inquire
Of my restraint, why here I live alone,
And pitiest this my miserable fall;
For pity must have part, envy not all.
66.
Thrice-happy you that look as from the shore,
And have no venture in the wrack you see,
No int'rest, no occasion to deplore
Other mens travails, whilst your selves fit free.
How much doth your sweet rest make us the more
To see our misery, and what we be?
Whose blinded greatness ever in turmoyl,
Still seeking happy life, makes life a toyl.
66.
Great Dioclesian, and more great therefore,
For scorning that whereto vain pride aspires,
Reckoning thy Gardens in Illyria more
Than all the Empire, all which th' earth admires:
Thou well didst teach, that he is never poor
That little hath, but he that much desites;
Finding more true delight in that small
His Gar­den in Solo­nia, a City in Dalma­tia, after he had resign­ed up the Roman Em­pire.
ground,
Than in possessing all the Earth was found.
67.
Are Kings that freedom give, themselves not free,
As meaner men, to take what they may give?
What! are they of so fatal a degree,
That they cannot descend from that and live?
Unless they still be Kings, can they not be,
Nor may they their Authority survive?
Will not my yeilded Crown redeem my breath?
Still am I fear'd? is there no way but death?
68.
Scarce this word death had sorrow uttered,
But in rusht one, and tells him how a Knight
Is come from Court, his name delivered.
What news with him, said he, that trayterous wight?
What, more removes? must we be farther led?
Are we not sent enough yet out of sight?
Or hath this place not strength sufficient
To guard us in? or have they worse intent?
69.
By this the bloudy troop were at the door,
When as a sudden and a strange dismay
Inforc'd them strain who should go in before;
One offers, and in offering makes a stay;
Another forward sets, and doth no more;
A third the like, and none durst make his way:
So much the horrour of so vile a deed,
In vilest mindes hinders them to proceed.
71.
At length, as to some great assault, the Knight
Cheers up his fainting men all that he can,
And valiantly their courage doth incite,
And all against one weak unarmed man.
A great exploit, worthy a man of might!
Much honour, wretch, therein thy valour wan!
Ah poor weak Prince! yet men that Presence fear,
Which once they knew Authority did bear.
72.
Then on thrusts one, and he would formest be
To shed anothers bloud, but lost his own;
For entring in, as soon as he did see
The face of Majesty to him well known;
Like Marius Souldier at Minternum, he
Stood still amaz'd, his courage overthrown:
The King seeing this, starts up from where he sate,
Out from his trembling hand his weapon gate.
73.
Thus even his Foes that came to bring him death,
Bring him a weapon that before had none,
That yet he might not idly loose his breath,
But dye reveng'd in action not alone:
And this good chance that this much favoureth,
He flacks; not for he presently speeds one,
And Lyon-like upon the rest he flies,
And here lyes one, and there another lies.
74.
And up and down he traverses his ground,
Now wards a felling blow, now strikes again,
Then nimbly shifts a thrust, then lends a wound,
Now back he gives, then rushes on a main:
His quick and ready hand doth so confound
These shameful beasts, that four of them lies slain:
And all had perisht happily and well,
But for one act, that O! I grieve to tell.
75.
This coward Knight seeing with shame and fear
His men thus slain, and doubting his own end,
Leaps up into a Chair that loe was there;
That whilst the King did all his courage bend
Against those four that now before him were,
Doubting not who behind him doth attend,
And plyes his hands undaunted, un [...]ffear'd,
And with good heart, and life for life he stir'd.
76.
And whilst he this, and that, and each mans blow
'Tis said that some of the strokes of the Swo [...]ds were to be seen in the Walls, till these late times when the Castle was demo­lisht; & that King James by reason of this murther had no m [...]nd to take so full a view of the Castle at his coming out of Scotland, as he at first intended, be­ing told of it as he was be­holding the Castle.
Doth eye, defend, and shift, being laid to sore;
Backward he bears for more advantage now,
Thinking the wall would safe-guard him the more,
When loe with impious hand, O wicked thou!
That shameful durst not come to strike before,
Behind him gav'st that woful deadly wound,
That laid that most sweet Prince flat on the ground.
77.
Monster of men! what hath thy fury done
Ʋpon an overpressed Innocent,
Lab'ring against so many, he but one,
And one poor soul, with care, with sorrow spent?
Could thine own eyes indure to look upon
Thy hands disgrace, or didst thou not relent?
But what thou didst, I will not here Divine,
Nor stain my thoughts to enter into thine.
78.
But leave thee wretch unto black Infamy,
To dark eternal horror and disgrace;
The hateful scorn to all Posterity:
The out-cast of the world, last of the Race,
Of whose curst seed, Nature did then deny
To bring forth more, her fair-works to disgrace:
And as asham'd to have produc'd that past,
She stays her hand, and makes this worst her last.
79.
There lyes that comely body all imbrude
With sacred blood, a midst the foul he shed;
Those holy streams became with that vile, rude
Ʋnhallowed stains confusedly interspred:
Ah! why was grosness with such grace indude,
To be with that sweet mixture honoured?
Or serv'd it but for some vile grave, ordain'd
Where an unbalmed Corps should be contain'd?
80.
Those fair distended limbs all trembling lay,
Whom yet, nor life, nor death their own could call;
For life removed had rid all away,
And death, though entring, seiz'd not yet on all:
That short-tim'd motion (that soon finish shall,
The Mover ceasing) yet a while doth stay.
As th' Organ sound a time survives the stop,
Before it doth the dying note give up:
81.
So holds those Organs of that goodly frame
The weak remains of life a little space;
But ah! full soon cold death possest the same:
Set are those Sun-like Eyes, bloudless that face,
And all that comely whole a lump became;
All that fair form which death could scarce disgrace,
Lyes perisht thus, and thus untimely Fate
Hath finisht his most miserable state.

Though King Richard II thus lost his Kingdom and life by the Invasion of Henry IV; yet no sooner came Henry V to the Crown, but he shew'd his respect to Richard, having his Corps convey'd from Langley to Westminster, where he had him honourably bury­ed, Stow, p. 343, 344. close by his Queen Anne his first Wife, according to his desire when living; and, which was more, observed yearly a day in me­mory of the said Richard. The Epitaph of the said King Richard runs thus, according to the Monkish mode of Poetry in those times.

Prudens & Mundus Richardus jure Secundus,
R Holinshed vol. 3.
Per factum victus, jacet hic sub marmore pictus,
Verax sermone, fuit & plenus ratione,
Corpore procerus, animo prudens ut Homerus;
Ecclesiae favit, Elatos suppeditavit,
Quemvis prostravit, Regula, qui violavit.

And so much for King Richard II his miseries and murther; and as for his Epitaph, the ignorance and well-meaning of the Rimer shall pardon his Poetical faults, being held famous, and of great esteem in those times. As of later times, Ortuinus Gratius, and the rest of the Magistri nostri and Virtuosi in the Epistolae obscuro­rum virorum, thought their own Latine and Learning far above that of Erasmus, Reuchlin, and such others, truely famous and immortal for their Learning and Oratory.

Sect. 3. The grand dispute and troubles amongst the Cordeliers, con­cerning the trifling and childish Questions of the large­ness of their Capuchin or Hood, and the usage and right of the Bread and meat which they eat.

ANd now amongst all there Tragedies, take one piece of foolish gravity, where you shall finde the Pope and his Car­dinals as serious about meer trifles, as if in the Consistory they were met, onely to invent the Game of Goose; and his Holiness sit­ting, consulting, and troubling his head as wisely, as Pantagruel in Rabelais in deciding the non-sence Law-case between the two foolish Lords.

I have heard of two Italian Brothers, who fell out and kill'd each other, upon the dispute which of them should possess the Heavens, and command the Stars; and History tells us, that the Sir Hen. Wot­tons State of Christend. p. 147, 148. Aetolians and Arcadians had cruel Wars for a Wild-Boar; that the Carthagenians, and the people of Piraca for a Sea-rovers-ship; that the Scots and Picts for a few Mastiff-Dogs; and that the Wars between Charles Duke of Burgundy and the Switzers, began for a Cart-load of Sheep-skins. And some will tell us, that that great hatred and antipathy betwixt the Car. Gar­cia Antipa­tia de los Franceses y Espanno­ [...]es, cap. 17. page 236. Epit. of the French Kings, p. 280 this hapned anno 1463. French and Spaniards, began meerly because the French were not so gloriously clad as the the other, at an interview betwixt Lewes XI, and Henry IV the King of Castile. And the Indian Histories assure us, that the King of Pegu having three white Elephants, wanted a fourth for his Coach: which to obtain from the King of Siam, who had one, Myst. of Jesuitis. Part 3. pag. 54. rais'd an Army of a Million of men; in which were three thousand Ca­mels, five thousand Elephants, and two hundred thousand Horses; whereby he destroy'd the Kingdom of Siam, and forced the poor King to kill himself for the loss of his whole Empire; and all this ado for one white Elephant to joyn to his other three.

Though these actions might perswade some to pitty, others to smile at them; yet here we shall have a Papal Controversie or two more ridiculous; which I shall give you in the words of a late ingenious Author, as it is now rendred out of French, whereby we may see how obstinate people are in meer trifles.

‘For there is no question but that when the Cordeliers were at Myst. of Jesui. part 3. pag. 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66. a difference between themselves concerning the form of their Capuchin (Cowl or Hood) when those who would be call'd the Spiritual Brethren would have their Hood narrower, and others which they named the Brothers of the Communalty would have theirs of a larger size; they thought their dispute wonderful con­siderable: And in good earnest the quarrel lasted almost a whole Age, with infinite heat and animosity on both sides, being at last with much ado determin'd by the Bulls of four Popes, Ni­colas IV, Clement V, John XXII, and Benedict XII. But now it looks, as if really it had been to make the world sport, when men but mention this Dispute; and I verily believe there is hardly a Cordelier at present that cares a Rush for the size of [Page 320] his Capuchin. For so in truth a wise Fryar would have said, when the Contest was at the highest,—Let us but have patience a while, and we shall both be laught at.

‘The same might likewise have been said upon another Questi­on sprung about the same time, and which is of a nature so thin and airy, that it almost vanisheth with a touch.’

‘'Tis a certain truth, that what the Cordeliers eat and drink, is as well devour'd, as that which is eaten or drank by those who never made profession of their Rule: This is undeniable. But there sprang a Question amongst them, whether the right to those things which were consum'd by the usage, as Bread and Wine, appertain'd to them or not; or whether they had onely the simple usage of them, without any right. The greater part perceiving this to be a certain degree of Perfection, which cost them nothing but their quitting of all right to those things which they devour'd by the use (since this Renunciation did not at all hinder the usage, for which they were onely interessed) greedily embrac'd the Opinion, that the Cordeliers had indeed but the simple usage of things, without any title to them: That the right appertain'd to the Roman Church, and that theirs was the Poverty, of which Jesus Christ gave them an Ex­ample.’

S [...]m [...] call him N [...]colas III. Nicolas IV, who had been taken out of the Order of the Cordeliers, made a Sext. de v [...]oo [...]. sig­nis. c. Ex [...]t [...] Bull wholly advantagious to this preten­sion, and defin'd, that in effect they had but the simple usage; and that Jesus Christ had given us the Example of this present Poverty, which consists in the general Renunciation of all Right to Temporal goods.’

‘Thus continued matters for some time; the Cordeliers eat and drank as well as other men, though without Right or Title. But John XXII, who was of a fiercer humour, being rais'd to the Pontificate, found himself importun'd with this unprofitable Right which the Cordeliers attributed to the Roman Church, from whence he saw no profit to come; and therefore he took a fancy to end this Question, without any regard to the Decision of his Predecessor Nicolas.

‘The Cordeliers alarm'd at this, being assembled in their General Chapter at Perouse [Perugia in Tuscany] solemn­ly protested to adhere to the Definition of Pope Nicolas the IV.’

‘But for all this, John took the adverse party, Ex [...]. a [...] XXII. de [...] & B [...]. anno 1 [...]2 [...]. § 4. declaring that he cared not for this Right to the Bread and Wine of the Corde­liers, and other things which they consumed by the usage, since there accru'd no profit by it to the Church of Rome; that the Cor­delier Fryars were never the poorer; and that their [...] intention was, that none but themselves should derive any profit from it: That it was a dishonour that the Roman Church should interest it self for an Egg or piece of Cheese: That in things which they devour'd after that manner, the Ʋsage and the Right of Ʋsage was not to be distinguish'd; and that all this aiery and spiritu­al refinement was but a pure illusion. In fine, he [...] deter­min'd, that it was a plain Heresie to affirm that Jesus Christ possess'd nothing in this World, neither in particular nor in com­mon; and that he should have no Title to the things which he used.’

‘These Divisions of John XXII appeared quite repugnant to those of Nicolas IV: and the difference did so perplex Cardi­nal Bellarmine, as he really profess'd they were not to be through­ly reconcil'd.’

De Rom. Pont. 4. c 14. ‘He acknowledged that Nicolas IV did teach that one might separate the Right from the Ʋsage; and that John XXII had declared the contrary.’

‘He confess'd also that Nicolas has determin'd that this is a holy Poverty; and on the other side, that John XXII look'd upon it as Hypocrisie. And upon these two points unlucklly takes the part of Nicholas against John.

‘But for as much as in the third point that concerns the Pover­ty of Jesus Christ, the Cordeliers opinion is taxed o [...] Heresie by John XXII; that the two Popes should not seem at variance in a point of Faith, he endeavours to piece them together by distinguishing of the times.’

‘He says therefore that Jesus Christ did possess Temporal things at one time, and that he was absolutely bereav'd of them at another: That so it is true, that as to one season he pre­scrib'd us an Example of perfect Poverty, by an absolute re­nunciation of the possession of all things, as says Nicolas: And that it is true, he at another time possess'd Tempo­ral goods which he made use of, as John XXII had decided it.’

‘But this way of according the Decision of the two Popes, does not appear so solid: for John XXII doth not pretend that Jesus Christ was Master of the Temporal things he us'd at one certain time onely, but that he was so always, as ap­pears by the general Principle which he makes use of to prove it, which is, that the Ʋsage is unjust, which is unaccom­panied with Right: Whence it is easily infer'd, that Jesus Christ having made use of Temporal things, and never ha­ving used them unjustly, he had always a Right to the Ʋse of them.’

‘But however the matter was, divers of the Cordeliers did take themselves to be justly condemn'd, and mangre the Pope, they obstinately maintain'd that their Bread belong'd to the Church of Rome; so as the Emperour Lewes of Bavaria [of whom we spake so much formerly] being then at variance with the Pope about his Election to the Empire, they joyned them­selves to him, and stoutly sustain'd his Right against John XXII. The Emperour on his part upheld the Cordeliers, reproach­ing to the Pope as a foul error, his Decision touching the Pover­ty of Jesus Christ.

‘In sum, the Animosity of both these Antagonists came at last to that height, that the Pope (according to the stile of that Age) 1324. Excommunicated the Emperour, declared him Heretick, favourer of Hereticks; deposed him from the Em­pire, and caus'd all the poor Cordeliers to be burnt that he could lay hands on. On the other side, the Emperour 1327. en­ters Italy with a puissant Army, 1328. seizes on Rome, declares Pope John (then at Avignion) unworthy of the Pontificate, creates a new Pope, or rather Anti-pope, namely a Cordelier, call'd Peter Raina iu­tius. Ramuceus of Corbaria, who chose the Title of Nicolas V, and who for the first action of his Pontificate, vacated [Page 322] the Bull of John XXII against the Cordeliers, himself Excom­municating and deposing him.’

And thus in short have we taken a view of this tedious and bloudy quarrel about a mouthful of Bread and Cheese; a Con­troversie not worth a wise mans thought: for let me but have my belly full, and eat and drink when I please, let his Holiness or a­ny body else that hath such a longing humour, take the Excre­ments, I, and if he please, wrapt up or sawced in the Notions of Right or Ʋsage, and twenty suchlike distinctions, if by this means both parties are pleas'd; for I am confident to be no looser, and his worship hath an easie Stomack that is thus satisfied. All which being as meer fopperies, as he that was angry that his Hat was button'd up on the wrong side.

Though John XXII got the better of the Emperours New Pope Nicolas, yet was he so much incensed against the Cor­deliers, that he was once thinking to Spondan. an. 1322. § 14. extirpate the very Or­der; for which, and his strongly opposing them in this trifle, he hath since been vilified by their pens to the purpose: Of which Annal. Mi­norum, Tom. 3. an. 1322, 1323. Lucao Waddingus will afford you some instances: But as simple and ridiculous as the dispute is, yet even at this day cannot the School-men leave off troubling their mouldy Cob­web-heads, and the world about it. And thus much for this blockish Quarrel and dispute.

CHAP. VI.

1. The great Schism amongst the Popes, with some Re­flections on some of their Actions.

2. The troubles of Naples; and the wicked design against the Medici and Florentines; with the murther of Juliano de Medici.

3. The murther of James the First, and James the Third, Kings of Scotland.

4. The deaths of Henry the Sixth and Edward the Fifth, Kings of England.

5. The troubles in Spain, and the miseries of Don Henry the Fourth King of Castile and Leon, by reason of his proud and rebellious Nobility.

Sect. 1. The great Schism amongst the Popes, with some Reflections on some of their Actions.

WE have several times seen how the Popes of Rome have disturb'd the peace and happiness of other mens Domi­nions, and have been the ruine and destruction of many Princes; and now methinks it will not be amiss to take a sleight view of the destruction of Rome it self, where many wise men, through variety of pretenders, could not discover the true Vicar, and Infallible Bishop.

Part of this story belongs to the former Century, yet 'tis more convenient to place it all together here, the greater portion of it be­longing to this.

Clement V being 1305. chosen Pope by his Simoniacal Promises to Philip le Bel King of France, and being before his Election Archbishop of Burdeaux, and also that Country-man, being in France when he was chosen Pope by the Cardinals at Perugia, would not for some reasons remove out of France, but (though the Cardinals earnestly perswaded him for Italy) setled the Pon­tifical Seat at 1308. Avignion.

By this removal into France, Rome was deprived of the Pope­dom or Papal Seat above LXX years, till what time Gregory XI 1377. restored it again to Rome.

This Gregory dying, the Cardinals chose Ʋrban VI; but pre­sently after declaring they were forced by the Romans to such an Election, they declared this void, and chose Clement VII; by [Page 324] which means the Schism began; the story of which being large and intricate, take this following Chronologie to make it more plain and intelligible.

Gregory XI dyed 1378.
Empe­rours.A. C.Popes.Popes. 
Wence­slaus.1378(a) Ʋr­ban VI.(b) Cle­ment VII.(a) The
Onuphrius.
Germans, Hungarians, English, and part of Italy stood for Ʋrban. Some say he was
Coquaeus, Tom. 2. pag. 228.
legally Elected, others doubt it. He created LIV Cardinals.
2137922 
3138033 
4138144 
5138255(b) The
Onuphr.
French and Spaniards stood for him. He kept his Seat at Avignion, and created XXXVI Cardinals.
6138366 
7138477 
8138588 
9138699 
1013871010 
1113891111 
121390(c) Boni face IX.12(c) He was
Scribendi at (que) canendi imperitus. Theod. d Niem de Schismat. l. 2. c. 6.
unskilful in sing­ing (then much look'd after in a Church-man) and also in writing; a great Seller of In­dulgences, and very guilty of Simony. He created XI Car­dinals.
131391213 
141392314 
151393415 
1613945(d) Bene­dict XI or XIII.(d) He promis'd to resign up his Popedom, if Boniface would do so too, so that another Pope might be chosen, and the Schism ended, but had no minde to do so: so he held himself for Pope, and created VIII Cardinals.
17139562 
18139673 
19139784 
20139895 
211399106 
Ruper­tus.1400117 
21401128 
31402139 
414031410 
51404(e) Inno­cent VII.11(e) Before his Election he sware to resign the Popedom, if Be­nedict would: but neither of them had any stomack to it. He created XI Cardinals.
61405212 
[Page 325]71406(f) Gre­gory XII.13(f) He also before his Ele­ction sware to resign his Pope­dom for union-sake, if Benedict would; but how long in this he jugled, Theodorick à Niem will tell you. He created XIII Cardinals.
Empe­rours.A. C.Popes.Popes.Popes. 
81407214  
91408315(g) Alex­ander V.(g) The Cardinals thinking to end this Schism, call'd a Coun­cil at Pisa, where they declared Gregory and Benedict guilty of ma­ny crimes, and pro­nounce them deposed, and so chose this Alex­ander V: Though nei­ther Gregory nor Bene­dict obey'd the Coun­cil, but would be Popes still. And Alexander dyed be­fore he had sat a year.
101409416  
Jodocus.1410517(h) John XXIII.(h) Some say that by scrce he nominated and chose himself Pope, Fel de Bargamo. He crea­ted XVI Cardinals.
Signis­mond.1416182 
214127193 
314138204 
414149215 
5141522• To break this Schism of three Popes at a time, a Council is held at Constance, where Gregory de­prives himself, and John with much ado is overperswaded to deliver up his Pope dom; but Be­nedict would by no means sub­mit; yet he is there declared [...] Pope, and so the Council elects Martin V.
61416 23  
Empe­rours.A. C.Popes.Popes. 
71417Martin V.24 
81418225 
91419326 
101420427 
111421528 
121422629 
131423730 
1414248(i) Cle­ment VIII(i) Benedict
Some say he was poy­oned: see Grimstons History of Spain, l. 18. p. 687, 688:
XI dying in Spain, the Cardinals there of his Faction chose for Pope this Cle­ment VIII. But at the four years end, seeing he could not m [...]ke good his party, he quietly yeild­ed up his Pontifical name and honour.
151425912 
161426103 
171427114 
18142812  
19142913  
20143014  
211431(k) Enge­nius IV. (k) A Council being held at Basil, Eugenius took distaste at them, calls another at Ferrara, which he removes to Florence; declares that to be none at Basil. Against this the Council of Basil protests, declares the Pope to have no power to dissolve or remove that Council, and that a Council is above the Pope: lay several Accusations against Eugenius, and so pronounce him deposed and no Pope; in whose stead they elect Felix IV. But Eugenius would not obey this, ranted as much against them and Felix, and created XXVII Cardinals.
2214322  
2314332  
2414344  
2514355  
2614366  
2714377  
Albertus II.14388  
[Page 326]214399Felix IV(l) Felix was formerly Duke of Savoy, and had many that adher'd to him, and several stood Neuters; he created XXIV Cardinals.
Frederick III.1440102 
21441113 
31442124 
41443135 
51444146 
61445157 
71446168 
81447Nicolas V.9 
914482Felix upon the earnest intrea­ty of the Emperour Frederick III, and other reasons, resigned up all his interest to the Pope­dom, and so Nicolas V re­main'd sole Pope; and thus this Schism ended.
1014493  
1114504  

By this Schism or Schisms which continued so many years, Christendom received much detriment, each Party and Faction maintaining it self with all earnestness. Ʋrban VI to strengthen himself, because Joan I. Queen of Naples (a lover of change) ad­her'd to Clement, pronounceth her deposed from her Kingdom, which he gives to Charles Durazzo. To counterpoise this, Joan (by the counsel of Clement) declares Lewes Duke of Anjou Heir to the Kingdom, (and Pope Martin V confirm'd it afterwards) which increas'd the trouble: But in brief, Durazzo proves too strong, enters Naples, seized upon Queen Joan, and caused her to be hanged.

And with that severity did Ʋrban persecute those of whom he was any way jealous, that he took Platin. p. 270. five Cardinals, had them tyed up in sacks, and so thrown into the Sea: but others tell worse things of him.

Nay, so zealous were the people of those days for Schism, that neither the Councils of Constance or Basil could presently end this disturbance; for what Pope soever they nominate or approve of, falleth presently out again with them, concerning whose Authority is greatest, the Councils or the Popes; they de­claring themselves to be above the Bishops of Rome, whilst on the other side his Holiness pronounceth himself above all.

And these disputes went so far, till at last it came to an equal Muster, Felix and the Council of Basil against Eugenius and the Council of Florence, so that either party was back'd with a Pope and Council.

As for the Council of Constance, I may fancy that they took no great care for the preservation of Kings, since they decreed onely this, that it was not lawful to kill Tyrants, with this kna­vish condition, Without the command or sentence of a Judge; yet this Council (and so did Basil) declare it self above the Pope, and that he ought to be obedient to a Council: yet will not all the Ro­manists [Page 327] believe this, though thus decreed by a lawful Council, as they say; for if this be not legal, how can Martin V be a true Pope, being set up and chosen by it? and if he fail, there can­not have been a true one since. And besides this, we may suppose that there hath been a notable jumbling of Cardinals, when in this very Schism there was about two hundred created, besides those who were made by Martin V, and Nicolas V.

But though this Schism was some trouble to Christianity, yet the succession of the Emperours went peacebly on; onely Wenceslaus was deposed for his vitious life, as if the troubles of the Popes were the peace of the Empire; and at these times, probably, the Popes are too busily imploy'd to disturb the German Govern­ment.

As for the Council of Basil, Aeneas Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius II, hath wrote much in its vindication: But when he came to be Pope, he changed his note, and declared against his former writings, decreeing that the Pope is above a Council: thus Interest can work Miracles; but for his unconstancie he is pointed at by this Proverb, What Aeneas approves of, that Pius condemns. And Quod Ae­neas proba­vit▪ P [...]us damnavit. to this Proverb which others made of him, we will add this say­ing of the Clergy—Sacerdoti­ [...]us magna ratione sub­latas Nupti­as, majori restituendas videri. Pla­tin. edit An­tiqu. Mariage hath been for great reason taken away from Priests; but yet for greater, it ought to be restored to them.

After Pius sat in the Roman Chair, Paulus II, such an Enemy was he to all good Learning, that Humanitatis autem studia ita oderat & contemnebat, ut [...]jus studiosos, uno nomine Haereticos appel­laret. Hanc ob rem Romanos adhortabatur, ne filios diutius in studiis litterarum paterentur, satis esse si legere & scribere didicissent. Plat. p. 340.—Is enim nec literatur nec moribus probatus. Volater­ran, lib. 2. fol. 259. Platina tells us he used to call Scholars Hereticks; and the better to carry on his design of Ig­norance, he perswaded the Romans from bringing up their children in Learning, to write and read being knowledge enough.

He would have been an excellent companion for the Emperour Suetor. in vita D [...]mit. § 10. Domitian, that banish'd all Learned men, and had one kill'd for making a Map of the World: yet if in this he came not near him enough, he might for greediness of money; for which in his time at Rome all Church-preferments were publickly Platin. ib. Genebrard, l. 4 p. 1080. Carranza sum. Concil. pag. 879. sold. How­ever, he loved something else as well as Money, or else he is shrew'dly belyed. For Janus Pannonius, who lived in his time, and was Bishop of Funfkirken [by the Hungarians call'd Eutegyhazac, commonly known by its Latine name Quinque-Ecclesiae] in lower Hungary, and well acquainted with the affairs at Rome: This Ja­nus, I say, as soon as this Paul II came to his Popedom, sent him good Delit. Poe­tar. Hungar. pag. 250. advice: but a little after we finde the matter alter'd; for thus he quits his Holiness.

Pontificis Pauli ne testes Roma requiras,
Ib. pag. 284.
Filia quem similis te docet esse marem.
Pope Paul's a man, Rome, seek no farther tryal;
He gat a daughter makes it past denial.
[Page 328]And again thus:
Sanctum non possum, patrem dicere possum,
Cum video natam, Paule secunde, tuam.
I cannot call thee Holy, Paul, but rather
Now I your Daughter see, can call you Father.
And in another place thus he sings to the same purpose:
Cum sit filia Paule, sit tibi aurum;
Quantum Pontifices habere raros
Vidit Roma prius: Pater vocari,
Sanctus non potes, at potes Beatus.

To him succeeds Sixtus or Xystus IV, of whom Cornelius A­grippa gives this noble Character, That he built at Rome a very famous Sed & re­centio [...]ibus Tempor [...]us Sixtus Pon­tifex Maxi­mus Romae Nobile ad­modum [...] Lu­panar ex­tr [...]xit.—Ro­mana scorta in singulas Hebdomadas sul [...]um pen­dent Ponti­fici, qui census annuus non nunquam viginti millia Ducatos excedit; adeo (que) Ecclesiae procerum id munus est, ut uno cum Ecclesiarum proventibus etiam lenociniorum numerent merc [...]dem. Sic enim ego illos supputantes aliquando audivi. Habet (inquientes) ille duo Beneficia, unum curatum aureorum viginti, alterum prioratum d [...]catorum quadraginta, & tres Putanas in Burdello, quae reddunt singulis [...]debdo­madibus Julios viginti. Hen. Corn. Agrippa de vanitat. scientiarum, cap. 64. Bawdy-house: but this, you may suppose, was for the profit of his Holiness; for the same Author goeth on and tells us, that every Curtisan of Rome payes every week to the Pope a Julio [every Giulio is about an English Six pence] which yearly rent some­times surmounts the sum of twenty thousand Ducats. And how his Disciples gain'd under him, the same Agrippa assures us, that he hath heard them thus cast up their Incomes and Rents,—He hath two Benefices, one Cure worth twenty Ducats, a Priory worth forty Ducats, and three Whores in the Brothal-house, which every week brings him in the gain of twenty Giulios, i. e. ten shillings.

This Agrippa was in this time so famous for all manner of Learn­ing, that he was courted by all Persons and all Countries, though some object to him the Magick Art; but to quit him from this, Monsieur Apologie pour les Personages sou [...] zonnez de Mag [...]e, cap 15. pag. 400, 401, &c. Naude hath lately written a large Apologie, whither I refer the Reader. And Lib. 22. sol. 259. Volaterran tells us, that this Pope Sixtus IV loved his kindred so well, that to prefer them he would go against and violate all Laws Humane and Divine; a great pity that such a fault should over-cloud so excellent a ver­tue.

To him succeeded Innocent VIII, who is said to have followed year 1483 on the same trade, and thereby to have clearly gain'd sixteen Children, eight Boys, and as many Daughters, before his Pope­dom; but to mend the matter, they now say he was [...], Tom. 2. pag. 204. C [...]ef­ [...]. p. 1209. marry­ed, and so honestly had them before he obtain'd the Papal dig­nity. But Lib. 22. [...]l. 261. in [...] Alex­and. Volaterranus doth more than hint that they were Bastards, by comparing him and them to Pope Alexander VI and his off-spring.

As for Pope Alexander VI, who succeeded this Innocent, I need not say much, seeing all the Roman Historians themselves do confess him to have been a Monster amongst men; and that as he basely got his Popedom, viz. by Simony, so lived he ever [Page 329] after very wickedly. Before his Popedom he enjoyed one Or Vano­cia, or Van­nocia, or La­nosia, or La­nozia, Onu­phrius in vi­ta Alex. Jo. Marian de rebus Hi­span. lib. 26. cap. 2. Za­noccia, and afterwards reserved her for his especial Curtisan; he had by his love to Women four Sons and Daughters; the best of the latter sort was call'd Lucretia, with whom he was thought a little too familiar (as her two Brothers were also:) wherefore up­on her was this Epitaph.

Hoc jacet in Tumulo Lucretia nomine, sed re
Thais, Alexandri filia, sponsa, nurus.
Lucrece by name, Thais indeed lyeth under this stone,
Alexanders Daughter, his Sons Wife, and his own.

At Tournay in Flanders there is an Epitaph, which will some­what Fran. Sweert. pag. 515. out-riddle this of Lucretia.

Cy gist le Pere, cy gist la Mere,
Cy gist la soeur, cy gist le Frere,
Cy gist la famme & le mary,
Et n'ya que deux Corps icy.
Here lyeth the Father, and here lyeth Mother,
Here lyeth the Sister, and here lyeth Brother,
Here lyeth the Husband, and here lyeth the Wife;
Yet here are but two bodies to make all this strife.

Many biting Verses might be collected against this Alexander out of the works of that so famous Italian Poet, Jacobus Sanna­zarius [or Actius Syncerus, being call'd both wise] Mantuan, and such other like Scholars that then flourish'd; but it would be to no purpose, seeing they confess the worst of him, and all since are ashamed of him.

As for the manner of his death, take it thus according to Lib. 6. Guic­ciardin. Caesar Borgia his Son, resolving to poyson Adrian Car­dinal of Corneto, sends some Flagons of poysoned Wine to the Vineyard, where they with the Pope were to sup. The Pope coming too soon, before any other Wine was brought, and being very thirsty, Borgia's man, (not knowing of his Masters design, but thinking it to be most excellent Wine) fill'd some of it to the Pope, who drank heartily. It chanced at the same time Bor­gia came, and through ignorance pledged his Father; who having took some Antidotes before, and being young and lusty, lived, though he indured an hard sickness; but his old Father Alexan­der VI dyed upon it.

But Dr. Pag. 1 [...] 12. Coeffeteau will rather follow Onuphrius, viz. that it was the Pope himself that contrived the poyson to take away several Cardinals, the better to inrich himself by the seizing upon their wealth, and that the man through mistake gave onely the poysoned cup to Alexander and his Son Borgia, whereby the rest escaped: and this makes the Pope more wicked, and may well enough be believed; for Guicciardin confesseth that this Pope and his Son used this trick several times, to the murthering of se­veral Cardinals, against whom they had but the least pick.

Here I might tell the several mischiefs that this Alexander brought upon the World, for the preferring of his wicked Bastard [Page 330] Caesar Borgia; but it will be too tedious for this place. And he year 1400 that would see any more of the former Schism (the Story of which would fill a large Volume) may peruse (f) Theodoric à d De Schis­mate, & Ne­mus umonis. Niem, who was Secretary to several Popes in that Rupture.

Sect. 2. The troubles of Naples, and the wicked designe against the Medici and Florentines, with the murther of Juliano de Medici.

ANd now a glance at some State-troubles and murders will not be amiss: Yet here passing by the murder of Galiazzo Duke of Milan, the troubles and dethroning in Bohemia, and the leap-frog-government of the Kingdom of Naples; though we might tell what a coyl the Popes made to have one King to thrust out another; to which Charles VIII of France was assisting.

This Charles was so well bred up, that he could not T [...]m male [...] ut n [...] [...]egere qu dem n [...] [...] a [...]t [...] B [...]res Tom. 3. p. 8. read a word; for which want of Learning, he might thank his Father Lewes XI, so great an Enemy to good Literature, that he would have his Son know no more Latine but these Io. p. 82. [...] Tom. 2 pag. 1 [...]82 1085. five words:

Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit Regnare.

This Charles de Valois VIII of France pretending a right to the Kingdom of Naples upon the Anjouan account, marcheth into I­taly, carries all before him. Pope Alexander VI is out of his lit­tle wits, but fortifies himself in Castel St. Angelo. Charles enters [...] d [...] Ch. VIII. c. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 24, 25. Rome a Conqueror; several Cardinals apply themselves to depose the Pope; but they are both made friends: Alexander invests Charles with the Kingdom of Naples, and intitles him Emperour of Constantinople. On the other side, Charles humbly in the Va­tican [...]cciard. [...] kisseth his Holiness Foot, and another day (c) held the Bason of Water whilst Alexander wafh'd his hands: which humble Ceremonies, lest they might be forgot by Posterity, the Pope ap­pointed to be painted in a Gallery in the Castel St. Angelo.

Thence Charles marcheth to Naples, whence the young King Fernando, and his Father Alphonso [though the Pope had in­vested that Kingdom in the House of Aragon] were forced to flee, and Charles was there Crown'd; and stay'd there some time, and so return'd for France. In the mean time, the French behaved themselves so oddly, that there ('tis said) Europe first knew the Venerian disease; and by their behaviour, the French lost the love of the People, and so the Neapolitan Kingdom; for no sooner was Charles departed, but Fernando returns, and retakes the Kingdom: The Pope at this time (for all his former dissem­bling Agreement with Charles at Rome) having a greater kindness to the Aragonians than the French; Alexander himself being a Neighbour of Valentia in Spain: yet Dr. De [...]e [...]fis Fran. lib. 11. fol. 16 [...]. & la C [...]o­nique Mar­tiniene, fol. 30 [...]. Robert Gaguin, a good Orator and Historian [but it seems his Lord Ver [...] ­ [...]m's Hist. [...]en VII. pag. [...]4. Poetry was too uncivil to our English Henry VII, when he was Ambassador from the said Charles hither] affirms that the French King took this ex­pedition [Page 331] into Italy at the intreaty of Pope Alexander VI. Though it appears that his Holiness presently turn'd his note, and not onely secretly wish'd him farther off, but at last became his open Enemy.

But leaving these hurly-burlies, as being too common in History, let us take a short glance of the Popes wicked design upon Flo­rence, where Murder and Sacriledge we shall finde raging in their height.

The City and Common-wealth of Florence now flourish'd un­der O [...]uphrius in Xysto IV. Macciaveli [...] Hist. Flor. l. 8. Coeffet. pag. 1206. Spondan. an. 1578. § 4, 5, 6, 7. the Medici; at which prosperity, not onely some rich Male­contented Citizens, but Pope Sixtus IV also looked with an en­vious eye. And his Holiness took every occasion to thwart the interest of that City, and lessen its Credit and Repu­tation.

At this time the two Brothers, Lorenzo and Giuliano de Medici, sons to Pietro, son to Cosmo, bare the greatest sway and love over the Florentines. At this the House of Pazzi (a rich and powerful Family there) took exceptions; and in this distaste the Pope joyns wi [...] him. And their result was, that nothing would bring their designs about, but the destruction of these two Brethren.

Many Consultations they had how to bring this damnable deed to pass, and many great men had they drawn to this Conspiracy; insomuch, that Fernando King of Naples consented to the designe against the Medici, though I cannot say that he knew of the in­tended Murther: Though Francesco Salviati Archbishop of Pisa was a great stickler in this inhumane action.

After long Consultation, the Conspirators go to Florence; the year 1478 chief of which were, the Pazzi, the Salviati, Giovan Baptista da Montesecco a noted Commander under the Pope, Giacopo di Pog­gio son to the famous Orator, and many others. The better to cover the villany, they perswaded Cardinal Riario to come to­wards Florence; which he doth, and is nobly feasted by Giacopo de Pazzi at his Town Fiesole about four Miles from Florence, whither the Medici were invited, with a design there to murther them: but Julian not coming, that plot fail'd.

Upon this they had the Cardinal to Florence, where they doubted not, but by this means to obtain their ends, Being there, they vizarded their numbers and meetings, under their w [...]i [...]ing upon and civilities to the Cardinal, and against the next Sunday prepare a great Feast; but being informed that Giuliano could not be there, they resolved to put their black design off no longer, fear­ing to be discover'd by their lingring. The place appointed by them for this Murther, was the Cathedral Church of St. Reparata, where they knew both the Brethren would not fail to be: And they thought no time fitter for them, than when Mass was fingng: as for the manner how, they order'd Antonio de Volterra and Stephanus a Priest to kill Lorenzo, and Francesco de Pazzi with Barnardino Bandini to do the same to Juliano; and that upon this uproar, Salviati the Archbishop of Pisa, with Giacopo de Pazzi, and their followers, should seize upon the Palace and Senate.

This day (Sunday the 26 of April) and time being come, they go to Church, where they see the Cardinal and Lorenzo de Medici, and the Church full of people, and Service begun, but Giulian [...] not come; wherefore Francesco de Pazzi, and Barnardo Bandini, [Page 332] who had the charge of killing him, went to his House, and per­swaded him to Church, talking merrily to him all the way; and in a gayety and friendship, de Pazzi took Juliano in his arms, where­by to feel if he had any privy Armor on.

Being come to Church, Bandini with a Dagger stab'd Giuliano to the heart, and de Pazzi wounded him in other places, and by chance himself also in the Leg. Giuliano thus slain, Bandini slew Francesco Noxi, a great friend to the Medici. In the mean time Antonio Volterra, and Steffano the Priest, assault Lorenzo, and wound him a little in the Throat; and thus hurt, he escapes from them into the Vestry. And the Cardinal retires himself to the high Altar.

In the mean time the Archbishop Salviata, with James Pazzi, and a number of their gang, went to the Palace; he and some o­thers going up (leaving the rest below) and found the Senate sat down to dinner: Cesare Petrucei, that year Gonfaloniere di Guistitia, perceiving some mischief by the Archbishops carriage, and amazed countenance (for now when he should be desperate he began to be fearful) boldly thrust Salviati out of the Ch [...]m­ber, and seiz'd upon Giacopo de Pazzi by the hair of his head, and delivered him to the Serjeants. The rest of the Senators at this taking alarm, with what weapons they had, fall upon those who went up with Salviati, and plyed themselves so well, that they presently overcame those Conspirators, killing some, throwing others alive out of the Palace-Windows; and the Archbishop had the reward of hanging.

Whilst this was doing, the Citizens incouraged with the news of the preservation of Lorenzo de Medici, hurry in Arms to the Church, conduct him from the Vestry to his own House, and re­cover the Palace from the Conspirators, who had possest the door and the lower Rooms of it, killing all of the plot they could meet with.

And having thus redeem'd themselves and City, nothing was cryed about but Medici, Medici, every one striving who should shew their hatred most upon the Traytors; insomuch, that the parts of their dead bodies were carryed about the streets, some stuck upon Lances, others upon Swords, others drag'd along; and not any of them escaping that could be laid hands on. And so the people having thus for some time satisfied themselves upon their Enemies, the Corps of Giuliano di Medici were bury­ed with a great deal of state, and lamentations of the Ci­tizens.

The Popes Forces, who had lurked upon the Florentine Bor­ders, to have taken advantage of their surprizal, to have fallen in­to their Territories, and so to have made a perfect Conquest, hearing of the miscarriage, retreated: But Pope Xistus seeing this murther and hidden treason would not bring his designs a­bout, pulls off his Vizard, and shews himself an open enemy, draws out his Pontifical Weapon, and first falls a Cursing and Ex­communicating them, and then with the assistance of Ferdinando of Naples, resolves to over-run them by War. Against these the Florentines oppose themselves: as for the Interdict, they neg­lect and despise it, and commanded their Priests to continue their Celebration of Divine-Service; and for the other, they strengthen themselves by Arms: But the story of the War I shall wave, as [Page 333] too tedious for this place. This being sufficient to shew what year 1300 wickedness their Holinesses will perpetrate, to bring their abomi­nable designs about.

Sect. 3. The murther of James the First and James the Third, Kings of Scotland.

BUt now let us look a little neerer home, and we shall behold the murther of a Prince in Scotland, famous by their Writers for his Vertues, Learning, sweet disposition, Valour, and what not? And this is King James I. The chief of this Conspiracie Will. Drum­monds Hist. of Scotland. Georg. Bu­chanan, lib. 10. was the Earl of Athole, assisted with his Nephew Robert Stuart and Graham.

The first inckling that the King had of this Treason, was whilst he was besieging Roxbourgh in Teveot-dale, then defended by Sir Ralph Gray and his English: for when he had brought the Ca­stle to that extremity, that they were consulting of yeilding; his Queen in all haste possible speeds to him, and gives him some hints of the Treason, and that it was such, that if not quickly prevent­ed, would indanger him and his. Upon this he raiseth the Siege, through jealousie disbands most of his Army, and with those whom he thought he might trust, much troubled in minde with this villany, he goeth to Perth (now call'd St. Johnstons) where he remains in the Black Fryars, a Covent neer the Town-Walls be­longing to the Dominicans.

Here the King bends all his wits to finde out the bottom of the Treason: which design of his being known to the Traytors, they resolve for a speedy execution, lest delay might bring a farther discovery, and a stop to their wickedness. Accordingly, assisted by the darkness of a night, they got undiscovered to the Black-Fryars, one John belonging to the Court being their guide, and had also procured them entrance into the Gallery before the Kings Chamber-door, where they attended some of their Confe­derates, who should have let them in farther in, by taking out the Bar on the in-side of the door; and Robert Stuart, being a fa­vourite with the King, and so familiar at Court, took off all jea­lousie, and was a main assistant to their approach and en­trance.

Whilst they were thus in expectation, Fortune was favourable to their Treason; for Walter Stratoun, one of the Kings Cup­bearers, having not long before carryed in some Wine, came forth of the Chamber, and finding some armed men rudely rushing to force their entry, with a loud voice cryed out Treason; upon which they fall upon him, whom whilst they were killing, a young Maid of Honour, named Douglass, others say Lovel, claps to the Door; but not finding the Bar, and seeing no other re­medy for their preservations, thrust her Arm in the hole or sta­ple, thereby to keep the Door fast. But this tender Bolt being soon broke, the Traytors rush into the Chamber, killing all such as they found to make any assistance; amongst which [Page 334] was Patrick Dumbar, Brother to George sometimes Earl of year 1400 March.

At last they strike down the King, whom they there left dead 14 [...]6. with XXVIII wounds. Nor did it go well with the Queen, who thinking to save her Husband, interposed her own body, whereby she received two wounds, but not Mortal.

As for the Traytors, the common sort of them were hanged, Robert Stuart was hang'd and quarter'd, Walter Earl of Athole was thus punished for three days together:

The first day, he was stript naked to his Shirt, and by a Crane sixt to a Cart, after hoysted aloft, his joynts put out; and thus hanging, shew'd to the people: and thus dragged along the high Street of Edinbourgh.

The second day, he was mounted on a Pillar in the Market­place, and Crown'd with a Diadem of hot Iron, with this In­scription:

THE KING OF ALL TRAYTORS.

And this they say was done to him, to make his words good, he confessing one motive to this design was, because he had been told by some South sayers or Witches, that he should once be Crown'd King.

The third day, he was laid naked along upon a Scaffold, his Belly was ript up, his Bowels taken out and thrown into a fire, he looking upon them: then was his heart taken out and thrown in also; lastly, his head was cut off and fixt upon the most emi­nent place of the City, and his body divided, and parts of it sent to the chief places in the Kingdom.

As for Robert Graham, he was thus punished: a Gallows was raised in a Cart, then he had his right-hand nailed to it, and so drawn along the streets, whilst the Executioners with burning Pincers t [...]re pieces from his Shoulders, Thighs, and suchlike fleshy places which were farthest from his Vitals, thereby to keep him the longer alive, and in greater pain: yet did these terrors bring little repentance to him, as may be gh [...]st by his impious answer; for being asked, during all these tortures, How he durst lay hands on his Prince? made this Reply,—That, if he had Heaven and Hell at his choice, he durst leap out of Heaven and all the joys there, into the flaming bottom of Hell.—At last, having all his flesh almost pull'd off, his Heart and Intrails were thrown into the fire, his Head stuck up, and his Quarters sent to several places for a terror to others.

And here I shall hastily pass by the unfortunate Raign of King James III; how his own Subjects covenanted against him, con­fined or forced him to Edinbourgh Castle, and at last came to o­pen Battel against him at Bannoch-Burn, not far from Sterlin, where his Army being beaten, he was after in cold blood murdered in the Mill: but whether this abominable murther was done by Pa­trick Lord Gray, Robert Sterling of Keer, or Andrew Borthwick a Priest, or all of them, must be left as their Histories hath it, uncer­tain.

Sect. 4. The deaths of Henry the Sixth and Edward the Fifth, Kings of England.

BUt leaving Scotland, here might I treat of the miseries of Eng­land at the same time, of the long but unfortunate Raign of good Henry VI, of his dethronement, and, which was worst, of his year 1471 murther in the Tower of London, as the common opinion goeth, by Bacons Hist. Hen. VII, pag. 2. Richard Duke of Glocester, afterwards call'd Richard the III. Though Mr. Hist. Rich. III. pag [...]0. Spondan calls him a Martyr, an. 1471. § 6. Buck of late would deny the fact, and clear the said Richard from this, and all other imputations laid to him by all other Historians.

The body of this King Henry was carryed to Chertsey in Sur­rey, and there buryed in the Monastery belonging to the Bene­dictines. And 'tis said that many Miracles have been done at his grave, above two hundred of which was gather'd into one V [...]d. Har [...]sfield Hist. Eccles. p. 595. Volume; nor was there any disease, but they say was cured by him, Blind, Lame, Dumb, Kings-evil, and what not? And as if these were not enough, they make him cure another Mira­cle, viz. a Woman that used to go with Childe above Ib. p. 596. two years.

Richard III (envying the fame of Henry, if we may believe King Spelman. Concil. tom. 2. pag. 71 [...]. Henry VII) removed the Corps from Chertsey to the Chap­pel of Windsor, where he was also worshipped by the name of Holy King Henry; and here they say that his Red-velvet-Hat Stow, pag. 424. heal'd the Head-ach of such as put it on their heads: there his body rested for a time; but now his Tomb being taken thence, it is not commonly known what is become of his body. 'Tis true, King Henry VII had a desire to have it removed to West­minster; to which purpose the Abbot desired the Spel [...]. Concil. pag. 712, 71 [...]. consent of Pope Alexander VI.

King Henry VII also desired to have this Henry VI Canonized: to which purpose he wrote to the said Alexander, who gave the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Durham Spelm. pag. 720. Autho­rity to inquire into his Miracles and Life. Nor did Henry VII cease here, but Alexander dying, he sollicited Harpsfield pag. 594. Julius II very earnestly; and some think, that had the King lived a little longer, he had obtain'd his request: But this I shall leave with these words of Edward Hall—These and other like Offices of Holiness Ed. Hal [...]'s Ch [...]on. fol. 223. b. caused God to work miracles for him in his life-time (as old men said,) By reason whereof King Henry VII, not without cause, sued to July Bishop of Rome to have him Canonized, as other Saints be: but the fees of the Canonizing of a King were so great a quantity at Rome (more then the Canonizing of a Bishop or a Pre­late, although he sate in St. Peters Chair) that the said King thought it more necessary to keep his money at home, for the profit of his Realm and Country, rather then to impoverish his Kingdom for the gaining of a new Holy-day of St. Henry: remitting to God the judgement of his will and intent.

And here passing by the cruel death of the young Innocent Prince Edward, eldest Son to this King Henry VI in cold bloud, [Page 336] after the fight at Tewkes-bury, I might come to Edward V, and shew how he was deposed by his Uncle Richard, by means of his wicked Instruments, Stafford Duke of Buckingham, Dr. John Shaw, Brother to Edmond Shaw Gold-smith, then Lord Mayor of London, and suchlike; and from this I might lead you to the making away of the said young Innocent Prince, Edward and his Brother, by the means of the said Richard III: but because all Histories will not exactly agree upon the manner how, I shall refer you to the Chronicles themselves, where the juggle, if not the mur­thers, may be seen at large.

Sect. 5. The troubles in Spain, and the miseries of Don Henry the Fourth King of Castile and Leon, by reason of his proud and rebellious Nobility.

IF we look into Spain, we shall finde those Territories misera­bly wasted by Tumults and Rebellions; we might see how the young King of Castile Henry III was so neglected by his proud and L. de May­ [...] Hist. d' [...], li [...]. 18, 19, 20, 21. greedy Nobility, who pocketed up his Revenues, that once he was forced to pawn one of his Robes for two Shoulders of Mutton to help out his Supper. And we might see their Rebellions a­gainst his Son King John II, whose troublesome Reign might be an Item to Kings to beware of confiding in and favouring too much one Subject, by the neglect of the rest: And the unhappy end of the Constable Don Alvaro de Luna, may be a caution to the greatest favourites in their carriage; for Kings at last (in whose pro­tection lyeth their greatest safety) may be perswaded to leave them to Justice; and then no mercy can be expected from the so­long-abused Law and People. But proceed we to greater troubles and misfortunes then these.

This King John II had by his
  • First wife Maria of Arragon,
    • HENRY IV King of Castile and Leon.
    • Leonora.
    • Catharine dyed young.
  • Second Wife, I­sabel of Portugal, Daughter to D. Jean Master of S. Jago & Son to John I. King of Portugal.
    • Alphonso, whom the people in opposition to Henry Crowned King.
    • ISABEL, upon her Brother Henry's death Queen of Castile, and Marryed Fer­dinand of Arra­gon, whereby those two Crowns were joyn'd.

This Henry IV succeeded in the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon, year 1454 after the death of his Father John II. Henry was civil and cour­teous, never Thou'd any body, were he never so mean; he was also liberal, a lover of peace; but that which spoil'd all, he was too careless in his Government, not desiring to trouble himself much with the affairs of his Kingdom: which with his Clemency made his proud Nobles neglect, and in the end despise him.

To tell all his misfortunes, would be too tedious: In short, seve­ral of his Nobility made a League against him, one of the chief of whom was Don Alphonso Carillo the Archbishop of Toledo. They carryed their plot cunningly and secret; and if a discovery should happen, they had either fair pretensions, or a jugling carriage, with which they knew it was an easie matter to pacifie the King.

The King had notice of their League, and desired to confer with the Marquess De Villena, one of their Chieftains, and some others: they refuse to come to him. At last, De Villena, upon Ho­stages given to his party, and a safe-conduct, meets the King, but comes well provided and guarded with his Faction and Friends, by whose assistance he was so strong, that he resolved to seize upon the King, and the Infanta's [Isabel and Alphonso] and once made year 1464 a violent attempt upon the Court: but finding the King (who had notice of the Plot) too well provided, turn'd all of [...] with a fair excuse; and the King was too apt to pardon and believe all to be for the best.

Another time they had laid a plot to be let in secretly into their Lodgings, there to seize on the King, the Queen, the In­fanta's, and to dispatch their Enemies; but this was by chance also discover'd, and so prevented: yet would not the King pu­nish Villena, because he had given him his word of se­curity.

These failing, they contrived to seize upon him, under pre­tence of a Conference; but of this also the King having intelli­gence, he prevented their Treachery. The Covenanters finding their plots discover'd, flee to open Arms, and draw up several Articles against the King; and the better to countenance their Cause, they pretended great care and friendship to the Kings Bro­ther Alphonso. At last a kinde of peace is struck up; Alphonso de­clared Heir to the Crown, and Commissioners on both sides ap­pointed to end all differences; and Alphonso is sent to the Confe­derates, to render them more peaceable by his presence, and their thus enjoying of what they desired.

Now the King hoped nothing more than an happy peace; but he found himself betray'd on all hands. For whilst the Commissi­oners were consulting, the Archbishop of Toledo, and Don Frede­rick the Admiral, made shew as if they had fallen out with Mar­quess De Villena, were weary of the League, and so came over to the King, to whom they profer'd their service. His Majesty re­joyceth at this; but was presently in troubles again, by reason of the treachery of his Commissioners, who being won over by the Confederates, had consented to a dishonourable peace, whereby nothing remain'd to the King save onely the name.

And this grief was doubled by another misfortune; for he ha­ving sent to Don Gomes de Cacerez Master of Alcantara, and Don Pedro Puertro Carero Earl of Medillino, his trusty friends, to come [Page 338] to him; it fortuned that whilst they were upon their journey, they met with Alvaro Gomes Secretary to the King, and Ganzalo of Sahavedra, one of the Kings Commissioners, both now turn'd to the Confederates. These two Traytors told the other two Nobles a smooth and sad story of the Kings displeasure against them, how he had given order to have them seiz'd on, and so it would not be safe for their Lordships to fall within the reach of the King. These Lords thus falsely perswaded of the Kings displeasure, forgot their honours, and joyned themselves also with the Leaguers.

But yet the Kings misfortune grew worse and worse; for the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Admiral, carryed themselves so cunningly, that Henry ever put his greatest confidence in them. And though he was secretly advised not to trust too much to them, nor to commit any Forces to their charge, assuring him that they waited but that opportunity, and then would deliver them with themselves over again to the Leaguers; yet to all these In­formations would he give no credit, but confer'd upon them seve­ral places of strength, furnish'd them with money, and gave them Commissions to raise Souldiers, with an Order to meet him with their Forces at Arevalo, which place he designed with their assi­stance to besiege.

To [...]his Siege the King goeth; and wondering the Archbishop came not, he sent Fernand Badajos, one of his Secretaries, to hasten his March. The Secretary meets him and his Troops marching towards Avila, the Rendevouz of the Confederates, de­livereth his message; but from the Archbishop gets nothing but this answer—Tell your King from me, that I am weary both of him and his affairs; and that shortly the true King of Castile shall be known.

This was sad news. At the same time cometh information, that the Admiral also had play'd the knave, seiz'd on Valladolid, pro­claimed young Alphonso King, so joyned himself also with the Rebels. At which the King, full of grief and amazement, kneel'd upon the ground, lifting up his hands to Heaven, thus humbly pray'd.

O Lord God! unto whom belongeth the defence and protection of Kings, and by whom they reign: I recommend my Cause unto thee, and commit my life into thy hands: I yeild thee infinite thanks, that it hath pleas'd thee thus to punish me for mine offences, which are worthy of a sharper scourge: And I confess, that the same which I suffer is very small in respect of my deserts. May it please thee (O Lord!) that these troubles may diminish the pains which are due to my soul, in regard of my sins; and if it be thy will that I shall pass through these miseries and afflictions, I beseech thee from the bottom of my heart, to give me patience to endure them, and reason and understanding to guide my self in them.

In the mean time the Confederates meet before Avila, before June, 1465. which City, in the plain fields, they erect a great Scaffold, on which was placed the Statue of King Henry in a Mourning Ha­bit, sitting in a Regal Throne, the Crown on his head, the Scep­ter in his hand, and the Sword laid before it. Upon the Scaf­fold the Archbishop of Toledo, with some others ascended, and [Page 339] a Paper was read, by which Henry was degraded: it contain'd four chief points.

I. As deserving to be deprived from the dignity of a King: at which the Archbishop took the Royal Crown from its head.

II. That he was no more worthy to administer Justice: at which the Earl of Placencia took away the Sword.

III. That he was unfit to govern the Kingdom: then the Earl of Be­nevent took the Scepter out of its hand.

IV. That therefore he was deprived justly of his Royal Throne: then was the Statue thrown down from the Seat, with many un­worthy and outragious speeches, by Diego Lopez, brother to the Earl of Placencia.

This done, the other Lords, with Henries young brother Al­phonso (who had stood a little off as spectators) mounted the Scaffold, took and lifted Alphonso upon their Shoulders, crying out Castile, Castile for the King Don Alphonso; so the Trumpets sounded, and they all went to kiss his hand as their true King.

Poor King Henry received this news patiently, saying with the Prophet Esay—I have nourished and brought up children, and they have despised me.—But although these treacherous and disloy­al servants have so wrong'd and scorned me by the Statue which they have degraded, and thrown away all respect and duty which they owe unto me; yet they cannot keep me, who am the true King, from having strength and courage to chastise and disperse them: For I hope in our Lord Jesus Christ, who is the just Judge of Kings, that their wickedness shall be destroyed, and mine innocencie made known to the whole World. And then considering how many Places and Nobles revolted from him, and the powerfulness of his enemies, he would oftentimes say,—Naked I came out of my Mothers Womb, and the earth must receive me naked; no man can become so poor as he was born: And if God doth now chastise me for my sins, he will comfort and preserve me hereafter: for his infinite power killeth and giveth life; hurteth and healeth; giveth kingdoms, and taketh them away; lifteth up Kings, and throweth them down again, even as he pleaseth.

Yet did not the disconsolate King absolutely despair, but sent to all places he had any hopes in to assist him against the Rebels; and amongst the rest, Don Garcia Alvares de Toledo Earl of Alva de Tormes, was very active for his service.

In the mean time, the Con [...]ederates lay siege to Simancas upon the River Duero in Leon; which was valiantly defended by Don Juan Fernandes Galindo, and other Royalists. And here the very boyes and Lackeys shew'd their zeal against Rebellion; for under­standing that the Archbishop of Toledo was the chief of the Facti­on, in de [...]ision of him and the League they made an Image re­presenting him, which they named the New Don Opas the Apostate.

The Reader may here understand by the by, that about the years 712, 713, 714, Julian Governour of Ceuta in the Streights on the African shore, falling out with his Lord Roderigo the last King of the Goths in Spain, in revenge joyns himself with the Moores; with them enters Spain, routs his Prince; and by this treachery the Moores became Masters of all that Continent, ex­cepting the mountanous parts in las Asturias, Biscay and Navar; [Page 340] and so retain'd it for many hundred years, till by degrees they were beaten out: And thus was the name and rule of the Gothick Go­vernment lost.

In this wicked treachery against their own Country and Chri­stian Religion, was as a principal Actor Opas or Oppa Archbi­shop of Toledo, who joyned himself with unbelieving Moores, to the shame of himself, and the loss of Christianity in those parts. And this is that Don Opas to whom these boys alluded.

The Image of the Archbishop being in all sort prepared, one of the boys sat down as Judge; and the Treason being palpable, commanded the Image to be imprisoned, and at last pronounced sentence against it; thus:

Whereas Alphonso Carillo Archbishop of Toledo, following the steps of the ancient Bishop Opas, the ruine of Spain, for that he had betray'd the King his Natural Lord, rebelling against him, and detaining his Money, Towns and Fortresses, which he had committed to him, is therefore condemned to be drawn up and down the streets, and publike places of Simancas; a Trumpet to go before, proclaim­ing that the King did command this justice to be done to the Tray­tor Opas, as a recompence due for his Treacheries and Treasons; and that then it should be burn'd.

This sentence pronounced aloud, we need not question but the young Judge was obey'd in every thing. Then was the Image carryed out of the Town, attended on with above three hundred boyes, and burned with a great deal of triumph in the very sight of the Confederates Army: which at last despairing of taking the Place, rais'd the siege.

King Henry we may well suppose was not idle, having in a little time got an Army of near upon an hundred thousand men. This vast strength terrified the Leaguers; so they fell to private plots, and instigated one Juan Carillo to kill the King: but this Carillo be­ing taken prisoner in a skirmish, and perceiving he could not live long by reason of his wounds, was sorry for what he had under­taken, desired to speak with the King, ask'd pardon of him, had it, confess'd how his life was sought after, and revealed to him o­ther wicked practices against him; and the next day Carillo dyed of his wounds.

The King with his potent Army might have quel'd all before him; but through his love to peace, and carelesness, he lost all op­portunities; allowed of a Conference, where it was concluded, that every man should lay down his Arms, and return home; a Truce to continue for five Months, and that in the mean time Commissi­oners should treat of a Peace.

Thus the King lost his cause; his Army by his negligence wasting and slipping away. Nor did the Confederates disband according to promise; De Villena watching all occasions to see if he could get the credulous King into his clutches. In the mean time Don Al­phonso led a miserable life with the Leaguers; and suspecting ei­ther their bad intentions, or the success of his cause, would wil­lingly have agreed with King Henry, and go to him; but they kept him strictly, threatning to Petiturum veneno, nisi r [...]aret. Jo. [...]arian. l. [...]3. cap. 9. poyson him, if he receded from his Government.

Both parties now seem'd weary; so another peace is clapt up, but very dishonourable to the King, considering what an Army he lately had: But this quiet lasted but a while; they flee to Arms; [Page 341] both Armies meet by Olmedo in Old Castile, where the Archbishop of Toledo appears in his Arms, upon which he wore his white Stole poudred with red Crosses: The Battel is fought, and both parties year 1467 cry victory; but the Kings party daily wasted, insomuch that most forsook him; and like a private Gentleman hew as content to skulk up and down accompanyed with some Mariana, cap. 11. ten horsemen.

At last, after some trouble, Alphonso dyeth about XVI years old; upon this, the Confederates consult about a new Head: they gene­rally year 1468 agree upon Donna Isabella his Sister, send to her to accept of the Government, and they would proclame and Crown her Queen. She upon good advice refuseth all such profers, declaring her obedience to her King and elder Brother Henry; and conjures them also to loyalty, to throw away all private Interests and Fa­ctions, and conclude in a firm peace and union.

The Confederates perceiving that they wanted an Head, and so a main pretence to countenance their Arms to the people; and that, whatever they had hitherto gained, was more by their dissem­bling then strength; that also the Pope Paul II had censured them if they continued in open wars: For King Henry was held an obe­dient son to the Bishops of Rome, for which Calixtus III had sent him formerly an Hat, and a consecrated Sword (which they use to bless upon Christmas-Eve at night, laying them upon the Altar, where they say Mass.) And farther, they recollected, that upon Henries death, Isabella was like to be Queen; whereby they could procure no favour or benefit to themselves, by opposing her peace­able desires.

Upon these considerations they consented to an Agreement; so Articles are drawn up, a Peace concluded on: Donna Isabella is declared Princess of the Las Asturi­as formerly of a larger ex­tent, is now, [...] little Province between Galicia, Leon and Biscay, lying upon the Cantabrian sea. ('Tis twofold; Asturia de O­ [...]iedo, and Astur. de Santillana.) As the Heirs of England are called Princes of Wales, and those of France les Dauphins; so are those to the Crown of Castile, call'd Princes of the Asturias. Upon what occasion, this [...]hort Scheme may shew. Alphonso XI, had amongst other ChildrenHenry a Bastard, Earl of Trans [...]amara, took the Kingdom from the Ty­rant Pedro, and stab'd him with his dagger: he had John I. who had Henry III.Don Pedro el Cruel, had, amongst others, a bastard, call'd Constancia; she was marryed to John of Gant, Duke of Lancaster, son to Edward III King of England. Upon the death of Don Pedro sirnamed the Cruel, though his bastard-Brother Henry II. seised upon the Crown, and was acknowledged for King; yet John of Gant, Duke of Lancaster, pretended the right to lye in him, by reason of his Wife Constance: and made some bustle about it. Henry dying, there succeeded his son John I. with whom and Lancaster a peace was concluded; Lancaster to renounce all his Title to Castile, and King John to marry his son Henry to Lancaster's Daughter Catherine; which accordingly was accompish'd, so both their pretensions united. And for more honour, Don Henry the young son was to be call'd Prince of the Asturias; since which time the eldest sons of Castile were call'd Princes, and the younger are titled Infantas. This hapned a­bout the year 1388. And so much by the way concerning the Title of Prince of Asturias; yet do I finde Jehan Froissart, who lived at this time, to tell us that Henry was call'd Prince of Gallicia; in his French Edition, 1530. vol. 3. fol. 96. and fol. 143. In the old English Edition, vol. 2. cap. 154. fol. 170. and cap. 176. fol. 214. Asturias, and lawful Heir to the King­doms of Castile and Leon with their dependants.

What troubles hapned in Castile after this treaty, being not considerable, I shall pass over. Donna Isabella now declared Heir, several matches were consulted of; but she secretly joyned her self with Don Fernando Prince of Girona, and the eldest son li­ving to John II King of Arragon. At this marriage King Henry was greatly vext, as being contrary to his desire, and without his know­ledge. But at the long run, the King becomes more pacified; and at last 1474. dying, she succeeds as Queen of Castile and Leon; although some busled for Joane, the supposed Daughter of King Henry; but she is generally thrown by as a bastard, being begot of his Queen Joane, by one Don Bertrand de la Cueva, afterwards pre­fer'd for his kindness, being created Earl of Ledesma, Master of Santiago, and Duke of Albuquerque. As for Henry himself, he is by all esteem'd as frigid, and uncapable of such loves. Not long after, John II King of Arragon 1479. dying, that Kingdom was united to Castile, by the fortunate former marriage of Ferdinand and Isa­bella.

Here might I descend into the troubles of Navar, and tell how Don Carlos Prince of Viana, took up Arms against his Father John King of Navar and Arragon. Upon which quarrel began the great Factions of those of Beaumont and Grammont; the first ad­hering to the Prince, and the latter to the King: and the feuds of these two potent Families, was one of the main causes of the loss of Navar to the Spaniard, those of Beaumont assisting Don Ferdi­nand in the conquest, against their own King and Country: Of which more hereafter.

In short, the Prince being not able to keep the field, withdrew himself to Naples for sometime; thence returns, endeavours new troubles, upon which he is taken and secu [...]ed. Upon this the Ca­talonians rebel; and though Prince Carlos was set at liberty, and Some say he was poyson'd by his Step mother D. Joane, to make way for he [...]son Ferdi­nando to the Crown of Arragon. dyed presently after, yet they continue their Treasons: The people of Barcelona publickly declare King John an Enemy to his Country, and so they would withdraw themselves from his obedi­ence: And the Catalonians sent to Henry IV. of Castile, to de­sire him to take them under his protection, they being resolved no more to obey the Crown of Arragon.

Don Henry accepts them; so they set up the Banners of Castile. At last, after a tedious War, they are vanquish'd, forced to submit; and King John giveth them all freely a pardon. But of Spain more in the next Century.

A CONTINUATION OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonablepractices OF THE ROMANISTS, Particularly in Spain, Scotland and Ireland: From the year MD. to MDC.
BOOK VI.

CHAP. I.

1. John and Catherine King and Queen of Navar deprived.

2. Pope Julius II.

Sect. 1. John and Catherine King and Queen of Navar deprived.

THe Conquest of Navar being acted suddenly, we year 1500 shall make the story of it but very short.

At the beginning of this Century, we finde John d'Albret (or Don Juan de la Brit) and Donna Catherina, King and Queen of Navar, which had boasted it self a Kingdom almost DCCC. years.

Ferdinand II King of Arragon, having by his marrying with Isabella Queen of Castile, en­larged his Authority and Dominions, as also by his banishing the Jews, and subduing the Moores to him in Granado, made his Government more secure; cast many a greedy Jo. de Bus­sieres, lib. 15. § 16. Spondan. an. 1512. § 21. thought upon [Page 344] the seising the Kingdom of Navar; and then all of Spain (Portugal excepted) would be his own.

At last opportunity (good enough, as he thought) offer'd it self, which was thus:

Pope Julius II. (a zealous Hotspur) falling out with Lewis XII. King of France; Fernando sides with the Pope, and having rais'd an Army, not onely demands passage for it through Albrets Ter­ritories, but the command of his strongest Castles and Fortificati­ons; and, which was most, the possession and custody of Prince Henry, eldest son to Navar; and all these as a security of Albrets good behaviour to him; and to be restored again, when Ferdinando thought good.

King John thought these demands unreasonable, justly suspect­ing a difficulty of ever outing the Castilians, if they were once so strongly setled in his Dominions: especially at this time, when the Factions of the two Families Gramont and Beaumont had made some disturbance with him at home, and the last of them wishing too well to Fernando. Add to this, there was no necessity of such demands for passage, seeing they might march several ways into France without troubling Navar. Thus Albret fearing the worst, by smelling out the designe, thought to strengthen himself by joyn­ing interests with the French King.

The backwardness of Navar being known, Pope Julio falls a Bulling, with the consent of his Cardinals, declaring John d'Albret and Catherine his Wife, with their Posterity, for Hereticks and Schismaticks, so deprived of all Royal Dignity and Honour; freely giving their Kingdom and Dominions to Ferdinand, or any that will take the pains to have them.

Ferdinand now thinking that the Popes blessing and cursing gave him right and title good enough to the Kingdom: And having his Army ready in Alava (a little Province between Biscay and Na­var) made it march on a sudden under the command of Don Fa­drique de Toledo Duke of Alva, Grand-father to Don Fernando d'Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alva, so noted in the Netherlandish Histories, and who after that, in a little time conquer'd Portugal to the obedience of his Master Philip II. For the Narrative of which, I shall refer those that desire to read it, to Jeronimo Conestaggio of Genuoa. But the Portugais 1640 make quicker work in regaining of it from Philip IV. And so they might with­out a wonder, if they surpass the Castilians so much in courage, as (b) Antonio de Sousa de Macedo relates it. a Lusitania liber. l. 3. c. 9.

But to return: the Castilians made such haste, that they entred Navar before Albret expected them; which so amazed his unpro­vided Court, that he presently July 22. 1512. fled for it into France, leaving his Queen, Children, and People to shift for themselves. All hopes thus lost, the Queen, with her son Prince Henry and three Daugh­ters, two days after quits Pamplona to follow her husband; whom having overtaken, she thus (amongst other speeches) tartly upbraids.——O Roy! vous demeu­ [...]erez Jean d'Albret, & ne pensez plus au Royaume de Navatre, d'Autant que pour avoir esté superfluement bo [...], vous en avez esté moins estimé des vostres, & vous estes pardu vous & vostre Royaume. L. de Mayerne, l. 25. pag. 1191.—O Roy! vous demeurez Jean d'Al­bret, & ne penses plus au Royaume de Navarre, que vous avez perdu par vostre nonchalance. Olhagaray, p. 455. O King! King! thou shalt remain John d'Albret, and never think more of the Kingdom of Navar; for that having been superfiuously good, you have been the less esteem'd of your subjects, and have undone your self and your Realm.

Thus the Kingdom of Navar became an easie prey to Ferdinan­do, from which time it hath continued an Appendix to the Crown of Spain, whilst the French are forced to be content with its empty title.

As for Albret, though he was a lover of splendour and learning, himself being well skill'd in Heraldry, and a great Collector of Books for his Libraries; yet he made himself cheap, by being two good-natur'd, and too familiar even with the meanest of his Sub­jects; so that, when it came to a stress, his former freedom ren­dred his name of Majesty contemptible. Nor gain'd he a little Ill-will by his wholly affecting the French modes and humours, too light and Airy for a Mountanous, rough-hewn people; espe­cially such, who breath nothing but the Spanish air: but, which was most, his preferring many Strangers or Forreigners, not onely by giving them good Estates, but by intrusting them with the greatest Offices and Places in his Kingdom; whereby the Natives grumbled to see themselves so neglected and sleighted.

To these we might add the Factions amongst the Nobility; but that which was the fountain of all, was his giving of himself up so much to his Vid. Michel Baudier Hist. du Cardinal Ximenes, pag. 106, 107. pleasures, that he wholly neglected the Govern­ment, not troubling himself with the management of any thing in it; nor caring how things went right or wrong, so they would but let him alone to his own fancie; so thus (like some other Kings) he had the Title, others the sway and Authority: so that he him­self lost nothing by the want of these his Dominions, seeing he carryed the name of King along with him, whilst the Spaniard took the trouble and care of Government upon him. And all such are but pictures of Kings.

Francis I. King of France, [who succeeded Lewis XII. to whom our Albret fled] who, for his great love and care to the Church, Learning, and his people, is so renown'd by all Historians; upon his death-bed, with his blessing gave his son [Henry II.] these two Rules.

First fear God:
Then be careful for the good of your subjects.

Upon which excellent advice, the famous French Antiquary Lawyer and Poet, Steven Pasquier (by the folly of Latinizing names call'd Paschasius) compos'd this following Epigram.

Nato haec Franciscus dixisse novissima verba
St. Paschas. Epigram, lib. 5. & vid. Delit. Poet. Gal. vol. 2. pag. 971.
Fertur, & in gemitus prosiluisse pios.
Imprimis venerare Deum, Charissime Fili;
Mox tibi sit Populi cura suprema tui.
Dixit & occubuit. Duo ne Praecepta putato:
In duo peccat, qui peccat in alterutrum.
Nam cui nulla Dei cu [...]a est, nec cura suorum est;
Et cui non populi est cura, nec ulla Dei est.
Frances (whilst death was closing his heavenward eyes)
Bequeath'd unto his Heir, thus, his advice:
First worship God, dear son: Then, see you bend
Your ways, as most to your subjects good may tend.
[Page 346]
This said, he dyed. Nor think these Rules but two;
For who breaks one, must break the other too.
Since, who loves not God, loves not his own affair;
And, who slights his peoples good, for God can't care.

Thus was Albret the loss of himself and Kingdom; it being a certain Rule, that subjects take their influence from the actions of their Princes; an active, vigorous and valiant King infusing courage into his meanest vassal: whilst the negligent and effemi­nate [and all such are observed to be too good natur'd, and so neg­ligent, which in a King is worse then tyranny] renders the people unactive, and though jealous, yet careless; which stupidity makes them more stubborn, because they see themselves tyrannized over and abused by such base-spirited cringing favourites, as usually domineer under the Protection of such breathing Statues of King­ship.

But to return. And yet who can be but troubled at the sad for­tune of poor Albret? who dyed of grief 1517. his Queen Cathe­rine some eight months after; both of them out-living their Con­querour Ferdinando about a year, who dyed 1516.

Au. 1512. § 23, 24, 25. Spondanus here takes upon him to deny that Pope Julio II made any such Censure of deprivation against Albret and his Queen; and in this opinion he is so earnest and prolix, that Annales, an. 1512. Brietius the Jesuite and his Country man, twits him of being a better French­man then an Historian.

But seeing this Bishop of Pamiers (one very well read, but by­ass'd in Church-history) was the first (I know of) that hath call'd this Papal deprivation in question, and that but the other day too. And again, perceiving that so many Pru. de San­doval vida del Carl [...]s V. And é Fav [...]n Hist. de Na­va [...]re, l. 12. Gonzalo de Illiscas. Hist. Pontifical y Catholica, lib. 6. cap. 23. § 3. Alphons. Ciacon. in vita Julii II. Pierre Olhagarray Hist. de Foix, Bearn & Navarre, pag. 455. Phil. Briet. Geograph. part 2. l. 5. pag. 284. P. Berthavlt Florus Francicus, lib. 4. cap. 8. Cesare Campana Arbori delle Famiglie Regali de Spagna, pag. 89. nuphrius in Julio II. Johan. Mariana de Rebus Hispan. lib. 30. cap. 8. Pierre d'Avity le Monde, § Navarre. Ael. Anton. Nebrissensis, de bello Navar. lib. 1. Gasp. Sciop. Ecclesiast. cap. 141. pag. 512. Camill. Borellus Comment. de Hispanica Legatione ad sum. Pont. cap. 4. § 73, 74. Id. de Regi [...] Ca­tholici P [...]aestantia, cap. 46. § 109, 110. Lud. Nonius de Hispania, cap. 80. Giovanni Botero le Relationi Uni­versali, part 1. lib. 1. pag. 13. § Navarra. De Ivigne dictionair. v. Navarre. Romanists themselves do confess and acknowledge it, I shall trouble my self no more a­bout it.

However, it happens no better to his son Henry, who was ex­communicated, and declared D. Michel Lonigo da Este, delle Co­ [...]one de Prin­cipi Christia­ [...]i, Tavola IV. di Navarra. deprived by Pope Leo X, as a Zealous Romanist assures us. And thus much for the loss of the Kingdom of Navar, by the Christian Fatherly care and Charity of their spiritual Infallibility; the French thinking the case very hard, whilst the Spaniard looks upon it as lawful enough, not so much by —Que el Ca­tholico Rey Don Fernando quinto lo gan [...], y ayunto con los Reynos de Castilla y Leon, cobrandolo con justo Titulo, y no de hecho, como algunos penseron. Pedro de Medina de Grandezas y cosas memorables de Espanna, cap. 128. f [...]l. 131. 6. Conquest, as by a just and legal Title.

Sect. 2. Pope Julius II.

ANd as for Pope Julio II, we need not question but that he was apt enough to act mischief against any that had not an affecti­on for him, having been the Author of many Spond. an. 1510. § 6. Divisions and Wars before he attain'd to his Pontifical greatness, being naturally of a furious and turbulent humour, insomuch that he is Characte­riz'd to be one more fit for a Julius Papa n [...]n tam Apo­stolicae sedis claviger, quam Armiger. Pau­lut Langius Chron. Citi­zense, anno 1513. sword than the Popedom. And we shall finde him oftner commended for his feats in Bellico nomine clarus septuagenarius senex. Michael Bucchingerus Historia Ecclesiastica, pag. 279.—A nullis parum probatus, quod armis magis, quam sacrosanctum Pontificem decerat, deditus esse videretur. O­nuphrius Continuat. Platinae.—Julius II. Papa Egregius Bellator. Abrah Bucholcerus Isagoge Ch [...]ono­logica, an. 1503.—Et certes il saut consesser que Jules aima trop les Armes & la Guerre, pour acque [...]ir la qualité & la gloire de parsait Pontise. Nic. Coeffeteau Responce au du Plessis, pag. 1224.—Bellica gloria clarus. Barth. Caranza summa Concil. War, than his Devotions; not but that it might be as lawful for him or any of his Successors, to defend by Armes the rights of his Chair and Territories, as any other Temporal Prince.

Certain I am, that it is deliver'd to us by good Authority, that after he was Pope, at the siege of Mirandula, without any consi­deration of his age, infirmity, or peaceable Office, he prosecuted that War clad in his Jo. de Bus­sieres, Tom. 3. pag 206, 207. Spond. anno 1511. § 1. Guil. Barcla. de Potestate Papae, pag. 295. Paul. Long. Chron. Citizense, anno 1503. Armor, or Coat of Male, with a Sword girt to him, now and then mounting the Cannons, and lying in his Tent obvious to all danger, not at all regarding the extremity of the cold or snow.

Above all other people, he had the greatest Pique against the French, for which they twit him with ingratitude. However, to shew his zeal against that Nation, he did not onely (Spond. anno 1512. § 19.) Interdict Lewis XII. and his Dominions, but (Will. Drum­mond's Hist. of Scotland, pag. 138.) absolveth his Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance, giveth his Kingdom to any that can take it; and by Decree in the Lateran Council, takes away the Title of (Will. Drum. ib. Jo. de Bus­sieres, Tom. 3. pag. 231. lib. 15. Fr. Guicciardin, l. 11. Spondanus, anno 1513. § 2. Sir Rich. Bakers Chron. of England. Laur. Banck de Tyrannide Papae, pag. 495.) MOST CHRISTIAN from the French King, and confers it upon the King of England.

Nay, some say that his fury was such, that at his marching out of Rome against the French, he threw his Keys into the River Ti­ber, saying,—Since St. Peters Keys would do him no good, he would Morney's My­sterium Ini­quitatis, pag. 565. make use of St. Paul's sword. That the story was really true, I shall not be positive, though many have exercis'd their wits upon it; amongst the rest, they tell us that the well-temper'd Melancthon made these following verses, though I do not remember any such amongst his Poems.

Cum contra Gallos bellum Papa Julius esset
Gesturus, sicut Fama vetusta docit:
Ingentes Martis turmas contraxit, & urbem
Egressus saevas edidit ore minas.
[Page 353]
Iratus (que) sacras claves in flumina jecit
Tibridis, hic urbi pons ubi jungit aquas,
Inde manu strictum vagina diripit ensem,
Exclamans (que) trucitalia voce refert:
Hic Gladius Pauli nos nunc defendit ab hoste,
Quandoquidem clavis nil juvat esse Petri.
But shorter is Gilbertus Ducherius, thus:
In Gallum (ut fama est) bellum gesturus acerbum,
Armatum educit Julius urbe manum;
Accinctus Gladio, claves in Tibridis amnem
Projicit, & saevus talia verba facit:
Quum Petri nihil efficiant ad Praelia claves,
Auxilio Pauli forsitan ensis erit.

This latter is comprehended in the designe or project of the first, somewhat to this purpose.

When fierce Pope Julio (as fame declares)
Resolv'd against the French to wage his Wars;
He muster'd up his men of War so strong,
Threatning destruction as he march'd along;
And mad that here his Priesthood did no good,
He whirl'd his Keys into proud Tibers flood:
Then brandishing his glittering blade on high,
Thus to his Troops with direful voice doth cry;
Since Peters Keys will here no help afford,
I'll now defend and quell with Pauls sharp Sword.

And to shew that this Julius was of no peaceable disposition, not onely the French, as Delit. Poet. Gal. vol. 3. p. 1098. Hadrians Turnebus, but also his own Country men, as Poet. Itall. vol. 1. p. 527. Caelius Calcagninus, who poetizeth upon his Statue melted into a Cannon: Nay, his own friend and admirer, Poet. Itall. vol 1. p. 1334. & Poem. post Hieroglyph. p. 105. Johannes Pierius Valerianus, could not think of his Picture, but as a dreadful spectacle to terrifie the beholders. Poet. Germ. vol. 2. p. 734. Euricius Cordus alloweth him no place in Heaven, as if he had formerly sold it. And Huldricus Huttenus, a good Scholar for his time, and as great a Souldier; nor need we question his courage, he confessing to us how he once encounter'd and beat Poet. Germ. vol. 3. p. 6 [...]3. five Frenchmen: This German Knight is very fiery against Pope Julio; and indeed his too much zeal was one of his greatest faults; and his verses and railings are so many against this Pope, that I shall rather refer you to Id. pag. 666, 667, 668, 669, 674. himself, then trouble my self to transcribe them.

Amongst the multitude of others, who imploy'd their pens to upbraid this Julius, for his warlike humour, was our Epig [...]am. v [...]l. 2. l [...]b. 1. E [...]gr. 77. pag. 1 [...]0. John Owen, who according to his usual brevity thus girds at him.

Ecce duo Gladii Christo Petrus ensifer inquit;
Ecce duo Claves, O Petre, Christus ait:
Deposuit Petrus Gladium, Claves (que) recepit;
Deponis Claves Tu, Gladium (que) rapis.

And yet for all this, I meet with one Italian Poet Poet. [...]al. [...]l. 1. p. 972, 973, 974, 975, 97 [...]. John Antonius Flaminius, who doth not onely commend this Julius, [Page 349] as an excellent incomparable person; but also, as if his Temper were too peaceable, he earnestly solicits his Holyness to wars, and seems (as it were) grieved and troubled, that his Country Italy is like to suffer, by the too much placable and sweet dispo­sition of the Pope.

'Tis storyed of this Pope, that one hinting to him the unagree­ableness of his holy calling, with his warlike actions and humour, Propos Me­morables, p. 1. by telling him that Christ said to St. Peter,—Put up thy sword into the sheath: That the Pope should reply,—'Tis true; but that was not till after St. Peter had struck with the Sword.

I have formerly hinted of the hatred which this Pope carryed against the French; nor did their King Lewes XII. shew himself insensible, calling a Council at Pisa to depose him; which Julius counterplotted by another of his summoning at the Lateran: where it was odd sport to see these two cursing and degrading one another. Nay, the French King went so far, as to stamp upon his Golden Coyn this Inscription:

PERDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN.

'Tis true, of late, some are willing to deny this, because they say they cannot meet with any such Coyn now-a-days. But this Argument is not strong enough to quash the Testimony of the fa­mous and faithful Historian Monsieur de Thou (and a Romanist) who —Cuso eti­am aureo nummo, qui Titulos Regis Franciae Regni (que) Neapol. cum Effigie sua ex una parte, & insignia Franciae ex altera referebat, cum hoc E [...]ogio, PERDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN. Quales adhuc hodie multi reperiuntur. Jac. Aug. Thuanus Histor. lib. 1. affirms, there were many of them to be found in his time.

In behalf of the French, I suppose, these following verses were made upon the Pope, who used to call them Wine-Pissers.

Genua cui Patrem, cui Matrem Graecia, partum
Pontus & unda dedit, num bonus esse potes?
Sunt vani Ligures, & Mendax Graecia, Ponto
Nulla fides; tute haec singula solus habes.
Who's born at Sea, whose Mother's of Graecian blood,
Whose Sire's of Genoa can ne'er be good:
For th' Sea's inconstant, Ligurians are vain,
The Greeks are lyars; all these in thee remain.

The latter Editions of George Buchannan's Poems amongst the Pag. 376. Miscellanea, afford us this Copy under his name; but the so doing doth not render him the Poet. I am apt to think they were made whilst Julius was living; and certain I am, that at the death of the said Pope, Buchanan could not be above se­ven years old: and Les Chro­niques de France, fol. 536. b. Belleforest, who flourished at the same time with our Scotish Poet, gives us the verses, but nothing of the Author: But this by the by. However it be, we finde the Pope thus vindicated by some of his friends.

[Page 350]
Est Venus orta mari, Graium sapientia, solers
Ingenium est Ligurum; Qui malus esse potest,
Cui genus ut Veneri? a Graiis sapientia? solers
Ingenium a Genua est? Mome proterve tace.
Greece fam'd for Wisdom, Ligurians have wit at will,
Fair Venus sprang from th' Sea; then he's not ill;
Whose Wit's from Genoa, learning from Greece,
Whose birth is Goddess-like. Mome hold your peace.

But to conclude with this Julio II; we are told by De Episc. u [...]bis, lib. 6. Papirius Massonus, and In vita Julii II. Phil. Briet. anno 1503 Alphonso Ciaconius, that he was the first of the Roman Bishops who wore a long beard; since which time, they say, the custom hath been in force amongst them, though Nullus enim antea Pontisex barbatus extiterat. Pap. Mass. before him, they are said to have shaved all off.

But whether this be true or no, is nothing to my purpose; though certain I am, that the bearded Portraitures in the last Editions both of Ciaconius and Cherubinus his Bullaria and other Copies do sufficiently contradict the foresaid Assertion. However, a lit­tle after this, some were so zealous against the Beards of Eccle­siasticks, that the famous Pro sacer­dotum berbis. Pierius Valerianus a zealous Ro­manist thought himself obliged to write a Vindication of Priests Beards. In which having now and then to do with their Councils and Decrees, concerning this small matter of Beards; yet he findes such Bone Deus! quam multa ea sunt quae omnibus in Antiquorum Codicibus passim mendosissime leguntur? quot immutats, quot adempts? quot inculcata? At (que) utinam multa quorun­dam iniquitate quotidie non perverterentur. Id. pag. 9. cheatings, falsifications, Forgeries and corrupti­ons in those very Books and Copies, that the good man can­not withhold from putting up his complaint to God against such villanies.

CHAP. II. The Holy Junta, or the rebellious League of Spain against Charles V.

TO relate at large all the troubles of Spain, would be end­less, especially those agitated against the famous Cardinal Ximenes, whilst he govern'd those Dominions.

This great Minister of State, of the Family of the Cisneres, was first Christned Alfonso, which afterwards in his Cloyster he changed to Francis: being a Franciscan by Order, first he studyed at Al­caela de Henares, then read the Laws at Salamanca: for some time acted as an Advocate in the Court of Rome: In short, he grew so famous for his learning and integrity, that he rose to be Archbishop of Toledo, got a Cardinals Hat, and the Govern­ment of all Spain to be in his hands.

This Grandeur from a mean beginning, procured him no small envy and ill-will from many of the Nobility; but he kept his ground, nor would he lose an inch of his Authority: he was civil where he met with civility; but was so great a friend to Justice, that he would not let the Laws be like Spiders webs, for he made no distinction, the greatest Grandee lying as open to Chastisement, as the meanest Vassal.

It would be too tedious to relate how he reduced the revolted Moores in Granada; how he conquer'd Mersalcabir and Oran in Africa: the latter of which they say was not acted without some miracles; as how a Cross appear'd to them at their landing, and that the Sun stood still for above four hours, as an Assistant and Spectator of their Victory.

At home he was ever now and anon allarm'd with Conspiracies and Seditions, but still he was himself undaunted and victorious. One of the first who flew out, was Don Pedro Portocarrero, bro­ther to the Duke Del Escalona, who made some disturbance to make himself Grand Master of St. Jago; but this uproar the Car­dinal over-topt. The next was more formidable, the Ring-leader being Don Pedro Giron, eldest son to the Earl Ʋregna, who by force of Arms would seise upon the Dukedom of Medina Sidonia; and in this he was seconded by many of the chief Nobili­ty. But this was also quell'd by the prudence of out Car­dinal.

But that which threatned him most, was the insurrections of Valladolid, and the other chief Cities in Old Castile, perswaded to this Revolt by many of the Nobles; I, so zealous were they, that they mounted their Cannons, fortified themselves, crying a­long the streets—This is against Ximenes the peoples Tyrant: But this faction he also over-topt; yet he is not quiet, for those of Malaga mutiny, beat out the Judges and the Admiralty, for­tifie [Page 352] themselves, mount their Cannon, making one piece bigger then all the rest, with these words Ingraven on it;

Malacitanae libertatis Assertores F. C.

The Defenders of the Malaquins liberty have caused this Gun to be made.

This he also supprest, as he did the Sedition of D. John Ve­lasques of Cuellor, who would right or wrong keep the Town or Arevalo: Nor did it fare any better with those Noblemen, who had affronted the Cardinal, and violated all justice in Villefratre; and the Duke of Alva's contention for the Priory of St. John of Hierusalem, came little better off, being conquer'd, and forced to submit.

In short, this great Cardinal held up his head against all op­position; and the better to strengthen his Authority, he first rais'd in Spain the Train-bands, consisting of above thirty thousand substantial house-holders, all which he had ready at a small warn­ing. And though many dependants of the Nobility, who must follow their Lords Example, hated him, yet never was there any favorite in all Spain better beloved then he, by the generality of people; such was his impartiality to Justice, Charity to the Poor, and care for the well-fare and honour of his Master and his Do­minions.

One time, some of the discontented Nobility desired to know by what right he acted as he did; the Cardinal replyed, By the will and power of his Catholick Majesty. This not satisfying, he shew'd them his Guards; then shewing his Franciscan Girdle, and k [...]acking his Fingers, added—This is enough to tame the proudest Vassals. And lastly, the better to inform their curiosity, he or­der'd a Train of Artillery to be discharged, concluding,—This is the power by which I do, and will govern Spain, until the Prince our Lord come to take the charge of it himself.

And in this he was as good as his word. King Charles arrived in the Asturias in 1517. September, and the Cardinal dyed in Novem­ber alter, not without a grand suspition of poyson: he was bu­ [...]yed at Alcala de Henares, where he had built an excellent Col­ledge, and where, to his immortal honour, and vast expenses, he had caused his Biblia Complutensia to be printed in diverse Lan­guages, as Hebrew, Caldee, Greek and Laetine; to accomplish which, he had procured many Copies from the Vatican, and hired many excellent Linguists from sundry places.

And thus much in short of this great Cardinal, of whom you may see more in Alvaro Gomez, and Michael Baudier; the first having writ his life at large in Latine, and the other in French: who in him endeavours to pattern out an exact Minister of State, to the great Cardinal de Richelieu: Nor doth envie it self finde any fault in him, but that some fancie him to be one too lofty, and one that could not brook an opposition; qualifications which some think agreeable enough with a Governour.

But leaving him (though I could say no less, seeing he was Prud. de San­d. val Hist. del Carlos V. part 1. lib. 6. Ja. Wadsw [...]th. such a grand Patron to Learning) let us take a view of a more for­midable Rebellion.

In Spain we finde ruling Don Carlos I. a young Prince not well [Page 348] acquainted with the Kingdom, having been brought up in Flanders [he was born there in Gendt 1500.] where the Flemings had so in­veagled themselves into his favour, that at his coming into Spain for the Crown, they ruled all as they pleas'd, and got the chiefest Preferments and places for themselves, to the no small grief and trouble of the Natives.

Of the Forraigners Guillermo de Crouy Lord of Xeures or Cheures [Duke of Sora in Naples, and of Arschot in Brabant] was the chiefest favourite, and indeed sway'd the King and Kingdom as he pleas'd; and in his actions was so partial and covetous, that he became abominable to the Spaniards, who for his faults lessen'd their Affection and Loyalty to their King. And here, by the way, take one merry and instructive story of a favourite.

A Petitioner having presented this Xeures with an handsome Mule with rich Furniture, that his desire might be the sooner granted: Xeures being asked presently by another Gentleman, where he had got that curious Beast, replyed, He knew not. The poor Petitioner being by, and seeing himself so soon forgotten, and so his business neglected, went his ways; and orders his Mule to be cryed, declaring all her Marks and Furniture. Which the other Gentleman hearing, went presently and told Xeures, that according to the Marks it must needs be, that this Mule had been stoln: by which device the poor Petitioner recovered his Mule, which he had given before to small purpose. Thus much for Cheures, though related to the Royal Bloud of Hungary, yet base, cruel and covetous; as most Favourites are, by such vices getting their preferments: All such grand Flatterers, Pimps and Pick-thanks, being the greatest bane and curse that can happen to a King and Kingdom.

Carlos had not been long King in Spain, but the Emperor Maxi­milian year 1519 I. (his Grand-father) dying, he was chosen Emperour at Franck-fort by the Electors, and so was call'd Charles V. The E­lectors send him news of it, desiring him to come into Germany to receive the Imperial Crow [...]. He consents, and prepares for his journey; at which the Spaniards take an Allarum, the great City of Toledo leading the way, protesting against his going, desiring the other Cities to joyn with them, the better to hinder his de­parture.

The Emperour, in hopes to get some money for his journey, summons a Parliament to be held at St. Jago in Galicia. Toledo obeys it, and [according to the custom of that City, which was for the Aldermen (Regidores) and Common-council-men (Ju­rados) then present, to draw lots, and one of each to go, upon whom the Lot falls] it was Don Juan de Silva's chance to go as Regidor, and Alonso de Aguirre as Jurate for Toledo: But the Ci­tizens knowing these two Burgesses not to be of their Faction, would not afford them a full, but a limited power; which the o­ther not accepting, they went not: Whereupon the Toledians chose four others of their own party to go, and perswade the Em­perour not to depart out of Spain.

These Commissioners hasted to Valladolid where Charles was; year 1520 where being come, they had a designe to get the people into a Tumult, and so by force to hinder the Emperours departure, and to seize upon Xeures and the other Flemings; but this plot fail'd; though some hours after opportunity offer'd it self, if they could [Page 354] have taken hold of it. For a Rumour being suddenly spread in the City, that the Emperour was departing, and that the Magi­strates had granted him his desire; the people in a hurly-burly ran madding about the streets, shewing a willingness to hinder the Emperours journey. In this hubbub and confusion, one runs up into the Steeple of A very an­cient Pa [...]sh, where hung a great Bell, commonly call'd the Council-Bell, which never used to be ru [...]g, but in times o [...] war, up [...]oars, or Alarms. St. Michael, and rings the Bell; which being heard by the people, without fear or wit they hurry to Arms. Charles informed of this dangerous Tumult, resolves to depart, though in a most stormy rain. Being come to the Gates, there he found some of the rabble, who had seiz'd upon them, began to shut them, and Barricado up the way; but the Empe­rours Guards presently made them quit their Post: so having got [...]ut, he hastes to Tordesellas with such speed, that n [...]ne but Xeures could keep him company. But the Magistrates of Vallidolid plead their innocencie in this last uproar, laying the fault on [...]ly upon the Rabble, many of which were severely punished.

The Emperour hastes to St. Jago, to meet his Parliament, where the Commissioners or Burgesses shew nothing, but their re­solution to oppose the Emperours desires. Though he promised a return after he had received the Imperial Crown; Germany now falling into some distractions by reason of his absence. From St. Jago, Charles goeth to Corunna (or the Groyne) where the Commissioners of the Kingdoms go also; and at last, most of them grant him some monies, for which they got no thanks from their Cities.

In the mean time Toledo falls into distractions; the chief Au­thors of their troubles being Hernando de Avalos, and Don Juan de Padilla, with his high-spirited wife Donna Maria Pacheco, all of good Families; who fill'd the peoples heads full of many whimsies. Insomuch, that in a Religious Procession the Roy­al party were abused, to the no small joy of the Rabble.

The Emperour informed of these things, summons Juan de Padilla, and some others, to appear before him. To put a plau­sible pretence to their non-appearance, they desired some of their kindred to make a muteny, and apprehend them, and not to let them go: but this trick failing, they perswaded the Fryars of St. Augustine, and those of St. Juan de los Reyes to seize upon them in their general Procession: but this by another accidental disorder [...]ailing also, they addrest themselves to some mean and scandalous Fellows, who consenting to their Plot, then de Avilos and de Padilla made shew, as if they intended to obey the Emperours commands, and appear at the Court. Upon which, the hired Rabble came and seised upon them, declaring they would not part with such good Commonwealths men; so carryed them to a Chappel, where they made them promise not to go to the Emperour; though the other seem'd teeth-forward ear­nestly to protest against such dealings, and that they were willing to obey the Emperour. This done, the people made the Coward­ly Governor of Toledo, Don Antonio de Cordova, to approve their actions, and to forbid their friends to go to Court.

The mischief being gone thus far, Hernando de Avalos and Juan de Padilla push them on farther; for which they had the Fryars and Priests at their service, who in their Pulpits incensed the people to the purpose, who according as they were instigated, (though with the loss of some bloud) seise upon the Gates, Bridges, and [Page 355] and Fort of the City; and so all was their own, they now pub­lickly calling themselves the La santa Comunidad. HOLY COMMUNALTIE. And this was the Order they governed themselves by: every time they were to treat of any business, the Inhabitants of every parti­cular Parish were to assemble, and two publick Notaries with them; before whom every man, how mean soever, was to sit down and declare his Opinion.

The Emperour being at Corunna, and fitting for his departure, news comes to him of these Tumults of Toledo, which did not a little trouble him; but hoping that as their beginning was in haste, so they would not last long. Thus all things being ready, he go­eth May 19. aboard, lands at Dover in England, where and at Canter­bury being nobly entertain'd by Henry VIII, he return'd to his Fleet, which carryed him to Flushing, thence by degrees he went for Aken, there to receive the Imperial Crown, where we leave him.

The Emperour before his departure had made Governour or Vice-roy Cardinal Adrian, who had been formerly his Tutor, and was afterwards Pope Adrian VI, for he would not change his name according to the custom.

Upon the Emperours departure, the Nobility and Gentry which waited upon him as far as the sea-side, return'd to their own houses, and the Commissioners or Burgesses to their respective Cities; and the Cardinal took his way towards Valladolid.

And now began the people to be stark mad, and the City of Segovia led the way; and thus it was: It is a custom in Segovia every Tuesday in Whitson-week, that the Collectors meet to treat concerning the Revenue of Corpus Christi Church. Here being now met, one of them falls a railing against the Governour of the City; for which rashness he was warily reprehended by one Me­lon; which reproof was so ill taken by the people, who also hated Melon for his Office, being a Sergeant, that in a fury they took the poor Catch-pole, threw a Rope about his neck, and dragg'd him out of the City, with a designe to hang him; but they bruis'd him with so many stripes, that he was dead before they got him to the Gallows, however they hung up his body there.

This done, as they return'd, they met with a Companion of Melon's, called Roque Portalejo, whom without farther ado, they hal'd to the Gallows, hanging him up by the feet till he dyed. The next day being informed that their Alderman and Burgess Antonio de Tordesillas, had granted the Emperour some monies, and was then at the Town-Council; thither they ran in an hur­ry, climbing over the Doors, breaking in at the Windows; and violently laying hands on him, they dragged him out of St. Mi­chaels Church (where the Council meets) nor could all his intrea­ties and reasons satisfie them, but they set him clad in crimson Velvet on a M [...]le, with an intent to carry him to prison; yet they had not carryed him far, but they knock'd him off again, put a Rope about his neck, dragged him along the streets; punching him on the head with the pummels of their Swords; nor would they allow him Confession or Sacrament, but so trail'd him to the Gallows, where they hung him with his head downwards betwixt the two other. This done, they turn'd out all the Kings Officers of Justice, putting others in their places, and ruled all, having seised on the City Gates: but the Forts were gallantly defended [Page 356] by Don Hernando de Bobadilla, Earl of Chinchon, and his brother Don Diego. And the chiefest of the City endeavour'd to excuse themselves to the Cardinal and his Council.

At the same time with the former tumult, the City of Zamora fell into the like fury against their Commissioners and Burgesses for granting the Emperour a Subsidy: whereupon the Members fled, and hid themselves in the Monastery of Marta, a little days journey off; which so inraged the people, that they made Statues and Pictures resembling them, which they dragged about the streets with many reproachful exclamations; and threatned the Mona­stery to fire it, if the Commissioners were not deliver'd, whom they resolved to murther.

The people of Vall adolid had the same freaks in their noddles: But those of Burgos could not be kept within any bounds, assault­ing the Lord Constables house, invironed the house of the Dut­chess Donna Maria de Tabar, shooting down part of its Tower, whereby they entred, and sought for her; but she saved her self by hiding. They ran to Garci Ruiz de la Mota's house (who had been Commissioner, and was Brother to the Bishop of Bada­jos and Palencia) resolving to kill him; but he saved himself by flight; yet they burn'd his house, with a great number of Deeds, Charters, and other Papers belonging to the King and Kingdom. Nor did they spare the consuming of his richest goods and move­ables; as fine Linnen, rich Tapistry-hangings, &c. with all which they made a great Bonfire to satisfie their fury, and make their worships sport. And to continue the Frolick, they burned down the House of Garci Jofre, one of the Emperours Harbingers; and not content with this, they took the poor fellow, clapt him in Prison, where with blows and thrusts they soon dispatch'd him; and being dead, they tyed his feet together, so drag'd him to his own door, cutting and pinking his body with their swords all the way: and thus drawing it through all the streets, at last they hang'd it up with his head downwards.

Madrid was also possest with the same Devil of Rebellion, seising upon all the Arms, and setting Guards to maintain their own whims all the City over: and in like manner rose up Siguenza, Salamanca, Murcia, Illescas; and as mad as the rest was Guada­lajara, who not being able to get their Commissioners into their Clutches, rased down their houses; the foundations of which they plowed up, and sowed with salt, saying that,—In regard they were traytors houses, they must be salted, lest they should infect the rest with their infidelity.

Cardinal Adrian and his Council having consider'd of these distempers, resolved by punishing of Segovia to terrifie the rest: to which purpose they sent as Judge Ronquillo, a famous Lawyer in those times, with a thousand horse for his security; and if the City denyed him entrance, and to be judged by him, to make his way by sorce. The Segovians upon this fortifie themselves, and make resistance, being assisted by those of Toledo, Avila, & Madrid, with other inferiour Towns, whereby several skirmishes were per­formed. The Cardinal, upon this, orders Antonio de Fonceca (Cap­tain-General of the Kingdom) to go to the assistance of Ronquillo. Fonceca marcheth first to Medina del Campo, where the Empe­rours Artillery lay, with them to strengthen himself; but the people denying to deliver them, they fell to blows, in which ex­ploit, [Page 357] nine hundred houses with the Monastery and Library of St. Francis were accidentally burn'd to the ground, and Fonceca bea­ten off.

The Citizens of Medina inraged at the burning of their houses, flew to Arms, elected one Bobadilla, a furious Cloth-worker their Captain, under whose conduct they presently destroy'd all they could meet with, that had any familiarity or kindness with Fonceca; against whom they sent their complaints to the other Cities.

At this, the Citizens of Valladolid fell stark mad, ran in a fury to Pedro de Portillo's house (the chief and richest there) which they plundred and pull'd down; the like they did to General Fonceca's house, and the habitation of Alonso Ninno de Castro their chief Judge; and turn'd out of their City Don Alonso En­riquez, Bishop of Osma, and other Gentlemen, whom they sup­posed would not be partakers with them: the rest they made take an Ingagement or Covenant to their Holy Commonalty.

The City Cuenz [...] also declares for the people, and suffers them­selves to be govern'd by one Calahorra, and a Bridle maker, as Salamanca and Segovia were by two Skinners; and of the same humours were Toro and Ciudad-Roderigo, and other places; in­somuch, that of eighteen Cities in Castile which had votes in Parliament, Toledo, Ma­drid, Guada­laxara, Soria, Murcia, Cu­enza, Segovia, Avila, Sala­man [...]a, Toro, Zamara, Leon, Valladolid, Burgos, Ciu­dad-Roderigo. fifteen were risen for the Commonalty. Besides, the people of Murcia had risen and kill'd their Governour, a Judge, and one of the Sheriffs, with other persons, and threatned the same to any that should be sent to try or question them for so doing: And Sevilla it self was running the same risk, but that it seems, the Nobility, the Veynte y Quatras, the fou [...] and twenty, or Aldermen. four and twenty, and other Justices at that time were too loyal to be perswaded to such wickedness, and so presently quell'd their Tumults.

The Emperour being at Lovain in Brabant, journeying for his Imperial Crown, received news of these Tumults in Spain, which did not a little perplex him; and thinking by fair means to re­duce them to obedience, he wrote gracious Letters to all the Ci­ties, offering them pardon, desiring them for the future to be peaceable, promising to return shortly into Spain amongst them: Commands that the Subsidie which was granted him by the Com­missioners at the Groyne, should not be exacted from the Cities that were Loyal, or would be so: That no Office should be con­fer'd but upon the Natives. But these gracious Letters gain'd nothing upon the people, who were now resolved over shooes over boots.

And the better to carry on their contrived Sedition, they ap­point a meeting of the Commissioners of their Cities, to be held at Avila in Old Castile, and there to sit and act for the good of their Holy Commonalty; and this Meeting or Conventicle they call'd THE HOLY JƲNTA or ASSEMBLY. This was held July 29. 1520. La santa Junta. [...] in the Chapter of the Cathedral Church; and in the middle of the Commissioners was placed a little Form, whereon sate a certain Cloth-worker, named Pinilles, with a wand in his hand, whose Office was such, that no Commissioner durst offer to speak one word, till by pointing to him with his stick, he had given him the signe.

But this Junta was presently after removed to Tordesillas in Leon: for Juan de Padilla having marched out of Toledo with two thousand men, which were increas'd with other forces from [Page 358] Madrid and other places, and relieved Segovia by making Ron­quillo retreat; he then march'd to Medina del Campo, where he was joyfully received, and where Bobadilla (the forementioned Cloth-worker) in a furious zeal whisks out his sword, and with­out any Authority, at one blow cut off Gil Nieto (an Alderman) his head, and had his body thrown out of the Regimiento, or Casa del Regimiento; The house where the Ci­tizens meet about the Ci­ties affairs. Town-hall Windows upon the Souldiers Pikes which stood below; the rea­son was, he conceal [...]d the coming of Fonceca, which he knew of.

From Medina, Padilla marcheth to Tordesillas, where the Queen-mother had been kept up for several years, being held in­disposed for any business by reason of her crackt brain. To her he goeth, and soothes her up so cunningly, that she, poor woman, undertook to give him the Command of Captain General in that Kingdom; and so she joyn'd her self to the Junta, which she commanded to adjurn to Tordesillas, which accordingly was joy­fully obey'd; and here they sat with her for the future.

The Emperour thinking to quiet all, by taking away their ex­ception from the Cardinal who was a stranger, orders Don Inigo de Velasco, Lord high Constable of Castile and Leon, and Don Fadrique Enriquez, Lord Admiral of Castile to be in joynt Com­mission and Authority with Adrian in the Government; but all would not do.

The Junta having now the weak-brain'd Queen-Mother at their disposal, lookt upon themselves as great enough to act any thing; so they turn out those who were about her that favour'd the Emperour. Then they send a Dominican Fryar to Valladolid, who from the Pulpit of St. Maria la Mayor, perswaded the peo­ple to seise upon the Kings Council there, declaring it unfitting that they should sit in opposition to the holy Junta: the Citi­zens at this were a little divided; however they concluded, that they themselves would not lay hands on the Council-Royal (be­ing of a dangerous consequence,) but if the Junta, (which they would not dis [...]bey) had a desire to have them, they might send their own Souldiers, and should have liberty to seise upon them. From which time several of the Kings Council began to steal away.

The Junta informed of this answer, sent Dr. Alonso de Medina a Francisean, who being come to Valladolid, desired the people to meet him at the Monastery of St. Francis, where, in the Pulpit, he renew'd the old request, that the Royal Council might be seised on, and sent prisoners to Tordesillas; telling them, that there were souldiers without the City to act it. To this the Citizens agree­ing, the next day Juan de Padilla enters the City with above a thousand men, seis'd on all the Council he could finde, with the Books of the Treasury, and the Great Seal, all which he carry­ed to Tordesillas: Yet would not the Citizens let Cardinal Adrian be affronted, whom they look'd upon as an holy and good man. But he considering the unconstancie of the people, thought good to consult his own safety; for which endeavouring once publick­ly to withdraw himself, the Citizens in a tumultuous manner stay­ed him, and forced him to retire to his Lodgings, whence not long after in a disguise he Octob. 20. 1520. stole, and went to Medina de Rioseco in Leon, whither many of the Nobility went with their forces to wait upon him; by which means he had gathered toge­ther [Page 359] a considerable Army, and so was resolved for the future to put the trial to the Sword.

In the mean time the Junta was not idle, having over-per­swaded the crasie Queen-Mother Donna Juana to head and coun­tenance them, and appointed her a Council out of themselves to advise her, which got them no small repute amongst the vulgar, which was prest home to the purpose by the seditious Fryars. And having thus constituted themselves Supreme, they sent a large Dated at Tordesillas, Octob. 20. 1520 Paper of Propositions (some of them very extravagant and pernicious) to the Emperour, to have him declare them as per­petual Laws: but Charles needed neither such Governours nor Constitutions.

And now the sword must decide the quarrel; the Junta raise men on all hands, seiseth upon the Kings Revenues to pay them; Proclaim the Lord high Constable, and the rest of the Royalists Traytors, and all their Estates forfeited; wrote Letters to all the Cities and Towns of their faction, to encourage them to Arms; nay, and sent to Don Manuel King of Portugal, thinking to gain him to their party. They chose Whom they now began to call Duke of Medina Sido­nia, to which he pretended. Don Pedro Geron, one of a noble Family, and of great Relations, for their Captain General; which did not a little displease Juan de Padilla. Giron marcheth presently to Valladolid, which receives him with joy, and takes an Oath to assist the Junta for King and Commonalty (like our Co­venanting distinction King and Parliament:) the refusers of this Engagement, were declared Malignants, and laid open to Pu­nishment.

Before we proceed any further, let us take a short view of the troubles in the Kingdom of Valencia. Before the Emperours de­parture, the people there began to despise the Nobility, and to confederate together: It hapned that in the City Valencia, two Moores turn'd Chri­stians. Morisco's belonging to Don Ramon de Cardona, passing a­long the streets, the Trades-men began to jeer them; and upon a reply, fell upon one of them, whom they murdred; and had acted the same Tragedy on the other, but that he was rescued by one Diego Pisador: which prevention, at last so enraged the people, that they fell upon Pisador, pursued him to his house, assaulted it, so that he thinking to take sanctuary in St. Nicholas Church, they seis'd upon him, and kill'd him with their daggers. Having thus ran into mischief, they proceed, and rescue a fellow from exe­cution, though justly condemn'd for very heinous crimes. They despised all Justice and Magistrates; scorned and flouted at all Noble and Gentlemen, whom (like our Levellers) they intended to root out and destroy all the Kingdom over; which occasioned a Hat-makers wife in St. Catherines street, seeing some Gentle­men go by, bid her Children look at them: the boys desiring a reason, she replyed,—Porque quando se ais g [...]andes, po­dais dezir que vistes los Cavalle [...]os, Pru. Sando­val, l. 6. § 20. Part 1. [...] Because when you come to manhood, you may say that you have seen Gentlemen.

The confederate Rabble chose one Sorolla, a Cloth-worker, for their Captain, an impudent base fellow; and then the better to carry on their mischief, they framed this Plot: Sorolla was to hide himself in his house, and they were to report about, that Don Diego de Mendosa the Viceroy, either had or was going to hang him. This report being cunningly spread through the City, the people grew mad, flew to their Arms, and so march'd with Drums and Colours to Mendosa's house, crying out, Let the Viceroy dye, [Page 360] if he deliver us not Sorolla.—Mendosa defended himself all day long, and by chance was thus preserved from their fury. A good woman by hap espying Sorolla in his house, went and told it to the Bishop of Segorbe, who hastes to Sorolla's house, which he caused to be broke open, and the villain found, had him set on a Mule, him­self riding by on another, and so they rode to the Viceroy's house, to undeceive the people; who seeing him thus alive, rais'd their Siege and Battery, which had continued all day and most of the night. This plot not fadging against the Viceroy, they gave out that he was raising men to punish their insolencies; upon which the people besiege his house again; which forced him to send his Lady out of the City, and steal out himself; all the No­bles and Gentry doing the like with their Families for their own security: whose houses the villains pull'd down or burn'd, and plunder'd all they could lay their hands on; went to the Kings Custom house, broke the Records, took away the Books, defied the Emperour, appointed XIII. to govern them; and for the Ge­neral of their Armies, chose Juan Caro a Sugar-baker. The City Xativa, the Marquisate of Helche, Alacante, and Orihucla run into the same Rebellion; the latter chusing for their Lord and Gover­nour one Palomares, a poor Serving-man. And now the King­dom of Valencia seem'd to be over-run by a gang of Rebels: but they had a notable shock at a place, to this day call'd The Field of slaughter, where they left above 5000 of their frateraity dead on the [...]or.

After this they chose for their Captain one Vincent Perez, a Fellow whose trade was to gather up Acorns; but their chief Ge­neral of all was ore Or John of Bilbo. Juan de Vilvao, who made them believe that he was Do [...] Juan, the onely Son to Fernando and Isabella, King and Queen of Castile and Arragon, and so the true heir to their Crowns; though that Prince dyed young at Salamanca. However the giddy people put so much credit to him, that they sware Allegiance to him as their King, magnifying him as their Redeemer, calling of him the El Encubi­cito. Disguised man, and one sent from God to their relief.

But what this Impostor was, take thus. He was the Son of a Jew, and was carryed by his Father into Barbary the same year that the Jews were driven out of Castile. A Biscan Merchant, call'd Juan de Bilbao, met with him on ship board 1512, as he was trading to Oran on the Coasts of Barbary, and finding him to write and read well, and speak several Languages, as Spanish, Arabick and Hebrew, took him for his Factor. The fellow calling himself from his Masters name Juan de Bilbao, with him he lived four years, till 1516 he turn'd him away for being too familiar with his Wife.

The Corregidor, or Mayor of Oran, not knowing the sault, en­tertain'd him for his Steward. This Mayor of Oran being a young man kept privately a little wanton in his house, to whom this Fel­low shew'd much affection and Courtship; but she being trusty to her Master, tells him all, and that he also perswaded her to witch­craft. Upon this the Corregidor hath him imprisoned, and upon a Market-day set upon an Ass, and so whipt through all the principal streets of the City, to the amazement of the people, who had a good opinion of him, so cunningly did he carry him­self.

Being thus banish'd Oran, he returns for Spain, lands upon the Coasts of Valencia (just in these distractions) under the name of Don Henrique Manrique de Ribera; and here he behaved himself so cunningly, taking hold of the opportunity, that at last he made the people believe that he was their true King, and for such they acknowledged him.

He carryed his business politickly, kept correspondence with divers Cities in Arragon and Catalonia, and might have given a main stroak for the whole Kingdom, had not the valiant and loyal Marquiss of Cenete, and Don Pedro Faxardo the Governour or Lord-lieutenant [Adelantado Mayor] of the Kingdom of Mur­cia, with other noble Cavaliers, by their valour and industry put a stop to his carreer. The chiefest loss to the Rebels was in Valencia it self, where Vicente Periz had almost carryed the whole City: but the Marquiss here carryed himself so cunningly, that he out-braved the Rebel, making most of his followers disband and retire to their own dwellings. This day and plot was so hap­py to that City, that to this time, 'tis call'd the Thursday of Vicente Periz: yet Periz received fresh supplies from Juan de Bilvao, with which he grew so hardy, that he fought de Cenete in the very streets of the City, though to his own ruine, being beaten, himself taken, and his head presently struck off. After which the Impostor Kingling John of Bilbao was also taken by the Marquess, the nineteenth of May 1522. who, according to his desert, was drawn, hang'd and quarter'd, and his head stuck upon a Lance. After which, Valencia began to be more quiet, and wholly submitted themselves upon the return of the Emperour Charles. And thus much, in brief, for the Rebellion of the King­dom of Valencia; not to tell of all their Church-robbings, Plun­derings, Burnings, Devastations, and Factions even in the very Cloisters and Monasteries themselves, insomuch that one party in the same Covent would pray to God for the King, whilst the other pray'd as heartily for the Rebels.

But now to return to the Junta in Castile, we finde their Army (consisting of seventeen thousand foot, besides good store of Horse and Artillery) (b) march'd into the field, with an intent to a Nov. 23. 1520, fight the Imperialists lying about Rioseca.

One of the most furious sticklers for the Junta against his King, was Don Antonio de Acunna, Bishop of Zamora (one who had formerly been honour'd with an Embassie into France.) He was threescore years old, but lively and vigorous, and excellent in handling his Arms; he had above four hundred Priests under his command in this Rebellion, well armed and stout, himself al­ways charging at the head of them, crying out, Here my Priests! And if he saw but any of them (c) handle or read on his Breviary b L. de Mayerne, Hist. Gen. d'E­spaigne, l. 27. Grimston, pag. 961. or Prayer book, he would cudgel them for it.

Between the two Armies there were now and then some skir­mishes; but the Royalists thought it no wisdom to put it to a main Battel, their enemies being double the number; besides, they had some underhand dealings with some Chieftains of the Commonalty, which made the Rebels too negligent, and retire into Quarters: Upon which opportunity, the Imperialists on a sudden march'd to Tordesillas, which with the loss of some bloud they took; and here the Bishops Priests fought it out de­sperately.

Tordesillus thus taken, the Nobility waited upon the Queen-mother, who received them kindly, not that she cared how things went, being indisposed in her senses, from understanding what was either good or bad for the publick, though the Junta, to delude the Commonalty, gave out that she was not onely well in her wits, but fit for Government, and that she had taken it upon her, and acknowledged their interest; and accordingly they acted all things in her name, not mentioning the King. Here some of the Junta were taken, others escaped; and the honour of this exploit was justly thrown upon the Earl of Haro the Kings Ge­neral.

The taking of Tordesillas did not a little terrifie Valladolid, whither the remaining part of the Junta fled and sate in Com­mission: and the people now growing jealous of Don Pedro Giron, chose Juan de Padilla for their Captain General, who prosecuted the Rebellion more vigorously then the former.

And now Biscay and Guipuscoa ran a gadding into the same mischief; nor would the Province of Alava be behind; in which Rebellion Don Pedro de Ayala, Earl of He was al­so E [...]rl of the vallies of Ayala, Quar­tango and San Milan. Salvatierra had a main stroke, being of a proud humour, and distasted with his Coun [...]ess Madama Margarita, whom the Court favour'd; and he went the nearest way to work, by getting the Fryars to countenance his party and interest.

The Royalists hearing of his Rebellion, surprised Ampudia, or Fuente Empudia, belonging to the Earl; but this they kept not long, the Commonalty retaking it: at this assault, the Bishop of Zamora is reported thus to have encouraged his men,—So, my boyes, get up nimbly, fight and dye couragiously, and let my soul go at a venture along with yours, since you dye in so just and holy an Enterprise.—A bold Rebel.

By this time, some of the Junta were willing to see their errour, year 1512 and might be brought to accept of a Composition; but the people, Juan de Padilla, the Bishop of Zamora, and others, were stark mad against any such thing: by which villany, these two got such a love amongst the people, that they protested they would serve under none but them, hooting and crying along the streets of Valladolid,—Let Juan de Padilla live, let the Bishop live; long may Juan de Padilla live, who takes away the Taxes of Castile:—we will have none but Juan de Padilla and the Bishop.—And the truth was, these two were as fit for their turns, as a Rope for a Traytor. As for the Bishop, he questioned not but to gain well by these broyls. The See of Toledo being voyd by the death of Guillermo de Crouy, Nephew to Xeures, he made himself Arch­bishop of it, went to the City, was nobly received by the peo­ple, who placed him in the Archiepiscopal Chair, and gave him good store of Money and Church-plate wherewith to pay his S [...]uldiers. But for all this, he is neither held nor reckon'd amongst the Archbishops of Toledo, being but an Intruder.

To tell all the Murthers, Rapines, Sacriledges in this Rebellion, all the Tumults in the Old Castile is divided in­to VII Me­rindades, viz. of Bu [...]gos, Val­ladelid, Cala­h [...]r [...]a, Osma, Seg via, Avila and Soria. The Kingdom of Navar is divided into V Merindades: But here Old Castile is onely intended. Merindades, the burning of about three thousand people in the Church of Mora; and to relate the divers over [...]ures they had for a general peace, would be too te­dious.

In short, the people were mad against any Treaty: the Junta upon an erected Scaffold in the chief Market-place in Valladolid, adorned with rich Hangings, with Drums, Trumpets, the Kings at Arms with Maces, Coats, &c. March 17. 1521. proclaimed the Admiral, Constable, the General, and others for the King, to be Traytors against the Queen-mother, and the Holy Commonalty. And the people were so mad with delays, that they began to threaten the Holy Junta it self, if they were not more vigorous in the War, and laid aside all thoughts of Treaty; being resolved to put all upon the fortune of a Battle. And in truth, the City of Val­ladolid, and some other places for the Commonalty had suffer'd very much, all Trade being spoil'd, Corn very dear, their monies all gone in paying the Souldiers, and no safety for any without the venturing of blows.

And now the fatal day drew near. Juan de Padilla with his Ar­my was in Torrelobaton (where he had trifled away too much time) The Royalists march towards him, thinking either to besiege him, or force him to battel, before he could get any more succour; the Imperialists being towards 10000 men, and the Commonalty at that place almost nine thousand.

Padilla informed of the designe, was resolved not to be be­sieged; so, drew out his men, intending for Toro, there to stay till more succours came to him. The Royalists having notice of his private march, mend their pace; now and then skirmishing them, till they come neer to Villalar (a Town in Leon between Medina de Reoseco and Tordesillas) where they fell upon them in three several bodies; and presently putting them to the rout, the pursuit being several miles, in which many of the Commonalty were slain.

This victory was gain'd on St. Georges day, the Imperialists word was Sancta Ma­ria y Carlos. St. Mary and Charles, the Commonalty was Santjago, libertad. St. James and Liberty. This was the ruine of the Rebellion, and the restauration of the people to Peace and Loyalty. Here amongst others, where taken their Captain-General Juan de Padilla; Juan Bravo, Captain of the 6000 Commonalty, which formerly came from Segovia, Salamanca, and Avila; and Francisco Maldenado, who now commanded the Salamanca forces: who had all their heads cut off, and stuck upon several Nails over the place of Execution.

The Army of the Commonalty being thus routed, the Junta which was in Valladolid sneak'd away: The City it self sub­mitting, which was graciously pardon'd, though they had been the chief maintainers of the Rebellion. And now Medina del Campo, Palencia, Duennas Mota, and other Cities acknowledged their faults.

But Toledo would be brought to no reason; the chief Incendi­ary of that City being Donna Maria Pacheco Mendoza, Daughter to the Earl of Tendilla, and wife to Don Juande Padilla (lately beheaded) a Lady of a daring and resolute spirit, wherefore she was generally call'd The valiant woman (La Muger valerosa) and to excite the Citizens to compassion, she made her Son be car­ryed up and down the streets on a Mule with a mourning hood and Cloak on, and a Streamer with the Picture of her husband Padilla beheaded.

The Imperialists did not question, if they could either get her [Page 364] out of the City, or to joyn with them, to reduce the place to his Majesty; to effect which, they sent a Captain (who freely offer'd himself) with a few men disguised thither: Being arrived at Toledo, he went directly to the Fort where she was, desiring to speak with her: But the people having some notice of the designe, made an Alarm, and ran in great multitudes to the Castle, where finding the Captain in discourse with her, they presently laid hands on him, and flung him out of the high window; by which fall he was broke all to pieces. This done, they cut the throats of all those who came along with him.

And now they resolve to fortifie themselves against all attempts; fill'd their stores full, took all the gold and silver plate out of the Cathedral Church, which they coyned; and they were not a lit­tle animated by the coming of the French, who taking opportuni­ty of these troubles, enter'd Navar, thinking to regain that King­dom; but all to no purpose: and so at last the Toledians were brought to better terms, and received into mercy: Donna Maria Pacheco being forced for her own safety, in a Country-womans disguise, riding upon an Ass with some Geese in her hands, to escape out of the City, living the rest of her days in Exile, and as some think dying in Portugal. And now for Example was the house of Juan de Padilla pull'd down to the ground, the foundation of it plow'd up and sowed with salt, that the soyl where the Chieftain of so great troubles and mischiefs had his birth and habitation, should not produce so much as grass or weeds; and a Pillar was erected there, with an Inscription declaring the manner of his life and death.

And now all is reduced to obedience, the Emperour returns to Spain, (having received the Imperial Crown) and on a Scaffold cover'd with Cloth of Gold and Silk, erected in the chief Mar­ket-place in Valladolid, the Emperour himself with his They are so call'd, whom the King gives leave to stand covered be­fore him. All Dukes in Spain are Grandes. Gran­dees and Council about him; being there, Peace is Octob. 28. 1522. proclaim'd, and a general pardon granted, onely some few excepted for ex­ample sake.

But before we leave this story, let us see the end of one or two Chieftains; the first shall be the Earl of Salvatierra, who made such Tumults in Alava. At last being taken Prisoner, he was carryed to Burgos, where he was let bloud to 1504. death; then carryed to his grave, his feet hanging over the Bier with irons on them, ex­posed to the publick view.

This unfortunate Earl, whilst in prison, was brought to such poverty, (being forsaken of all his Friends) that he had nothing [...] eat but a poor mess of Pottage, which one Leon Picardo a Do­ [...]estick Servant and Painter to the Lord high Constable some­times brought him. His Son Don Athanasio de Ayala, then Page to the Emperour [...], out of a filial compassion, sold his Horse to buy his Father the Earl Victuals; for which the Master of the Pages would have the young Gentleman punished, and complain'd of him to the Emperour. Carlos calls Don Athanasio to him, and asking him for his Horse, he presently answered, That he sold him to buy Victuals for his Father: at which the Emperour was so far from being displeas'd, that he forthwith commanded forty thousand A little Span [...]sh coyn of lets v [...]lue th [...]n [...]ur Eng­lish [...]ing, which the Spani [...] commonly account with. Maravediz (which is about thirty pound English mo­ney) to be given him.

And now let us see the exit of Don Antonio de Acunna the furious and zealous Bishop of Zamora, who seeing all his Confe­derates quell'd, and so no safety for him to stay in Spain, re­solved to make France his refuge: For this purpose, having in a disguise got as far as the Borders of Navar (at the same time that the French enter'd) he was discovered and seised on by one Perote, at a village call'd Villamediana, not far from Legronno; th [...]nce was carryed to Navaretta, not far from Najara in Rioscia, a little Province in Old Castile; after which he was sent prisoner by the Emperours Order to Simancas in Leon.

The old Bishop having been here kept some time, at last con­sulted an escape. To perform which, he one time cunningly con­vey'd a Brick into his Bag, wherein he used to carry his Breviary, wherewith he knockt out the Governours brains, that had the charge of him, as they were in discourse together by the fire-side. And so upon this opportunity might have made an escape, but that the Governours Son discovering him, brought him back again, and carefully lockt him in his Chamber, without doing any thing else to him, although he had thus basely murthered his Father; which was held and commended for a great piece of wisedom and patience in the young Gentleman.

The Emperour informed of these his wicked Prancks, sent Judge Ronquillo (of whom formerly) to sit on him; who con­demn'd him, and caused him to be 1526. strangled within the said Fort: and some report that he had him hung upon one of the Pinacles of the Tower, to the end that he might be a spectacle and memento to all that passed that way; but the Emperour was not pleas'd with such Examples.

And thus much for these three years troubles in Spain, passing by some other Tumults and uproars there both be­fore and after these, as not of so general and dangerous con­cern.

CHAP. III. The Plots in Scotland against King James VI.

HEre passing by the Excommunication of Ferdinand King of Hungary and Bohemia, by Julius III. for the death of Fryar George Martinusius, Bishop of Waradein, and after Archbishop of Gran, and by the said Julius created Cardinal; a man powerful in Arms, and noted for his great actions in Hun­gary. Which Fryar George (for so is he commonly call'd) is by 1551. Gi [...]l B [...]ai vita d [...] o [...] [...]ol [...], [...]gi­unte a [...]le [...]. p. [...], [...]7 [...]. 15 [...]8. some h [...]ld an honest man, whilst others accuse him of no less th [...]n or under [...]and-dealings with the Turks, into whose power they s [...]y [...]e designed to deliver up the Kingdom.

And passing by also the troubles the said Ferdinand I▪ re­ceived at h [...]s Election into the Empire by the Resignation of his Brother Charles V, Pope Paul IV rejecting him and his Title, alledging none to have power to resigne, but into his hands; and [...]o be (and not the Electors) is to nominate; nor would he at any time acknowledge him for Emperour, though upon his death his Succ [...]ssor, Pius IV, willingly admitted him for a lawful Emperor: and what need Ferdinand, or any other care whether the Roman Bish [...]p [...]nsented or no, it being no way necessary, and the out­side but a Complement? But leaving these and suchlike beyond-Sea [...]res, let us come a little neerer home.

And first, if we look upon Scotland, we shall finde it a Kingdom miserably rent between two Factions, the Puritan and Popish. Of the insole [...]eies of the first, I have elsewhere treated; nor can the latter excuse themselves from the same crimes, if not worse, by endeavouring to betray their King and Country to a forraign power and usurpation, as may appear by these following Ob­servations.

Here we finde Reigning King James VI, a Prince made wise and wary by the several troubles he had run through. The Spa­n [...]a [...] preparing his great Armado to invade England, several 158 [...]. P [...]t [...] and Jesuites went into Scotland to get those people to as­si [...] the designe. And amongst the rest, the Lord Maxwell was [...] a [...]ive, coming out of Spain, and landing at Kirkudbright year 1588 in Gallo [...]ay, gather'd together some men; but they were pre­sently [...]pp [...]st, and himself taken and imprisoned. The Lord Bothwell (who troubled himself not much with this or that Reli­gion, having no ends but interest) the Admiral of that Kingdom, had also secretly listed many Souldiers, giving out they were for the safety of the Nation. Amongst others also Colonel He after­wards lived a Pensi [...]r in Spain, where he be­gan the Foundation of a Scotch Semenarie, intending to make his bastard Hugh Sempill (whom he train'd up with the Je [...]uites) the Rect [...] o [...] it: He was living there about the beginning of King Charles I his Reign; and was very mallepert in the designes of his Spanish match. James Wadsworth his English-Spanish Pilgrime, cap. 7. pag. 61. Edit. 2. Sempil, who for some time had resided with the Duke of Parma (having betray'd the Town of Lire to the Spaniards) landed at Lieth, [Page 367] with an intent to farther the plots; but he, by the mistrust of some papers, was seiz'd on by Sir John Carmichael Captain of the Kings Guard; but being rescued by the Earl of Huntley, escaped the law.

But the hopes of the Romanists were quite blown away by the overthrow of the Spanish Fleet; yet the Duke of Parma chears them up again, by telling them of another Army and Fleet to be set out next Spring. This good news he sends by Robert Bruce to the Earl of Huntly, to be communicated to the rest of that Facti­on; the chief of which was the Earl of Arrol, the Lord Maxwell (who call'd himself Morton) the Earl of Crawford, the Lord Claude Hamilton, and suchlike. And a little after, Parma sent over ten thousand Crowns by John Chesholme.

Thus incouraged, (and also thrust on by Father Hay, Father year 1589 Creighton, and other Jesuites) they resolved to undertake some noble act, the better to credit themselves with Spain and Parma. And nothing is thought better then to seize on the Kings person. In this plot there was Montross, Bothwell, Crawford, Arrol, Hunt­ley; the Lairds of Kinfawns, of Fintrie, and others. The design was laid to meet all at the Quarry-holes between Lieth and E­denbrough, thence to go to Tis some­times also call'd the Abbey. 'Tis the Kings Court, at the East-end of Cannygate at Edinborough. Halyrood house, to seize on the King, to kill the Chancellor and Treasurer, and then they need not fear to carry all as they pleas'd. But Huntley coming before the rest, and suspected, is imprison'd; upon which the rest retire. Montross and Crawford submit and ask pardon, whilst Bothwell and Arrol are declared Traytors for refusing to come in upon sum­mons.

Huntley is by the Kings favour set at liberty, upon promise to be quiet for the future; but in his going home in the North, he meets with Crawford, who joyn together again, and fall upon the Treasurer; then having joyn'd themselves with the Earl of Arrol, they raise what forces they can, and enter Aberdeen: The King upon notice, marcheth against them; upon which, the Lords are discouraged, retreated, and divided one from another at the This day and action is call'd, The Raid of the Brig of Dee. Bridge of Dee. The King thus victorious, the Confede­rate Lords seeing no other safety, submit themselves to the Kings Mercy and Tryal. They are accused,

  • For practising with Jesuites and Seminary Priests, and the re­ceiving of Spanish Gold to hire Souldiers to disturb the King­dom.
  • For entring into Bond and Covenant with the Earls of Arrol and Montross, and others, and treasonably to have surprised (b) Perth
    [...] Now better known by the name of St. Johnstons.
    with intent to keep it against the King.
  • For conspiring to take the King prisoner at Halyrud-house, and to kill his Servants and Counsellors.
  • For besieging the house of Kirkhill, firing it, and forcing the Trea­surer, the Master of Glammis, to yeild himself.
  • For summoning the Subjects by Proclamation falsly in the Kings name, falsely giving out that he was a prisoner, and desired them to set him at liberty.
  • For marching to the Bridge of Dee, to fight and invade the King.
  • For taking the Kings Herald at Arms in Aberdeen, spoiling him of his Coat and Letters, when he was to proclaim them.
  • [Page 368]And that Bothwell for his part, had hired Souldiers, as well strangers as others, with an intent to seise on Lieth in the Kings absence.

Upon tryal, they are found guilty, but the sentence by the Kings favour and warrant was suspended; in the mean time they were imprisoned, Bothwell in Tantallon, Crawford in Blackness, and Huntley in Edinborough Castle.

Now for the better and clearer discovery of their plots and de­signes for the King of Spain against their own King and Country, take these following Letters.

Mr. Robert Br [...]ce (the chief Agent) his Letter to the Duke of Parma, Governour in the Netherlands for the King of Spain.

My LORD,

MR. Ch [...]sholme arrived in this Country five days after his de­parture from you, and with requisite diligence came to the Earl of Huntley, in his own house at Dunferme [...]ng, where having presented to him your Highness Letters of the 13 of October, he de­clared amply unto him the credit given him in Charge, conforma­ble to the tenour of the Letters from your Highness: wherein they perceived your Highness great humanity and affection to the ad­vancement of the glory of God in this Country, with other consola­tions most convenient to moderate the dolour and displeasure con­ceived in the hearts of the Catholiques, by reason of the success of your Viz. the Spanish Fleet, 1588. Army, contrary to their hope and expectation.

Also some days after, (as the commodity offer'd to me to receive the money) the said Chesholme delivered to me six thousand two hundred threescore and twelve Crowns of the sun, and three thou­sand seven hundred Spanish Pistolets: and likewise hath carryed himself in all his actions since very wisely, and as becomes a man of God; chiefly, when (upon the suspicion conceived of his sudden re­turn) the King sent to take him.

I shall behave my self by the Grace of God (in keeping and di­stributing of the mony last sent, and of that which resteth yet of the sum) according to your Highness prescription; and as I ought to answer to God in conscience, and to your Highness in credit, and to the whole world in the Reputation of an honest man: and will manage it in such sort, that by the grace of God, there shall be fruit drawn thereof pleasant to your Highness. It is true, that I finde (as all others would do, that would enterprise such a charge here) my self involved in great difficulties: For on the one part I am in great danger of the Hereticks, and them of the Faction of England, by reason of the open Profession that I make of the Ca­th [...]lick Religion, and of the suspition that the last hath of my se­cret practices and dealings against them. On the other part, I have much ado to moderate the Appetite that some Catholick Lords have, to hav [...] the mony presently, for the hope which they give of some pre­tended occasions, which will never fall out as they promise. The Earl of Huntley made instance to have the third part of the sum which was sent hither, as soon as it was delivered to me; but he [Page 369] hath not toucht, nor shall he touch hereafter a half-penny, but upon good tokens. I have paid him in the mean time with inexpugnable reasons, wherewith in the end he is contented.

I beseech your Highness, by the first Letter it shall please you to write into these parts to the Catholick Lords, to remove one er­rour from Huntley, Lord Max­well (alias Mortoun) and Lord Claud Hamilton. three of them, who have written in the name of the rest: which moves them to think, that because they were the first who made offer of their service to the Catholick King, that all the money which comes hither, should be parted into three, and im­mediately after the arrival thereof delivered to them, without giving any part to others; who besides them, are a great number at the service of the Catholick King and you; and who are resolved to hazard all according to their power, for the advancement of this Cause: Nor will they in any sort depend on the other, in the ac­cepting of the Treasure that comes from your liberality, but acknow­ledge it as coming directly from your Highness, to whom onely they will be bound and obliged, and not to the other three; of whom the Earl (q) Mortoun hath hitherto contented himself with reason: As b Lord Maz­well. also the Earl of Huntley hath never shewn himself subject to mo­ney, but since he hath been induced by the third, to wit, my Lord Claude Hamilton his Ʋncle, who is somewhat covetous of gain, and thought under such pretext to make his profit.

The said Earl of Huntley is constrain'd to remain at Court: he is fallen from his constancie in his outward profession of the Catho­lick Religion; partly for having lost all hope of your support, be­fore the returning of the said Chesholme, because of his long stay there; partly by the perswasion of some Politicks; partly to a­void the perils imminent to all them that call themselves Catholicks; partly to keep himself in the favour of his King, who pressed him greatly to subscribe to the Confession of the Hereticks, and to be at League with England. But for all this, his heart is no whit ali­enated from our Cause; for he hath always a good soul, although he hath not such vigour to persevere and execute so as is requisite in so great an enterprise: But they may help the defects, by joyning with him a man of Credit, resolute to assist him; as we have ad­vised to do, since the Baron of David Gra­ham Laird of Fintrie. In Scotland, the Barons were either Great or Small; of the latter were Knights and Lairds, and none were such formerly but those who held Lands of the King in Capite, and had power of life & death; but now eve­ry one will be a Laird, as in England an Esquire, for­sooth. Fintrie is put in custody by the King in the Town of Dundee, so that he durst not go out of the Gates thereof, under the pain of a great sum, until occasion may be offered to depart the Country, within the limited time. And I by the Kings commandment am forbiden to come neer the said Earl, because they have attributed to the said Laird of Fintrie and me, his constancie in the Catholick Religion, and his absence from Court against the Kings will. i. e. Laird of Fintrie. His securement hath somewhat hindred our course, and permits me not to move him, as it hath pleas'd you to command me, and as I desire, to dispose of the money joyntly with me. So that for the supplying of his want, I have associated to the same end a very honest and wise man, called Fa­ther William Creichtoun Jesuite, who was detain'd some years in the City of In the Tower of London. London, after he was taken upon the Sea coming hitherwards from France.

Likewise I shall help my self by the prudence of Sir James Chesholme, eldest brother to the said John who brought the money from your Highness; for he is a man confident, wise, one of our part, and very little suspected. In the mean time, one part of the money is in the principal house of my Lord Levingston, a very Catho­lick [Page 370] Lord: the other parthere in Edingborough, in surety enough to help as it shall need the Catholick Lords, who will come hither presently, to resist the designes of them of the English Faction, which think to remain at Court with forces, to order all things according to their fancies. As for the like sum, or greater, which your High­ness intents to send hither, it would be very expedient that it were very soon sent hither, secretly to help the necessity that may fall out, and to cause things to incline to our side, when they are in Bal­lance, as there is great appearance they will be by the occasion a­foresaid. and in case that necessity requireth no distribution, the said sum shall be kept and reserved to better occasions, or till the arrival of your forces in this Island.

There is suspition, as also Arguments probable enough, that Thomas Tyrie, who hath brought hither your Highness Letters to our King, hath not behaved himself according to his duty; for he hath accommodated himself in his behaviour, more of the affection of our S [...]r J [...]hn Maitland. Chancellor (who is of the faction of England, and a­buseth the credit he hath with the King) then according to the in­structions given him. He hath not presented nor made mention to the King of Colonel Simpills letter, whereof I have caused the Copy to be presented to his Majesty by the Earl Bothwell, as if it had been sent to him with another of the said Colonels to himself, which he received from Thomas Tyrie at his arrival, who hath re­ported to the said Chancellor, as that Seigneur Don D [...]n Bernar­dino de Men­d [...]za the Spa­nish Ambassa­dor in France to carry on the Spanish in­terest and League against the French King. Bernardino spake to him in Paris, to the disadvantage of the Chancellor. Also he hath reported to the King, that my Lord He means Mr William Chesholme, Uncle to Sir Jame [...] and Mr. John. Bishop of Dumblane, being returned thither, spake to your Highness and to others many things to the great prejudice of his The King. Highness: And it is be­lieved also, that he is the cause of the suspition which was conceived of the coming of the said John Chesholme newly to the said Bi­shop. However it be, the other reports aforesaid which he hath made, have not served to conciliate, but to alienate the affection of the King, of the Chancellor, and many other Hereticks, from the said Seigneur Don Bernardino, the said Bishop and Catholicks here that have to do with them.

As for my self, although I speak not willingly to the disadvan­tage of any whatsoever, chiefly of them whom I have recommended, as I did the said Thomas Tyrie to the said Don Bernardino, yet I will prefer the love of the truth to men, and would not by con­cealing thereof, bring prejudice to the common good, nor to the fi­delity that the one oweth to the other; and especialy to that we owe all to the King of Spain, and your Highness, to whom I am pre­sently servant, particularly addicted by the obligation of five hundred Crowns of The Scotch calls it—500 Crowns of [...] [...]il. fee, and forty for monthly entertainment, which it hath pleas'd your Highness to give me freely in the name of the King of Spain, not being required for my part, nor other thing for my particular to this present: By reason whereof I am the more bound to give your Highness most humble thanks, and to endeavour my self to deserve by my most humble and faithfal service, as well the said entertainment as the recompence it hath pleas'd your High­ness to promise me of your grace and favour. The said gift of your liberality, came well for my purpose, seeing by reason of the danger of my person, it behooved me to augment my ordinary train for my greater surety; which I was not able longer to have born out without help. For from all the Lords of Scotland, I have not re­tain'd [Page 371] but a part onely of the money, which I spent travelling, for the advancement of this Cause in Spain with his Catholick Majesty, and with your Highness in the Low-Countries: As for the four hundred Crowns imploy'd for the deliverance of Colonel Simpill out of prison, I have put it in Count with the residue which I disbursed of the first sum, according as it hath pleas'd your High­ness to command me.

The Earl of Morton, to whom I have given consolation by writing in prison▪ hath instantly pray [...]d me also by writing to remember his most affectionate care to your Highness finding himself greatly honour'd, by the care it pleas'd you to have of him. By the grace of God, he is no more in danger of his life by way of Justice, it being impossible for his enemies to prove against him any thing which they had supposed in his accusation: as also the Kings af­fection not so far alienate from him, as it hath been heretofore: And in case he were in danger, or that it were requisite for the good of our Cause presently to deliver him, we can at any time get him out of prison: However, in the mean time we wait the Kings pleasure towards his liberty, o [...]ly to avoid all pursuit that they would make, if we deliver him by extraordinary means. When in the Kings Name they offer'd him his liberty, if he would subscribe the Confession of the Hereticks faith; he answered, He would not do it for the Kings Crown, nor for an hundred thousand lives, if he had them to loose; and hath offer'd to confound the Ministers by publick disputation. I shall sollicite the Lords his friends to pro­cure of the King his liberty very soon; for he imports more to the good of our Cause, then any of the rest, by reason of his Forces, which are near England, and the principal Town of Scotland, and the ordinary Residence of our King; as also he is a Lord the most resolute, constant, and of greatest execution of any of the Catho­licks.

It is no small marvel (considering the means the Hereticks have to hurt us, and their worldly wits so far passing ours▪ and their evil will and intention against us) that me subsist. Truely, we cannot but attribute the effect thereof to God, who [when the certain news of the returning of the The Spae­nish Armado being beat, a g [...]eat part of them fled No [...]h wards, round about Scotland, and so [...]eturn'd home by Ire­land. Army of Spain by the back of Ireland, was dispersed through the Country; and the Hereticks of the Facti­on of England triumphed, and the constancie in the outward pro­fession of the Earl of Huntley and others was alter'd] caused the Earl of Archibald Deuglas Earl of Ang [...]s dyed at Sme [...] near Dalkeith, Ja­ly 1588 sup­posed by witchcraft or other evil means. Angus to dye, who was the chief of the English Facti­on. And the same time grew some dissentions amongst the Here­ticks, by reason of some Offices which some pretended to usurp a­bove others at Court. And by the instant prayers, and holyperswasions of two Fathers Jesuites, converting to our holy faith two Heretick Earls of the chiefest of Authority amongst them; the one whereof is called the Earl of Arrol, Constable of Scotland, con­verted by Father Edmund Hay; the other called the Earl of Craw­ford, converted by the foresaid Father William Creichton. They are both able and wise young Lords, and most desirous to advance the Catholick Faith, and your enterprises in this Island; which they are determin'd to testifie to his Catholick Majesty and your Highness by their own Letters, which by the Grace of God I will send by the first opportunity. In the mean time they have required me to make you offer of their most humble and most affectionate ser­vice, promising to follow whatsoever the same Jesuites and I shall [Page 372] think good to be done, for the conservation of the Catholicks, and to dispose and faciliate the execution of your enterprises here, which they may do more easily then they that are known to be Catholicks, whose actions are ever suspitious to the Hereticks for their Religi­on, whereof these two Earls have not yet made outward profession; but in that, as in the rest, they submit themselves to our will, and to what we think most expedient.

The said Fathers of that company do profit very much in Scot­land, and so soon as any Lord or other person of Quality is con­verted by them, they forthwith dispose and incline their affections to the service of the King of Spain and your Highness, as a thing in­separably conjoyn'd with the advancement of the true Religion in this Country. If I had commandment from your Highness, I would give them some little Alms in your name, to help them and eight o­thers whereof four are also Jesuites, and the other four are Seminary Priests of Pont a Mousson in Lorrain, which are all the Ecclesi­asticks that produceth so great spiritual fruit in Scotland, and ac­quires to you here such augmentations of your friends and ser­vants.

After the parting of Colonel Sempill from hence, the Lords sent Letters with the foresaid Father Creichton and other Gentle­m [...]n after the Army of Spain, to cause it land in this Country; but it had taken the way to Spain few days before their arrival at the The [...], where [...]i [...]h­ten thought to meet the Fleet Islands, where it had refreshed it self, so that it was not possible for them to attend on it. They of this Countrie, who are of the Faction of England, were in a marvellous fear, during the uncertainty of the landing of the said Armie, and confess'd plainlte, that if it had landed here, they had been utterly over­come.

The Earl Bothwell, who is Admiral of Scotland, and as gallant a Lord as any is in the Countrie, although he make profession of the new Religion, yet is he extremelie desirous to assist you against England, having waged and entertain'd all this Summer (under pretence to order the Isles) some Troops of men of War, which toge­ther with his ordinarie Forces, should have joyned with yours if they had come hither. He suffers himself to be peaceablie guided by me, notwithstanding the diversitie of our Religion; and hath often times said, that if the Catholicks would give him suretie to possess, after the restitution of the Catholick Religion, two Viz. the Abbeys of Coldingham a [...]d of [...]else. Ab­bies which he hath, that he would even presentlie be altogether one of yours. He intends to send Colonel Halkerstoun, to accompanie certain Captains and Gentlemen to Spain, and almost four hundred Soul­diers all safe from the shipwrack in our Isles. And because they are in great necessitie, he is purposed to furnish them with Ships, Fictuals, and other things necessarie▪ to testifie thereby to the King of Spain the affection he hath to do him most humble and affectio­nate service. And if we think it good, hath offer'd himself to go to your Highness in the Low-Countries, and by your ad­vice afterward, do the like to his Catholick Majestie of Spain. But hereupon we will advise what is most expedient: If we may always be assured of him, he will be as profitable for the good of our Cause as any Lord in Scotland, for he hath great de­pendance about this Town, which is the principal of Scotland, as also upon the Frontiers of England. He hath offered to [Page 373] maintain and defend me against all that would attempt any thing against me.

We have chosen for every Catholick Lord, a Gentleman of the wisest and faithfullest Catholicks, and best beloved of their friends, to serve them in Council, and to meet at all occasions, to resolve upon the most expedient courses, that may concern the good of our Cause, according to the will and intention of their Lords, who have obliged themselves to approve and execute their resolutions, and in no wise to contradict the same: and by that means we hope to proceed with greater securitie and effect, then we have done heretofore. They shall never know any thing of our Intelligences there, nor our final intentions; but according to the exigence of the affairs which shall be in hand, and that superficiously, and without disco­vering our selves too much.

Your Highness shall understand by the particular Letters of the Lords, what remaineth to be said to you by these presents: by reason whereof I will make an end, most humblie kissing your Highness hands, and praying God to give you all the good hope and felicity you desire.

Your Highness most humble and most affectionate Servant, Robert Bruce.

At the same time with this, some of the Nobility, in name of all the rest (as this Letter also testifieth) writ to Philip II King of Spain; which take as followeth.

SIR,

WE cannot sufficiently express by speech, the great grief we have conceived, being frustrate of the hope we have so long had, to see (the last year) the desired effects which we hoped of your Majesties preparations. And our displeasures have been so much the greater, that your Naval Armies should have passed by so near us, without calling upon us, who expected the same with sufficient Forces for the peaceable receipt and assistance thereof, against all enemies in such sort, that it should have had no resistance in this Countrie, and with our support should have given England work e­nough. At least, if it had come in to refresh it, it had preserved a number of Vessels and Men, which we know have perished near our Isles, and upon the Coasts of Ireland; and had discovered an incredible num [...]er of friends, in full readiness to have run the same fortune with it, in such sort, as we dare well affirm, it should not have found half so many in England, for all that is spoken by the English Catholicks Refugit thair, saith the Scotch Copy. fled into Spain, who by emulation, or rather by an unchristian envie, too much lessen our power of aiding you, thereby to magnifie their own onely, and make themselves to be able to do all, so to advance themselves in credit with your Majestie, and such as are about you: but the experience of this their passage, hath sufficiently [Page 374] testified, that they have not shewn themselves in such num­ [...]r to assist your forces as we have done. And therefore your Majestie, as most wise as you are, should, if it please you, make such account of the one, as not to neglect the other; and so serve your self with both, to the designe you aim at, with­out hazarding your Forces, for the particular of the one or the other.

We refer even to the judgement of some of your own subjects who have been here, the Commodities and Landing in these parts, where the expence bestowed upon the Equipage of one Galiasse, shall bring more fruit to your service, then you may have of ten upon the Sea And we may assure your Majestie, that having once six thou­sand here of your own with money, you may levie here Forces of this Countrie as freely as in Spain, who will serve you no less faithfully then your own natural subjects.

And although we cannot without censure of presumption give your Majestie advice in your affairs in Spain; yet in that which may concern your service here, we may speak more freelie, as being upon the place, and knowing by ordinarie experience ma­ny things unknown to any of yours that are not here. The over late arrival of your Armie in our Waters, took from it the Commoditie to retire it self in such safetie, (as it might have done coming sooner) by reason of the great Winds that are ordinarie here in Harvest; as also lack of Pilots experienced upon the Coasts of England, Scotland and Ireland, appeareth to have bred great harm to the said Armie: which we could have remedied concerning Scot­land, to have sent Pilots from hence, if it had liked your Majestie to have served your self with them.

Likewise (saving better advice) it seems to us altogether unpro­fitable, to fetch the Armie by Sea, if it may be avoided, for many causes: And amongst others, because such as shall have fought by Sea, shall be unable, being wearie, to fight again by land against new Forces: So the best should be to shift by one way or other, for sp [...]ring of your men and Vessels; and so the English Forces staying upon the Sea unfought with, shall be disappointed, and shall not come in time to assist them that shall be assailed by land. Af­terwards sending hither a part of your forces before the other which should go the right way to England, and that secretlie by the back of Ireland, Your Majestie should compel the enemie to divide their Forces, and it may be should cause them send the greatest part hi­ther, where we might make them believe the greatest part of your Forces were arrived, at least should make them The Scotch Copy runs thus:—At leist s [...]ld caus thame di [...]g r­n [...]is as [...]ikle of England, and d [...]a [...] a great [...] of th [...]ir Forces, quhilk wald. resist, &c. weaken a good part of England, and draw away a great part of their Forces which would resist your landing and invasion on that Coaest. And we may well promise, that having here 6000 of your men and money to aid others here, we should within six weeks after their arrival be a good way within England, to approach and assist the Forces which your Maiestie should cause to enter there.

The Knight William Sempil Colonel, can shew your Majestie the whole, to whom we leave it. Also we have caus'd to be writ both before and since his departure, our several suchlike advises, by Mr. Robert Bruce, causing them to be address'd to my Lord Duke of Parma, to whom your Majestie referr'd us, at the beginning [Page 375] of these affairs. And seeing your Majestie is dulie advertised and informed, we will conclude, kissing most humblie your Majesties hands; heartily praying God to grant you full accomplishment of all your holie enterprises.

Your Majesties most humble and most affectioned Servants, Earl of Morton, G. Earl of Huntley, Claud Lord Hammiltoun, In the name of the other Catholick Lords in Scotland.

The King, one might think, had no reason to mistrust Huntley, having not long before marryed him to a gallant Lady Being Si­ster to the Duke of Len­nox. a kin to his Majesty; and also got him to subscribe to the Confession of Faith, then used by the Reformed in Scotland; and confer'd ma­ny favours upon him. But all this to no purpose; he is yet a friend to Spain, and sorry for his subscription, as may appear by his Letter to the Duke of Parma, thus:

My LORD,

I Have received from John Chesholme the Letters it pleased your Highness to write the XIII of October, full of most Christian affection to the well-fare of our Cause, for the which I give your Highness most humble thanks. The support of ten thousand Crowns sent to that end, is received by Mr. Robert Bruce; which shall not be imploy'd, but for help of the most urgent neces­sitie of the said Cause, as it hath pleas'd your Highness to direct.

After the Or rather Escape, in which he as­sisted. departure of Colonel Sempil, I found my self so beset on all hands, and pressed in such sort by our King, that it behooved me to yeild to the extremitie of time, and subscribe with his Majestie (not with my heart) the Confession of their Faith, or otherwise I had been forced immediatelie to have departed the Countrie, or to have taken the fields by resisting his Forces, and such as he might have drawn out of England to his aid; which I could not have done, especiallie then, when by the returning of your Army into Spain, all hope of help was taken from us.

But if on the one part I have erred, by the apprehension of dan­gers that threatned my ruine, I shall on the other part endeavour my self to amend my fault (whereof I repent me with all my heart) by some effect, tending to the weal and advancement of the Cause of God, who hath put me in such credit with his Majestie, that since my coming to the Court, he hath broke up his former Guards, and caused me to establish others about his person of my men; by means of whom and their Captains (who are also mine) I may ever be master of his person; and (your support being ar­rived) [Page 376] spoil the Hereticks of his Authoritie, to fortifie and as­sure our enterprises.

Whereupon I beseech your Highness to send me your advise, and assure your self of my unchangeable affections in my former resolu­tions, although the outward actions be forced to conform them­selves, sometimes, to necessity of occasions, as Mr. Robert Bruce will more amplie write unto your Highness; to whom I farther re­mit my self. Praying God (having first kiss'd your Highness hand) to give you accomplishment of your holie enterprises.

Your Highness most humble and affectionate Servant, G. Earl of Huntley.

The Earl of Arrol being turn'd Romanist by the perswasions of Edmund Hay the Jesuit, is also by the same reasons very zea­lous for the Spanish interest, as appears by his Letter to the Duke of Parma; thus:

My LORD,

SInce God of late by the clear light of his holie Catholick Faith, hath ch [...]sed from my understanding the darkness of ignorance and errour, wherein I have been heretofore nourished; I have been as soon perswaded in acknowledging of so great an effect of his divine grace towards me, that I am chieflie obliged to procure, since I know the enterprises of his Catholick Majestie and your Highness tend principallie to that end; as also the advancement of some [...] it against their own King, for the King of Spain? or what else? civil cause, which hath verie great affinitie and conjunction with ours here. That I may testifie by this present, the affection that I have to the Weal of the one and the other, having ever before my conversion been one of the number of your friends and ser­vants for the respect of the last; to the which, the first of Religion, which is the greatest and most important that is in the world, being joyned thereto, I am also become altogether yours, which I most humblie beseech your Highness cause to be signified to his Catholick Majestie, and to promise him in my behalf, that he hath not in this Countrie a more affectionate servant then I, neither yet your Highness, as you shall understand more amply of my intention in particular by him, by whom your Highness shall receive this pre­sent. To whom (after I have most humbly kist your hand) I be­seech the Creator to give you the accomplishment of your holy de­sires.

Your Highness most humble and most affectionate Servant, Francis Earl of Errol.

At the same time, the foresaid Mr. Robert Bruce the chief A­gent, writ to Francisco Aguirre a Spaniard then at Antwerp, tel­ling him, that when he is again sent into Scotland—Cause your self to be set on land near Seaton, where I pray you to enter se­cretly, and there you shall be kept till I come and finde you, &c.

The following part of this Letter was writ in such cunning and obscure terms, that they could not understand it.

We formerly heard of the imprisonment of some Lords for their Rebellion, and now the King thinking for ever to make them his by his grace and favour, releaseth them all freely, one­ly Morton enter'd bond of an hundred thousand pound Scotch, not to practice any more against him or Religion. But in most the King found himself mistaken.

For, William Creichton the Jesuite, being forced to leave Scot­l [...]nd, year 1590 gets into Spain, where he becomes Agent for the Old Cause: Hath several consultations with King Philip how to ad­vance the business; and having brought all things to a fair pass, sends Mr. William Gordoun, son to the Laird of Abiryeldie, with Letters to Mr. He dyed at Paris 1620, aged 77 years: he writ Con­troversiarum Christianae fi­dei Epitomen▪ 1591. James Gordoun a Jesuit, and brother on the Fathers side to George Earl of Huntley; whereby he gave him and the Romanists in Scotland to understand what pains he had taken with the Spanish King; and that the said King had con­fess'd to him, that he had been deceived by the English, and so would for the future follow the way and advice given him by the said Creichton, both for the invading of England, and the al­teration of Religion in Scotland. And the better to carry all on, the said Creichton desired as many Blanks and Procurations as could be had of the Scotch Noblemen, for the greater credit and assurance of his dealings and agitations.

At this the Romanists take heart, and not to seem wanting on their parts, they deal with some of the Nobility; from whom they get Blanks subscribed, two of which were procured of them by Sir James Chesholme, one of the Kings chief Servants: one of them year 1592 was thus subscribed in French.

De vostre Majestie tres humble & tres obeisant Serviteur, Guiliame Compte de Anguss.
Another thus subscribed.
De vostre Majestie tres humble & tres obeisant Serviteur, Franzoys Compte de Errol.

Other two Blanks were procured of them in Latine by Robert Abircrumby the Jesuite, one of the main sticklers in these plots; Thus:

Guilielmus Angusie Comes.
Another thus:
Franciscus Errollie Comes.

Other two Blanks were procured by Mr. George Ker, brother to the Lord Newbottle, thus subscribed:

Georgius Comes de Huntlie.

All these several Blanks should have been fill'd up and supply­ed by way of Letters to the King of Spain, and Credentials or Certific [...]s in behalf of the said Creichton, at the discretion of the [...]d Creichton and There was one J [...]mes Ty [...]ie a Scotch Je [...]i [...]e, w [...]o dy [...] at R [...]me 1597, and w [...]it under the n [...]e o [...] G [...]g [...] [...] de An [...]ita [...]e E [...]cles. S [...]ti [...] bu [...] whether this was the same T [...]rie I know [...]. James Tyrie, who should have writ over them, what he thought most fit to carry on the Ca [...]se.

Besides these, there were two other Blanks, thus subscribed in the midst of two open sheets of Paper:

Guillielmus Angussie Comes.

Georgius Comes de Huntlie.

Franciscus Errollie Comes.

This [...] Pa­tr [...]k [...]d [...]n [...] of [...], was Un [...] the [...] [...]o [...] Han [...] ­ [...]. Patricius Gordoun de Auchindoun, Miles.

One of these two last Blanks should have been fill'd up with Procurations, and whatsoever the said Creichton and James Tyrie should think fit, for the confirmation of that which Mr. George Ker (who was to carry them) had in direction and credit from the Subscriber [...]: The other to contain the Articles to be concluded on [...]or the better security both of King Philip and the Scotch No­bility.

The sum of which credit, was an assurance that these Noble­men should raise a power of Horse-men, and meet the Spanish Ar­my at their landing, and to assist and accompany them into Eng­land. And for farther encouragement, these [...] Subscribers took the burthen on them, and engaged that all the Romanists in Scot­land would joyn and assist in the said Cause. Besides these Sub­scriptions, the Earls of Anguss, Huntlie and Arrol, deliver'd their Seals or Coats of Armes in wax for a further confirma­tion.

Nor did they doubt of carrying all before them, the King of Spain having promis'd to send them by the latter end of Spring 1592, an Army of thirty thousand men, to have landed either at [Page 379] Kirkudbricht in Galloway, or at the mouth of Clyde, according as the wind served. And besides this, to send good store of money to raise Forces in Scotland, and to supply the said Army: where­of In this I fol­low the Scotch Copies of the Examin [...]ti­ons, but Arch­bishop Spots­wood hath 15000. (pag. 390.) which I suppose to be a mistake in the Printer. four or five thousand should remain within Scotland, who with the assistance of the Romanists there, should alter the Religi­on; and the rest of the Army was to pass into England.

For the carrying of these Blanks and some Letters into Spain, they had once concluded that Sir James Chesholme, one of King James his chief Servants, should be the Messenger, being through­paced for the Cause; he having then occasion to pass over to his Uncle William Chesholme (by them call'd Bishop of Dumblane) but the said Sir James being let by some private business, that he could not be ready soon enough, they pitch'd upon the fore­said Mr. George Ker, Doctor of the Laws, brother to the Lord Newbottle. But he was Decemb. 27. 1592. he was taken by Mr. Andrew Knox, Minister of Pasley, and afterwards Bishop of the Isles. Ker was imprison­ed, but after­wards escap­ed. apprehended as he was taking Ship, and his blanks and other Letters seiz'd on; some of which Letters take as followeth.

Part of a Letter from an English Jesuit (the first of it nothing to the purpose) take as followeth.

Good Father,

THe inclosed to my Lord, I pray you read, and take it as writ­ten to your self, &c.—The Lord Seatoun in whose house I sojourn sometimes, salutes you. Of the affairs of the Catholicks here, I leave it to them to write and relate, by whose means these Letters shall be convey'd. My Lord Seatoun hath an It may be he means some eight miles East off Edinbrough, upon the South shore of the Fy [...]th, viz Cokeny-Haven. Haven of his own, which may be hereafter very commodious for our purpose. Commend me, I pray you, to F. Barth. Pere, &c. Mr. Dudley Ilper Knight, and John Thules, which upon some sudden pushes of persecution, have made their repair hither, are in health, and sa­lute you. And Mr. Syal a Priest dyed here lately in Edinbrough, Love me, and pray for me, I beseech you all, Solito. And if you send any into these parts, let them come furnisht with as ample fa­culties as you may. Let them enquire for one Mr. Jonas, which will be a token betwixt us. Our Lord bless us, and send us to meet once ere we dye.

Yours ever most assured, Joan. Cecilio.

A Letter from the Earl of Angus to Mr. William Creichtoun.

MY most affectionate commendations premitted, this present is onely to know of your well fair, and friends, and of the e­state of matters where you remain, and to shew a testimony of my good affection towards you. For (God be prais'd) if you were in this Country, I could do you greater pleasure then I was able to do before, albeit good-will lacked not at any time, as you know.

The Mr. George Ker. bearer hereof can inform you of such things as occur with us, for we are daily subject to alteration; you may credit him as my self, for so his vertues do deserve. It is not needful that I trouble you with his commendation, seeing he is to you that he is: you know his honesty and good intention, and the causes of his departing, to whose sufficienc [...]e referring the rest; my hearty salu­tations, and my bed fellows, with all our company young and old remembred unto you and your company; commits you with them to the protection of God.

Yours ever to his power, Anguss.

Mr. James Gordon sent also a Letter to Creichton, under coun­terfeit and false names, which runs thus:

The Superscription. To his assured friend William Creichton. George Crauford.

Trusty friend,

AFter most hearty commendations, your friends who are here have directed this George Ker. Bearer to you, for full resolution of all your affairs in these Quarters: we have delaid overlong, I grant, but he will shew you the cause of all. The best is, that next you use all expedition in time coming, against the next Summer, other­wise you will loose credit here with your i. e. The confederate Romanists. Factors. If you come, you will finde more friends then ever you had, but otherwise you will finde fewer; because the next Summer many are bound to other Countries, and will not stay for you any longer. Haste hither some word to your friends, that we may put them in good hope of you, and they will tarrie the longer.

The Bearer is an honest man, and verie sufficient, you may credit him as my self I should have come with him my self, were it not, that I was perswaded that you would remain satisfied with our An­swer, and because I had a stop from Flan [...]ers. As the Bearer can shew you, you have gotten all that you i. e. The Blanks. desired, therefore make haste. The Bearer is come unto you on his own charge, therefore you must have respect to him. The last Messenger that you sent, came behinde hand here, and hath got no satisfaction as yet, because no­thing could be gotten here, and we could finde no man but this that would pass on his own charge; and I fear, if he had not undertaken it on his own expences, you should not have receiv'd an answer so soon, and therefore you should intreat him the better.

We look for your self here shortlie, and I would that you brought the rest of your i. e. The Spanishe [...]y friends with you, that are beyond the Sea. For if your [...] in the [...] Copy. purpose pass forward, they must be also present, otherwise we must come and i. e. be fo [...]ced to fl [...]e the Co [...]unt [...]y. visit you. All other affairs of this Countrie, I will commit to the Bearer, who is faith­ful.

Your [...]he [...] and [...] wife and your (i) children commend them unto you, and look to se [...] you sho [...]lie. If I or [...]. b [...]umby. Sandesoun your friend, re­ceive [Page 381] any silver from the Bearer, you shall be advertised by another Ticket how much it is, and subscribed with both our hands. The rest I will refer to the Bearer. God preserve you ever from all evil.

Your most affectioned to his power, i. e. James Gordoun. J. Christesoun.

There was a Letter also writ by Robert Abircrumbie the Je­suit to the said Creichton, under false names, part of which take as followeth.

To his trusty friend Will. Creich­ton. George Crauford.

AFter my due and humble salutations and offer of service, I grieve and lament heavilie the slouth and negligence your The Catho­licks. Merchants have used in answering of your last suit you pro­posed unto them: For apparentlie if they had made answer in due time, our The Spanish Army. wares had been here in due time, with our great pro­fit and consolation. The stay and stop of the matter apparentlie was lack of expences, that no man would of his own charges take that voyage in hand; yea, some craved a thousand Crowns for his expences. So the matter was once whollie given over, and almost clean forgot, until it pleas'd God of his Divine Providence to stir up this Dr. Ker. Bearer, to take the matter in hand on his own expences; as he hath been ever bent in that Cause, not onely to spend his goods, but also the thing that is more dear to him, that is, his life. There­fore I think he should be more acceptable, as also for the affinitie of bloud; for both his Grand-mothers were Creichtons. And as for wit and abilitie in treating of those affairs, he is not inferiour to any of your Merchants which you desired, as you will perceive by experience, God willing. And albeit, that he of his couragious liberalitie and Zeal to the Cause, hath taken the matter in hand on his own charges, yet all your friends in these Quarters think it were reasonable, that all should be repaid him again, cum usura, with promotion till any other accident should fall out, for the weal and furtherance of this Cause, &c. But now I will sayone word of him, and so come to some other purposes of our own. If I had a thousand tongues, with so many mouths, with Cicero's Eloquence, I could not be worthie enough to commend this Gentleman to you, and all your company, as I shall let you understand, God-willing, if ever we do chance to meet face to face; and therefore, whensoever you may prevent him with any benefit, either by your self or any other, abide not till he crave it of you, for he is the worst asker in his own cause that ever you conversed with Here fol­lows some private law­business con­cerning some lands in the Lairdship of Spot.

My Lord Levingstone is departed out of this world: You heard before that David Gra­ham, Laird of Fentrie; yet there was al­so a rich Ci­tizen of Ster­ling, call'd▪ David Forre­ster, who was kill'd or mur­dred, 1595. David Forester had one son, and now hath ano­ther born in the Castle of Striveling, where he is in custodie, hardlie handled.

There is but one of our Nobilitie which hath of the King of Spain [Page 382] any pension well paid of twelve hundred Crowns; the which appa­rentlie are evil bestowed, for he, nor any of his as yet, hath ever done any kinde of good in the promotion of the Kings Matters: wherefore such pensions were better bestowed on others, who travel dailie and hourlie, putting in hazard both their goods and lives, as the Beare [...] hath done and dailie doth, and others as he can shew you, &c. Because I have no other thing to write, and have been long enough, I commend me to your prayers, and you to God.

Yours at his Power, i. e. Rob. Abircrumby. Robert Sandesoun.

The surprisal of these Letters discover'd all, and spoil'd the designe. David Graham of Fintrie was tryed and found guilty, and 15 or 16 of February 1592. beheaded in the High-street of Edinbrough. The Earl of Angus, having been imploy'd by the King (who then doubted not of his loyalty) to quiet some troubles in the North, not knowing any thing of the seising of Kar, and the discovery of the Spanish designe, returns to Edinbrough, where he was pre­sently arrested by the The Mayor and Alder­men. Provost and (c) Bayliffs of the City, and sent prisoner to the Castle.

But from this imprisonment he escapes, flees into the North, joyns himself with Huntley and Arrol, and raise what Forces they can. But upon the report of the Kings marching against them, year 1593 they fled into the Mountains; and seeing no other help, sent their Ladies to the King to intercede for them: the King tells them, he will shew them▪ what favour he can, but adviseth them to sub­mit to a tryal.

In the mean time the Presbyterian Kirk grow very mally part, and a Club of their Ministers being jumbled together on their own heads, they forsooth would condomn them; and so they Excom­municate the Earls of Anguss, Huntley and Arrol, the Lord Hume, and Sir James Chesholme; nor could the King by all his Authority and desires, get the Brethren to forbear or stay the publication of their sentence. Though the Earls had waited upon the King, sub­mitted themselves, and desired a Trial.

But the truth is, the Popish Lords gave no signes of real re­pentance: no, though the King had used divers means to gain them, and was willing to wink at their past crimes, upon assu­rance of their good behaviour for the future, yet all his Majesties endeavours were in vain, the Jesuits prevailing too much over them with their bad counsels, and feeding them daily with hopes of forraign aid. No, though the King through love exhorted them to enter themselves in custody (to pleasure the Kirk, and make some signes of a tryal) would they give any obedience to the Kings desires.

These contempts rendring them more odious, a Parliament is held, and the Roman Lords brought to Tryal, and are found year 1594 guilty of Treason; and sentence was pronounced against the thr [...] Earls, and Sir Patrick Gordon Laird of Achindown; their S [...]u [...]checas of Arms are torn by the Herald, and their Honours, Lands and Estates declared forfeited.

Yet the King had some favour for them; but they grow worse and worse: for joyning themselves with the Earl of Bothwell, they make a Covenant or Bond amongst themselves at the Church of Memmore, and so flee to Arms; the main stickler in this busi­ness being Sir James Douglas of Spot. And opportunately to assist them, arrives a Spanish Ship at Montrose, which brought some gold for their supplies.

The King informed of all by the apprehension of Allan Orme, servant to Bothwell, sends Argile Northwards to quell them: Ar­gile gets an Army of 10000 men, but The Battle of Clenlivat, October 3. are beat by 900 com­manded by Huntley, who here lost his Uncle of Achindown, and Arrol was sore wounded in his armand leg.

But for all this, the Confederate Lords at the long run were so put to it, that they desired liberty to depart the Kingdom, giving security to practice no more against the King or Religion: so a­way they went, and Bothwell steals into France, thence into Na­ples, where he lived miserably, and dyed beggerly, about the year 1624.

The banish'd Lords, not finding themselves in that favour be­yond Seas as they expected, resolve to return home; Huntley steals year 1596 over, and being got into the North, sends a supplication to the King, desiring that he might be permitted to stay in the Country, upon security to be no more troublesome: the King is willing, and conditions are consulting of. Arrol thinking to slip through the Low-Countries, is seis'd on, and deliver'd to Mr. Robert Daniel­stone, the Kings Agent there; but from him he makes an escape, and returns.

Huntley for some time keeps off the conditions, the Kirk being his enemy. And his Uncle James Gordon the Jesuit came into the year 1597 Country to perswade him from any reconcilement; but at last, not onely he, but Angus and Arrol submit, subscribe to the Faith of Scotland, are absolved at Aberdene from their former Excom­munications, and received into grace and favour of the King.

About the same time there was discovered a designe to fortifie the Isle of Elsay, in the West Seas. This Island is a great Rock, four miles in compass, wherein an old ruinous Tower is built on the steep ascent of the Rock: the plot was, that by seising on the Island, the Forces that the Spanish King had promis'd to send, might here be received.

The main actor in this, was Hugh Barklay Laird of Lady-land, who having been the year before committed in the Castle of Glasgow, had made an escape and fled to Spain; and this year re­turn'd to pursue his old designe.

Having got some followers, he enters the Island, with an intenti­on to have well victual'd it. But Mr. Knox (the same who took Ker) understanding his purpose, gets hastily a company of men, and makes towards the Isle. Most of Barklays men were other­wise imploy'd, dreaming of no such thing; and himself not think­ing that his plot was known, did not take Knox his men (though he saw them coming) for enemies: thus careless, Knox lands, and encounters him on the very shore; upon which Barklay resolved not to be taken, runs into the Sea and drowns himself: and so there is an end of him and the Popish troubles in Scotland for this time.

CHAP. IV. The troubles in Ireland against Queen Elizabeth.

TO run through all the Rebellions of Ireland, would be trou­blesome both to my self and Reader; their whole stories and life being but an heap or chain of Troubles, Riots, Misdemeanors, Murthers, Treasons, and suchlike enormities; whereby they have not onely vext and molested their Governours, but in the end, brought ruine to the disturbers and such undertakers of dis­obedience.

Nor could any thing else be expected from the ancient Irish, to whom civility and discretion were strangers; but the Robbery of Cambden Bri­tan. pag. 790, 791, 792. others held a piece of Devotion, insomuch, that they never un­dertook such mischief, without first sending up their prayers, and after to give God thanks for such a good booty. Though they profest themselves good Catholicks, yet they supposed no small holiness to remain in Horses Hoofes, and that the Lords prayer mumbled into the right ear of a sick beast, was cure enough for its distemper; and any man was held past living in this world, if he desired to receive the Sacrament. Nor need we look for many cures amongst them, when to Ric. Stani­hu [...]st. de [...]ebus Hibe [...]n. lib. 1. pag. 44. beat Eggs together, to squeeze out with ones fingers the juyce of shred herbs, to probe and finde out a wound, were signes of an able Physitian; and thus qua­lified, he may go for an Hippocrates. And no doubt but others of them were much of the discreet hardiness of Id pag. 42. him, who ha­ving received four desperate wounds, and seeing his sword not hur [...], gave thanks to God that these wounds were given to his body, and not to his sword.

And what else might be expected from those of former times, when even within these few years, they Sir John Temples Hist. of I [...]ish Rebe [...] ­lion, the Pre­fa [...]e, ld. pag. 84 threatned to burn and ruine Dublin, to destroy all Records and Monuments of Eng­lish Government, make Laws against speaking English, and have all English names changed. Nay, to put their thoughts into pra­ctice, they endeavour'd to destroy all the goodly breed of Eng­lish Cattle, by killing many thousand Sheep and Cows, meerly because they were of English breed; and so to leave them lye stink­ing in the Fields: and as others testifie, to destroy the very Corn 'cause sown by English men. And yet 'tis known they had not on­ly Government, Civility, and what else is praise worthy spred amongst them by the English; but stately Buildings, and other Ornaments of the Country: whereas Dublin it self could not afford a place sit for King Henry II to lye in, so that he was there forced to set up a long house composed of Id pag. 4. Wattles, after the manner of the Country, therein to keep his Ri [...]h. Stani­bu [...]st, lib 3. pag. 129. splendid Christmas.

But these glories and advantages, some of them may think a discredit, if not a ruine to their Nation, and may fancie it as [Page 385] good to have their Kings (as Speeds Theater of Great Bri­tain, in Ire­land in Ʋl­ster, § 6. formerly) to lap up their Coronation-sustenance without the assistance of Spoons or Hands, and to sit in state naked, within the bottom of a [...]aldron at his Inauguration, as to have Decencie and Manners, Thrones or Mag­nificence amongst them. However, that which they supposed to ruine all, you may guess at by this their complaint, as old at least, as King Edward the Thirds time, as Discovery of Ireland, pag. 184. Sir John Davies supposeth.

M S. F. 99, Laud p. 332. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. ex albo libro scacca­rii Dublin.
By granting Charters of peace,
To falce Englishe withouten lesse;
This land shall be much undoe:
But
Gossipred, a custom a­mongst them of trusting too much to God-fathers, as they thought their Nurces and Forster-Children akin to them as Mother and Sister.
Gosipride and alterage,
And leesing of our Language,
Have mickley holpe thereto.

The truth is, above all people they hated the English, being willing that French, Spaniard, or any body else should rule them, but those who do. But of their Combinations and Overtures I shall go no higher then Queen Elizabeth; though this following note, by the way, will not be amiss.

M S. F. 99. fol. 185. Land. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Jehan du Til­let Recuil des Guerres & Traitez d'ent [...]e les Roys de France & d'Angleterre, fol. 157. Articles agreed upon, between Francis I. King of France, and James Fitzjohn Earl of Desmond: Extracted by Til­let out of the Records in Paris. Anno 1523.

Francis I. King of France in a Treaty with James Fitzjohn Earl of The French Copy calls him, Jaques Conte de Cy­monie, Prince [...]n Hybernie. Desmond, wherein he is stiled a Prince in Ireland: It was accorded,

That as soon as the Kings Ships should land in Ireland, the said Earl in person, and at his own charge, should take Armes against his Soveraign King Henry VIII. not onely to conquer that part of the Kingdom wherein he lived [which should be to the proper use and benefit of the said Earl, except onely one Port, which should be reserved for the French King for ever, for to harbour his Ships in; and that Port to be left at the Election of the King, out of one of these three, viz. The French Copy reads thus, Quin­quesalle, Core ou Drudal. Kinsale, Cork or Yoghal] but also for to As if he ever had it, but no such matter. re­store the Duke of Suffolk to the Crown of England, from whence he was banished, and at the present living in France.

The Earl of Desmond for this War was to raise 400 Horse, and 10000 Foot; and if need required, to increase them into 15000, or more.

The King Covenanted to entertain them at the rate of two An­gels [...]e peece for every man armed with Corsselets and Mayle for three months; and for every man furnished onely with Swords and Halberts, at one Angel le peece for the like time.

That for the draught of the Artillery which should be sent into that land by the King and the Duke of Suffolk, the Earl should provide horses sufficient.

That after the War was begun, the French King should not at [Page 386] any time make Truce or peace with the King of England, with­out comprehending therein the said Earl and Turloghe O Brian with his Nephews.

That if King Henry VIII should, after a Truce or Peace accorded, make War upon the said Earl, the French King was to send them aid of Men, Ships and Artillery.

That if during the said Truce or Peace, the said Earls Sub­jects or Tenants should refuse to pay him such Rents and Duties as anciently they were acc [...]stomed, that then the said King at his own charge, was to send two Ships well appointed to be at his command, until the said Subjects or Tenants were reduced to their former obe­dience, and the said Ships to be victualed by the Earl.

That the King should give unto the Earl of Desmond a conveni­ent Pension during his life; and unto David Mac Maurice, the Earls Senesch [...]l, an yearly Pension of 500 Livres, is about to pound Ste [...] ­ling. five hundred Livres during his life.

But this Treaty and its Conditions were never executed, by rea­son the said French King Francis I was otherwise imployed in the Wars of Italy about the Dukedome of Milan, and at the Fa­mous battle of F [...]b [...]ua [...]y 24. 15 [...]. Pavia, was taken prisoner and carryed into Spain [...] and at the said fight was Richard de la Pole, call'd Duke of Su [...]olk (and by some also termed the White Rose) slain. And some years before (viz. [...]513) was his Brother Edmund Earl of Suff [...]olk beheaded on the Tower-hill in London for Treason.

Here we might also tell of Thomas Fitz Girald Earl of Kil­dare, who solicited the Emperour Charles V to seise upon Ire­land; Ca [...]d. in Co [...]tain [...]idar. and fell into open acts of Hostility and Treason: but lea­ving these, let us haste to Queen Elizabeth's time, where we shall finde the Tir-Oens, who would intitle themselves O-Neals, the greatest sticklers.

Con O-Neal, sirnamed Bacco (i. e. the lame) was such an ene­my to the English (though Henry VIII bare him some favour) that he left a solemn curse upon his Posterity, if they ever sowed Wheat, [...]. pag. [...]4. spake English, or built houses; yet he was by Henry VIII created Earl of [...] Tyrone; and to him his son (John, i. e.) Shan succeed­ed; but not content with that Title, would make himself greater, by a b [...]rb [...]rous kinde of Election, viz. throwing up his shooe over his head, took upon him the Title of O-Neal, and takes up Arms against the Queen; but finding himself too weak, he went into [...] England, no question in pomp enough, having his Guard of [...] Gall [...] glasses, bare-headed, curl'd long hair, yellow Frocks [...] Saffron or Piss; long Sleeves, short Coats, with hairy [...]. Thus falling down at the Queens feet, confess'd [...] and Rebellion with howling, and so obtain'd pardon.

[...] continued not long in this obedience, and scorning the [...]i [...]le of Earl of Tir-Oen, Baron of Duncannon, conferr'd upon him by Queen Elizabeth, he would again on his own head re­ [...]ssume the great name of O-Neal, vaunt himself the King of Ʋ [...]r, leavie Forces, offer the Kingdom of Ireland to Mary 15 [...]. Queen of Scots; and so hated the English, that he built a Castle in [...] Lake Eaugh, [which some also call Logh-Sidney, in honour of [...] Henry Sidney, then Lord Deputy of Ireland] which he named [...]e [...]ghnegall, i. e. Hatred to the English. Nay, he went so far, as to strangle some of his own men, because they eat English [Page 387] bread. Thus he created some troubles; but at last, in his Cups, was stab'd by those he most confided in. Of him 'tis Recorded, that he was such a Drunkard, that to Camdens Elizab. anno 1567. cool his body (when too much inflam'd with Wine and Uskabagh) he would cause himself to be buryed in earth up to the chin.

Shan thus dead, a Parliament met at Dublin, where 'twas Id. in Bri­tan, pag. 776. enacted, that for the future none should take upon them the name and title of O-Neal; yet Queen Elizabeth wink'd at Turlogh Leinigh of the House of O-Neal, when by a popular E­lection he was saluted by the name of O-Neal; thinking to get no disturbance by him, being of a quiet spirit; but in this she was mi­staken, so powerfully did his friends work upon him in opposition to her Majesty.

Now when nothing but peace was expected, Edmund and Peter year 1569 Boteler, The M S. life of Sir John Perot, saith—The Earl of Ormonds three Bre­thren. Brothers to the Earl of Ormond) with James Fitz-Morice of the House of Desmond, and Mac Cartie-More, with others, flee into Rebellion, thinking with the Assistance of the Pope and Spain to thrust out Elizabeth: to inflame this the more, Don Juan de Mendoza was sent out of Spain. But the Earl of Ormond troubled at his Brothers actions, hastes out of England to them, perswades them to submit, and obtain'd the Queens pardon for them. The rest were pursued as obstinate and rebel­lious.

As for James Fitz-Morice, he was so hunted from place to place by the care and industry of Sir John Perrot, Lord President of Munster, that at last he was forced to submit himself unto the Queens Mercy: so the President being at Church in Kilmalock, Fitz-Morice comes to him howling and crying for Pardon: Perrot caus'd him to prostrate himself, and take the M S. life of Sir John Pe­rot. point of his (the Presidents) naked Sword next to his heart, in token that he had re­ceived his life at the Queens hands.

But waving such as these, let us hasten to more dangerous ex­ploits: and first, it is not amiss to know, that there was one Tho­mas Stukley, of an ancient and good Family neer Illfracombe in Devonshire; and of him a few words by the by.

Though his parts were good and quick, yet his prodigality soon made an end of his estate, which in a younger brother (as he was) is quickly spent; yet having a lofty minde, he cast about how to live, and command over others. At last Florida, then newly found out in America, came into his thoughts; and this forsooth he would people, not doubting but in time to make himself Prince thereof, as may appear by his bold and ambitious Speeches with Queen Elizabeth, upon the desire of her assistance for these his projects. Concluding with her,

Stuk.

I prefer rather to be Soveraign of a Mole-hill, then the high­est Subject to the greatest Monarch in Christendom: For I am certain to be a Prince before my death.

Q. Eliz.

I hope I shall hear from you, when you are setled in your Kingdom.

Stuk.

I will write unto you.

Q. Eliz.

In what language?

Stuk.

In the stile of Princes, To our dear Sister.

At which the great Queen was so far from indignation, that she rather pityed and smiled at his impertinences.

But this his vain designe for Florida sailing for want of money, and having spent all, he was forced to flee into Ireland, where after some stay, the better to support his wants, he endeavour'd to ob­tain the Stewardship of Wexford; but being disappointed of it, he fell into a rage, dapperly venting his passion against the Queen and her Government; and in this beggerly fury and discontent, ships himself for Italy, where (according to his nature) boasting of his own worth and actions, and carrying himself so cunningly, that at last, by his own commendations and flatteries, he inveagled himself into the esteem and favour of Pius V, Bishop of Rome; whom this Stukely had perswaded, that with three thousand Ita­lians, he would drive the English out of Ireland, and fire all their Fleet: Things which old Pius greedily wish'd for, with the destru­ction of the Queen.

But this Pope [whom they have almost sanctifyed, and made a a Worker of Miracles] dying, there succeeded to him Gregory XIII, who carryed on with the same desires, bare the same favour to poor Stukely, hoping to get the Kingdom of Ireland for his own son Giacopo de Boncompagno, whom a little before he had made Marquess of Vineola; and of this Royalty Stukely assured him, and made proud the Bastard. Thus the Pope and his Son full with hopes of a new Kingdom, the better to countenance this their beggerly boasting Factor, Gregory, as if all Ireland and Authority were his own, honours Stukely with the Noble Titles of

  • Baron of Ross,
  • Vicount Morough,
  • Earl of Wexford and Caterloghe,
  • And Marquess of Leinster.

Thus with a muster of Titles, and a Band of eight hundred Italian Foot [some say Jeron. Co­nestaggio. 600, others Cicarella in vita Gregor. XIII. 6000] with a plenary Tho. Bell's Motives, p. 34. Indulgence for Stukely's soul to avoyd Purgatory, he imbark'd in a Genoa Ship at Civita Vecchia.

In the mean time Sebastian, the youthful King of Portugal, had rais'd a Potent Army, some think to fall upon Ireland. But a dissention falling out for the Kingdoms of Morocco and Fez, be­tween Mulei, sig­nifieth a Lord [...] and [...] Royal bloud. Mulei Moluc (some call him Abdala Meluc, or Abdel­meluch) the Uncle, and his Nephew Mulei Mahomet; in which it hapned the latter to have the worst, and to be beat out of the Kingdom, which for some time he had possest as eldest Son to old Abdala.

Mulei Mahomet the Nephew thus routed, addresseth himself by his Agents to Sebastian for assistance. The King of Portugal spur'd on, as some have fancyed, by the Jesuits [the better to make way for the Spanish sway over that Kingdom, should Sebastian miscarry] promiseth to relieve and resettle him; and so provides for his passage into Africa.

Whilst things are preparing, Stukely arrives with his Titles and Followers, at the mouth of the River Teio in Portugal, lands at Oeras, whither Sebastian goeth to see him, and perswades [Page 389] him and the rest to venture with him in his Mauritanian expe­dition.

The King and his Army take Ship, and land in Africa; the Chieftains more like Courtiers then Souldiers; the other liker Pe­sants then men at Arms: Thus under the fickle conduct of a rash King, they meet the Moors in the plain of Tamita, fight, are routed and cut to pieces; and this by some is call'd the Battel of the three Kings, because here three ended their days, but in different fashions.

  • I. Don Sebastian King of Portugal was slain valiantly fighting. But some would have him to live many years after, and ap­pear at Venice, to the fobbing up of some Portugals, the little trouble to the Spaniard, but a certain imprisonment and ruine to the undertaker, though he had a minde to King it for a while.
  • II. Mulei Meluc came sick to the Field, and dyed before his Vi­ctory was fully accomplish'd. And after the fight and Victo­ry, his younger Brother Mulei Hamet (who here acted as General of his Horse) was saluted King of Morocco and Fez.
  • III. Mulei Mahomet, the Nephew and Competitor, seeing his friends the Portugals beaten, thinking to save himself by flight, was drown'd as he thought to pass the River Mu­cazen.

And amongst these great ones, our Thomas Stukely had the fortune and honour to end his days. And thus Ireland escaped a mischief: for the carrying on of which Treasons of Stukely, Dr. Lewis Archdeacon of Cambray, Referendarie to the Pope (and afterwards Bishop of Cassano) though born a subject to England, was very forward and active, very much soliciting Gregory XIII in behalf of the said Stukely and his projects, against his own Queen and Country.

About the beginning of King Charles I his Reign, I meet with one call'd James Wads­worth his Eng­lish-Spanish Pilgrime, chap. 7. pag. 64. Edit. 2. Sir Thomas Stukely living at Milan as a Pensioner to the Spanish King, and him I finde branded as a Traytor and Enemy to his Country; but of what relation or kin to the former Stukely, I know not.

Thus this mischief intended against Ireland, was for a time cut off. For Portugal thus deprived of her King, his great Un­cle Cardinal Henry was proclaimed, who being old, the Spaniard after his death resolved for the Crown: for the better securing of which, he staid and kept his great forces lately levyed in Italy (as some think for Ireland) to pour upon and win Portugal when occasion served; which he afterwards accomplish'd; of which see at large Istoria dell' Unione del Regno di Por­togallo alla Corona di Castiglia. Jeronimo Conestaggio, an excellent and understand­ing Genoes Historian, (though I meet with a A Book call'd in Spa­nish, Trattade Parenetico, and Fuoro Villaco, as Dralymont translating it into French, la Liberte de Portugal. The English bad Translator calls it, The Spanish Pilgrime; and so the Author subscribes himself in his Dedicatory Epistle to Hen­ry IV of France. Portugallized Spa­niard very sharp and severe with him) which Kingdom the Por­tugais regain'd again (1640) in the name of Don Juan Duke of Braganza, whom they Crown'd, and saluted King John the Fourth.

This storm thus blown over, another appears. We heard for­merly how James Fitz-Morice submitted himself to Sir John Perot; but in his pretended loyalty and honesty, he could not long con­tinue; for he steals into France, addresseth himself to Henry III, offers him the Kingdom of Ireland, but desires a few Forces to beat out the English, and so to subdue that Nation to the French obedience. Henry having his thoughts at home, straitned between the Guisian and Hugonot, wisely rejects such idle thoughts: Upon which Fitz-Morice hastes to Spain, where he makes the same offers to the Catholick King.

Philip II lends him an ear, sends him to Gregory XIII, who year 1579 hugs the designe, and joyns with him Nicolas Sanders an Eng­lish-man born in Surrey, well known by his writings; and one Allan an Irish man, both Doctors and Priests. The first was by the Pope declared his Nuncio for Ireland, and bless'd with a Con­secrated Banner, to be known by its Cross-Keyes. Thus sanctified w [...]h an Infallible Authority, and a little money in their fists, with Letters of Commendation to the Spanish King; they haste to Spain, thence ship for Ireland, and land in Kerry. Upon which the English Romanists at Rome [...] cap. 11. pag 156, 157, 158. rejoyce and triumph, not qu [...]stioning but all would be their own. And for a farther re­ [...]r [...]i [...], the Pope orders more Souldiers to be rais'd in his Domini­ [...], and had got 3000 Calivers in a readiness to be shipt at Le­gorne; but the news of their Friends over-throw, stopt the rejoycings of the one, and the preparations of the o­ther.

In the mean time, the Irish informed of the coming of these Papal and Spanish Friends, by little and little rise up in Rebelli­on, in which Desmond was not the least, though he had sworn Al­l [...]gi [...]nce to the Queen: And thus carryed on to wickedness, he [...] [...]rther'd, or rather butcher'd Henry Davils, an English [...]d G [...]n [...]eman and brave Souldier, and his intimate acquaintance, [...] to call him Father; and after the same unmanly fashion [...]e [...]w Davils servants; they and their Master in bed dreaming of [...] and this Sanders commended as a sweet sacrifice [...] the [...]ght of God.

As [...] [...]itz-Morice, he thinking to raise the Rebels in other parts [...] his h [...]lp, his H [...]r [...]tyring, plundred some fresh ones from Wil­ [...] a Burgh's Ploughs: a Burgh's sons follow for rescue, charge [...]z-Morice, kill him, but to the loss of some of their own lives; [...] whi [...] Queen Elizabeth comforts up old a Burgh, honours him with the Title of Baron of Castle Conell, and gives him a yearly [...]. Fitz-Morice thus slain, John Desmond, brother to the [...] Earl, hath his place given him: fights the English, [...] with the Popes hallowed Banner, but is routed; and in [...] Allan the Priest, who had assured them of Victory, is [...]. And now was the Earl of Desmond proclaim'd Traytor, [...] dealt with Forraign Princes for the Conquest and de­ [...] of Ireland, for relieving Sanders, Fitz-Morice, and other R [...]b [...], for harbouring the Spaniards, for hanging the Queens faith­ful [...], and for displaying the Popes Banner against the Queen.

The Italians and Spaniards who had landed at [...] Smerwick in Berry, under the command of San-Josepho an Italian, build there, and strengthen themselves, and call it Fort del Or. Against [...]5 [...] [Page 391] them, Arthur Lord Grey, Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Earl of Ormond, and others, march, and by Trumpet sends to demand what they were, and what was their business: they return'd answer, That they were sent from the Pope and the King of Spain, to whom the Pope had given Ireland, for that Elizabeth had justly for­feited her title to the Kingdom by her heresie; that they would keep what they had got, and get more if they could. But a few days cool'd their courage, they being forced to yeild upon mercy: the Chiestains are saved, but the rest suffer death; which the Queen her self thought too severe, though the Lord Grey offer'd some reasons for it.

As for Nicolas Sanders, seeing that neither the Popes blessing, nor his consecrated Banner, nor his Legatine power, nor his for­raign Associates, nor the Native Rebels, could prevail against the Queen and her Subjects, he rambled up and down for his own se­curity in Mountains and Woods, loosing himself and his sences too (for some say he fell Cambd. An­nales an. 1583. Bishop Charl­tons thank­ful Remem­brance, cap. 5. pag. 49. The execution of justice D. III. mad) thus finding no comfort, dy­ed miserably. When he was dead, there was found in his Scrip some Prayers and Epistles written to confirm the Rebels, stuft up with great promises of the Pope and Spaniard. Hist. Cathol. Iberniae, Tom. 2. lib. 4. cap. 16. Philip Osullevan, tells us of his death, and how it was suddain, and that he was privately buryed; and of one Cornelius, whom he calls a Bishop: to all which I shall object nothing, but that it is no ho­nour for Sanders to be commended by Osullevan; which Irish Story-teller, is as bold as ignorant, falls as impertinent a Scribler, as ever yet hath seriously troubled the world with the Irish Pur­gatory, or a defence of their Rebellions. To conclude with Sanders, Epist. ad Lectorem be­fore Sander's his book de Origine & progressu Schismatis Anglicant. Edward Rishton the Priest will confess to you, what straits and poverty he was reduced to before his death; which me­thinks Osullevan's Father and other men of note would not have permitted, had they fully known of his haunts.

As for Pope Gregory XIII, he was not wanting on his part to promote and patronize the Rebellion, as appears by his Breves to them, wherein he exhorts the Fitz-Geralds, and the rest of the Irish Romanists, to war stoutly against the Queen and her Subjects: and the better to encourage them in so doing, he grants them as plenary a pardon and remission of all their sins, as formerly used to be granted to those who fought against the Turks, or ventured in the recovery of the Holy land. One of the Papers takes as fol­loweth, as I find it.

Gregorius Papa XIII, Universis & singulis Achiepiscopis, E­piscopis, Phil. Osulle­van. ib. cap. 17. fol. 100. 101. caeterisq, Prelatis, nec non Principibus, Comiti­bus, Baronibus, Clero, Nobilibus & Populis Regni Iberniae, Salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem.

CƲm proximis superioribus annis per nostras Litteras vos hortati fuerimus, ut ad vestram libertatem recuperandam, eam (que) ad­versus Haereticos tuendam, ac conservandam bonae memoriae Jacobo Geraldino, qui durum servitutis jugus vobis ab Anglis Sanctae Rom. Eccles. desertoribus impositum depellere summo animi ar­dore cogitabat, provirili nostra adesse eum (que) contra Dei & vestros [Page 392] hostes ire parantem prompte ac strenue adjuvare velletis, & quo [...]d [...]crius effeceretis, omnibus contritis & confessis, qui ipsum Ja­cobum Ducem ejus (que) exercitum Catholicae fidei assertorem & pro­pugnatorem secuti fuissent, & se illi adjunxissent, aut concilio [...]re commeatibus, armis aliis (que) bellicis rebus, seu quacun (que) rati­ [...] in hac expeditione opem dedissent, Plenariam omnium Pecca­ [...]um suotum Veniam & Remissionem, & eandem quae profi­ [...] [...]tibus ad bellum contra Turcas, & ad recuperationem Terrae [...], per Romanos Pontifices impertiri solita est, concessi­ [...]us.

Nuper autem non sine gravi animi nostri dolore, per nos excepto psum Jacobum fortiter cum hostibus dimicando (sicut Domino [...]) [...]ub [...]isse: Dilectum vero filium Johannem Geraldinum [...]jus Consobrinum in expeditione hujusmodi eximia pietate & ani­ [...] [...]gnitudine, authore Deo, cujus causa agitur, successisse, com­pl [...] [...] [...]gregia facinora de Catholica fide bene merendo jam edi­ [...]sse [...] vos omnes & singulos majori quo possumus affect is [...]rt [...]mus, requirimus, & urgemus in Domino ut eundem Johannem [...]m ejus (que) exercitum omni ope, quemadmodum dictum Jacobum [...]ntem ut faceretis, vos admonuimus, contra dictos Haereticos ad­ [...]are siudeatis.

N [...] enim vobis omnibus confessis & Communicatis & vestrum singulis in dictis litteris contenta pro ipso Johaune & ejus exercitu [...]ntibus, & post ipsius obitum si forsitan contigerit, quod Deus aver [...]ere dignetur, Jacobo ejus fratri adhaerentibus at (que) faventi­bus, [...]andem Plenariam Peccatorum vestrorum Indulgentiam & Remissionem, quam adversus Turcas & pro recuperanda Terra Sancta bellentes consequuntur, de Omnipotentis Dei misericordia, [...] Beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum, ejus authoritate confisi tribuimus, & elargimur praesentibus, quoad dicti Johannes & Ja­cobus fratres vixerint duraturis.

Quoniam autem difficile esset, has nostras Litteras ad omnium quorum interest, notitiam pervenire, volumus, ut earum exemplis [...]am impressis manu Notarii Publici subscriptis, sigillo (que) per­s [...]nae in dignitate Ecclesiastica constitutae obsignatis, plena ac certa sides ubi (que) habeatur, ac si praesentes essent exhibitae vel ostensae.

D [...]tis Romae apud Sanctum, Petrum sub Annulo Piscatoris, die XIII Maii, MD LXXX, Pontificatis nostri anno VIII.

Caes. Glorierius.
[...] per D. Generalem S. Cruciata Commissariorum Johannes de la Rumbide.

As for Desmond (the chief of the Fitz-Geralds) having run so [...]r into Treason, and so resolved for his wicked cause, that he [...]wore that—He would rather for sake God then for sake his [...]—And having no where to secure himself, he wandred from [...] place to place, and was at last found out in a poor Cottage by a common Souldier, who there shew him, cut off his head, sent [Page 393] it into England, where, as the Head of an Arch-Traytor, it was set on Decemb. 13. London-bridge.

Now was Sir John Perot sent over Lord-Deputy of Ireland: having received the Sword according to custom, he set himself to bring the Nation wholly unto the Queens obedience; he justly prosecuted a Fryar, for bringing Letters and Bulls from the Pope M S. life of Sir John Pe­rot. to encourage the Rebellion, and hunted him out of his Bishoprick, which the Fryar foolishly thought he had lawful right to, and possession of, because the Pope and such Forraign powers had given him a paper-Authority under their fists, to enter into and exercise the charge and jurisdiction of the said Bishop­rick.

He also summoned a Parliament at Dublin consisting of the year 1585 three Estates, whither [to make them more affected with decency, and in time to wean them from their rudeness] he commanded all to appear in English Habits; for the better performance of which, Id. M S. he f [...]eely bestowed both Gowns and Cloaks of Velvet and Satten on Turlough Leinigh call'd O-Neal, and others the chief of them; yet did the Irish think themselves more glorious in their beggerly Mantles or Ruggs, then in such Gentile and Civil Habits; cu­from weighing more with some men, then reason or convenience; as Cooree, and the rest of his Country men in the Bay of Soul­dania, neer the Cape of Good hope in Africa, had rather adorn their heads with Cows-dung, their Necks with Guts and Gar­bage, and their bodies with filthy skins, then wear Hats, Jewels, and other comely Attire.

The Queen, to work more upon the Irish, wink'd at their Reli­gion, and commanded that the Oath of Allegiance should not be offer'd or administrated to any of them; and farther, restored Hugh O-Neal Baron of Dunganon to the Title of Tyr-Oen, and those of his Ancestors: yet would not these favours gain them; the Chief­tains still expecting assistance from Spain; to be better inform­ed of which, Sir John Perrot kept several spies in that Kingdom; Id. M S. four of whom were once taken and put to the Rack by the Marquess Santa la Crusse, whereof three of them dyed.

To name all the Tumults and Rebellions that hapned in the several parts of this Kingdom, would be tedious; the landings of the Hebredian Scots, High landers or Redshanks; the rising up of the a Bourghs, the Mahones, of Brien O-Rork, of Hugh O-Don­nel, of Mac-Guire, of O-Madan, of Mac-Hugh, and several o­thers. Nor shall I mention the famous exploits acted against them by Sir Richard Bingham (of Dorcetshire) and several others, to bring them to obedience.

In short, the Arch-Rebel of all was Tir Oen, one that had re­ceived both pardon and many favours from the Queen, and had several times vowed obedience to her. He had for some time kept himself outwardly pretty fair, but in the mean time perswaded all the rest to Rebellion. And at last himself fleeth out too, and boldly arrogates to himself the Title of O-Neal (a Title that the Irish year 1593 have the highest Reverence for) though he had formerly sworn never to do any such thing, and by Act of Parliament at Dublin it was declared Treason to take up that Title.

The next year Tir-Oen submitteth himself on his Knees to Sir year 1594 William Russel (youngest son to Bedford) then Lord Deputy of [Page 394] Ireland, and so he was dismiss'd. But this good out-side lasted not long, presently flying out to open Rebellion, seising on what places he can; for which he was proclaimed Traytor, by the Name of Hugh O-Ne [...]l, Son of Matthew i. e. The Black [...]ith Matthew be­ing supposed to be the son of a Black­smith of Dandalke: yet C [...]n was acquainted with his wife. Fadareugh, Bastard to Con O-Neal, &c. Tir-Oen with one hand begs assistance from Spain; with the other, with false Treaties, and a dissembling tongue, cheats Sir John Norris the famous (but in Ireland too credu­lous) Souldier, and the Lord Deputy, by which he got another pardon.

But the same month that he got his pardon, he fleeth out again to his old trade, and carryed his business so cunningly, that he got many followers, several Provinces and places revolting to him; year 1596 nor did there appear any able to oppose him. Thus in his pride year 1598 he writes to the Spaniards, wherein he magnified his own Victo­ries, and withal desired the King, that if any should inform him, as if he desired to make peace with the English, or submit to the Queen, not to believe such reports, for that he was resolved against all such Treaties or Submission, but would constantly keep his faith given to the Spaniard. And yet at the mean time, the more to amuse the English, he did both by Letters and Messen­gers intercede to be taken into pardon once again. But this was upon capitulations, where his extravagant demands shew'd the intention of the man.

The next year Robert d'Eureux, Earl of Essex, being Lord year 1599 Deputy, he and Tir-Oen had too much discourse and familiarity together, and clapt up an odd Truce for some time; so Essex returns for England, is secured, tryed, condemn'd and executed. In which Protestants Plea and Peti­tion for Priests and [...]apists, pag. 58. conspiracie were also ingaged M. Catesby, Tresham, Thomas Winter, the two Wrights, and Grant, who afterwards suffer'd in the Gunpowder-Treason. In the mean time Tir-Oen takes opportunity to break the Cessation, falls to open war; to which he was incouraged by the promises of the Spaniards, and the Letter of the Pope: and thus puft up, he looks upon himself as Monarch of all Ireland, and so makes James Fitz-Thomas Earl of Desmond, as one who was a profest enemy to the English Go­vernment, but slave enough to the Spaniard, though he hated his own Queen, as appears by his slaunders against her, and his re­spect to Philip; both which these following Letters will te­stifie.

To the most Mighty Monarch of World, the Great King M S. F. 97. Laud. in Bibl. B [...]dl. [...]xon. fol. 180. of Spain, give this at his Princely Palace of Madril.

Most Mighty Monarch,

I Humbly salute your Imperial Majesty, giving your Highness to understand of our great misery, and violent order wherewith we are of long time opprest by the English Nation: Their Govern­ment is such, as Pharaoh himself never used the like; for they con­tent not themselves with all Temporal Superiority, but by cruelty desire our bloud, and perpetual destruction, to blot out the whole remembrance of our Posterity, as also our old Catholick Religi­on, and to swear that the Queen of England is Supreme of the Cburch.

I refer the consideration thereof to your M [...]jesties high judge­ment, the rather, for that Nero in his time was far inferiour to this Queen in cruelty. Wherefore, and for the respects thereof, Right Mighty Potentate, my self, with my followers and retainers, and being also requested by the Bishops, Prelates and Religious men of my Country, have drawn my Sword, and proclaimed Wars against them for the recovery first of Christs Catholick Religion, and next for the maintenance of my own Right, which of long time hath been wrongfully detained from me and my Father, who by right succes­sion was lawful heir to the Earldom of Desmond; for he was eldest son to James my Grandfather, also Earl of Desmond: and for that my Ʋncle Gerald (being the younger Brother) took part with the wicked proceedings of the Queen of England, to farther the unlawful claim of Supremacy, usurped the name of Earl of Desmond in my Fathers true Title; yet notwithstanding, he had not long en­joyed his name of Earl, when the wicked English annoyed him, and prosecuted Wars, that he with the most part of those that held of his side was slain, and his Country thereby planted with Englishmen. And now by the just judgement and providence of God, I have utterly rooted these Malepart Boughs. bowse out of the Orchard of my Country, and have profited so much in my proceedings, that my d [...]sterly Enemies dare not shew their faces in any part of my Coun­try; but having taken my Towns and Cities for their refuge and strength, where they do remain, as it were Prisoner, for want of means to assail them, as Cannon and Powder, which my Country cannot yeild.

Having these wants, most noble Potentate, I have presumed with all humility, to address these my Letters to your High Majesty, craving the same of your gracious clemency and goodness, to assist me in this godly enterprise, with some help of such necessaries for the Wars, as your Majesty shall think requisite; and (after the quiet of my Country) satisfaction shall be truely made for the s [...]me, and my self in person, with all my forces, shall be rea­dy to serve your Highness, in any Country your Majesty shall command me.

And if your Majesty will vouchsafe to send me a competent number of Souldiers, I will place them in some of my Towns and Cities, to remain in your gracious disposition, till such time as my ability shall make good what your Majesty shall lend me in mo­ney and Munition: and also your Majesties high Commission un­der the Broad Seal for leading and conducting these Souldiers, according to the Prescript, Order and Articles of martial disci­pline, as your Majestie shall appoint me, and as the service of this Land shall require. I praise the Almighty God, I have done by his goodness, more then all my Predecessors; for I have re­claim'd all the Nobility of this part of Ireland, under the dutiful obedience of Christs Church, and mine own Authority; and accordingly have taken Pledges and Corporal Oaths, ne­ver to swerve from the same: and would have sent them to your Majestie by this Bearer, but that the Ship was not of sufficiencie nor strength to carrie so Noble Personages; and will send them whensoever your Highness please.

So there resteth nothing to quiet this part of the World, but your Majesties assistance, which I daily expect. Thus, most Mighty [Page 396] Monarch, I humbly take my leave, and do kiss your Royal hands, beseeching the Almighty of your Majesties health and happiness.

Your Majesties most humble at all command. James Desmond.
Copia vera concordans cum Originali, examinat. per Tho. White Mayor of Waterford.

Another Letter of the same date.

To the most mighty Monarch of the World, the Great King of Spain, give these at his most Princely Palace at Madrid.

YOur Majesty shall understand, that the Bearer hereof Captain M S. F 97. fol. 188. Andrew Roche, hath been always in the service of the Queen of England, and hath performed her manifold services at Sea: whereby he had great preferment and credit; and being of late time conversant with Catholicks, and [...]eachers of Divine Instructions, that were sorry for his lewd life, made known unto him the danger wherein his soul was. So that by their godly perswasions, he was at that time reclaimed and converted to be a good Catholick, and to spend the residue of his life in the defence and service of the Church. Since which time of reconcilement, he was to repair to your Majesty with his Ship and Goods, as 'tis well known to your Highness Coun­cil, who consiscated that Ship to your Majesties use; himself being at that time strucken with extream sickness, that he was not able to pro­ceed in the Voyage: and when his company return'd into Ireland, they reported that the Adelantado, or the Spanish Admiral. Lantado wished rather his Person then his Ship; which made him fearful ever since to repair th [...]ther, till he should deserve his freedom by some worthy service to your Majesty.

The Let some Romanist tell us the mean­ing of this, for none was H [...]bu [...] King [...] V [...]. of [...] the [...] England. Heir Apparent to the Crown of England, had been carry­ed [...]y him to your Highness, but that he was bewrayed by some of his own men, and thereby was intercepted, and himself taken prisoner, where he remain'd so long, till by the providence of God, and the help of good friends, he was convey'd into Ireland to me in a small boat; [...]d having th [...]se occasions to your Majesty, and being assured of his trust, faith, and confidence towards me, have committed this charge into his hands; the rather, for that I understand your Royal Fleet is directed for England this year, to the end he may be a Leader and Con­d [...]ctor to them in the Coast of England and Ireland, being very expert in the knowledge thereof, and in the whole Art of Navigation. And thus with all humility I commit your Highness to the Almighty.

Your Majesties most humble at all command, James Desmond.
Copia vera concordans cum Originali, examinat. per Tho. White, Mayor of Waterford.

These two Letters you may see in the honourable Pacata Hi­bernla, lib. 2. cap. 3. pag. 142, 143, 144, 145. Sir George Carew, afterwards Earl of Totnes; but with some mistakes by the Printer; wherefore, I have followed the Authentick Manuscript Copies whence he took his. And thus much for the troubles in Ire­land, till we come to the next Century.

Though here it may not be amiss to add, that several of the Irish Nobility (either by the Queens or their own instigations) convey­ed themselves over to be Instructed in our English Universities; as M S. Matricu­l [...] Antiqua Univers. Oxon. Richard Bourke, Baron of Dunkellyn, studies at Christ-Church; af­ter this his Brother Thomas, Baron of Dunkellyn, at Magdalen Col­ledge: Bernard Orwoirk, a Knights son of Conaught, at New-Colledge; and Thadeus Bryan, an Earls son, at Lincolne Colledge in Oxford: and in Cambridge I finde the Lord Sir George Paule's life of Archbishop Whitgift, p. 17. § 35. Dunboy's son at Trinity Colledge, under the Tuition of the then Dr Whit­gift, afterwards the careful and worthy Archbishop of Canter­bury. So at the beginning of King James his Raign, Henry O Brian, Baron of Bryken, and his younger Brother Brian O Brian, entred themselves together in Brazen-Nose Colledge in Oxford.

Thus was the Kingdom of Ireland, by the well bringing up of their Nobility, designed to be well civiliz'd, that they might the more appear like men and Christians: which would the better oblige them to their Queen and her Government.

This makes it convenient to nurture up your very Enemies (the better to reclaim them) in Religion, Learning and Morality. But Sir John Perot was out in his Politicks, when he taught the Irish the use of Arms, whereby they afterwards became more formida­ble to the English, and put them to far greater troubles and straits to reduce them to obedience.

The end of the Sixth Book.

A CONTINUATION OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonablepractices OF THE ROMANISTS IN ENGLAND: From the year MD, to MDC.
BOOK VII.

CHAP. I. The Supreme HEAD of the Church, King Henry VIII, declared deprived of his Dominions.

BEing now come to England, here we might finde mat­ter year 1500 enough of the Papal malice, to make up a large Volume: but herein we must studie brevity; and in so doing, leave the particular Relation of Fights and Tumults, to other Writers.

But first a word by the by concerning Henry VIII, who procured to himself a great deal of ill will, by declaring himself an absolute King over all his Subjects, by being Supreme Head under Christ, both of Church and State within his Dominions

At this many of his Subjects boyl, and grew scrupulous; would [Page 400] finde many faults which were neither made nor intended, and so cry down what was never set up. Queen Elizabeth willing to give them content, left out the word Head, (which was the main word they started at) and was call'd the—1 Elizabethae cap 1. Supream Gover­nour of this Realm, and of all other her Highness Dominions and Countries, as well in Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or causes, as Temporal. And in the form for Bidding Prayers, thus—Q El [...]z. [...]nctions anno 155 [...]. Su­preme Governour of this Realm, as well in Causes Ecclesiastical as Temporal

At this the Romanists not onely took exceptions, but falsely spread abroad, that by this Title, the Kings or Queens of England took upon them to be in Ade [...] qui­d [...]m, [...] in administran lis Sacramentis sacerdotalem potestatem arrogari. Sanders de [...] & v [...]d. pag. 316, 317. Inso [...]uch, as if He, (i. e the King) pleaseth, he [...] persona [...]ly. R [...]fl [...]ctions upon the Oaths of Supremacie and Allegi­ [...] [...]w [...]g 11. [...]. Holy Orders, might admin [...]ster the Sacraments, and had Sacerdotal Qualifications and Authority.

To take away this Rub, and the better to satisfie the people, the Q [...]n and her Convocation published this following Inter­pr [...]ion.

An Admonition to simple men, deceived by Malitious.

[...] Majesty being informed, that in certain places of [...] sundry of her Native Subjects, being call [...]d Ec­ [...] [...] Mini [...]try of the Church, be by sinister perswasion, and [...] induced to finde some scruple in the form of [...] by an Act of the last Parliament is prescribed to be [...] persons for the Recognition of their Allegiance [...], which certainly never was ever meant, nor by any [...] or good sence can be thereof gathered: would that [...] subj [...]cts should understand, that nothing was, is, or [...]meant, or intended by the same Oath, to have any other Du­ [...] or Bond required by the same Oath, then was ac­k [...]w [...]ged to be due to the most Noble Kings of famous memorie, [...] the VIII. her Majesties Father, or King Edward the [...] Brother.

[...] her Majestie forbiddeth all manner her Subjects to [...] credit to such perverse and malicious persons, which [...] malicious [...]ie labour to notifie to her loving Sub­ [...] of the said Oath it may be collected, that the [...] of this Realm, Possessors of the Crown, may [...] and Power of Ministrie of Divine Service in [...] her said Subjects be much abused by such evil [...].

[...] her Majestie neither doth, nor ever will ch [...]llenge [...] the [...] that was challenged and latelie used by the [...] Kings of famous Memorie, King Henry the VIII, and [...] VI, which is, and was of ancient time due to [...] of this Ream, that is under God to have the [...] Rule over all manner of persons born within [...] [...]ominions and Countries, of what Estate, ei­ [...] Temporal, soever they be; so as no other [Page 397] Forraign Power shall or ought to have any Superioritie over them.

And if any person that hath conceived any other sence of the form of the said Oath, shall accept the same Oath with this Inter­pretation, sence or meaning, her Majestie is well pleased to accept everie such in that behalf, as her good and obedient Subjects, and shall acquit them of all manner of Penalties contained in the said Act, against such as shall peremptorilie or obstinatelie take the same Oath.

And as if this were not authentick enough, she took care that this interpretation of hers, should be confirm'd by Act of Parlia­ment, in this following Proviso.

Provided also, that the Oath expressed in the said Act, made in V Elizabetha, cap. 1. the said first year, shall be taken and expounded in such form, as is set forth in an Admonition annexed to the Queens Ma­jesties Injunctions, published in the first year of her Majesties Reign: that is to say to confess and acknowledge in her Majestie, her Heirs and Successors, none other Authoritie then that was chal­lenged, and lately used by the Noble King Henry the eighth, and King Edward the Sixth, as in the said Admonition more plainly may appear.

And as if this were not satisfactory, she provided to have the Interpretation of this Oath thus inserted amongst our Articles of Religion, thereby the better to demonstrate how far we are from giving any Priestly Function to our Soveraigns.

XXXVII. Of the Civil Magistrates.

THe Queens Majestie hath the chief Power in this Realm of Eng­land, Articles of Religion, an­no 1562. Art. 37. and other her Dominions, unto whom the Chief Govern­ment of all Estates of this Realm, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil, in all Cases doth appertain; and is not, nor ought to be subject to any Forraign Jurisdiction.

Where we attribute to the Queens Majestie the Chief Govern­ment, by which Titles we understand the mindes of some dange­rous folke to be offended: We give not our Princes the Ministring, either of Gods Word, or of the Sacraments; the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen, do most plainly testifie: But that onely Prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself, that is, that they should Rule all Estates and Degrees com­mitted to their charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal, and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and e­vil Doers. The Bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction in this Realm of England. The Laws of the Realm may punish Christian men Taken out of King Edward VI. his Arti­cles, anno 1552. § of Civil Magi­strates. with death, for heinous and grievous offences. It is lawful for Christian men, at the Commandment of the Magistrate, to wear wea­pons, and serve in the Wars.

And with these agree the Articles agreed upon by the Arch­bishops and Bishops in Anno 1615. § 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62. Convocation at Dublin, for the King­dom of Ireland.

And because at the present, I cannot remember any Historian to have taken notice of it, I shall assure the Reader of one Pas­sage concerning a Convocation of Divines.

In King James his time, the Romanists on the one hand were so busie and zealous to advance the Popedom over all Principa­lities and Powers, that the Crown it self must be disposed ac­cording to the pleasure of that Myter: And on the other hand, the Presbyterian H [...]t-spurs were so rigoro [...]sly malepart, that they would advance their seditious and blockish Assemblies, or rather Conventicles, above all Law, Reason, Loyalty, Royalty, and Di­vinity it self; as appears by their co [...]tinual countenancing of Re­bellion and Schism against their Kings and Bishops.

The first kept a great deal of clutter with St. Peter and is S [...]c­cessors; the latter despis'd both him and all Bi [...]hops. [...]he first would prove out of the Prophet Jer. 1. 10. Ex [...]rav Com. c. unam san­ctam. G [...]g. de [...]ajor & obed c solita. Jer [...]my, that the Pope was set—Over the Nations, and over the Kingdoms, to root out and to pull down, to destroy and to throw down, to build and to plant.—The latter affirm'd that they were—Psal 149. 8. T [...]nde [...]h [...]r Kings with chains, and their Nobles with je [...]lers of I on The first would tell us that the Pope Extra. 16. had two swords, [...]hat all must be obedient to him upon pain of damnation; [...] he excels a King as much as the Sun doth the Moon, or Dist. 96. c. du sunt. Gold doth Lead: That Ex [...]. Joh. XXII. Tit 5 & dist 22 [...]. omnes Gloss. God hath delivered to him the Power and [...]ule, not onely of Earth, but of Heaven too. Nay, that Concil. E­di [...]. Reg [...]a Paris, Tom. 34. pag. 440. he w [...]s above all Power both of Heaven and Earth. The latter desp [...]ed all these Rodo­montado's, as coming from the Whore of Babylon and the Horned Beast; but would fright the poor People out of their little wits, by bauling out a—Curse ye Meroz, curse ye bitterly the Inhabi­tant thereof; because they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the M [...]ghty. And with this they would Judg. 5. 23. carry on their Cause and Presbytery.

Regal Authority being thus designed to be nois'd and push'd down, it wanted not many famous and Learned Champions, as well here as beyond Seas. Nor would King James himself be onely a Spectator in this Pen-Combat, but he also falls to work; and slighting the railing Rabble, and inferiour Pickeerers, he assaults and vindicates his Right against their greatest Cardinal; who at first durst not incounter his Royal Aversary in his own shape, but under the disguise of Tortus.

In the mean time, a Synod being held in the time of that vigi­lant and industrious Prelate Archbishop Bancroft, to the Re­verend Divines there met, was presented a large Tract contain­ing M S. XXXVI Chapters, to prove the Soveraignty of Kings and Chief Civil Governours, above the High-Priests, from the Crea­tion, to the end of the Jewish State; which being read in the Con­vocation, was wholly approved of by joynt consent. And then being sent down to York, it also past the Convocation there, as appears by the Subscriptions to the said Treatise of Constitutions in vindication of Regal Supremacie.

'Tis said, that there was a second part of it, to prove the same Authority and Supremacie, from Christ to these times; but whe­ther [Page 403] there was any such second part, or whether it past the said Convocation, I shall leave to others inquiry.

And by the way, the Reader, if he pleaseth for variety sake, may take our XXXVII Article, as it (with the rest) was turn'd into Latine Verse, neer threescore years ago by one Mr. John Glanvil of the University of Oxford.

Obtinet Imperium Majestas Regia summum
Angliacis ejus sinibus, at (que) aliis:
Cujus in omnimodis sacrata potentia causis
Omnibus (ut par est) imperat Ordinibus:
Sive Sacerdotes sint, seu Civilia tractent
Munia, nec peregri est subjicienda foro.
Nos ubi Principibus primas damus, inde sinistris
Mentibus ansa sui Schismatis esse solet.
Non tamen aeternum datur illis copia verbum,
Sive ministrandi Pignora sacra Dei.
Legibus hoc patuit quas Elizabetha beati
Nominis, auspicio condidit ante suo.
Tale sed Imperium nostris concedimus, olim
Quale p [...]is tribuit Regibus ipse Deus:
Nempe gradus hominum soli dominentur in omnes,
Quos Dominus proprio subdidit Imperio,
Quos vel publica res capit, aut Ecclesia cunctos
Civili (que) queant ense donare malos.
Non habet Imperium Romanus Episcopus ullum,
Finibus (O felix terra Britanne) tuis.
Jura Potestatem Civilia gentis in omnes
Impia patrantes Crimina mortis habent.
Ferre (Magistratus si jusserit) arma vel ipsis
Christicolis, etiam bella ciere licet.

To which the Poet afterwards subjoyns these following Verses.

Subditus in proprium miser ut ferat arma Monarcham
Quem feriet bruto fulmine Papa jubet;
Non ita
Mat. 12. 17.
Caesareas abrupit Christus
Mart. 17 27.
habenas,
Papa tamen Christi gestit habere vices,
Falso, nam pedibus tenebrarum
Ephes. 6. 21.
Principis instat
Luc. 4. 6.
Omnia qui mendax se dare Regna refert.
India magniloquo dives sic cessit
Ex donati­one Alexan­d [...]i VI. Guic­card. lib. 1.
Ibero
Hoc tulit invisum jure Navarra jugum.
Barbarus insulsum sed Rex
Lop. Gomar. cap. 113.
Atabaliba Papam
Risit, & Insanit Papa superbus ait.
Regna datignotis qui sic aliena Dynastis,
Excidit Imperio sed tamen ille suo.
Heu quantas peperit Papa Donatio strages!
Millia
Joseph A­costa, lib. 4. cap. 3. Bar. de Casao, E­pise. This last, viz Barthomae­us Casaus a Godly Spani­ard, and a Do­minican, and Confessor to the Emperor Charles V, went into the West-Indies to preach the Christian Religion a­mongst those people. And did write (anno 1542) a particular Treatise to shew the barbarous cruelty, and a­bominable Inhumanity of his Countrymen against those poor, naked and simple Americans. The which bloudy Butcheri [...]s are scarce to be parallel'd in all Histories.
nudorum quot cecidere virum!
Exuit humanum crudeli ex pectore mentem,
Qui legit & salsis temporat à lachrimis,
Qualiter innocuos affixit Celtiber Indos,
Sed penes Historicos sint ea Lecta suos.

Thus we see, that by the foresaid Articles, neither our Kings, nor the Church, never intended any Spiritual Power (and yet I know no reason, but that a King or Queen may enjoy as much as some Female Romanists, viz. their Lady Abbesses) but onely a Civil jurisdiction, and a coercive Power, for the better Regulating their Dominions against home-bred Traytors and Forraign Ene­mies, as you have seen it here interpretated: and not onely our His Notes upon the 37 Article. Thomas Rogers and Certamen Religiosum, p. 159. Chr. Cartwright will inform you far­ther of it, but also some Romanists themselves, as one lately in his Cap 6. pag. 25, 26, 27, 28, &c. Reflections upon the Oaths of Supremcie and Allegiance. Another more ancient, designedly written in Latine against the Book call'd God and the King: the Romanist book is also call'd Edit. Colon. 1619. pag. 48, 49. Deus & Rex. And Father Caron, a true son to the Papal Chair, is unwilling to boggle at this N [...]s enim Regem solum, nostrum & Ecclesiae Britanniae & H [...]berniae caput esse Civile; Supremum (que) Gubernatorem agnoscimus, nec aliud Rex ipse praetendl [...], aut Protestantes reipsa volunt. Redmund. Caron. Remonstrantia Hibernorum, part V. pag. 64. § 4. Supreme [...]itle, as people have formerly done. And it is not the Sex that spoils the busi­ness; 1 Mar. 2 Parl. Queens being capable of, and do enjoy all jurisdictions and Q [...]alifications that Kings do.

But enough concerning this Oath of Supremacie; which was one of the main things that vext the Pope, supposing by this his own Authority and gain struck at: and indeed the —Post Di­vortiom, nisi quod Pontifi­ciam Po [...]esta­tem execra­tos, se Caput Ecclesiae constituit, nihil in Religione mutavit. Jac. Aug Thuan Hist. lib 3.—In which Religion [i. e. the Roman] the King dyed. Tho. Baily's life of John Fisher, Bish [...]p of Ro [...]hester, cap. 21. pag. 164.—Haereses paeuè omnes, praeter illam quae Romani Pontificis Prima [...]um, & Mon [...]sticas Religiones op­pugnabat, cohibuit, & repressit. Nic. Sander. de Schism. Angl. lib. 2. pag 228. Parsons conversions of Engl. part 1. p. 170, 235, 238, 241, 242, 244, 246. part 2. p. 541, part 3. vol. 2. p. 408. Romanists confess that Henry VIII. retain'd all the Articles of the Roman Church but this one, and dyed in their Religion.

But let the King think as well as he pleaseth of his own Autho­rity, the Pope will have as good opinion of his own; and to let King Henry see how far his jurisdiction reacheth, Paul III 30 Aug. 1535. draws up a thundering Bull against his Majesty, in which he de­prives him of his Dominions: this for some time he keeps by him, but at last sent it roaring It was publish'd Decemb. 17. 1538. abroad; and what a notable thing it was, Father Paul, (one of the most judicious Fryars that ever set Pen to Paper) shall tell you.—Hist. Co [...]cil. of Trent. lib. 1. pag. 86. A terrible thundering Bull, such as never was used by his Predecessors, nor imitated by his Suc­cessors.

The thing it self being very long, and as tedious as idle, I shall refer you for it to their Bullaria; but the substance of it take as followeth.

IT begins with a Canting or Quaking Preface, (as most other Bulls do) odly misapplying of the Holy Scripture to fob up the Papal power.

Rants dapperly against the King, and his Subjects that obey him.

Interdicts all Cities, Churches, Places, which favour or adhere to him.

Declares Him, his Friends, and their Children deprived of all bene­fi [...]s and priviledges, and uncapable to obtain any.

Absolves all his Subjects from their Oaths of Obedience or Allegi­ance to him their King.

Pronounceth that he and his adherents shall be held as infamous; their Wills, Testimonies, Credits and Authorities not to be of any validity.

Prohibits under Papal punishment, to Deal, Trade or have any med­ling with such wicked people.

Injoynes all Ecclesiasticks forthwith to avoid the Kings Dominions, nor to return thither but by a Papal License, upon sure Certifi­cate of the said Kings repentance and submission.

Commands the Nobility, Gentry, and others to make it their care and business to expel and depose the said Henry from his Domi­nions.

Declares all Leagues, Treaties or Agreements made by the said King, with other Christian Princes, to be null; which if the said Kings and Potentates do not forthwith submit to as void and of none effect, that then their respective Territories to lye under Inter­diction, and so to remain till the said Princes shall renounce all Amity and Alliance with the said Henry.

Exhorts and commands all the said Princes and others, by vertue of their obedience, to invade, spoil, take Arms and fight a­gainst the said King, and all those who are subject to him. And as for the Goods, Ships and whatsoever else they take from the said English, He by his Infallible and Papal Authority, giveth to the said takers all right and propriety.

Willeth all Patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops and all other Ecclesi­asticks, under pain of the severest Censures, publickly to de­clare by Bell, Book and Candle, the said Henry and all his Ad­herents Excommunicated.

Requireth that none under the guilt of the same Censures any way hinder the publication of this Bull against the King.

And if any do withstand, contradict or gainsay by any means, signes or tokens whatever this Bull, that then he or they so op­posing shall incur the wrath of Almighty God, and the Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul.

And that neither King Henry, nor any else should plead igno­rance of these things, it was therein provided and com­manded that the said Bull should be affixed to the doors of the Neighbouring to England, or the Kings Dominions; and should be publickly read in the said Churches, especi­cially at Tornay, Bruges and Dunkirk; from which place it was boldly taken down by one William Locke a Mercer of London.

They were also posted up at Bolloigne and Diepe in France, and St. Andrews in Scotland: And so liberal was his Holyness, that by a Breve he freely offers England to James V King of [Page 406] the Scots, promising to assist him in the gaining of it; and for a further incouragement, by his Legat Giovanni-Antonio Com­peggio presented him with many Ceremonies, and Apostolical Be­nediction, a Cap and a Sword newly before Consecrated on Christ­mas night.

But for all this, sturdy King Harry (who above all things hated a bassle) kept his Crown, Kingdom and Authority; the Paper not putting him to the tenth part of trouble (if it were any at all to him) as some Northern Rebels did, who being fob'd up that year 1537 Christ and his Religion were now a throwing down, sell to Arm themselves with what Weapons they could get. In Lincolnshire their number was supposed to be about twenty thousand, who at last growing jealous one of another, dispers'd themselves; some be­ing after taken and executed, amongst whom was their Ring-reader, being a stu [...]die Monk, call'd Doctor Makerel, though in this expe­dition he nominated himself Captain Cobler.

Yet no sooner is this stisled, when another, and that more ter­rible, began in York shire, and the other Northern Counties; their strength supposed to be about forty thousand, formed into a com­pl [...]at Army, not wanting a Train of Artillery. They call'd their March,—The holy and blessed Pilgrimage—and the—Pilgri­mage of Grace. On the one side of their Banner [...] was painted Christ hanging on the Cross: On the other, a Chalice with the Wafer in it. The Souldiers upon their sleeves had represented the five Wounds of Christ, and in the midst the name of Jesus. And thus are they thought to be brave Roman Blades (by De Schi [...]m. lib 1. pag. 155. Ni­cholas Sanders) who would thus take up Arms for their Religion. But for all this, their designes came to nothing, being perswaded upon better advice to creep home again; which troubled Sanders so much, that he cannot think on this opportunity, without ac­cus [...]g the King of Perjury and Knavery.

As for King Henry VIII, it fareth with him as with other Princes, most speaking of him as their interest lay; being honour'd by some with as great Commendations as Fancie or Flattery could reach, whilst by others he was look'd upon as the worst of Ty­rants, and loaded with all the Reproaches and Infamies that Sa­tyr or Malice could invent: for as the worst of Kings and Actions will never want Flatterers and admirers, so the best will never escape the slanders of the envious.

The truth is, though he was Learned above the custom of Princes; yet if ever any man had his faults, our Henry had his share to the purpose: his Will being both Law and Reason, as far as his Dominions reacht; and to contradict his humour, was little less then to be next door to another world; and which might make him worse, was, that amongst all his Favourites and Cour­tiers, there was scarce any, but either Knave or Flatterer, if not both, since 'tis hard to separate them. So that in many things where that King did amiss, whether he acted them by his own in­clinations and judgement, or by the suggestions and instigations of his griping and base-soul'd Courtiers and Minions, shall be left to every ones opinion; nor is it much material where the fault should be laid, being both so guilty.

Yet this is certain, that when he followed his own proper Ge­nius, viz. Martial exploits, none came off with greater glory then himself for his personal Acts and Valour. And the whole [Page 407] Kingdom is beholden unto him for the great Fame and Renown she gain'd abroad by her Victories and Warlike Atchievements under his conduct. And what cannot Englishmen do, under an Active and Martial Prince? But in brief, I shall not undertake to quit him from that short but comprehensive Character given him of old, viz.—That he never spared man in his Anger, nor woman in his Lust.

As Henry VIII was no sooner set in the Throne, but In his Eng­lish Tra [...]slati­on of Dr. Sebastian Brant's Stulti­fer [...] Navis, fol 205, 206. Alex­ander Barklay endeavoured to declare his Renown and Vertues; so no sooner was he dead, but one William Thomas undertook his Apology. This Thomas (as himself words it) being constrain'd by misfortune to abandon the place of his Nativity, meets (after the said Kings death) several Gentlemen at Bologna in Italy, a­gainst whom he enters into discourse [in the Month of 1546/7. Fe­bruary, in which Month the King was buryed at Windsore] in Defence of that Noble Prince, whose honour had been wrongfully toucht, as he expresseth it; which he draweth up into a Treatise by way of a Dialogue, which he directed to Pietro Aretino the well known Tuscan Poet, as famous for his Satyrical Wit, as infamous for his life and death.

This he did, he saith, the better to inform the said Aretine of the Kings worth; telling him also, that the King,—Hath re­membred thee with an honourable Legacie by his Testament; the which his Enemies pretend, proceeded of the fear that he had, lest thou shouldst after his death defame him.

But certain I am, that the King in his Will and Testament maketh no mention of this Poet: so in this Mr. Thomas, was misinformed; a thing of no great wonder. And that the King stood in any fear of Aretines writing against him, or that Aretine intended to write of him, I cannot say: but true it is, that though this Florentine was no great Clerk, yet in his Mothers Tongue he laid so about him, and with that rage and fury, that he was stil'd the Scourge of Princes; and his Epitaph in St. Lukes Church in Venice will fur­ther tell the Temper of the Fellow; in Italian I meet with it thus:

Qui giace l' Aretin P [...]eta Tosco
Chi disse mal d'Ognun, fuor chedi Dio,
Scusandosi, dicendo, n'il conobbi.

But I think it is more true and Authentick thus in Latiue.

Condit Aretini cineres lapis iste sepultos,
Phil. Labbe Thesaurus E­ [...]aph. Fran. Sweet [...]. select. delit. pag. 156.
Mortales atro qui sale perfricuit:
Intactus Deus est illi, causam (que) rogatus,
Hanc dedit, ille (inquit) non mihi notus erat.
Here th' Poet Aretine Intomb'd doth lye,
Who 'gainst all let his spiteful Pasquins fly:
But God escap'd him, and why? being ask'd fro' him;
Thus clear'd himself, 'Twas cause I did not know him.

But Orat. contra Aretinum. Joachimus Perionius will assure us, that he neither spared the Apostles, Christ, or God himself. As some call'd him the Scourge of Princes, so others intitled him the Divine; both [Page 408] which Venetia descritta. Sansovino tells us, Ariosto thus mentioneth in his Orlando Furioso.

Ecco il Flagello
De Principi, il Divin Pietro Aretino.

But as for the Title of Divine or Penitent, I see little reason he should have them, although there be some Meditations on the Pe­nitential Psalms carryed about under his name: yet a wicked man may make a good Book, as the greatest Rebels pretend the most Religion; but that he did ever really repent, I am not con­vinced, because then they would have given him a better Epi­taph: besides, the story of his death maketh him then as bad as e­ver. But enough, if not too much of this.

As concerning the foresaid William Thomas, take as followeth.

  • 1544. He got into Italy.
  • 1547. He wrote the foresaid Dialogue at Bologna la Grossa; 'tis call'd
    M S. B. 2. 7. in Bible B [...]dl. Oxon.
    le Pelegrine, and never printed that I know of.
  • 1543. He finish'd his Italian Dictionary and Grammar at Pa­doa, undertook at the desire, and for the instruction of Mr. John Tamworth, then living at Venice; and was af­terwards (viz. 1567) printed by the appointment of Sir William Mildmay.
  • 1549. I meet with him return'd to London, when and where he Printed his short but methodical History of Italy, which was Reprinted 1561.
  • He was made Clerk of the Council to King Edward VI.
  • 1553. He designed the Murther of Queen Mary, or
    Jo. Bal. de Scriptoribus, Appendix, p. 100.
    Steven Gardiner Bishop of Winchester.
  • 155 [...]/ [...]. February 20. He was sent to the Tower of London.
  • February 26. He had almost kill'd himself by thrusting a Knife under his Paps.
  • 1554. May 9. He was arraigned and condemn'd at Guild-hall.
  • May 18. He was drawn from the Tower to Tyborn, and there hang'd, headed, and quarter'd.

'Tis said that he was an intimate with Parsons th [...]ee C [...]nver­sious of Engl. pa [...]t 3. pag. 220, 221. Christopher Good­man, that enemy to the Rule of Women, and a fiery Puritan; and no doubt that Thomas was too much warp'd that way, and one of more misguided zeal, then true Religion or Wisdom. He tran­slated some Books out of Italian; and besides those Printed, wrote a Tract call'd The Common Place of State, for the use of King Edward VI, discoursing whether it be expedient to vary with the time: which, with several other of his Writings, may be seen in Sir Robert Cotton's Sub Effigie Vespasian [...]. D. 18. Library. And so much of King Henry and his Champion William Thomas.

To this King succeeded Edward VI, a most vertuous and hope­ful P [...]ince, but too young to correct the villanies of the Grandees about him, who loved the Churches better then they loved God: yet a Reformation of Religion was carryed on, which so vext some in the North, that they took up Arms to restore Popery, though to no purpose. But those in the West were more stubborn, [Page 409] especially the Devonshire and Cornish men, who form'd them­selves into an Army, besieged Exeter, which bravely defended it self against all their power and spight.

Nor would their Holy Zeal render them victorious, though as a means to be so, they march'd into the Field with a Crucifix under a Canopy, which instead of an Altar, was set in a Cart, accompanied with Crosses and Candlesticks, Banners, Holy-Bread and Holy-Water, to drive away the Devils, and dull their Enemies Swords, as Speed wordeth it. And though they fought fiercely against the King, his Commission and good Subjects, yet they could conclude their demands, or rather commands, with an

Item, We pray God save King Edward: for we be his, both body and goods.

And this way of canting, is always used by all other Traytors, who the higher they run into Rebellion, declare themselves the better Subjects. In short, though these peoples cause was bad enough (and were soon quell'd) yet De Schism. lib. 2. pag. 260. Sanders will not let them pass without some Papal holy Water, being true Romanists; and Father Three con­versions of Engl. part 2. pag. 594, 619. Parsons will not allow them to be faulty, because (for­sooth) they fought for the Roman Religion; as if to take up Arms for any Religion against their true and lawful Soveraign were warrantable; for if so, every Opinion and Phanatick will be its own judge and carver, so that there will be no end of Wars and Bloudshed, yet every man in the right, at least the strongest can do no wrong, however not commit Treason; according to the too-much-practis'd Rule, thus wittily condemn'd by Sir John Harrington:

Treason doth never prosper, what's the reason?
Epigram, § 5.
For if it prosper, none dare call it Treason.

CHAP. II. A Vindication of Queen Elizabeth.

ANd now we come to the prosperous Reign of the so much famed Elizabeth, in whose time England was in the heighth of its Glory and Repute; being as an Umpire to the whole World, flourishing at home, and victorious abroad: but prudent Cecils and vigilant Walsinghams are not always to be had; and so we must be content with our decaying Lawrels.

And here (by the by) because De Schism. A [...]gl. lib. 3. pag. 319. Sanders and other Roma­nists are pleas'd to render her as the worst of all women-kinde, I shall take the boldness to say something in her Vindication, the better to confute her former Revilers, and to satisfie the more ig­norant somewhat in her behalf.

Her Piety and Religion have been celebrated by many Pens; her Learning and skill in variety of Languages was admired by her greatest Enemies. Besides her English, Argh [...]ium Prae [...]a, § Elizabetha. Christopher Ock­lande (whose Books were once order'd to be read in all Grammar-Schools will tell you of six other Languages she was perfect in.

Elizabetha piis primos imbuta per annos
Moribus, & sophiae studiis instruct a sacrata
Doctrina, & linguae Latiae Graiae (que) perita.
Linguas Europae celebres intelliget omnes,
Quid Teuto, Hispanus, Gallusve, Italusve loquatur.

Mr. His nine Worthies, pag. 282. Thomas Heywood, one who loved to write concerning Women, concludes thus of our Elizabeth.

Chaste Virgin, Royal Queen, belov'd and fear'd;
Much on the Earth admir'd, to Heaven indear'd;
Single and singular (without another)
A Nurse to Belgia, and to France a Mother;
Potent by Land, sole Soveraign of the Main,
Antagonist to Rome, the scourge of Spain.

Though she was excellently skill'd in all manner of Needle-work, was admired for her neat Dancing, was very skilful and knowing in Musick, playing well upon divers sorts of Instru­ments; yet these and suchlike little pleasures, could never call her thoughts from her Subjects good, and the care of Go­vernment.

La. Epist. [...]urmi [...]. Roger Ascham speaks wonders of her ingenuity and know­ledge; and he had as much reason to know her as any: but these [Page 411] you may say were English-men, and so bribed by their birth-right; though this with some of her Enemies is no Rule.

But should we run to all her Commendations beyond Seas, we might be endless. Poet. Ital. vol. 1. pag 79. Cornelius Amaltheus, a zealous Italian Romanist, cannot withhold his Muse from her Encomiums. Poet. Germ. vol 5 pag. 827. Laurentius Rhodomanus is as earnest in his Anagrammatical mode. And his Countryman Paulus Melissus seems, as it were, to bestow his whole time in her Poet. Germ. vol. 4. pag. 342, 418, 425, 428, 440, 441, 443, 452, 462, 468, 478, 486, 493. praises; and at last endeavours to go as high as his wit could reach, so far will he have her above all other Goddesses.

Id. pag. 475.
Te Venerem, te Junonem, te Pallade quisquis
Dixerit, haud abs re dixerit ille puto.
Quin idem Charin & Musam te dixerit: imo
Musa es Musarum tu, Charitum (que) Charis.
Ignoscas Regina minus quam par sit & aequum
Dicenti laudis copia quanta tui est!
Divitiis Juno, forma Venus, Indole Pallas,
Dote Charis, cedit nomine Musa tibi.
Junones, Veneres, Charitas, Musas (que) Minervas (que)
Omnes una simul tu superare potis.
Cui culper, si te Divis ex omnibus unam
Natam Pantheiam virgo Britanna, loquar?

Amongst the Belgians, Poet Belg. vol. 2 pag. 681, 718, 719, 721, Janus Gruterus, so famous for his Learning, is her great admirer. And of later days, De laudibus & vica Eliza­betha. Adolphus van Dans hath wrote a whole book in her Commendations. Nay, Johannes Bochius of Bruxels, who was so inveterate against her Go­vernment and Religion, that he assisted Richard Verstegan in the composing of his lying and bloudy Theatre, yet cannot let her pass without this grand applause.

Poet. Belg. vol. 1. pag. 800.
Pallas, Juno, Venus, nemorosae in frondibus Idae
Discrimen formae cum subiere suae,
Inter formosas, si tu Dea quarta fuisses,
Vicisses reliquas, O Dea pulchra, Deas;
Quam Juno jejuna foret! quam pallida Pallas!
Quam Dea vana Venus! quam Dea sola fores!

How ready she was to answer Ambassadors and other people in several Languages, on the sudden, Historians do Edm. Howes enlargement of Stow, pag. 813, 814, 815. testifie at large. But one thing I finde Recorded of her which is not usual, that when three Ambassadors, viz. the Imperial, French and Swedish, addrest themselves to her; at the same time, she on the sudden Rog. Ascham, Epist. Stur­mio. answer'd each of them in different Languages: the first of them in Italian, the second in French, and the third in Latine.

Epist. dedi­cat. ad artem. Gram. Vossius, Hist. Belg. l. 1. Meteranus, Lib. 82. l. 119. Thuanus, and a world of other Learned Writers, have weilded their Pens in her Commendati­ons: and though some Popes have endeavoured as far as in them lay to over-cloud her Reputation, by commanding the Commen­datory expressions in her behalf to be dasht out of Index libro­rum Prohibi­torum. Cambden and some other Writers; yet I finde Pope Sixtus V (a very Zea­lous Assertor of his Pontifical Chair) to bestow upon her and Henry the Fourth of France, this following noble Cha­racter, [Page 412] —Persaepe auditus est, cum dicerat, toto orbe, se unum virum & [...]oeminam videre dignos (nisi labe sectaria infecti essent) qui Regnarent, & quibus cum ipse de inge [...]ribus rebus consilia, quae animo agitabat, communi caret; Navarrum & Elizabetham Reginam intelligens. Aug. Thuan. Hist. lib. 82, and Perefixe Hist. Henry le grand, part 1. That amongst all the Princes of the world, he could finde but two, viz. Queen Elizabeth and Navar (setting aside their opinions in Religion) who were worthy to Rule, and with whom he could most fittingly consult and take advice.

Having thus somewhat hinted on her Commendations, and at last brought the Pope himself to be an Advocate for her Discre­tion, Prudence and good Government, we may now the more exactly perceive where the Shooe pincheth, and what is the cause of the ill will against her. Not denying but that she, as well as the best of Monarchs, might have some miscarriages and over­sights, in such a long Raign as she continued; especially since the Earl of Leicester, and some others, had the Fortune to sway in her time; it being granted, that Robert Dudly was as great an Op­pressor, as ever breath'd for a Favourite, and so let him and all such never be mentioned but with ignominy.

As for her Religion, whether Haeretical or not? As the Que­stion is too large to be here discuss'd; so is it nothing to the pur­pose, seeing Religion doth not intitle one to Kingdoms, nor is Dominion founded in Grace; a Pagan having as much right to his Goods and Territories, as the best of Christians to what is his.

As to her personal concerns, no question but she thought her self in the best and surest way to her Salvation. And as she was a Princess of great Ingenuity and Parts, understood many Lan­guages, read many Books, and was so studious as to translate some her self out of Greek, Latine and French; so we need not doubt but thus furnisht and industrious in Learning, she was able to give a good account of her Religion, and to vindicate it and her self.

And as for Religion, as it related to the publick, it hath had fa­mous Champious and Martyrs to justifie it, and to wipe off all the pretended blots of Schism and Heresie, which malice or ignorance could throw upon it; for a farther proof of which [it being not material to my History in hand] I shall refer the Reader to Bishop Bramhal, Bishop Morton, Dr. Hammond, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Ma­son, and suchlike Learned Defenders of our Church. Certain it is, that every Kingdom is supream within it self; and 'tis as true, that the Religion in England was reform'd in a peaceable and legal manner, by the greatest Authority in it, viz. the Prince, Parliament, and Convocation of Divines: Regulation here did not begin at the wrong end, it was not carryed on by any Vid Chr. [...] C [...]ta [...] Relig. [...]ag. 11. Re­bellious Leagues or Covenants: The Soveraign was free, and not fought to a compliance; and as we may suppose the reasons to be just, so are we certain that it was acted by the highest Authority in the Kingdom, which is according to the Laws of God and M [...]n, and the practice of other Potentates both ancient and mo­de [...].

As [...] [...]he alteration it self, we may suppose it was done with d [...]e [...]sideration, being acted by such a considerable Body and Auth [...]rity, and not on a sudden, but by degrees, as they found just occasion to reject and admit.

And as on the one hand we may suppose it was agreeable to the Majority of the Laity, considering it past their Representives the Parliament, nor opposed by any considerable number after: so year 1559 may we justly conclude it conformable to the sentiments of the Clergy, seeing that the Parishes, Headships of Colledges and Halls in the Universities, with the Prebendships, Bishopricks, and the other Dignities of the Church in England and Wales, did then amount to the number of very neer ten thousand.

Yet of all that number of Preferments, adding to them the Lord Abbots, Priors and Lady Abbesses, and the whole number of these Roman-Nonconformists would not amount to 200.

But waving her Religion, I finde the greatest crime objected to her, is her cruelty against others for their opinions in Reli­gion; and with this her Adversaries have made no little noise in the world.

To this I shall return some satisfaction, with as much brevity as can be; all this being but a digression, and by the by.

As for several years of her Reign, not one Priest had suffered death; so when they did (as afterwards) I fear many of them are yet held for blessed Martyrs, who justly dyed as wicked Traytors. And in this I would have the unbyass'd Romanists but to consider,

That even long before the Reformation,
  • 25 Edw. 3. cap. 2.
    IT was Treason to compass or imagine the death of the King, the Queen, or their eldest Son and Heir.
  • Ib.
    It was [...]reason to Leavie war against the King, or to adhere to the Kings enemies, or to give to the said Enemies aid or comfort.
  • Cokes In­stitut. part 3. chap. 36. 13 Rich. 2. Stat. 2. cap. 2.
    It was Felony to bring or send into the Kingdom any Sum­mons, Sentence, or Excommunication against any person of what condition soever.
  • 16 Rich. 2. cap. 5.
    He incur'd a Praemunire that got such Bulls or Excommunica­tions from the Pope.
  • Coke, part 3. chap. 84.
    None was to go out of the Realm or beyond seas without the Kings leave or license.
  • Of these things see more at large in Coke's In­stitut. part 3. cap 36. and his Reports, part 5. fol. 12, 15, 17, 21, 22, 23, 27, 28. and Bishop Bramhals just vindication of the Church of England from Schism, cap. 4.
    It was of old expresly against the Law of the Land, to procure or bring in any Bull of Excommunication against any subject [much more in all reason against the Soveraign] in respect it gave way to Forreign Authority; the Popes Excommunica­tions, according to our old Laws, being of no force in Eng­land.
  • Coke In­stitut. part 3. cap. 67.
    It was not lawful for any Subject of England, to take a Pen­sion, &c. of any forreign King, Prince, or State (without the Kings license) although the said Princes or States be in Peace or League with England.
Let the honest Romanist farther consider, that before any Priest did suffer death, it was Enacted, that
  • [Page 414]
    28 Hen 8. cap. 10. and 5 Eliz. c. 1.
    THey should incur a Praemunire who did any ways as­sert or teach the Pope to have jurisdiction over, or in this Kingdom.
  • 26 Hen. 8. c. 13.
    It was Treason for any to write or affirm the King to be an Heretick, Infidel, Schismatick, Tyrant or Ʋsurper.
  • 13 Eliz. c. 2.
    It was Treason to bring, procure or publish any Bull from Rome.
  • 13 Eliz. c. 2.
    It was a Praemunire so to acknowledge the Popes jurisdiction, as to bring or procure from him any Agnus Dei, Crosses, Beads or Pardons; being trinkets and trifles of themselves not worth a Rush, but as they are held privy Tokens of Pa­pal Obedience or Allegiance.

Here we see a fair way of Caution; and he is a madman, and no Martyr, who will needs hasten his own death, when neither God nor man requires any such indiscreet Zeal at his hands; Christiani­ty and Salvation being not destroy'd by these Laws, the sub­stance of them being in force, when the Romanists themselves confess England was of their side: and the Law-givers declare (as appears by the Prefaces to the Acts) that these Regalities and Laws tended for the better Government, Constitution, Peace, and happiness of the Kingdom; of which we are to suppose them to be best Judges, seeing no Article of Faith confirm'd either by the Holy Scriptures or the Primitive Church, were null'd or made void by these Statutes.

Yet the better to expose the Queen, and render her actions o­dious all the world over, they were very careful to publish what lyes they could, of her pretended cruelties; amongst whom we may account John Gibbins, Robert Parsons Jesuits, and John Fen Priest, who were the chief Authors of that Pamphlet call'd Con­certatio Ecclesiae in Anglia. Add to them the Book call'd Ec­clesi [...]e Anglicanae Trophaea, drawn in Pictures in the English Col­l [...]ge at Rome by Nicholao Circini, ingraven by Jo. Bapt. de Ca­valleriis, and publish'd by Gregory XIII his Approbation, anno 1584. where people are said to be worryed in Bears skins, &c. and printed by Bartolomeo Grasso. To vindicate the English-Romanists from the false Aspersions and falsities against their So­veraign and Country mention'd in this Book, I finde a Over throw of the Prote­stants Pulpit- [...]abels, against Mr. [...]sha [...], pag. 10. Ro­manist [I. R. whether May the Priest I know not, though I am Tho. James corrupt▪ [...] Fathers in the Appendix to the Reader. told that such an one wrote against Mr. Crashaw, as this also di [...]] to offer something, by affirming, that there was never any such Book printed in the English Colledge at Rome. But nothing is got by this, since it cannot be deny'd but that the foresaid Book was printed at Rome, and publish'd by the Popes express Authority, as appears by his Breve prefixt. And farther, the fore­said supposed cruelties were painted upon the Colledge-Walls by Nich. Circini, by order and appointment of the English there. Nor need we trouble our selves to shew the disaffection of the English of that Colledge to their Queen and Country, seeing [Page 415] Histories do testifie their Actions, and A. Mundy, the English Roman li [...]e. Travelers their railing and bitter words.

To these we may add Richard Verstegan, who put forth a Book call'd Theatrum Crudelitatum Haereticorum Nostri Temporis: where, in his Pictures he offers to view the former lying Bear-skin Tales. Of this man (because he afterwards afforded some light to Antiquities, and our Historians are silent of his life and extraction) a word or two by the by.

His Grand-father was call'd Theodore Rowland Verstegan, born in Gelder-landt; came into England about the latter end of King Henry VII; marryed here, and presently after dyed, leaving a Son nine months old, who afterwards, to get a livelihood, took upon him the profession of a Cooper in London. Nor is this any discre­dit, Wolfangus Musculus his Father being of that Trade.

This Cooper was Father to our Richard Verstegan; which Rich­ard was born in the Parish of St. Catherines in London; he gave himself to the study of good Letters, and imployed himself in Painting; which makes me think that he engraved the Cuts in his own Books, as the Learned Hevelius doth now. Being a Zealous Romanist, he left England, went into the Spanish Netherlands, where he compos'd the foresaid Theatrum Crudelitatum: the Verses were made by Vid. Delic. Poet. Belg. vol 1. pag. 760, 761, 762, &c. Johannes Bochius, born at Bruxels; but if I mistake not, Register to Antwerp.

Afterwards the Rebellious League now beginning, he conveys himself and Books to Paris, where the English Ambassador com­plains of him to King Henry III, and desires that, being born a Subject to the Queen, now a Fugitive, and one that had so a­bused her, he might be delivered into his hands, to be sent to England, there to receive his reward. And the Ambassador had reason for his request, if that be true which is Guil. Bar­cla. contra Monarcho­machos, lib 6. cap. 7. pag. 439. reported, viz. that Henry III was so much possest with those cruel Pictures, and put so much credit in them, that he accused Queen Eli­zabeth of great Cruelty, calling her a wicked and cruel wo­man.

Yet at the Ambassadors desire Verstegan was imprison'd; at which De justa ab­ [...]icatione Hen [...]ici III. pag. 123. Jean Bouchier, that active fire-brand of the League, is not a little troubled, and layeth it as one heretical fault to Hen­ry. At last Verstegan is releas'd; who quits France, and returns to Antwerp, where he reprints his Book, and lives after an hand­some fashion. The Jesuits and the Secular-priests falling out in England, each party defends it self by Pen; in this quarrel Ver­stegan concerns himself, joyning with the Jesuits, and writing in their behalf, shewing himself as zealous a Railer as the best of them; and indeed never was there quarrel compos'd of so many bad words, either side consider'd.

Thus he continued till after the death of Queen Elizabeth, where he 1605. published his—Restitution of decayed Intelligence in Antiquities of England,—Dedicating of it to King James, expecting better fortune and; favour which —E [...] Rege cum novo no­vum assume Fatum.—Poet. Belg. Vol. 3. p. 364. Justus Lipsius claps to the Nation a good luck in Verse. What he got by it I know not, nor when he dyed: onely towards the latter end of King James his Raign, amongst the rest of the English Fugitives, who lived in Antwerp under the Notion of Spanish stipendiaries, I meet with these words—James Wadsworth, the English-Spanish Pil­grime, cap. 7. pag. 67. There is also one Mr. Versteagan, who, did not his wife keep up his credit, might be yoakt with the rest,—That [Page 416] is (as I suppose) in a mean condition. And thus much for Ver­stegan, of whom Q [...]odli­bets, pag. 257. Watson the Priest will give you a sharper Character.

But why must Queen Elizabeth (of all other Soveraigns) be de­prived of this Prerogative of life and death? Must Campo Flori in Rome smoak by the burnt bodies of people by the Authority of the Pope, in this acting onely as a Secular Prince, (for Eccle­siasticks excuse themselves from such severities) and may not Queen Elizabeth be as great a Monarch in her Dominions?

Must the King of Spain glory in his Inquisition, thereby de­stroying multitudes of Strangers and Natives, and that with such severity and cruelty, that their stories either American or Dome­stick cannot be read without tears; and had not Queen Elizabeth as much right to, and Authority in England, as the intitled Most Catholick hath in his Dominions?

Hath the French King a Prerogative to burn Anne du Burg, and many others of his Subjects, for Opinions in Religion and may not Queen Elizabeth, having as much [...]i [...]nt of Government, use her Authority as well as the former? Not that I vindicate any such severities, but use these comparatives to shew that Queen E­lizabeth did no more then the Romanists themselves.

But to shew what a great thing interest is, take this following observation: but the bloudy narrative of the story is so long and mournful, that the Reader must pardon me, if I refer him to o­ther Thuanus. Historians for it.

Charles IX, King of France, under the pretence of the Grand Solemnities of the King of Nava [...]'s Marriage, invited all the Grandees of the Hugonots of France, with Ca [...]bden, Eliz. an. 1572. Eujeb. Ph [...] ­la [...]lph. [...]s­mapol. Dialog. 1. pag. 30. Leicester and Eurghley out of England, and the Sons of the Palatine Elector out of Germany, intending by this means to ruine the Protestant Religon. The French obey'd and appear'd, where they were entertain'd with all manner of Gaye [...]ies and Triumphs: but for all this Court holy Water, they were, by order of the King, in [...]g 24. [...]? one day, as many as could be met withal, (which came to s [...]v [...]a [...] [...]) slain without respect to Sex, age or quality; [...] of whom was old Admiral Coligny, whose [...] [...]b 52. head was [...] grateful present to Rome. Nor did this Massacre end [...]er [...], but by the Kings Order was also acted all France over, to the unthought of slaughter of many thousand Protestants.

This Carnage, though it made such an impression upon some, that several set themselves to work, and U' [...]ae 15 [...]3. [...] 4. publish'd a Book of Verses in Detestation of it; yet others imploy'd their wits as much in its Commendation, amongst whom I finde Id. pag. 30. accused Johannes Auratus, Regius Professor of the Greek Tongue in Pa­ris, and one of the chiefest Poets in his time: if so, it seems he could weep and bewail more the killing of one Poet Gall. vol. 1. p. 314. Sparrow by his Cat, then of so many thousand Christians.

As for the Romanists in France, they celebrated these slaugh­ters as one of the most glorious actions in the world; great rejoycings at Court for it, publick thanks render'd to God; and as a farther memorial of its Gallantry, the King had Thuan. lib. 53. Cambden, Eliz. anno 1572. new Medals or Coyns made with Inscriptions to perpetuate the Fame of that bloudy day. And to compleat the triumph, a Miracle must be wrought to testifie Gods approbation of it, which you must finde in [...]uan. lib. 52. St. In­nocents Church-yard at Paris. So here this Church-yard may [Page 417] boast of another Miracle, besides its André du Chesne les Antiquitez de [...] villes de France, chap. pag 63. 7 consuming the buryed Carkasses in less then ten days. But as for this new flourishing White-thorne-Tree, the famous Thuanus doth somewhat mitigate the wonder, by affirming that the thing might be as well Sive sponte, quod aliquando contlngit, cum natura deficiente in co planta est, ut penitus exarescat, five a­qua tepida ab impostoribus infusa. Aug. Thuan. Hist. lib. 52. Na­ral or artificial.

But the greatest joy of all, for this slaughter, was at Rome, Cardinal Loraine giving the Messenger that brought the first news of it, a thousand Crowns; the Letter was read in the Conclave, publick thanks were given in their Churches, the Cannons dis­charged, Thuan. lib. 53. Spondan anno 1572. § 20. Bonfires made, a Jubilee publish'd throughout Christen­dom. And a grand Procession was made to the Church of St. Lewis [Lewis IX King of France, canoniz'd by Pope Boniface VIII, his festival day is the XXV of August] where was the No­bility, Bishops, Cardinals, the several Ambassadors, the Pope un­der a Canopy, his Train being held up by the Emperours Am­bossador. And the better to retain in Memory this Massacre, the Pope had it George Whe [...]ston's English Mir­rour, pag. 17 [...]. painted about his great Hall in the Lateran, and there Recorded in Jo. Ni [...]h [...]l's Pilgrimage B. 8 Marble.

And what must be the cause of all these Catholico­rum Apolo­giis propug­nata, quae [...]t Romae, at (que) in Hispania im­mensis landi­bus celebrata. Jo. de Bus­siers Hist. Fran. Vol. 4. pag. 120.—De e [...], Laetitia ob vindicatos Haereticos piorum animis concepta non parum est.—Summar. ad Hist. Hispan. Jo. Mariana. anno 1572. Joyes, Gaities and Triumphs in France, Spain, Italy, and where not amongst the Romanists? but that thirty thousand Protestants were in a small time destroyed by divers sorts of deaths; some drown'd, some hang'd, some starv'd, some Pistol'd, others had their throats cut, their bodies drag'd about streets, denyed Christian buryal, &c. without any consideration of Age, Sex, Quality or Relations: And all this in a supposed time of security and tranquillity, a peace being made, and the King passing his word and promise for their safety.

Now here would I ask the Romanists whether ever Queen E­lizabeth did such a cruel Action as this? If not, then why must Charles IX go away with all these Glories and Trophies, and our Queen laden with nothing but black accusations of cruelty? As if Religon intitled one to more authority over his Vassals then the other.

The year (viz. 1572.) of this Massacre, some have troubled themselves to lay down in these Numeral Letters.

Upon Gaspar Coligny the Admiral.

gVIsano oCCƲbƲ It pIƲs ah CoLLIgnIƲs astƲ:
LƲX qƲater aƲgƲst I sena DoLen Da Ven It.

Or thus:

bartho Lo MaeƲs fLet, qƲIa FranCICƲs oCCƲbat atLas.

And upon the City of Paris this.

LƲtetI a Mater sƲos natos DeVoraVIt.

And here I cannot but take notice of one pretty cheat the Pope makes use of, to shew to the world his great liking of this Mas­sacre, viz. that whensoever the famous Catholick Thuanus in his Narrative of this Butchery, hints (as he doth several times) of the cruelty of these Throat-cuttings,

These expressions sound so harsh in the ears of his good Roma­nists, that in the Index Expurgatorius they are all order'd to be dasht out, and to appear no more in print, lest good people should be corrupted by them; so wo be to them, who dare think amiss of this Parisian slaughter. But it is not here alone, but in many other places, that they have endeavour'd to falsifie and corrupt this Learned Thuanus, though one of their own Church, yet one that hated lying. For which Jacobus Gretser, Johannes Baptista de Machand, or Macaldus, under the false name of Jo. Baptista Gallus I. C. with Adam Contzen, and other Jesuits, cannot pass him by without throwing some dirt upon him.

But though de Thou's book were Adam Cantzen, Discep [...]atio de Secretis Societat. Jesu, pag. 40. burnt at Rome, yet will it remain as an instructive Monument to future Ages, though en­deavour'd to be corrupted, as appears by the Index Expurgatori­us; and possibly hath been, as is manifest by the late little Thua­nus Restitutus.

But leaving these forraign comparisons, let us return home, and take a short view of our two Sister-Queens of different perswasi­sions in Religion.

Queen Mary, whose Piety and Mercie is much commended by Sanders and other Romanists, Reigned about five years; yet in that short time were put to death for Religion above 260, without any regard to Sex, Quality or Age, Rich and Poor, Learned and Ignorant, Old and little Children that knew not the right-hand from the left; one springing out of its Mothers Womb, whilst burning at the Stake, and unhumanely the little infant thrown in­to the fire, to burn with its Heretical Mother, as they term'd it.

In twice this time, viz. for the first ten years of Elizabeth, not one Romanist suffer'd death for Religion; and though she Reigned above 44 years, yet in that long Rule, there were not so many put to death of the Romanists for Treason, or what else the Romanist pleaseth, almost by an hundred, as there were in the short time of Queen Mary. To which we may add, as is confest by In numera­biles Ang li­ca [...]i Martyres Du [...]em Ed mundum Cam­pianum secuti—docuetunt—Pontificem Rom.—posse quemcun (que) etiam Regem—dig. nita [...]e Reg [...]a exuete. Abr. bzovius de Rom. Pont. cap. 46. pag. 621. Bzovius their Papal Champion, that there was not any that suffer'd in Queen Elizabeth's time, but did teach the dange­rous Doctrine, That the Pope could depose Kings.

This were enough to testifie, that Queen Elizabeth was as hap­py and merciful to her Subjects, as her Sister Queen Mary: And to perswade those who throw so many commendations on the lat­ter not to rob the former of her due praise.

The first that the Romanists pretended Martyrologist puts down to have suffer'd in Queen Elizabeth's days, is one John Fel­ton; year 1570 and yet this was not till the XII year of her Reign: so that they can pretend to no bloud for so many years. And what small reason they have to glory in this mans Martyrdom, let us judge [Page 399] by the Cause: in short thus; for I shall have occasion to speak more of him hereafter.

Queen Elizabeth having triumphantly Raigned above X years in the Nation, to the great joy and comfort of her Subjects; at last Pope Pius V takes a humour in his head, and he, forsooth, must declare her to be no Queen; to which purpose he thunders out a Bull, declaring her Heretick, Excommunicated, Deprived and Deposed from her Dominions: Absolves all her Subjects from Allegiance, and interdicts any that shall obey her, &c.

Felton gets this Bull, hangs it upon the Bishop of Londons Pa­lace-gates, scorns to seek an escape, boldly vindicates the Pope and himself in what was done, defying the Queen and her Au­thority; for which he was arraigned, condemn'd and hang'd, August 8. neer the same place in St. Pauls Church-yard.

Now for any thus to contemn and vilifie his Soveraign, null her Authority, renounce his Allegiance, and so far to submit himself to a Forreign jurisdiction even in Temporalities, as to de­clare his own Soveraign deprived and depos'd from her King­dom; I say, what punishment this man incur'd, let the Reader judge; provided he will also consider, that had a Protestant thus renounced his Obedience in Queen Mary's days (not but that there were some Calvinistical fire-brands then) the party should have dyed for it; and those who commend Felton, would have call'd the other Traytor. And yet Felton did it to procure a Na­tional Rebellion.

This and some other Disturbances, occasioned the next Parlia­ment to put forth some 13 Eliz. cap. 1. 2, 3. Acts for the preservation of the Queens person, and the better quieting and securing her Subjects and Dominions; all people having time given them to consult either their own safety, or a complyance. So that who suffer'd afterwards, was for their disobedience to these Acts, and the o­ther Laws of the Realm. And the several designes and plots a­gainst her to take away both her Kingdoms and Life, might not onely oblige her to look to her self, but also move her to a greater severity then she was naturally addicted to.

Yet hitherto it was not death for Priests or Jesuits to be in Eng­land, if they did nothing else. But some XIV years after this, the Queen and Parliament supposed they had Reason to 27 Eliz. cap. 2. En­act it Treason and Death onely for being found here; yet they were so far from catching any one in a Trap, or without warning, that by the said Act they all had time given to transport them­selves freely without any Attachment, with liberty to take Ship at what Port they pleas'd, the time allotted them being forty days after the ending of that present Session of Parliament. Nay far­ther, that if any were sick, then upon security they might remain in the Kingdom six Months longer, and then to depart. And all this was more favourable then the Protestants received from Queen Mary.

Let us also add, that those, whom she had in prison, she sent over upon her own charges, and with kinde usage (so far was she from thirsting after bloud, as some would have her:) for confir­mation thereof, take one Certificate of twenty Jesuits and Priests, and one Gentleman, sent from the Tower of London, Marshalsee and Kings-bench.

[Page 420]

TO all Magistrates, Officers and Ministers within the Realm of England, or elsewhere, to whom it may any wise appertain. This may be to give certification, that we whose names are here un­der-written, who were imbarked at the Tower-wharfe of London, the 21 of January 1584, and there received into the charge of Mr. One of the Yeomen U­shers to the Queens Chamber. William Bolles, and Mr. A Skinner of London. Antony Hall, by Commission from their Lordships, and other her Majesties most honourable Privy-Council, Have been by them the said William Bolles and Antony Hall, very friendly and honestly intreated, and with care­ful diligence safely conducted, transported and conveyed to the Province of Normandy, and by them left this third day of Febru­ary, according to the English Computation in the year of Christ 1584.

Which said Bolles and Hall have in Our presence, paid the Matthew S [...]u [...]t. Master of the Call'd the Mary Ma [...]tin of C [...]lch [...]ster. Bark which Transported us, for the whole Fraught and Victuals in the Ship, for the time of our remaining aboard: And generally so well us'd us in all respects, that we can­not but acknowledge our selves much beholden to them, and fully satisfied in having been committed to the charge of so courteous Officers, sith the case standeth so with us, that we are banished our Country, contrary to our desires, wherein we take no little grief of minde.

  • The first Jesuite that came into England; he was son to the Epi­g [...]ammatist.
    Jasper Heiwood
  • Disputed with Dr. Jo. Rainolds.
    John Hart
  • William Tedder
  • Arthur Pits
  • Richard Slake
  • Richard Norris
  • Return'd into England, call'd Bi­shop of Calcedon, and wrote.
    William Bishop
  • A Jesuit, return'd into England, and wrote some Books.
    Thomas Stephanson
  • Christopher Tomson
  • John Barnes
  • Continued Sanders de Schismate, ungrateful to the Queen.
    Edward Rishton
  • James Bosgrave
  • Samuel Coniers
  • Return'd into England, wrote for the Oath of Allegiance.
    William Warming­ton
  • William Hartlie
  • Return'd, and executed at Mile­end Green. 1588.
    William Dean
  • Return'd, executed at Lancaster, 1560.
    Robert Nutter
  • Return'd, wrote in behalf of the Secular-Priests.
    John Colleton
  • Return'd, wrote several Books, was the chief man in putting out the Doway Notes on the Old Test.
    Thomas Worthing­ton
  • William Smith
  • Henry Orton Gentle­man

The next year also, the Queen sent over XXXII more Priests and Jesuits; and with what civility and kinde usage they were Transported, I shall refer you to Chron. fol. [...]10. col. 1. Stow or Howes for their own Certificate.

But to proceed: we might shew at large, even by the Confes­sion of Romanists themselves, that the Queen did nothing against the said Romanists, but even what she was necessitated to do, for [Page 421] the preservation of her self and Kingdom: of which two or three instances will not be amiss.

William Watson, a zealous Roman Priest, and one who after­wards suffer'd for Treason, confesseth how the Quodlibets pag. 265. Pope plotted her destruction, and that (as he hinteth) by the Instig [...]on of some English; before which—Her Majestie used us kindely for the space of the first ten years of her Highness Raign▪ the State of the Catholicks in England that while was tolerable, and after a sort in some good quiet. Such as for their conscience were imprisoned or in durance, were very mercifully dealt withal (the state and change of things then considered) some being appointed to remain with such their friends as they themselves made choice of; others were placed with Bishops, and others with Deans; and had their Dyets at their Tables, with such convenient Walks and Lodgings, as did well content them. They that were in ordinary Prisons, had all such liberty and commodities, as the place and their Estate could afford them. Yea even thus much, and more, doth Parsons confess in his Philopater: as also Father Creswell in his Scribe to the like ef­fect.Id. pag. 266. How great quiet the State and Court was in for twelve years space! no talk of Treasons or Conspiracies, no Jealousies nor Suspicions, no Envie nor Supplications, no fear of Murtherings nor Massacrings, no question of Conscience nor Religi­gion; all lived in quiet content, and right good fellowship was a­mongst them, &c. and then he confesseth, that the Jesuits were the cause of the Laws against them, Agnus Dei, Medals, Holy­grains, &c. He goeth on thus—Pag. 267. 268. I held directly—that both her Majesties Laws and Proceedings against all sorts of Catholicks have been milde and merciful; the opinion and judge­ment of her Highness in Religion one way, and their foresaid pra­ctices against her another way, duly consider'd.

The same Romanist having almost above measure commended the Queens Id. pag. 274, 276. Wisdom and Government, seems to wonder why the Priests should be molested: and though he saith their Afflictions have been extraordinary, yet he also acknowledgeth—so also hath the cause thereof been extraordinary; and so far beyond the accustomed occasions of persecution given to any Prince in Christendom, or Monarchie that is, or ever was in the world to this hour (unless the PURITANS of Scotland, which P. 277. may in some sort equal the offence here to be set down) as rather it is to be wondred at (all things duly considered) that any one Catho­lick is left on life in England, then that our persecution hath been so great.

For name one Nation (I know none can) under Heaven, where the Subject (especially if they were Catholicks) ever sought the death of their Soveraign, (though of a different Religion from them:) The conquest of their Native Land; the subversion of the State; the depopulation of the Weal publick; the alteration and change of all Laws, Customs and Orders; and in few, the utter Devastation, Desolation, and Destruction of all the Ancient Inha­bitants of their Land, in so unnatural, unchristian, uncatholick a manner, as the Spanish Faction have sought it in our own flesh and bloud against this Realm, &c.—Id. pag. 278. which seeing her Princely heart hath forborn, as no Soveraign on Earth would ever have suffer'd the like to have past unpunished as she hath; I must conclude and end as we began, THAT HER LAWS [Page 422] AND PROCEEDINGS HAVE BEEN BOTH MILDE AND MERCIFUL.—And at Id. pag. 303, 3 [...]4. last doth confess that she was even bound to do as she did, such was their Treasonable Practices and Opinions for deposing of Princes.

To him we might add Clark the Priest, who also suffer'd death with W [...]tson for Treason against King James: he Reply to a Lybel, fol. 43. [...] confessing and declaring that the Queens Laws and Go­vernment were not to be defamed, traduced, and cryed out a­gainst so much for tyranny, seeing their Treasonable Actions were the occasion of them. And to them we might add Fa­ther Concert. Ec­ciel. Angl. pa [...] 2. fol. 39. b. Parsons himself, when he writes his minde freely to his friend.

But leaving these single Testimonies, take these following, con­firm'd and subscrib'd by above a Jury of true Sons of the Papal Religion.—The Prote­station it self you may see at large in Ro­ger Widd [...]ing­tons Theologi­cal Dispute concerning the Oath of Allegiance, part 2. Sect. 1. pag 346, 347, 348, 349. Having first thank'd the Queen for her Cle­mencie, and testified that she desired nothing of them but a true Profession of their Allegiance.—

We whose names are under-written, in most humble wise prostrate at her Majesties feet, do acknowledge our selves infinitely bound unto her Maje­sty therefore.—Whereas for these many years past di­vers conspiracies against her Majesties Person and Estate, and sundry forcible attempts for invading and conquering her Domi­nions have been made under we know not what pretences and in­tentments of restoring Catholick Religion with the Sword [a course most strange in this world, and undertaken peculiarly and solely against her Majestie and her Kingdoms, among other Princes departed from the Religion and Obedience of the See Aposto­lick, no less then she] by reason of which violent Enterprises, her Majesty otherwise of singular Clemencie toward her Suctjects, hath been greatly moved to ordain and execute severer Laws a­gainst Catholicks [which by reason of their Ʋnion with the See Apostolick in Faith and Religion, were easily supposed to favour these Conspiracies and Invasions] then perhaps had ever been En­acted or thought upon, if such Hostility and Wars had never been undertaken.

  • William Bishop
    All Sec [...]lar-Priests.
  • John Colleton
  • Concern'd in the Quarrels at Wi [...]bich, wrote in behalf of the Priests.
    John Mush
  • Robert Charnock
  • John Bossevile
  • Antony Hebborne
  • Such an one preach'd and dy­ed by the fall of the Chamber at Blackfrie [...]s, 1623.
    Robert Drury
  • Wrote against Mr. Mason.
    Antony Champney
  • I finde two Brothers of that name at the latter end of King James his Raign.
    John Jackson
  • Francis Barneby
  • Oswald Needham
  • Translated Theodorets History in­to English.
    Roger Cadwalla­der
  • Robert Button

In short, we have it from good Cambden, Eliz. anno 1581. Authority, that the Queen used to complain with grief, that she was driven by necessity to prosecute such Laws, for the preservation of her self and Subjects. And an honest Roger Wid­drington's Confutation es the intem­perate Reply of Tho. Fitz-Herbert, Pre­face, pag. 66. § 81. Benedictan Monk doth assure us, that the Queen designed a mitigation, upon security of their Allegiance, but that this toleration was both talk'd and writ­ten against at Rome, as very disadvantagious to the Papal Cause.

If they thus oppose her Favours, 'tis not her fault: If they be angry with her for banishing the Priests, she did no more then France and Venice once did with the Jesuits: If she did amiss in taking their lives away, yet was she not so cru­el as the Spanish Inquisition, or the French Massacre; nor so fiery as her Sister Mary: If she be blameable, why should the others be commended? Her Prudence may be shown by her prosperous Reign; Her Courage, by overcoming all difficulties and assaults; Her Clemencie, by her often pardoning her Ene­mies; Her good Government, by the Love and Honour her Subjects bare her, and the esteem which England yet hath for her. And as she was beloved at home, so was she indear'd and fear'd abroad; and as she was bless'd and happy in all her undertakings here, so let her not be vilified and bespattered now she is gone to another world honour'd with many years and triumphs.

CHAP. III. The Pope undertook to depose Queen Elizabeth, which occa­sioned some troubles in England, to the ruine of the under­takers.

QUeen Mary being dead, her Sister Elizabeth succeeded in the Throne, though White Bishop of Winchester, and Wat­son Bishop of Lincoln, were very forward and eager to have her Excommunicated; which they would have under­taken to perform, but that others more wary advised them against such rashness.

For some years of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, we hear of no great troubles, the Papists themselves privately within their own Houses exercising their own Religion quietly enough without any di­sturbance, and others of them without any scruple [but deeply herein charged by De Schism, lib. 3 pag 342, 343. Sanders for their dissimulation] going to the Reformed Churches, there to hear and enjoy Divine-Service. Nor could they perceive any thing in the English-Liturgy, that might any way offend a wisemans conscience, it being judiciously composed of Godly Prayers, waving all Disputes, and the nicer Points of Controversie. And in this peaceable condition they might have long continued, if Father Parsons, and some such Zealots, had not baul'd against such a security, and got a beyond-Sea Order against their joyning with the Reformed, in any of their Pious Devotions.

No sooner is Elizabeth acknowledged Queen, but we are Peter Hey­li [...]' [...] Ecclesia Resta [...]ata, pag. 102, 103. told that she sent to the English Agent at Rome, viz. Sir Edward Karn (sent thither by Queen Mary) to acquaint the Pope, Paul IV, of her Sisters death, of her own Succession, desiring that all good Offices might be reciprocally exchanged between them. But the Pope Answer'd that the Kingdom of England was held in Fee of the Apostolick See; that she being Illegitimate, could not suc­ceed, and therefore it was great boldness to assume the Name and Government of it without him. Yet if she will renounce her Title, and refer her self wholly to him, he would do what would stand with the honour of the Apostolick See.

As for the Queen, she never troubled her thoughts to satisfie his Holiness in his demands; and for Sir Edward Karn, he dyed some (c) years afterwards at Rome, being the last Ambassador d 1561. that went from the English Crown to the Pope.

This angry Pope dying, another succeeded of a milder tem­per, who, though he was earnestly prest to thunder out his Bulls against the Queen, yet, now knowing that Princes were too wise [Page 425] to deliver up their Kingdoms at the noise of such Paper-claps, he goeth another way to work. He sends Vincentio Parpalia, Ab­bot of St. Saviors, with a civil pen'd Letter for the Queen: His year 1560 Instructions are said to be, That if she would joyn her self to the Romish Church, and acknowledge the Primacie of that Chair, that he would disanul the sentence against her Mothers Marriage as unjust, confirm the English Common-prayer-book by his Autho­rity, and grant the use of the Sacraments under both kindes to the English. Add farther, that several thousand Crowns were pro­mis'd to those who would procure her complyance. But this Parpalia went no farther then Bruxels, being not suffer'd to en­ter England.

Yet the said Pope would not desist here, but resolveth to try again, and send another Nuncio, viz. Abbot Martinego; but he al­so year 1561 is deny'd, the Council suspecting he might make some troubles by his presence in England: the very noise of his coming having already fob'd up some indiscreet Romanists to vent themselves more boldly then formerly, to spread abroad false News of the Queens conversion, some by Astrology, and other ways to consult the length of her Reign and Life; and the Popes Nuncio then in Ireland, did not onely joyn himself with the Rebels against her, but also by his pretended Authority deprived her of all Right and Title to that Kingdom.

That which they call the General Council of Trent now sitting, Sanders de Sch [...]m. l. 3. pag. 360. the Queen is desired to send some thither: but this she thought would be to little purpose, seeing the designe of that Conventi­on (as the Emperour and the French King Hist. Coun­cil of Trent, pag. 279, 318. call'd it) was more of Interest then real honesty: Besides, it had now continued a­bout XV years, and so improbable to alter any thing upon her desire. Nor was the Council it self free, as appears by the seve­ral Id. pag. 167, 168, 507, 508, 530, 551, 566, 569, 635, 644, 659, 661, 683. complaints put in there against such forcible abuses; some things, as the Id. pag 589. Institution of Bishops, not being permitted to be discussed, the Pope fearing to be the looser: Nor was the Id. pag. 660. Se­cretary just in taking and setting down the suffrages; whereby he turn'd the Votes as he pleas'd. Nor would they allow any thing to be concluded on, but as they received Id. pag. 497, 703. Instructions from the Pope; which occasioned the Proverb, That the Holy Ghost was sent from Rome to Trent in a Cloak bag.

Besides, Ambrose Goligna, a Dominican, publickly Id. pag. 374. preach'd against the Protestants, affirming that Faith and safe-conduct is not to be kept with them. And when some of the Reformed Divines went thither, the Id. pag. 374, 375. Legat brake off the Debates, not l [...]tting the Council proceed; and suspended the Council for two years, pre­tending fear of Wars: against which action the Spanish Bishops Id. pag. 366. 367. protested. And when the Legats party fears to be out-voted, then do they send to the Pope to make more Bishops, and con­vey them to Id. pag 254, 255, 256, 257. Trent: which Legats undertook not onely to direct, but command the whole Council; which spoil'd its Free­dom.

To these may be added the tricks used to carry on their de­signes, and prevent a baffle, either by new making of Bishops, the better to out-vote, or suspending of all from acting or voting; or by removing them to other places, so to divide the Council; as when they were adjourn'd to Id. pag 267, 268, 269, 277, 278, 279, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 300, 301, 302, &c. Bologna, whither those that depended on the Pope went, the rest refusing, staid still [Page 426] at Trent, not submitting to this removal or division.

And little might here be expected but partiality, seeing the Italians were almost three to one of the number there; all the Subscribers amounting to no more then 255, of which 187 were I­talians; so that bating the interested Italians, there remains but a poor Catalogue of Bishops, in respect of the great number that are in the Christian World; yet must this be look'd upon as one of the most famous General Councils in the whole World: yet the Romanists cannot agree about its Jurisdiction or Authority; for though the Id. pag. 661, 719 French hold the Council to be above the Pope, yet his Holiness looks upon himself as no wise Pag. 818. bound to ob­serve the Canons of Trent

In short, should the English Clergy have appear'd in this Coun­cil, they must either have been there as Free-men, frankly to Di­spute and Debate as others did: But thus they could not, having been before condemn'd as Hereticks by Julius III. And at Trent here they were so Zealous, as to Excommunicate the Archbishop and Elector of Id. pag. 165, 189, 259, 260. Colen for Heresie, before they had deter­min'd what was Heresie. If they could not appear as Free-men, then they must under the capacity of Offenders, as it were to re­ceive sentence of condemnation: but to this they thought they had no reason to submit themselvs; and we need not doubt how things would have gone with them. For we finde those of Trent so busie and zealous, that they were going to throw their Sanders de Schism. lib. 3. pag. 3 [...]1. Cen­sures against the Q [...]een, but that the Emperour Ferdinand I. used his Interest to d [...]sswade them from it, thinking by this to ingratiate himself wi [...]h her, hoping to marry his Son to her. But no more of this, seeing that the Learned Bishop Jewel wrote an Apologie for our English Bish [...]ps not going to that Council; which may be seen at the latter end of Father Paul's Hi­story.

But leaving these Disputes, and passing by the designe of Ar­thur Pool, Antony Fortiscue, and some others, who contrived to joyn themselves with the Duke of Guise, so from France to land year 1562 an Army in Wales, to Proclaim the Queen of Scots, and make her Queen of England; we shall proceed, and finde the Pope him­self to be the greatest Stickler in the troubles against Eli­zibeth.

Pope Pius the Fifth being strongly bent not onely to get Queen Elizabeth deposed, but to have her —De me­dio t [...]e [...]e c [...]gitaba. [...] An [...] Gabu­ti [...]s vita P [...] v [...] 3. o. Murder'd; and in this humour, he was pleas'd to throw his charity upon her by calling of her Ma [...]o [...]u [...]n omnium sentinam, flagitiorum servam, ib.—La sentina di tanti mali. Girol. Catena, vita de [...] Papa Pro V. pag. 113. filthy and base names.

Thus resolved, he procures one Roberto Rodolfo, a Rich Flo­rentine year 1568 Gentleman, to reside in England under the colour of Mer­chandise; and thus disguis'd, to stir up the people against the Queen. Then for more strength, he works under-hand with the French and Spaniard to assist in the action; nor was the Portugal left unsolicited, all promising fair. But the Spaniard was most vigorous, sending Chapine Vitelli, Marquess of Cetona, under the year 1569 Vizard of an idle Ambassie, but the truth was, to countenance the Rebellion, and command the Forces which the Duke of Alva was to send over on that designe from the Netherlands: for more [Page 427] surety of which, La Motte the Governour of Dunkirk had come privately in the habit of a common Saylor to sound the Ports.

In the mean time Rodolpho having his Pockets full of the Popes money, spread it abroad by his discretion, gaining thereby many Proselytes. They endeavour'd to make Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, Head of their Plot; promising him in Marriage Ma­ry the unfortunate Queen of Scots, now secured in England: And at last, they over-perswaded the good-meaning Duke to en­gage farther then was fitting for a Subject, being cheated there­to by some false friends. And into the same designe was drawn Thomas Percy, Earl of Northumberland; Charles Nevil, Earl of Westmerland, with several others of Quality; who at last per­ceiving the Queen to have discover'd their plot, submitted and beg'd pardon.

Nor was the Pope himself idle, but so zealous for this Rebel­lion, that he assured the Spaniards, if need be, he would go himself in person to assist them, and in that service engage all the goods of the Apostolick See, as Crosses, Chalices, and Girolamo Ca­tena vita del Papa Pio V. pag. 116. holy Vestments. And the better to encourage the English, and make them more ready for such Treason, he falls to the old trick, dapperly undertaking not onely to vilifie, but to deprive her of her Dominions, and absolve her Subjects of their Allegi­ance. Before which time, (as the famous —Frustra astu & per In­sidias Anglo­rum Reginam adortus esset. Thu. lib. 44. Thuanus tells us) he had craftily and treacherously, though in vain, conspired and at­tempted against her. Which accusation doth so offend the Pope, that those words are order'd by the Index Expurgatorius to be dasht out. The Bull it self take as followeth.

S. D. N. Pii Papae V. Sen­tentia Declaratoria contra Elizabetham praetensam Angliae Reginam, & ei ad­haerentes Haereticos. Quaetiam declarantur Abso­luti omnes Subditi à Jura­mento Fidelitatis, & quo­cun (que) alio debito; & de­inceps obedientes Anathe­mate illaqueantur.
Pius Episcopus servus servorum Dei, ad futuram rei Memo­riam.

REgnans in excelsis, cui data est omnis in Caelo & in ter­ra Potestas, unam sanctam Catho­licam & Apostolicam Ecclesiam, [Page 428] extra quam nulla est salus, uni soli in terris, videlicet, Aposto­lorum Principi Petro, Petri (que) Successori Romano Pontifici, in potestatis plenitudine tradidit gubernandam.

Hunc unum super omnes Gen­tes & omnia Regna Principem constituit, Qui Jer. 1. 10. Evellat, de­struat, dissipet, disperdat, plantet & aedificet; ut fidelem populum mutuae Charitatis nexu con­strictum, in unitate Spiritus contineat, salvum (que) & inco­lumem suo exhibeat Salva­tori.

Quo quidem munere obeun­do, Nos ad praedictae Ecclesiae Gubernacula Dei benignitate vo­cati, nullum laborem intermitti­mus, omni opere contendentes, ut ipsa unitas & Catholica Re­ligio (quam illius Auctor ad probandam suorum fidem & cor­rectionem nostram tantis procel­lis conflict are permisit) integra conservetur.

Sed impiorum numerus tan­tum potentia invaluit, ut nullus jam in Orbe locus sit relictus, quem illi pessimis doctrinis cor­rumpere non tentarint: Adni­tente inter caeteros, Flagitiorum Serva Elizabetha praetensa An­gliae Regina, ad quam veluti ad Asylum omnium infestissimis profugium invenerunt. Haec ea­dem Regina Regno occupato su­premi Ecclesiae Capitis locum in omni Anglia, ejus (que) praecipuam authoritatem at (que) jurisdictio­nem monstrose sibi usurpans, Regnum ipsum jam tum ad fi­dem Catholicam & bonam fru­gem reductum, rursus in mise­rum exitium revocavit.

Ʋsu nam (que) verae Religionis quam ab illius desertore Hen­rico VIII, olim eversam, clarae memoriae Maria Regina Legi­tima hujus sedis praesidio repe­raverat, potenti manu inhibito, secutis (que) & amplexis haeretico­rum erroribus Regium Confili­um ex Anglia Nobilitate con­fectum diremit, illud (que) obscuris hominibus Haereticis complevit, Catholicae fidei cultores oppres­sit, improbas Concionatores at (que) Impietatum administros repo­suit; Misse, Sacrificium, Preces, Jejunia, Ciborum Delectum, Caelibatum, Ritus (que) Catholicos abolevit: Libros manifestam Haeresim continentes toto Reg­no proponi, impia Mysteria & Instituta ad Calvini praescripta & observata, etiam à Subditis servari mandavit. Episcopos, Ecclesiarum Rectores & Sacer­dotes Catholicos suis Ecclesiis & Beneficiis ejicere, ac de ill is & aliis rebus Ecclesiasticis in Hae­reticos homines disponere, de (que) Ecclesiae causis decernere ausa, Praelatis, Clero & Populo ne Romanam Eccles. agnoscerent, neve ejus Praeceptis Sanctioni­bus (que) Canonicis obtemperarent, interdixit: Pleros (que) in nefari­as leges suas venire & Romani Pont. Authoritatem at (que) Obe­dientiam abjurare; se (que) solam in Temporalibus & Spirituali­bus Dominam agnoscere, jure­jurando coegit; Paeuas & sup­plicia in eos, qui dicto non essent audientes, imposuit, easdem (que) ab iis qui in unitate fidei & Praedicta Obedientia persevera­runt, exegit: Catholicos Anti­stites & Ecclesiarum Rectores in vincula conjecit; ubi multi diu­turno languore & tristitia con­fecti, extrenium vitae diem mi­serè finierunt.

Quae omnia cum apud omnes Nationes perspicua & notoria sint, & gnavissimo quampluri­morum Testimonio ita compro­bata, ut nullus omnino locus excusationis, defensionis aut ter­giversation is relinquatur: Nos multiplicantibus aliis at (que) ali is super alias impietatibus & faci­noribus & praeterea Fidelium persecutione, Religionis (que) affli­ctione impulsu & opera dictae Elizabethae quotidie magis in­gravescente; quoniam illius a­nimum it a obfirmatum at (que) in­duratum intelligimus, ut non modo pius Catholicorum Princi­pum de sanitate & conversione praeces monitiones (que) contempse­rit, sed ne bujus quidem sedis ad ipsam hac de causa Nuncios in Angliam trajicere permiserit, ad armae Justitiae contra eam de necessitate conversi, dolorem le­nire non possumus, quod adduca­mur in unam animadvertere, cujus Majores de Republica Chri­stiana tantopere meruere.

Illius ita (que) Authoritate suf­fuiti, qui nos in hoc supremo Justitiae Throno, licet tanto o­neri impares, voluit collocare, de Apostolica potestatis plenitu­dine Declaramus praedictam E­lizabetham Haereticam & Hae­reticorum Fautricem, ei (que) adhae­rentes in praedict is, Anathema­tis sententiam incurrisse, esse (que) a Christi Corporis unitate prae­eisos.

Quin etiam ipsam praetenso Regni praedicti jure, necnon om­ni & quocun (que) Dominio, Digni­tate, Privilegio (que) privatam.

Et etiam Proceres, Subditos & Populos dicti Regni, ac caeteros omnes qui illi quomodocun (que) ju­raverunt, a juramento hujus­modi, ac omni prorsus Dominii fidelitatis & obsequii debito, perpetuo absolutos; prout Nos illos praesentium Authoritate Absolvimus, & Privamus ean­dem Elizabetham praetenso jure Regni, aliis (que) omnibus supra dict is.

Praecipimus (que) & Interdicimus universis & singulis Proceribus, Subditis, Populi, & aliis prae­dict is, ne illi ejusve monitis, Mandatis & legibus audeant o­bedire, qui secus egerint, eos simili Anathematis sententia in­nodamus.

Quia vero difficile nimis esset, Praesentes quocun (que) illis opus erit perferre; Volumus, ut eorum Exempla, Notarii Publici manu, & Praelati Ecclesiastici, ejusve Curiae Sigillo obsignata, eandem illam prorsus fidem in judicio & extra illud ubi (que) Gentium faci­ant, quam ipsae praesentes face­rent, si essent exhibitae.

  • Cae. Glorierius.
  • H. Cumyn.
[Page 427]

The Sentence declaratory of our Holy Lord Pope Pius V. against Elizabeth the pretended Queen of Eng­land, and the Hereticks adhering to her: Wherein also all her Subjects are declared Absolved from the Oath of Allegiance, and whatever else due unto her; and those who hereafter o­bey her are hereby Ana­thematiz'd.

Pius Bishop, servant of the servants of God, for a future Memori­al of the matter.

HE who Raigneth in the Highest, to whom is gi­ven all power in Heaven and in Earth, hath committed one holy [Page 428] Catholick and Apostolick Church (out of which there is no Salvation) to one alone up­on Earth, namely to Peter the the chief of the Apostles, and to Peters Successor the Bishop of Rome, to be govern'd in fulness of power.

Him alone he made Prince over all People and all King­doms, with power (a) To pluck up, destroy, scatter, consume, plant and to build; that he may continue the Faithful, who are knit together with the bond of Charity, in the Unity of the Spirit, and present them safe and unblameable to their Saviour.

In discharge of which Fun­ction, we who are by the good­ness of God call'd to the Go­vernment of the foresaid Church, do spare no pains, labouring with all earnestness, that Unity and Catholick Religion (which the Author thereof hath, for the tryal of his Childrens Faith, and for our amendment, suffer'd to be punish'd with so great af­flictions) might be preserv'd whole and uncorrupt.

But the number of the ungod­ly have gotten such power, that there is no place left in the whole World, which they have not endeavour'd to corrupt with their most wicked Doctrines. A­mongst others, Elizabeth the Pretended Queen of England, and the servant of wickedness, hath assisted thereunto; in whom as in a Sanctuary the most pernicious of all have found a refuge. This very woman ha­ving seiz'd on the Kingdom, and monstrously usurping the place of Supreme Head of the Church of all England, and the chief Authority and jurisdiction thereof, hath again brought back the said Kingdom into mi­serable distraction, which was but even then newly reduced to the Catholick faith, and an hopeful condition.

For having by strong hand for­bid the Exercise of the true Re­ligion, which Mary a lawful Queen of famous Memory had by the assistance of this See re­stored, after it had been over­thrown by Henry VIII, a Re­volter from the Truth; She following and imbracing the er­rors of Hereticks, hath removed the Royal Council, consisting of the Nobility of England, and fill'd it with obscure Heretical fellows; hath supprest the em­bracers of the Catholick Faith; setled dishonest Preachers and wicked Ministers; abolish'd the Sacrifice of the Mass, Prayers, Fastings, choice of Meats, un­married life, and the Catholick Ceremonies; commanded all the Kingdom over, Books mani­festly Heretical to be read, and impious Mysteries and Instituti­ons, according to the Rules of Calvin, which she her self en­tertains and receiveth, to be like­wise observed by her Subjects. She hath presumed to throw Bi­shops, Parsons, and other Ca­tholick Priests out of their Chur­ches and Benefices, and to be­stow their and other Church-li­vings upon Hereticks, and to de­termine of Ecclesiastical matters; to forbid the Bishops, Clergy and People to acknowledge the Church of Rome, or to obey the Precepts or Canonical Sanctions thereof: Hath compell'd most of them to obey her wicked Laws, and to abjure the Autho­rity and Obedience of the Bi­shop of Rome; and by Oath to acknowledge her to be sole Go­verness, as well in Spiritual as Temporal Affairs. Hath impos'd penalties and punishments upon those who obey'd not the same; hath exacted them of those who persevered in the Unity of Faith and their foresaid Obedience; and hath cast the Catholick Prelates and Parsons into Prison, where, many of them being [Page 430] spent with long languishing and sorrow, miserably ended their lives.

All which things seeing they are manifest and notorious to all men, and by the clearest Testimony of very many so suf­ficiently proved, that there is no place at all left, either for excuse, defence or evasion: We seeing that impieties and wicked actions are multiplyed one upon another, and more­over that the Persecution of the Faithful, and Affliction for Religion, groweth every day heavyer and heavyer, through the instigation and means of the said Elizabeth: We therefore un­derstanding her minde to be so hardned and obdurate, that she hath not onely contemn'd the Godly requests and admoniti­ons of Catholick Princes, con­cerning her amendment and conversion, but also hath not so much as permitted the Abbot Par­palia [...] Martiningo, 1560, 1561. Nuncio's of this See to pass into England; are necessitated to betake our selves to the wea­pons of Justice against her, not being able to mitigate our sor­row, that we are drawn to take Punishment of one, to whose Ancestors all Christendom hath been so much beholden.

Being therefore supported by his Authority, who hath placed Us (though unable for so great a burthen) in the Supreme Throne of Justice; We do out of the fulness of our Apostoli­cal power declare the foresaid heretical Elizabeth, being the favourer of Hereticks, with all her adherents in the matters a­foresaid, to have incur'd the sentence of Anathema, and to be cut off from the unity of Christs body.

And we also declare her to be deprived of her pretended Title to the Kingdom aforesaid, and of all Dominion, Dignity and Priviledge whatsoever.

And also declare the Nobili­ty, Subjects and People of that Kingdom, and all others who have in any sort sworn unto her, to be for ever absolved from any such Oath, and from all manner of Duty of Dominion, Allegiance, and Obedience to her. As We also do by the Au­thority of these presents Absolve them, and Deprive the same E­lizabeth of her pretended Title to the Kingdom, and all other things abovesaid.

And We command and forbid all and every the Noblemen, Subjects, People, and others a­foresaid, that they presume not to obey her, or her Monitions, Mandats or Laws; and those who shall do otherwise then here commanded, we do involve them in the same sentence of Anathema.

And because it would be a mat­ter of too much difficulty to con­vey these presents to all places wheresoever it should be need­ful: Our will is, that the Copies thereof, under a publick Nota­ries hand, and seal'd with the Seal of an Ecclesiastical Prelate or of his Court, shall carry alto­gether the same credit with all people judicially and extrajudi­cially, as the The Origi­nal. presents should do, if they were exhibited or shew'd.

  • Cae. Glorierius.
  • H. Cumyn.

As I shall not trouble the Reader with the divers Readings and Words (though the sence be the same) which happens some times in several Copies and Editions of this Bull; neither shall I con­cern my self with the true Date of it, as how the fifth year of [Page 432] this mans Popedom cometh to be 1569, which rather falls out 1570, in which year some also Date it: but in what I have done, I follow the Lord Reports, part 5. Coke, Mr. Eliz. anno 1570. Cambden, De Scotorum fortitud lib. 4. cap. 1. p. 265. David Ca­merarius, Summa Constitu [...]o­nom. pag. 624, 625. Peter Matthaeus, De S [...]hismate Anglican [...], lib. 3. pag 368, 369, &c. Nicolas Sanders, with some others: Though all is not Gospel which drops from the last mans pen, his tongue being no slander; yet out of his inventions will Spondanus and suchlike Forreigners spoil their Church-stories of England.

Mr. Cambden saith, that the Pope did secretly Anathematize the Queen in 1569, but did not publish it till the year after. But l [...]t it be as it will, the Learned Juel, Bishop of Salisbury, writ a Tract (a little after Printed) against it, as coming into England, and to his hands 1569. And they themselves confess, that this year, the Pope sent Dr. Nicolas Morton, a Priest, from Rome into England, to —Anno D [...]mini 1569. R. D. Nic. Mo [...]ton S. T D.—In Angliam misit ut ce [...]t [...]s i [...]lust. ibus & Catholicis vit is, Authoritate Apostolica, Denunciaret, Elizabetham, quae tune retum poti [...]batur, H [...] e [...]cam esle; ob eam (que) causam omni Dominio & potestate, quam in Catholicos usurpabat, jure ipso exci­di [...]le, i [...]puneq, [...]b illis velut Ethnicam & Publicanam haberi posse, nec cos illius legibus aut Mandatis deinceps ob [...]ire cogi. Nic. Sanders de visibili Monarch. lib. 7. pag. 730. § 2036, 2037. declare in his name that the Queen was an He­retick, and so had no right to rule; and that she ought to be looked upon no otherwise then an Infidel Pagan, nor in any thing to be obey'd.

Accordingly Morton gets into England, shews the Papal Curse or Censure, Argument enough to authorize a Rebellion: the de­signe is laid every where; many are prepared and in a readiness, the Plot being thought glorious and Illorum No­bilium lau­danda Consi­lia. Sanders ib. praise-worthy: but the main let it seemeth was, that the Queens deprivation by the Bull was not spread carefully enough about, to let all Romanists know of it. But in the North remain'd the greatest resolution. Upon which, the Queen especially suspecting the Earls of Northumberland and Westmerland, sent to them to appear before her; but they jea­lous of their own guilt, in this neither obey her, nor her Lord-Lieu­tenant of the North, Thomas Radclyffe, Earl of Sussex, Resident at York.

So being pusht on by their followers, hoping not to want friends and partakers in England, to have some help from Scotland, and that Succors would not be wanting them from Alva in the Nether­lands in behalf of Spain, which were appointed to land at Hartil­pool in the Bishoprick of Durham; the great contriver and carrier on of all these designes, being Pius V, as Bishop Answer to Sir Anthony Weldons Court of King James, p. 55. a M S. Goodman him­self doth confess. Thus incourag'd, they flee to Arms, tear and trample under feet the English Bibles and Common prayer-Books, command all people to joyn with them, by Proclamation de­claring now this, now that; in some of their Colours being paint­ed the five wounds of Christ, in others the Chalice: at last they get to Clifford-Moor, not far from Wetherby in the West-Riding of Yorkshire, where they Muster, and found their strength to consist of betwixt four and five thousand.

Sussex and others making head against You may see some of their names in the Act 13 E­liz. cap. 1 [...]. them, they retreat Northwards; and at last perceiving their weakness, divide, flee, every man shifting for himself. The two Earls get into Scotland; [Page 433] thence Westmerland slips into the Netherlands, and lived at Lo­vaine, very poorly, under the Spanish Pension. But Northumber­land was delivered up to the English, and beheaded at York 1572, and was look'd upon by the Romanists as a glorious and holy Concertat. Eccles. Cathol. in Anglia, part 2. fol. 46, 49. Sand. de Schism. Angl. l. 3. p. 363. de visib. Mo­narch. pag. 732 Martyr, and the drops of his bloud as Sanctified Relicks. And in many other places of the North several were executed (the bet­ter to terrifie Posterity) who also are reckon'd as renowned Mar­tyrs. But here passing by the Insurrections of the Dacres's, as coming to no great head, I shall return to the foresaid Papal Bull.

This Bull being Printed at Rome, was by some Ita divinitus comparatum est. Sand. de visib. Mon. pag. 374. Heavenly means (for so they word it) convey'd into the hands of one John Felton, who (that the good Romanists might have cognizance of such their Rebelling Priviledges) boldly sticks it up, on the Bishop of Londons Palace-gates in Pauls Church-yard [May 25. 1570.] and so stout he was, that he scorn'd to withdraw himself, or flee for his own security; upon which he is seiz'd on, clapt up in the Tower; confesseth what he had done, and vindicates the fact; be­ing so far from acknowledging the Queen to be his Prince or Sove­raign that he only called her the Pretended Queen, affirming he had done her no wrong, she, forsooth, having nothing to do in the Throne, being justly deprived by the Pope. For which he is con­demn'd, and suffer'd as a Traytor in the said Church-yard (Au­gust 8) And though he thus denyed his Allegiance and obedience, renounced his Soveraign and her Authority, and by this action, as much as in him lay, deprived her of Title, Rights and Dominions; yet we shall finde no man more commended by the Romanists for this deed, then this Felton.

If the Learned Lib. 44. In­genti five au­dacia five ti­meritate. Thuanus say, that it was a very bold or a rash action, the Index Expurgatorius will not have those words to stand, as if they derogated from the glory of the action; and so orders them to be blotted out of his History. Father Respons. ad Edict. Reginae § 352. Parsons will assure us, that he was a glorious Martyr; of which Title De visib. Mon. pag. 734. Concertat. Ec­cles. Cathol. in Anglia, part 2. fol 42. Sanders and others declare him abundantly worthy: And in this opinion, joyns with them, no less man then Anno 1570. § 4. Spondanus, Bishop of Pamiers, who shews his partiality, by his willingness to trust too much to lying Sanders,

But above all, well fare Hilarion de Coste, a zealous Fryar, as you may suppose; for he will have him to out-do all the Worthies and Heroes in the world; calls him——Ce Va­leureux Sol­dat & brave Champion de Jesus Christ, avec une force d'Esprit in­vincible, & l'Ardeur de la foy qui le poussoit, eut bien le cou­rage & l'as­seurance d'at­tacher en plein ville de Londres—Certainement cette action fut merveilleusement genereuse & Heroique.—Aussi l'Eglise d'Angleterre met son Martyre parmy les plus glorieux Trophees & au range de ses Victoires plus signalees, comme celuy par lequel ainsi que j'ay desie dit, elle semble avoir triumphé plus glo­rieusement de l'Heresie: avssi ce coup genereux sait par ce brave Gentilhomme Anglois est chanté & rechanté par tons les Escrivains qui ont traitté de Schism de la persecution d'Angleterre, lequels universellement le l [...]üent & extollent comme un acte courageux & comparable à ces miracles de valeur & ces Prouesses que fi [...]ent jadis un Mutius, un Horace, & one Clodiá vierge Romaine, qui mirent leur vie au hazard pour salut de la Pat [...]ie & de la Republique, & qui pour cela sont & sero [...]t eternellement renommez dans l'Histoire. Hil. de Coste Histoire Ca­tholique, l. 3 pag. 560. The valiant Souldier and brave Champion of Jesus Christ; commends his invincible cou­rage and zeal for the Faith, which was sowonderful, Noble and He­roick, that England doth place his Martyrdom amongst her most glo­rious Trophees, and most signal Victories, having thus bravely tri­umph'd over Heresie, whereby his fame is renoun'd in all Writers, who for his valour and courage do praise and equal him with Mutius, Horatius, and Clodis, who ventured their lives for the safety of their Country.

Thus much for the honour of Felton; yet when the same Pen cometh to tell us of Elizabeth, it will allow her no other commen­dation then —Cette impie & mau­dite Reine E­lizabeth, vraye Izabel de nostre temps. ib. The impious and wicked Queen, the true Jezabel of our Days. Thus our late Puritans or Presbyterians, and this man, seem to have the same School-master, who can commend an Oliver, and suchlike Rebels, but throw all the filth and slanders imagi­nable upon their Soveraign King Charles the Martyr.

Another remark there is concerning this Bull, the determinati­on whereof shall be left to the judgement of the Reader; and for his greater light, let him take this following Nar­rative.

One John Nichols born in Wales, thence went to Oxford, stay­ing one year in White-hall, since call'd Jesus Colledge, then re­moved to Brazennose Colledge, so to his own Country, where he taught a Gentlemans Children; is Ordain'd, turns Curate in Som­mersetshire; at last gets to London, whence he ships himself for Antwerp; goeth to Rheimes, and at length to Rome, where he is ad­mitted year 1579 into the English Colledge. Here he staid about a year, returns again into England, is seiz'd on at Islington, and sent to the year 1581 Tower of London, where he makes a publick Recantation, and in a little time publisheth these following Books, for no more are come to my knowledge.

His Pligrimage,
A declaration of his Recantation.
His Oration and Sermon made at Rome, with his Answer to an infamous Libel.

In one of his Declaration of the Recan­tation, K. VIII Books he hath these words:

About 1580. Midsomer [...] was twelvemonth, they renewed these Bulls of Excommunication, granted by this Pope Gregory XIII. Gregory, under the colour and name of Pius Quintus published. There were five hundred Copies printed at Rome, as two of you (my Brethren) can verifie the same; and how they were publish'd (as I heard at Rome) in the English Seminary at Rh [...]ims, and were put fast to Pillars in the City Those Bulls of Excommunication were scat­ter'd throughout all Italy, Spain, and part of Germany.

Then a little after he proceedeth thus—One of your Readers in Divinity-positive, I am certain before two hundred Scholars, and not so few, (as one of you may testifie the same) most impudent­ly and devilishly spake, that it was lawful for any man of Wor­ship in England, to give Authority to the vilest wretch that is, to seek the death of our Soveraign Queen.

But this Nichols stayeth not long in England, but slips again year 1582 beyond Seas, upon what account I know not, though I am not apt to think upon any designe of turning Mahumetan, as Sanders de Schism. lib. 3. pag. 415, 416. one would hint to us: however it was, being got as far as Rouen, he is seiz'd on, clapt up in prison, and like to pay for his old Tales he had vented against the Romanists. In this perplexity and re­straint, they tell us how he De Schism. pag. 415, 416, 4 [...]7, 418, 419, &c. Card. Allens Answ. to the English Ju­stice, p. 30, 31. recanted all he had formerly ut­ter'd against them, protesting that what he had formerly di­vulged, was either through vain-glory, envy, fear, or hopes of Reward.

That he did recant, we onely have from themselves; and I can trace him no farther then his imprisonment at Rouen: for what they did with him, or what became of him afterwards, I know not; this I am certain, that after they say he went out of Eng­land, that Dudley Fenner (an old Puritan) publish'd a Call'd An Answer to the Confutation of John Nichols his Recantion, London, 1583. In quarto. Book in his behalf: and it is as true, that Nichols himself doth several times protest and call God to witness, that he hath publish'd no­thing but truth; to which purpose, he himself did in print answer the objections and imputations laid against him by Father Parsons. But however it be, I think no great stress is to be laid upon it or him; and so shall not conclude that Gregory XIII renewed this Bull, but rather think that Nichols might mistake the reforcing of it for the Popes interpretation or qualification of it: Yet might not they forge and falsifie Nichols his Letters, as they did after­wards Anthony Tyrrel's Vid. Con­certat. Eccles. Angl. part 3. at the end. Recantion, and that in Print?

For so it was, that Pius V in the Bull Anathematizing all people whatever (without any distinction) that did any way obey the Queen, the English-Romanists look'd upon themselves as under that Curse and Censure, seeing they were forced to obey her, till they had strength enough to Oppose or Depose her. Upon this, Parsons and Campion, then at Rome, Petition Gregory XIII, (who succeeded Pius V) in the name of the English, to free the Romanists from that Curse by his Papal Authority, and a favou­rable interpretation: Which is granted thus:

Facultates Concessae P P. Ro­berto Parsonio & Edmun­do Campiano, Pro Anglia, die 14 Aprilis, 1580.

PEtatur à Summo Domino Nostro, Explicatio Bullae Declaratoriae per Pium Quin­tum contra Elizabetham & ei adhaerentes, quam Catholici cupi­unt intelligi hoc modo, ut obli­get semper illam & Haereticos, Catholicos vero nullo modo obli­get rebus sic stantibus, sed tum demum quando publica ejusdem Bullae executio fieri poterit. &c.

Has praedictas Gratias concessit Summus Pontifex Patri Rober­to Parsonio & Edmundo Cam­piano in Angliam profecturis, die 14 Aprilis, 1580. Presente Patre Oliverio Manarco assi­stente.

Faculties granted to the two Fathers, Robert Parsons and Edmund Campion, for England, the 14 day of A­pril, 1580.

LEt it be desired of our most holy Lord the Explication of the Bull Declaratory made by Pius the Fifth against Elizabeth, and such as do adhere to or o­bey her; which Bull the Roma­nists desire to be understood in this manner, viz, that the same Bull shall always oblige her and the Hereticks, but the Roma­nists it shall by no means binde as affairs now stand, but here­after when the publick executi­on of the said Bull may be had or made, &c.

The Pope granted these fore­said Graces to Father Robert Parsons and Edmund Campion, now to go for England, the 14 day of April, 1580. being present, the Father Oliverius Manarcus assistant.

And that the Bull it self was thus qualified, or better timed, as we commonly say, appears by the Testimony of Mr. John Hart (one of the most Learned of their Priests then in England) in these following words.

The Bull of Pius Quintus (for so much as it is against the Queen) Lord Burgh­ley's executi­on of Justice. is holden amongst the English Catholicks for a lawful Sentence, and a sufficient discharge of her Subjects Fidelity, and so remaineth in force; but in some points touching the Subjects, it is alter'd by the present Pope.

For where in that Bull, all her Subjects are commanded not to obey her; and she being Excommunicate and Deposed, all that do obey her, are likewise Innodate and Accursed; which point is peri­lous to the Catholicks. For if they obey her, they be in the Popes Curse; and if they disobey her, they are in the Queens danger.

Therefore the present Pope, to relieve them, hath alter'd that part of the Bull, and dispensed with them to obey and serve her without peril of Excommunication; which Dispensation is to endure but till it please the Pope otherwise to determine.

Thus the Romanists conclude themselves free and quit of the Papal Curse for their not Rebelling against their Soveraign; though this interpretation or qualification doth no way lessen their Treachery, seeing it was not so much their loyalty, as her strength and prosperity that secured her in her Throne; their O­bedience being onely a compulsion; the want of a sufficient force and opportunity being their onely let and hindrance, whilst their prayers, hearts, and resolutions were for her Deposition: such powerful and direful effects have such Papal Bulls over some mens souls and consciences, to the anulling of Oaths and Allegi­ance, and the distraction of Kingdoms. But enough, and it may be too much concerning this Bull.

CHAP. IV. William Parry his divers attempts and Treasons against the Queen.

NOt to trouble the Reader with every small attempt, I shall year 1583 pass by the mad fury of Mr. John Sommervil, of Elstow in Warwickshire, whose hot brain took such fire by their treasonable Doctrines, that he resolved to kill the Queen; but in this raging intent, was seiz'd on, carryed to prison, where he laid violent hands of himself. Nor shall I here trouble my self with Throcmor­tous tampering with Mendoza. year 1584

It seems all their spight laid at the Queen; and the better to procure her ruine, there was a little Book composed, and call'd A Treatise of Schism, which amongst other things exhorted the women at Court, to act the same against the Queen, as Judith had done with commendations against Holofernes. The Author of this pernicious Pamphlet, was one Gregory Martin, formerly of St. Johns Colledge in Oxford, and contemporary with Campion. The Duke of Norfolk made him Tutor to his eldest Son: and in­deed his Learning was noted, being a good Linguist, and one who had read much; but in his Writings was very passionate, and so sometimes inconsiderate: he dyed at Reimes, 1582.

In London now lived one William Carter, who had formerly been Amanuensis to Dr. Harpsfeld, and now the chief Printer for the Romanists, keeping two Presses at their devotion: he gets this Book, commended by Allen, and prints above a thousand; for which he is tryed, confesseth his printing it, vindicates all con­tain'd in it, is condemn'd and executed, and hath the honour to be Register'd amongst their Concertat. Eccles. Ca­thol. Angl. part 2. sol. 127, &c. Ru­ston de Schism. Angl. l. 3. Martyrs.

But let us go to a more setled contrived Treason, and this act­ed by William Parry (for so he call'd himself) a Doctor of Law, and a sworn servant to the Queen: Which take as I gather it out of his own confession, letters, tryal, and examination.

In the year 1580, having out-lived his incomes, he became much indebted to one Mr. Hugh Hare of the Temple, who suing him for his debt, so incensed Parry, that meditating a revenge, one night he went to Hares Chamber in the Temple, broke open the door, as­saulted him, and left him there for dead (though he afterwards reco­ver'd); for which offence he was committed to New-gate, indicted of Burglary, tryed, found guilty, and condemn'd to be hang'd; and so had suffer'd, if the Queen through her mercy had not pardon'd him, and given him his life.

But now let us see how he requites the Queens grace and favour. [Page 438] In 1582, he gets a License for travel, and so passeth beyond Seas: goeth to Paris, thence to Lyons, to Milan, and so to Ve­nice, where he fell acquainted with Benedicto Palmio, a great Je­suit, and one received into that Order in the Founders days. Parry to him opens his bosome, telling him that he had some de­sire to relieve the oppressed Romanists in England; which he would resolutely undertake, if the Pope and other learned Divines would warrant the lawfulness of the Action.

Old By him it was resolved, that he might lay violent han is upon her Majesty; and commend­ed in that resolution, and encouraged thereunto.—These are the words of W. C. that is, Clarke the Priest, in his Reply to a Libel of Fa. Parsons, fol. 60. b. Palmio assures him of the lawfulness of the Enterprise, commends his Zeal, and incourageth him in it. This done, he commends him to Campeggio the Popes Nuntio at Venice; by whose means he wrote to the Pope Gregory XIII, declaring to his Holiness his designe, and desiring of him a Pass-port, or Safe-con­duct to go to Rome, to confer with him about it. The Safe-con­duct is sent him, but not ample enough; and so desires one more full, which is promis'd.

In the mean time he falls acquainted with Christofero de Sala­zar, Secretary to the Spanish King in Venice, to whom he had al­so open'd somewhat of his intent. For the better carrying on of the journey and good will, he gets the said Secretary to com­mend him to the Duke di Nova Terra, Governour of Milan, and to Conde Olivaris, then Spanish Ambassador at Rome; which is promis'd.

Parry having staid at Venice some time, returns to Lyons, whi­ther was sent to him a sufficient Safe-conduct from Rome, assuring him that he might go and come in the —In verbo Pontificis per omnes juris­dictiones Ec­clesiasticas, abs (que) impedi­mento. word of a Pope, through all the Church-Dominions, without any let or hindrance. But this came too late, he being obliged to go to Paris, where he meets with On [...] that so­l [...]ted the Queen of Se [...]s [...]ffairs: of him see mo [...]e in a Book ca [...]l'd▪ The Estate of the English Fagu [...]ves, pag. 51, 52, 53, printed 1596 Thomas Morgan, who told him, that it was now expected that he should do some notable service to God and the Catholick Church. In short, Parry there undertook to kill the Queen, if it were warranted to him by some Learned Divines, and if his Holiness would grant him a full pardon.

Aniball à Codretto, a noted Jesuit then in Paris, and Provincial of Guienne, lovingly receives him, commends and confesseth him. Morgan recommends him to R [...]gazzoni, the Popes Nuncio then at Paris, who received him kindely, sent his Letters to the Pope, promised to remember him in his Prayers, and wished him good success. And the better to incourage him, Morgan assured him d Thomas Ka [...], à faithful f [...]nd to the Q [...]en of Sco [...]s, and so at this time forced to [...]ecu [...]e him­sel [...] in France. He was Fa­ther [...]o Rob. Car Earl of Somm [...]rset. 1583. that the Laird (b) Ferneburst then in Paris, should presently go into Scotland, and be ready upon the first news of the Queens fall, to enter England with 20 or 30000 men, in behalf of the Queen of Scots (then in England.)

Parry thus incouraged, leaves France, lands at Rye, so goeth to London: where he contrives, the better to get access to the Queen, and credit with her, to discover how he had been per­swaded to kill her; which he doth at White-Hall as cunningly as he can: the Queen gave him hearing, and began to put some confidence in him.

In the mean time the Mastership of St. Catherines falls void, which, thinking he had gain'd the Queens favour, he endeavours by Petition to get for himself. Whilst he was following this suit, Letters came to him from Rome, from Cardinal Como, wherein he found his enterprise commended and allowed: the Paper it self take as followeth.

Mon Signo [...]e,

LA Santita di N. S. ha veduto le lettere di Ʋ. S. del pri­mo, con la fede inclusa, & non può se non laudare la buona dis­positione & resolutione che scrive di tenere verso il servitiò & beneficio publico; nel che la Santita sua essorta di perseve­rare, con ferne riuscire li effetti che Ʋ. S. promette.

Et acchioche tanto maggior­mente Ʋ. S. sia ajutata da quel buon Spirito che l'ha mosso, le concede sua Beneditione, plena­ria Indulgenza, & Remissione di tutti li peccati, secondo che Ʋ. S. ha Chiesto: Assicurandosi che oltre il merito, che n' ha vera in cielo, vuole anco sua Santita constituirsi debitore a rico noscere li meriti di Ʋ. S. in ogni miglior modo che potra; & cio­tanto piu, quanto che Ʋ. S. usa maggior modestia in non preten­der niente.

Metta dunque ad effetto li suoi Santi & honorati pensieri, & attenda a star sano. Che per fine io me le offero di cuore, & le desidero ogni buono & felice successo.

Al piacerdi U. S. N. Cardinale di Como.
Sir,

HIs Holiness hath seen your Letter of the first, with the Certificate inclosed: And cannot but commend the good disposition and resolution which you write to hold towards the service and common good; wherein his Holiness doth ex­hort you to persevere, and to bring to effect that which you have promised.

And that you may be the more assisted by that good spi­rit which hath moved you thereunto; His Holiness grant­eth unto you his Blessing, Ple­nary Indulgence, and Remission of all your sins, according as you have desired: Assuring you, that besides the Merit which you shall receive for so doing in Heaven, His Holiness will farther make himself deb­tor to acknowledge your de­servings in the best manner that he can: And the more, because you use the greater modesty, in not pretending any thing or re­ward.

Put therefore to effect your Holy and Honourable pur­poses, and regard your health. And to conclude, I offer my self unto you heartily, and de­sire you all good and happy success.

At your service, N. Card. di Como.

What was the meaning of this Letter, Parry himself shall tell you; of which in his Confession thus:

In March last, while I was at Greenwich (as I remember) suing for S. Katherines, came Letters to me from Cardi­nal [Page 440] Como, dated at Rome the last of January before, whereby I found

The Enterprise commended and allowed, and my self absolved (in his Holiness name) of all my sins, and willed to go forward in the name of God.—It confirm'd my Resolution to KILL her, and made it clear in my Conscience, that it was LAWFƲL AND MERITORIOƲS.

Here we have him And Bishop G [...]odman in his answer to Sir Ant. Weldons Court of King James, saith that Car. Como incou­raged Parry to kill the Queen, pag. 85, 86. a Ma­nuscript. confirm'd in his wickedness; and it was no small addition to this, the denyal he had of St. Catherines Ma­stership.

In this passion he address'd himself to Mr. Edmund Nevil [who claimed the Inheritance of the Nevils, Earls of Westmerland, and the Title of Lord Latimer, as next Heir-male] which Nevil Parry offer'd to call cozen; in him he endeavours to foment a discontent; and having, as he thought, fully brought over, discourseth more openly with him. At last he opens to him a­bout killing the Queen, which he call'd—An Act honourable and meritorious to God and the world.—At several times they con­sult about it, either of killing of her in White-hall Garden, and so to escape by water, or by St. James's on horse-back. But at all this Nevil seem'd staggering.

Parry, to take away all doubts from him, lent him a It was call'd—A Defence of English Catholicks, against the Book call'd, The Execu [...]ion of Justice; which Book was made by the Lord Bur­leigh. Book made by Dr. Allen (afterwards for his Treasons made Cardinal) which had been sent him out of France. And now this Book wrought with Parry himself, you shall see by his own confession, thus:

It redoubled my former Conceits; every word in it was a warrant to a prepared minde: it taught that Kings may be Excommunicated, Deprived, and vi­olently handled: It proveth that all Wars Civil or Forregn undertaken for Religion is honourable.

Nevil also declares himself convinced of the lawfulness and braveness of the action: and so they both swear in Parry's lodging secrecie, and to kill her; of which thus Parry in his Confession.

He came to me the next morning to my lodging in London; offer'd to joyn with me; and took his Oath upon a Bible, [...]o conceal, and constantly to pursue the enterprise, for the advancement of Re­ligion; which I also did, and meant to perform: THE KILLING OF THE QƲEEN WAS THE MATTER.

The manner and place to be on Horse-back, with eight or ten Horses, when she should ride abroad about S. James, or some other like place.

All this while, Parry carryed himself pretty fair with the Queen, several times conferring with her, telling her of Cardinal Como's Letter: by which discoveries [though he did it onely the better to gain opportunity and credit] he obtained so much favour of the Queen, that she not onely thought him a trusty loyal Subject, but intended him a liberal Pension or Allowance.

Whilst he thus gets esteem with the Queen, and at the same time contrives her death, Nevil resolves to discover all; doth so, and is examined by Leycester, and Sir Christopher Hatton. The Queen wonders at the juggle and contrivance, but had it kept secret; and the better to finde out the Plot, Parry is sent for by the Sir Fran. Walsingbam. Secretary to his house; there to see (according as the Plot was laid) if he would any way confess this, who had shew'd himself so ready on his own head, to discover the Forraign designes against her Majesty.

The Secretary entertains him kindely, telling him, that the Queen had appointed him to deal with him in a matter that highly concerned her Majesty, knowing him to be one, who bare an extraordinary Devotion to her. Having thus begun, the Secre­tary told him, that the Queen had been advertiz'd, that there was some plot in hand against her own person; wherewith she thought, he could not but be made acquainted, considering the great trust that some of her greatest Enemies reposed in him. Of this she desired to understand his knowledge; and whether he himself might not some time have let slip some suspitious words, not with any real designe against her, but to discover the inten­tion of others.

Parry (strongly confiding in Nevil) earnestly denyed it again and again, with several protestations, that he was neither party nor privy to any such motion or enterprise. Walsingham dealt fairly with him, telling him that there was a Gentleman, and his friend, who would prove the contrary to his face. Yet Parry deny­eth all; though probably had he confest (and these were hints e­nough) and accused Nevil at this first asking, he might have saved himself: and in this his great cunning was overseen.

Parry thus obstinate in denyals, is not permitted to go home, but lodged that night at Mr. Secretaries house within London. This puts him in a peck of troubles, fills his head full of suspiti­ons; and having consulted with his pillow, the next morning he desired to speak with the Secretary: which granted, he confesseth, that now he had call'd to remembrance, that he once had speech with one Nevil concerning a point of Doctrine contain'd in one of Dr. Allens books, where it was maintain'd, that it was lawful to take away the life of a Prince, to benefit the Roman Religion: but protested that he talked nothing of the Queen.

That night he was examin'd at Leycester-house before seve­ral; but still he denyed all: whereupon Nevil was brought before him, who punctually justified every circumstance before his face; yet the other, as formerly, denyed all. However, he is sent to the Tower, where perceiving the exactness of the proof against him, he freely, and of his own head, confess'd all, and sent his humble Letter to the Queen, which take as followeth.

YOur Majesty may see by my voluntary confession, the dange­rous fruits of a discontented minde; and how constantly I [Page 442] pursued my first conceived purpose in Venice, for the relief of the afflicted Catholicks, continued it in Lyons, and resolved in Paris to put it in adventure, for the restitution of England to the ancient obedience of the Sea Apostolick.

You may see withal how it is commended, allowed, and war­ranted in Conscience, Divinity and Policie by the POPE, and some great Divines; though it be true or likely, that most of our English Divines (less practised in matters of this weight) do utterly mislike and condemn it.

The enterprise is prevented, and conspiracie discover'd, by an honourable Gentleman, my kinsman, and late familiar friend, Mr. Edmond Nevil, privy, and by solemn Oath (taken upon the Bi­ble) party to the matter; whereof I am hardly glad, but more sor­ry (in my very soul) that ever I conceived or intended it, how com­mendable or meritorious soever I thought it God thank him, and forgive me, who would not now (before God) attempt it (if I had liberty and opportunity to do it) to gain your Kingdom. I be­seech Christ that my death and example may as well satisfie your Majesty and the world, as it shall glad and content me.

The Queen of Scotland is your prisoner, let her be honourably in­treated, but yet surely guarded.

The French King is French, you know it well enough; you will finde him occupied, when he should do you good; he will not lose a Pilgri­mage to save you a Crown.

I have no more to say at this time, but that with my heart and soul I do now honour and love you, am inwardly sorry for mine offence, and ready to make you amends by my death and patience. Discharge me a Culpa, but not a Poena, good Lady.

And so fare well, most gracious, and the best natured and quali­fied Queen that ever lived in England.

W. Parry.

In short, Parry is Arraigned and Tryed at Westminster, where at first, he confesseth all, and that he had a designe to kill the Queen; but at last, falls into a rage, denyeth it, layeth his bloud upon the Queen and the Judges, and summons the Queen to an­swer for his bloud before God. However, he is condemn'd, and afterwards (b) executed in the Palace yard. a 2 March 1584/5.

And here it will not be amiss to tell what this flaunting and boasting Parry was, seeing his impudence pretended great kin­dred, worth, and no small favour abroad.

His Father was call'd Harry ap David, who kept an Ale-house in a little Village, Northop, not far from the River Dee in Flint­shire in North-Wales; his Mother was a Bastard, begot by one Con­way, the Priest of Haulkin, a poor Parish close by. Upon the death of his Father, his Elder Brother kept the Ale-house, and did so after our Parry was executed.

The Traytor now in hand was one of the younger Sons, and was call'd William ap Harry, (according to the custom of Wales). [Page 443] When young, he learned a little to write and read, went and served one John Fisher of Chester, who pretended to the Law; with him he continued some years, serving as his Clerk; in which time he learned the English Tongue, and at some spare hours went to the Grammar-School, where he got some skill in Latin.

About the year 1560, he ran away from his Master, got up to London, where for some time he lived after a shirking fashion, all his study being to fill his belly and cover his back: at last he found a good Master, and by degrees, with him and other Masters, he got some money in his purse. He scorns his old name ap Harry, but call'd himself Parry, pretending a kin to all of that name: and from his Mother, Daughter to one Conway a Priest, he pretends a kindred to the Family of Sir John Conway, and so allyed to the foresaid Edmund Nevil. Thus having voted himself a Gentle­man, he marryeth a rich Widow in South-Wales; she dyeth; he lives bravely, wastes all, and runs into debt: His chiefest care is for some time to avoid the Serjeants: at last he falls in with a rich Wi­dow, Mrs. Heywood, old enough to be his Mother; and her at last he marryeth, but lyeth with her Daughter; ruines the Estate, and runs far in debt to Mr. Hugh Hare of the Temple (aforesaid) whom in his Chamber he endeavour'd to assassinate, and is himself exe­cuted for Treason.

Of this ap Harry or Parry, several Couplets were made in those times; some of which for diversion take as followeth, where you may see his life and Qualities also Epitomized.

William Parry,
Was ap Harrie,
By his name;
From the Ale-house
To the Gallows
Grew his fame.
Gotten Westward
On a Bastard,
As is thought;
Wherefore one way
Kin to Conway
Hath he sought.
Like a Beast
With Incest
He begun;
Mother marryed,
Daughter carryed
him a Son.
Wales did bear him,
France did swear him
To the Pope:
Venice wrought him,
London brought him
To the Rope;
Wherewith strangled,
And then mangled
Being dead;
Poles supporters
Of his quarters
And his head.

And thus much for Parry and his Treasons; which stuck so close upon the Papal Reputation, that their Index Expurgatorius com­mands the whole story to be dasht out of Thuanus.

CHAP. V.

1. Babington, &c.'s Treasons against the Queen.

2. The Romanists endeavour to inve [...]gle the more ignorant People to them by their false and cheating Exor­cisms.

Sect. 1. Babington, &c.'s Treasons against the Queen.

THe former Treason was scarce ended, when another begun; which was briefly thus:

In the English Seminary at Rheimes in France, there were some who pin'd their faith so much upon the Popes sleeve, that they thought his Authority could do any thing; and that the Deposing Bull of Pius V against Queen Elizabeth was dictated by the Holy Ghost: thus wickedly perswaded, they Cambd. An­nals, an. 1586. thought it meritorious to take away her life; and to dye in the attempt, would be a glorious Martyrdom.

Amongst the rest, Dr. William Gifford, Rector of the Students there, and the finisher of the Book call'd Calvino-Turcismus (William Reinolds, of whom formerly, was its first Author.) He and one Gilbert Gifford, and one Hodgson Priests, so inculcated this treasonable Doctrine into one John Savage (said to be a Bastard) that he willingly and solemnly vowed to kill the Queen.

To make the day more sure, John Ballard, an English Priest of Rheimes, plyeth it about England and Scotland, to carry on the Cause, and to prepare his Disciples; then goeth into France to treat with Don Bernardin de Mendoza the Spanish Ambassa­dor there, and some others, about the invading of England. Ha­ving done his errand, he returns to England; to forward the de­signe, gets to London, where in a Souldiers habit, under the false name of Captain Foscue, he agitates his plots.

At London he opens the business to one Mr. Anthony Babing­ton of Dethick in Derbyshire, a young Gentleman, rich, well bred, and somewhat learned; he had a little before gone to France, (without License) and faln in acquaintance with the Archbishop of Glascow Ambassador for the Queen of Scots, and Thomas Morgan an English Fugitive, but a great stickler for her.

Babington is against an Invasion, as fearing it would not take effect as long as the Queen lived. Ballard tells him that that need not trouble him, because Savage had sworn to kill her. Babington likes the murther, but moves that five other resolute Gentlemen might be joyned to Savage. This agreed on, they carry on the designe for the Invasion. In the mean time Babing­ton giveth notice to the Queen of Scots of the designed Murther, and desires her that—The Heroical Actors in this business might be rewarded, or else their Posterities, if they perisht in the attempt; for so he worded it. And in this conspiracie, several Gentlemen of Quality were assistants.

Sir Francis Walsingham, that saithful and cunning Secretary, by his Spies discovers all, and informs the Queen: and in this, Gil­bert Gifford, Pri [...]st (who lurk'd in England under the name of Luson, to minde Savage of his Oath) was somewhat assistant to Walsingham, who had such a liberal hand to intelligence, that though he left himself poor, yet so trusty he was to his Sove­raign, that there was scarce a plot against her, but some of his Spies were intimate and Actors with the chiefest of them.

This Plot having run on for some time, the Queen thought it dangerous to go too far: so Ballard is apprehended. Babington jealous of a discovery, he with some of the Confederates hide themselves in St. Johns Wood near the City. Notice being given of their withdrawing, they are proclaimed Traytors; at last are found and seized on, and the rest of their Fellow-rebels. Four­teen of whom were September, 1586. executed in St. Giles's Fields, where they used to meet and consult about the Murther and In­vasion.

Sect 2. The Romanists indeavour to inveagle the more ignorant peo­ple to them by their false and cheating Exorcisms.

THe English Romanists about this time had great hopes of their deliverance from their Queen, by reason of the great helps and forces they expected from beyond Seas. And the bet­ter to strengthen their own party, and gain Proselytes in Eng­land, they fell a conjuring, and playing the fool with the Devil, perswading some simple people that they were possest; and then, forsooth, they must be Exorcised: and to carry on the designe, what abominable cheating and ridiculous tricks they used, may be seen by the See a Book call [...]d. A [...]e­clara [...]ion of E­gr [...] us Po­pish Impo­stutes in casting out of De­vils. The Au­thor of [...] was D Som. [...]a s [...]et, after Bishop o [...] Nor­w [...]h, and at last Arch­bish [...]p of York. Examinations of the parties themselves. And yet to this day, do we finde many fond people deluded by these Exorcising Stage-playes, by which cheats these Gypsies in Divi­nity gain to themselves the favour of good lodging and dyet, and the disposal and impoverishing sometimes of the Estates of their too credulous Patrons.

And to these Hobgoblin-Mountebanks, we may add such Mi­racle-Mongers, as the simple Irish Priest, who in 1663, pretended [Page 447] to do pretty feats in England; and in the latter end of July, the same year, was so confident as to appear at Oxford, where seve­ral Diseases crouded to him, all which he undertook to cure, with half a dozen words of false Latine; but to little purpose God­wot; yet had he the formality of a Scribe, to write down the names, places of abode, Trades, and Diseases of the Patients; which for ought that I know, may hereafter, (when the storie's forgot, and the parties dead) be publish'd as an excellent pre­servative against Heresie, and a confirmation of their Cause.

That in these sort of Exorcisms, there lurks also a Rebellious Devil, may appear by the Confession of one of their own Priests, Anthony Tyrrel, written with his own hand, and avouched upon his Oath 25 of June 1602; part of which take as fol­loweth.

In the year 1584, I and John Ballard Priest (since executed with Mr Babington and the rest) coming together from Rome through Burgundy, found there a great press of Souldiers, and were advertised, that they were to serve under the Duke of Guise. When we came to R [...]an, we heard then directlie, that the said Pre­parations were against England.

The same year (as I remember) Mr. Creighton, a Scotish Jesuit, was taken at the Sea, and after brought into England; who by the occasion of certain This Willi­am Creichton is the same who acted in Spain for the Invasion of Scotland; and at his return into Scotland, was taken by the Dutch: the Papers which he had, he tore and threw over-board, but the winde blew them back again into the Ship: Sir William Wade, with a great deal of pains laid them together again, whereby he found out the d [...]signe of the Pope, Spania [...]d, and the Guiset to invade England. Writings which he had, was driven to con­fess at large (as I have been informed) what the whole Plot was, and how far both the Pope and the King of Spain had ingaged themselves in it▪ Here of I doubt not but that sundrie Catholicks in England had sufficient notice from beyond the Seas, and especiallie Mr. Edmunds, alias Weston the Jesuit, who was then the chief, as Mr. He was afterwards executed as a Traytor in the Gun-powder-treason. Garnet (as I take it) is at this present, and therefore could not be ignorant of such important matters, wherein principal men of his own societie was ingaged.

Not long after my coming into England, in the year 1585, Mr. Martin Aray, a Priest, meeting me at the end of Cheapside, as I was turning to enter into Pauls Churchyard, took me by the hand, and whispering me in the ear, bad me‘Be of good cheer, for that all things went now very well forward: The King of Spain (quoth he) is now almost ready with his Forces to come into Eng­land, and we shall be sure to hear some good news thereof very shortly: Wherefore it standeth us now in hand, that be Priests, to further the Catholick Cause, as much as possibly in us lyeth— or to this effect. And this was the State of that time, nourished (as I well perceived) with great hope of some great alteration, by the means before express'd.

About the time of Mr. Arayes aforesaid Communication with me, Mr. Edmunds, alias Weston, had latelie (as it was reported) cast a Devil out of one Marwood: Whereupon he the said Mr. Aray, at the time before mentioned, did highlie commend unto me the Exorcisms of Fa. Edmunds, saying that he (the said Edmunds)—‘would make the Devils themselves now confess, that their Kingdom [Page 448] was neer at an end. Ʋpon the pretended dispossession of the said Marwood, sundry other Priests, moved thereunto (I am per­swaded) by the instigation of Mr. Edmunds, or for that they meant to shew their zeal in imitating of him, did take upon them to Exorcise, and cast Devils out of divers persons, viz. These, viz. Sara and [...]swr a Wil­liams, [...]rne Smith, [...]nd Richard Mai­ny confess'd all the P [...]sts legel. [...]e main with them. Sara and (a) Friswood Williams, William Trayford, (a) Anne Smith, (a) Richard Mainy, and Elizabeth Calthrop, whose Neck was found broken at the bottom of a pair of Stairs (as the brute went then amongst us)

When I saw this Course, I liked it well, and was my self an Actor in it; and did well perceive, that it was the matter whereat Mr. Aray had aim'd, when he told me, that—It stood us Priests in hand to further the Catholick Cause, as much as possibly we could—And indeed our proceedings therein, had for a time won­derful success. I cannot in my Conscience esteem the number fewer, that in the compass of half a year were by that means reconciled to the Church of Rome, then five hundred persons; some have said three or four thousand.

As touching the several manners of dispossessing the said Parties, and of their fits, trances and visions; divers discourses were pen­ned, amongst the which I my self did pen one. Mr. Edmunds likewise writ (I am perswaded) a quire of paper of Mr. This Mr. Ri­chard Mainy did under his own hand, [...]nd upon [...]th, confest at larg all their [...]g [...]ing and chea [...]ing tricks with him. Mainy's pretended Visions; for he thought, as it seemed, to have wrought some great matter by him, but was disappointed very ridiculously, &c.—We omitted not the Relicks and Bones of Mr. Campian, Mr. Sherwi [...], Mr. Brian, and Mr. Cottam, to have some lit­tle Testimony by implication from the Devil, to prove them holy Martyrs

We that were Priests, were thereby greatly magnified by Ca­tholicks, Schismaticks, and weak Protestants; the two former be­ing confirmed in the Roman Catholick faith; and the third sort thereunto reconciled, as hath been before mentioned. And that cannot be denyed, but that in the Course which we held with the said pretended Demoniacks, many occasions were given, and aptly taken, to scorn and deride the Orders and Service now established by her Majesties Laws in the Church of England.

Likewise I must confess, that the Course we held was so pleasing to such as saw it, or were informed of it by those that they trusted, as it proved very gainful unto us all that were Priests. We had, out of Question, procured unto our selves very great Favour, Credit and Reputation: So as it was no marvail, if some young Gentlemen as Mr. Babington, and the rest, were allured to those strange at­tempts which they took in hand, by Mr. Ballard, who was an A­gent amongst us. They saw, as they supposed, (for both Mr. Babing­ton, and divers of his Company were oftentimes at the Exorcisings) that we had a great commandment over Devils, which prevail'd greatly with them, as I think. It would have been a very strange thing (I am perswaded) that we could not have wrought men at that time to attempt: which was prudently foreseen by Father Ed­munds of purpose (as I am resolved in my conscience) to prepare the hearts and mindes of Catholicks by those practices, that when such forces as were intended should have come into England, they might have been more readily drawn by him, and us, to have joyned their forces with them. And this is that I can say concerning the [Page 449] occasions, or inducements, that such matters were taken in hand at the time articulated.

Now as touching the substance of the general Interrogatory it self, I have perused the several Examinations and Confessions of Sara Williams and Friswood her Sister, of Anne Smith, and of Richard Mainy Gentleman; and am fully perswaded, that they have deposed the truth, in such points whereof they were examined, belonging to their pretended Possession and Dispossession.

The effect whereof is, that they were drawn by our cunning car­riage of matters, to seem as though they had been possess'd, when as in truth they were not, neither were there any of the Priests ignorant, in my conscience, of their dissimulation; nor the parties them­selves (as now it appeareth) of our dissembled proceeding with them.

After I had been my self first at one of their Exorcisings, it was my chance to lye that night with Mr. Thomson, a Priest, and a great Actor in those matters, at his chamber by the Spittle; and falling into some conference about it, I used some such words, as though I doubted whether the party were actually and really possessed. For I my self being not acquainted with any plot devised by Fa. Edmunds, or any other, spake my minde somewhat more plainlie then I perceive Mr. Thomson well liked of.

His answer to me was in effect, that‘He being my friend, did earnestly wish me to cast forth no such speeches, what­soever I did think: For (quoth he) the matter is judged to be so by Father Edmunds, and some others that are Priests. Besides, such Catholicks as have been present at such fits, have re­ceived it for a truth, that the parties are possess'd. And al­though I for my part will not make it an Article of my Creed, yet I think that Godly credulity doth much good, for the farthering of the Catholick Cause, and for the de­facing of our common Enemies,’ and their proceedings: Or to this effect.

Not long after also talking with Mr. Stamp, at the Lord Vaux his house in Hackney, concerning these matters; and demanding of him seriously his opinion what he thought of them; his answer was,‘That they were things of such importance, as would farther the Catholick Cause, more then all the Books, that had been written of late years, about the controversies in Religion with the Protestants.—With which answer I seemed to rest con­tented, because I saw thereby he was not willing to enter into any plainer course with me.

For although both my self (as I said before) and so I think of the rest, did know that all was but counterfeit; yet for as much as we perceived, that thereby great credit did grow to the Catholick Cause, and great discredit to the Protestants, we held it lawful to do as we did, &c.—

Anth. Tyrrell.

Mr. Foot out of the snare. New shreds to the old snare. Hold fast. Gee will afford you more hints of their cheats and juglings; whither I refer the Reader: and the Pag. 64. F. Author of Father [Page 450] Paul [...] life, writes against such Stage-play-Exorcisms, or Puppy-Devils.

But to prosecute our History: the Queen was seldom without dishonourable attempts against her: Don Bernardin de Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador in England, and afterwards a busie blade for the Covenanters in France; here he disingeniously forgetting his place, falls a plotting against the Queen, and incourageth others to it; for which he was forbid the Kingdoms, and so sneak'd into France.

But we shall presently meet with another Ambassador more un­worthy then the former, and this is l'Aubespine the French Am­bassador, then lying in England; one wholly given up to the Guisian faction▪ Nothing will serve him but the murther of the Queen; to effect which, he t [...]mpers with one Mr. William Staf­ford, a Gentleman of good Relations. And at last, by his Secre­tary Trappie, deals more openly and plainly with him; promiseth him, not onely Riches, but great Honour, and special favour with the Pope, the Duke of Guise, and with all Catholicks what­ever.

Stafford refuseth so bloudy an enterprise; but tells him of one Moody then in Prison, as one desperate enough for any designe. Moody is talk'd with; gladly undertakes it, provided he might be freed out of Prison. They consult of the manner. Moody pro­poundeth Poyson, or a bag of Gun-powder laid under her bed, and secretly fired. But neither of these pleas'd Trappie, who better discover'd his meaning, by wishing that such another bold fellow might be found, as was that B [...]ltazer Ge­rard, who pistos [...]d William Prince of Orange in Delfe, anno 1584. 10 of July. Some say that he was instigated by some Jesuits to perpetrate this murther. However, Orange deserved better at Gerards hands, having shew'd him some friendship and favour. Gerard was taken, and suffer'd death, without any repentance or signe of grief for his fault. Burgundian, who had kill'd the Prince of Orange.

Mr. Stafford having consider'd with himself the heinousness of this Treason, goeth and reveals it to the Queens Council: whereupon Trappie is seiz'd on, just as he thought to have pass'd into France; and upon examination confesseth all.

Upon this the Council sends to speak with the Ambassador; he Jan. 12. 15 [...]. waits upon them; they tell him the reasons wherefore they se­cured his Secretary: l'Aubespine rants against the Council, and pleads the priviledge of his place: Stafford and Moody are brought in, confess the Treason, and positively accuse the Am­bassador as the Instigator. He on the other hand at first denyeth it, then pleads that had he known it, yet being an Ambassador, he ought not to discover it, unless it be to his own Master. After some discourse, Cecil Lord Burghley gravely admonish'd him, to beware how he committed Treason any more, or forgot the Duty of an Ambassador, and the Queens Clemencie; and that he was not ex­empted from the guilt of the offence, although he escaped the pu­nishment.

But let others dispute the Priviledge of Ambassadors: and so I leave him as I finde him.

CHAP. VI. The Spanish Invasion.

THe greatest Enemies the Queen had, were those whose births oblig'd them to obedience; but whether their Re­ligion, its interest, or some bad Principles of the Parties, prompted them to such Treasons, let others judge. 'Tis cer­tain the Jesuits, and other English Priests, were the occasion of the Queen of Scots her ruine; they still thrusting her on to so many inconveniences against the Queen and Kingdom, that Eli­zabeth was the sooner perswaded to consult her own safe­ty, by taking away that which sought her overthrow.

As for these people, when they saw no hope of restoring the Ro­man Religion, either by Mary of Scotland, nor her Son; they Camden, an­no 1586 began to finde out new Masters; and none more fit for them then the Spaniard, whom they vapour'd to be Heir to the English Crown. And concerning this, Vita Vin­cent Laurei Card. pag. 72. Ruggerius Tritonius, Abbot of Pinaro, in his life of Cardinal Vincentius Laurens, tells us an odd passage, viz. that Mary the Queen of Scots, the day before she suffer'd death, did under her own hand in the French Tongue declare, that her Son James should not Inherit England, if he remain'd a Protestant, but that the right of the Kingdom should be translated to Philip of Spain. And these Papers were sent to the said Cardinal Laureus, being by Sixtus V. made Protector of Scotland; who gave them to Conde Olivares, then Ambassador for the King of Spain at Rome, with order to send them to his Master Philip: and this did Robertus Titius publish [though with­out Tritonius the Authors knowledge, and then living] in Italy 1599. dedicating it to Cardinal Montalto.

And this is somewhat agreeable to one of the charges laid a­gainst her at her tryal, that she sent a Letter to Mendoza the Spa­nish Ambassador, wherein she promis'd to give her right of Eng­land to the King of Spain, if her Son James would not be of the Romish perswasion.

The first of these Stories History of Queen Mary & James VI, pag. 120. Mr. Sanderson looks upon as a meer trick and fable; and whether she was really so concern'd for her Sons Religion, as to use any means for his conversion to Popery, King James can tell best himself: and thus he saith,

Monitory Preface to the Apology, pag. 34. In all her Letters (whereof I received many) she ne­ver made mention of Religion, nor labour'd to perswade me in it; so at her last words, she commanded her Viz. Melvyn. Master-houshold, a Scotish Gentleman my servant, and yet a live; she commanded him (I say) [Page 452] to tell me, that although she was of another Religion then that wherein I was brought up, yet she would not press me to change, except my conscience forced me to it. For so that I led a good life, and were careful to do Justice, and govern well, she doubted not but that I would be in a good case with the Profession of my own Religion.

But whether she undertook to give away the Title of England from her Son, was no great matter, it being against all Law, Ju­stice and Reason, she having no power to dispose of the Inheri­tance of England: yet the Romanists, when all other endeavours fail'd, to rob King James of his Kingdoms and life, had the con­fidence about the year 1613. to Jesuitica per unitas Belgii pro­vincias Nego­tiatio. E 4. publish a book, affirming King James to be but a meer cheat or counterfeit, and a mock-King; denying him to be the Son of the aforesaid Queen Mary.

But laying aside such Forgeries; that the Spaniard hath had a designe not onely to rule these Islands, but to be the Univer­sal Monarch, hath been the opinion of many men: amongst o­thers, I finde Dessein per­peruel des E­spagnols a la Monarchie U­niverselle, P [...]inted 1624. in quarte. one hath made an Extract from their Original Papers, whither I shall refer the Reader. But whatever his for­mer attempts have been, of late he hath rather lost then gain'd. And though Naples, Flanders, Arragon, Catalonia, &c. might do him some injury, if they were in the possession of others; yet as they stand divided, and in a posture of defence, he can never grow rich by their Coyn. But to return home,

Where we happen in the year, which above an hundred years year 1588 before, the famous German Astronomer, Johannes Regiomontanus, had affirm'd would be most wonderful. The Prophesie it self Originally in the German Language, went about by Tradition; and Johannes Schoenerus repeated them to the noted Bohemian Mathematician Ephemeri­dum Novum, Ec. 10. Cyprianus Leovitius, who first publish'd them 1577; which because they have made a great noise in the world, [though I finde no great matter in them, seeing such general pre­dictions may serve almost for any year] take thus in the Ori­ginal.

Tausent funff hunder [...] achtsig acht,
Das ist das Jar das ich betracht;
Geht in dem die Welt nicht under,
So gschicht doch sunst gross merctlich wunder.
Often have I been troubled at the fate
Of the year fifteen hundred eightie eight;
And (if the world it self don't end) you'll see,
For its events, most wonderful 'twill be.

In this year I think France was the greatest sufferer, the Cove­nanters or Leaguers there by their Barracado's forcing the King Henry III out of Paris; and he to prevent his greater danger, cut off the Cardinal and Duke of Guise, which occasion'd so much war, and his own Murther. And besides these two, the third party in that Kingdom, viz. the Hugonots, received a great loss by the Death of the Prince of Conde, suppos'd by some to be poy­soned. England was in some fear, and at some charges by the noise of the Invincible Armada: but Spains loss was inestimable [Page 453] by its overthrow. The Lord Maitland Chancellor of Scotland, undertook in short thus to give us the year.

Poet. Scot. vol. 2. pag. 138.
Papa Dei, petit Orbis Iber, Dux Guisius Orci
Regna, annus mirus, si potientur, erit.

And Id. pag. 133. Andrew Melvyn hath a Copy of Verses somewhat to the same purpose. Upon this great Navy, Poet. Germ. vol. 6. p. 310. Simon Stenius, Poet. Gall. vol. 3. p. 655. Adeodatus, Seba, Beza, and several other Forreigners be­stow'd their Poetry, to the no small trouble of the Index Ex­purgatorius, which was forced to take the pains to casheer some of them.

For some years had this great Fleet been in preparing from seve­ral parts in the world: but the History of the preparations, fight and victory, I shall leave to other Writers, and follow mine own designe. Certain it is, the Spaniard scarce doubted of a Con­quest; which made one thus to despise the Queen.

Tu qui Romanos voluisti spernere leges,
Hispano disces subdere colla jugo.
Thou who the Pope doth scorn, his Laws revoke,
Shalt yeild thy neck unto the Spanish Yoak.

And in this hight of idle fancie, Mendoza the Spanish Ambas­sador at Paris, in the great Church of Nostre Dame, flourish'd his Rapier, crying out Victoria; but when the contrary News was known, the very waggish Pages in the Streets would beg some small Gifts or Preferments in England from his Lordship, as such little Villages as London, York, &c. Thus would they jeer the haugh­tiness of the Spaniard, who aim'd at the Government of the whole world; and it may be Alexander-like, not content with it nei­ther: to which purpose I remember this Distich.

Praeda licet non sit mundus satis ampla Philippo,
Ampla satis mundo praeda Philippus erit.

But though the Spaniard thought his Fleet and Forces invin­cible; yet to make all Cock-sure, he would have the Royal-Standard belonging to them to be blest and sanctified; and that with as great Ceremony and Devotion as heart could in­vent.

There was then in Portugal one Maria de la Visitation, Prioress of the Monastery De la Anunciada at Lisbone; She for some years Vid. Cyprian Valera at the end. had so cunningly carryed her self as a great Saint, pretending to be so well acquainted with Christ, that she used to call him Hus­band; had (St. Francis-like) his Wounds or Marks imprinted on her; undertook to Prophesie and do Miracles; insomuch as Pope, King, and Bishops, as well as other credulous Romanists, put no small trust and confidence in her Sanctity.

This is the good wench they pitch'd on, to bless the Royal Standard with Victory. It was carryed in Procession by Don Francisco de Cordova, the tallest blade amongst them; there be­ing present, the better to honour this grand Ceremony, Albert the Arch-duke, and then Cardinal and Governour of Portugal; [Page 454] the Papal Nuncio, the Archbishop Prime Inquisitor, the Duke of Medina Sidonia Commander of the great Fleet, with many No­bles, Prelates, Gentry and others; that such a concurse of people had scarce been seen.

Maria the gifted Nun, with many Ceremonies giveth it her grave and pretty blessing; presents it to the Conde Medina Sido­nia, pronouncing good success, with Victory to him and his Fleet, and that he should return a Conqueror. At this good and sure Token, we may suppose the people mad with joy; but the bad Event cool'd their courage; and, which was to them as great a wonder, the latter end of this same year, this their Holy Maria proved a meer Cheat and Imposture: yet in her predictions con­cerning the good endeavours of Pope Sixtus V, our Sed supra omnes alias praesumptio­nes laetas (que) hominum praesagiones de hac Pontifice, illud unum maxime omnium animis inhaeret a [...] spe quadam [...]erta replet suturorum bonotum, quod FOEMINA ILLA SANCTISSIMA Ʋ [...]siponensis, cujus hodie tam evidentia cernuntur evidentia miracula, ac per Universum mundum Testimoniis certissimis confi [...]mantur, multis diebus priu [...]quam moriretur, aut aegrotaret Gregorius XIII praedixit illius mortem revolatam fibi à Domino, alterius (que) successionem, in cujus Pontificatu, sua Divina Potestas constituisse dicebat magna quaedam facere ad s [...]um honorem Ecclesiae (que) utilitatem, &c. Crudelitatis Calvinianae Exempl [...] duo recen­tissima ex Anglia. Printed in octavo 1585. English-Romanists put no small confidence.

And the truth is, Sixtus V was as furious against Elizabeth as their hearts could wish, and very active in this Spanish Invasi­on; for the carrying on of which, he had not onely promised the assistance of his Ant. Cica­rella in vita Sexti V. Treasure, but his Papal Curse to boot, whereby he undertook to deprive the Queen of her Kingdoms and Dominions; Absolving her Subjects from their Allegiance, publishing his Crusaido, as against Turks and Infidels, whereby out of his kinde-heartedness to Rebellion, he gave Plenary Indul­gences and Pardon of all sins, to all who gave their helping hand.

With this goodly stuff William Allen, a little before made a Cardinal, is sent into the Netherlands, the better to encourage the English Romanists to Rebellion. Allen pulls out his Papal Tool, which he forgeth into a Pamphlet in the English Language, which he prints at Antwerp, calling it,

The Declaration of the Sentence of Sixtus Quintus.

And as a farther interpretation of the Papal intent, and the better to ingage the English to Rebellion, he joynes a second Part to it, call'd,

An Admonition to the Nobility and People of England.

And that the Reader may better understand the honesty of the Pa­per; take the sum of it thus:

  • IT begins with calling the Queens Government impious
    Em. Meteram. Hist. Belg. lib. 15 p. 473, 474. Sam. Purchas Pilgrimes, vol. 4. lib. 10. cap. 11. pag. 1895, 1896.
    and unjust; her self an Usurper, obstinate and impeni­tent, and so no good to be expected, unless she be de­prived.
  • Therefore Pope Sixtus V, moved by his own and his Predecessors zeal, and the vehement desire of some principal Englishmen, [Page 455] hath used great diligence with divers Princes, especially with the Spanish King, to use all his force, that she might be turn'd out of her Dominions, and her Adherents punished. And all this for good Reasons.
  • Because she is an Heretick, Schismatick; is Exommunicated by former Popes, is Contumacious, Disobedient to the Roman Bishop, and hath taken to her self the Ecclesiastical Jurisdi­on over the
    No such thing.
    souls of men.
  • Because she hath against all Law and Right usurped the King­dom; seeing none (forsooth) must be Monarchs of Eng­land, but by the leave and consent of the Pope.
  • Because she hath committed many Injuries, Extortions and other wrongs against her Subjects.
  • Because she hath stir'd up Seditions and Rebellions, between the Inhabitants of Neighbour-Countries.
  • Because she hath entertain'd
    What did the Pope and Spaniard do?
    Fugitives and Rebels of o­ther Nations.
  • Because she sent and procured the
    A slanderous untruth.
    Turk to invade Chri­stendom.
  • Because she persecuted the English Romanists, cut off the
    Though I wish it had not been done, as being an Enemy to bloudshed, yet the Romanists were the chief Promoters of her death, by continually thrust­ing her on to new designes against Queen Elizabeth. But whether is worse, Queen Elizabeth to put to death the Queen of Scots, no way ingaged to her; or the English Romanists to seek and endeavour the Murther of Queen Elizabeth, their own Soveraign, to whom they owed all Allegiance and Service? Nor is this so Bad as the poysoning of the Queen of Navar, and the Massacre at Paris, 1572.
    Queen of Scots, and abolished the Roman Religion.
  • Because she hath rejected and excluded the ancient Nobility, and promoted to honour obscure people, and also useth Ty­ranny.
  • Wherefore seeing these offences, some of them rendring her un­capable of the Kingdom, others unworthy to live: His Holy­ness by the power of God and the Apostles, Reneweth the Censures of Pius V and Gregory XIII against her; Excom­municates and deprives her of all Royal Dignity, Titles, Rights and Pretences to England and Ireland; declares her Illegitimate, and an Ʋsurper of the Kingdoms, and ab­solves all her Subjects from their Obedience and Oaths of Al­legiance due to her.
  • So he expresly commandeth all under pain and penaltie of Gods wrath, to yeild her no Obedience, Aid or Favour whatsoever; but to imploy all their power against her, and to joyn them­selves with the Spanish Forces, who will not hurt the Nation, nor alter their Laws or Priviledges, onely punish the wicked Hereticks.
  • Therefore by these presents We Declare, that it is not onely law­ful, but commendable to lay hands on the said Usurper, and other her adherents; and for so doing, they shall be well Re­warded.
  • And lastly, to all these Roman assistants, is liberally granted a Plenary Indulgence and remission of all their sins.

Here we have the sum of this Treasonable Libel, with which Allen thought to do great matters against his Queen and Coun­try; and these were prepared to be spread abroad the Kingdom [Page 456] upon the Spaniards landing; yet no sooner is the news known of their defeat, but Allen calls in the Impression, burning all he could lay his hands on; onely some few escaped his Fingers; both he and the Printer having before given some Copies to their Friends. The Romanists for the most part priz'd it dearly: though some more sober disliked it as too severe, yet some others (we need not Question) might be of the Jesuit Currey's opinion, viz. That—it was a work of tha [...] worth, as it would yet bite in time to Quodlibets, pag. 240. come.

This Invasion was very much assisted by the English Romanists (though not by all, for the Lord Montague and some others were against it.) In Flanders lay Charles Nevil Earl of Westmer­land, the Lord Pagit, Sir William Stanley, with about seven hundred more English, ingaged and ready to joyn with the Prince of Parma against their own Country.

What Company in England would have taken their parts, I know not. This is certain, that Philip Earl of Arundel, the unfor­tunate Eldest Son of Norfolk, was unhappily too much Priest rid­den, which procured his imprisonment and a tryal; the cause of all which might be laid to Allen, who had such a sway and power over the said Earl, that he could make him do any thing. And the Earl was over-perswaded to set his affection on the Spa­nish Fleet, rejoycing at its coming, praying heartily for its suc­cess, and grieved beyond measure at its overthrow. But he is not the first Nobleman who confided too much in bad counsel, and whose Zeal for Religion hurryed him on to inconve­niences.

As for Cardinal Allen, he was born in Lancashire of good Pa­rentage; was bred up at Oxford in Orial-Colledge, where he was Proctor; was preferr'd to a Canonship in York; in Queen Elizabeth's days quits England, becometh Pensioner to the Spa­niard, to carry on whose designes against his Queen and Coun­ty, he was very industrious; for which service Sixtus V. created him a Cardinal 1587. August 7, and he dyed at Rome 1594. October 16.

We have formerly shown his seditious and King deposing Principles, of which his foresaid Admonition will give a farther Quodlibets, pag 240, 241, 247. proof: and who were the Promoters of this Invasion, his own words will best tell you.

The King of Spain at length, as well by his Holiness Autho­ritie and Exhortation, as by his own unspeakable Zeal and Piety, moved also not a little by My humble and continual suit, together with the afflicted and banished Catholicks of our Nation, of all and every Degree, who have been by his special compassion, and Regal Munificencie, principallie supported in this our long Exile, hath condescended at last to take upon him this so Holy and Glorious an Act, &c.

And then proceeds to incourage, nay and threaten too, the Eng­lish to take up Arms against their Queen, and to joyn with the Spaniards, and the other Invaders.—If you will avoid the Popes, the Kings and other Princes high indignation, let no man of what degree soever, Obey, Abet, Aid, Defend or Acknowledge her, &c.—Adding—That otherwise they should incur the An­gels Curse and Malediction, and be as deeply Excommunicated as any, because that in taking her part, they should fight against [Page 457] God, against their How cometh Phi­lip to be law­ful King of England? Vid. Tho. Bels Anatomy, pag. 98, 124. lawful King, against their Country; and notwithstanding all they should do, they should but defend her bootless, to their own present destruction and eternal shame.

As for the Secular Priests, you shall hear Watson and Bluet, the chief of them, thus Confess—We had some of us greatly approved the said Rebellion, highly extol'd the Rebels, and pitifully bewail'd their ruine and overthrow. Many of our affections were knit to the Spaniards; and for our obedience to the Pope, we all do profess it.

The attempt both of Pope and Spaniard failing in England, his Holiness, as a Temporal Prince, displayed his Banner in Ireland; the Plot was, to deprive her Highness first from that Kingdom if they could, and then by degrees to depose her from this. In all these Plots, none more forward then many of us that were Priests.—These are the words set down in the Book call'd Pag. 15. Impor­tant Considerations, composed by Bluet and Watson two Priests.

As for the Jesuits [but of Parsons I shall treat more particular­ly hereafter] you shall hear what C. W. A Re­ply to Father Pa [...]sons Libel, fol. 64, 65. Clark the Priest saith, who with Watson suffer'd afterwards for Treason against King James.

First, it is most certain, that all the world had very ad­mirable expectance of that Army, and the Jesuits more then any.

Secondly, it is plain by the Cardinals Book [They would hint to us, as if Parsons were the Compiler of the Admo­nition; but 'tis certain, that Allen was the Au­thor of it; his name be­ing to it, and Pitseus with the other Ro­manists, con­fessing Allen to be the Au­thor. if it were his] written as a preparative to that action, that he was made Cardinal of purpose for that Exploit, and to have been sent hither present­ly upon the Spaniards Conquest. But Father Parsons saith that he labour'd to set forward at that time the Cardinals preferment (if you will believe him) which maketh it evident a primo ad ulti­mum, that Father Parsons was a dealer in that action.

Thirdly, it is certain, that the Jesuits in Rome were great with the Spanish Ambassador-Leger there, and had great recourse unto him when the matter was on foot; doth not this then argue them to be concurrers thereunto?

Fourthly, it is likewise most true, that the English Jesuits in Rome, appropriated certain Palaces in London to themselves, to fall unto their lots (when this matter was in handling) to wit, Burghley-house, Bridewel, and another which I have forgot; ma­king themselves cock-sure of their already-devoured Prey. This all the Students that lived in the Viz. The English Col­ledge at Rome. Colledge at that time will witness with me. Now would I demand of you, what reasons they might have to be their own Carvers, if they had not some interest in that affair?

Fifthly, we know, that they were more forward in Rome con­cerning this matter, then the Cardinal or any other; Insomuch, as at the first news of the Spaniards coming down into the Narrow-Seas, they would have had Te Deum sung in the Colledge-Church for joy of Victory, if the Cardinal had not stayed it.

And to conclude, doth not the posting of Father Parsons in­to Spain, presently after the overthrow of this Army, for farther dealing with the Spaniard for the time to come, and his better in­formation in English affairs; and Father Holt posting into the [Page 458] Low-Countries for the like purpose, to keep the Spaniard still in hope of future times, that this mishap might not withdraw him from ever enterprising the like afterwards, shew that they were dea­lers in the former? Doubtless all these Circumstances cannot but sufficiently prove it, that they were, in the judgement of wise­men.

And many other passages in confirmation of these things might be produced, but that they are needless, the truth of them being sufficiently known; and we shall hint somewhat more in the story of Father Parsons.

However their goodly pretences were for the propagation of Religion, the settlement of the Kingdoms, with the security of the Natives; yet we are told, that as there were severe Cabala, pag. 372, 373. pu­nishments appointed for those they were pleas'd to call Hereticks; so the Romanists themselves were to expect no Watsons Quodlibets, pag 176, 177, 242, 249. favour from their hands, affirming that their conquering Swords should make no distinction between the one and the other; their business be­ing more to make way for the Spanish Dominion then his Re­ligion.

And we need not question, the better to carry on this their pre­tended Holy War, but that in Spain (Presbyterian-like) as the Learned and Ingenious Poet doth word it, the

Gospel-Trumpeter, surrounded
Hudibras Canto 1.
With Long-ear'd Rout, to Battel sounded;
And Pulpit, Drum Ecclesiastick,
Was beat with fist, instead of a stick.

Their Priests and Fryars to make no small clutter to perswade the people of the glories and rewards of such a Noble Enter­prize. Amongst the rest, I finde Johannes Osorius the Jesuit not a little concerned in this work.

Two Sermons he makes in justification of the War, and in Concionum, Tom. 4. pag. 72 73, &c. commendation of the Spaniards, his Country-men, for thus fight­ing against Hereticks; and is so credulous, that he falleth a giving Id. pag. 84. thanks for a supposed Victory. But a little after is forced to alter his Note, and make Id. pag. 90, 91, &c. three Preachments of Humiliation upon the overthrow of the Navy; in the second of which, the zealous man groweth a little Pag. 106. Cum ergo pote [...]emus à Deo Daemonium p [...]ssimum ab Anglia pelli. pettish and angry.

What Relation this Castillian was to the Portuguise Hieroni­mo Osorio, I know not; but it seemeth, that they were both grand Enemies to Queen Elizabeth, and were willing enough that the English Romanists should enlarge and quit themselves from all tyes of Loyalty and Obedience, though it were to the destructi­on of their Native Country and Nursing Princess; as some ob­serve, that formerly one Antonto de Torquemeda, [...]a [...]din de [...]lo [...]es curi­osas. Colloq. 1. p [...]g 26 Diego Osorio was born by the rip­ping up of his Mothers belly.

'Tis Jo. Evelyn's Sylva, o [...] Fo­rest-Trees, cap. 32. § 4. pag. 108. said, that in this Expedition, the Spanish Commanders were expresly enjoyn'd, that if when landed they should not be able to subdue the Nation, and make good their Conquest; they should yet be sure not to leave a Tree standing in the Forrest [Page 459] of Dean; by which, they thought, they might in time ruine us, or hinder us from harming them, by thus weakning us, in destroy­ing the means of our Shipping. But 'tis well they fail'd in all their designs: and a shame take those (be their pretence or Religion whatever), who have since assisted to the destroying those Noble and hearty Oaks: And I fear private interest or knavery have too much endamaged our other Nurceries of Shipping. But 'tis now held modish and in fashion to cheat the Publick; though to take a few pence from a private man, must be branded with Thievery, and very gravely condemn'd to the Gallows.

CHAP. VII. Lopez, Squire, York, and other's Treasons against the Queen.

THis grand intended Invasion of the Spaniards being ruin'd and brought to nought, England might now afford it self some ease, her Enemies not being able on a sudden to recruit their great losses; this defeat in a manner breaking the back, and cracking the credit of Philip. But as by degrees he re­covered, so by the instigation of the English Fugitives was he perswaded to carry on the same ill will towards the Queen of England.

And here we cannot forget Richard Hesket, who being set on work by Sir William Stanley, and other English, undertook to perswade Ferdinand Lord Strange, (a little after by the death of 1592. 1993. his Father Henry, became Earl of Darby) to depose the Queen, and take upon him the Title of the Crown; making Pedegrees for him, drawing his pretended right from Mary his great Grand-Mother, Daughter to Henry VII. And for a better encourage­ment, they gave him large promises of assistance of men and money from the Spaniard; but withal threatning him with as­sured destruction, unless he would undertake the designe, and conceal it.

But the Earl far contrary to their expectation discovers Hesket, who confessing all, is executed. As for the Earl, he presently af­ter ended his life, tormented in a strange manner, not without John St [...]w, p. 767. suspition of Poyson, others say of Witchcraft. As for the Trea­son it self, thus confesseth Bluet and Watson, two of their chief Priests, in their Book call'd, Important Considera­tions. Vid. Tho. Bels Anatomy, pag. 32.

While the Invasion was talk'd of, and in preparation in Spain, Richard Hesket was set on by the Jesuits 1592, or there­abouts, with Father Parsons consent and knowledge, to have stir'd up the Earl of Darby to Rebellion against her High­ness.

This failing, we have another more dangerous, set on by per­sons of the highest rank; but it seems not unworthy the basest actions, though any Religion might'be ashamed of them.

As a Prologue to this, we may understand, that Don Sebastian, the forward King of Portugal, having ruined himself in the Afri­can Expedition, and his great Uncle Cardinal Henry succeeding him in the Kingdom, and dying unmarryed, several made claim to [Page 461] the Portugal Crown. Amongst the rest, Don Antonio Prior of Crato, natural Son to Lewis brother to Henry. To him, being a Portugaise, many of the people bare an affection; so that at last the rest let their Titles sleep, and the Quarrel onely remain'd be­tween Philip II of Spain and this Antonio. But Philip having the longest Sword, under the conduct of Alva wan the Kingdom; so that Antonio was forced to flee for refuge to our Queen Eliza­beth, who afforded him some assistance and favour; by which means and protection, many Portugaise shipt themselves for Eng­land, where they were received as friends, with all respect and honour.

Amongst the rest was Roderigo Lopez a Jewish Physitian, whom the Queen entertain'd in her own Service, making him Phy­sitian to her Houshold; and Stephano Ferreira de Gama, with Emanuel Loisie. These three were inticed by the Spaniard to undertake the murther of the Queen; for which they were promis'd great rewards: but Lopez was to be the main instru­ment.

1. Lopez confess'd, that of late years he had been allured to do service secretly to the King of Spain; which he did by the means of one Manuel Andrada a Portugal, an Agitator un­der Don Bernardino Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador in France.

2. That the said Andrada brought him from Christofero de Mora [a Portugaise, but a great favourite of King Philips, and an especial Instrument for reducing Portugal under the Spanish Crown] a rich Jewel, and an encouragement from Philip him­self.

3. That he was informed of the King of Spains hopes of him, not onely by Andrada, but by Roderique Marques a Portugais al­so, but imployed by the Spaniard on such wicked de­signes.

4. That he the said Lopez did assent to these wicked Coun­sels.

5. That he did secretly advertise the Spaniard divers times, of such affairs of the Queens as he could learn.

6. That he did also assent to take away the Queens life by poy­son, upon a reward promised him of fifty thousand Crowns.

7. That he sent Andrada to confer with Count Fuentes about it.

8. That he directed Stephano Ferreira de Gama to write Letters to Stephano Ibarra, the Kings Secretary at Bruxels, to as­sure the said Earl Fuentes and Ibarra, that he would undertake as he had promised to destroy the Queen by poyson, provided that he might have the said 50000 Crowns.

9. That he sent these Letters by one Gomez Davila a Portugal: That the reason why the murther was not executed accord­ing to promise, was, because he perceived the delivery of the 50000 Crowns defer'd, though promis'd him from day to day.

10. That to take away this delay of the Execution, Count Fu­entez, by the King of Spains order, did signe and deliver Bills of exchange for the said Money.

[Page 462] This money, or part of it, for security to Lopez, was de­livered
Tho. Robin­son's Anatomy of the Nun­nery of Lis­bone, p. 9.
to the custody of the English Nuns, then at Rhoan in France; which monies [the Plot failing, and Lopez executed] was given to the said Nuns, who car­ryed it with them to Lisbone in Portugal, where they setled themselves in a Nunnery, as appears by their Register-book.

And at the same time, by one of the Lords of the Privy-Coun­cil, through the interception of Letters, this designe was disco­ver'd, and Lopez seiz'd on: he was forward also to Jo. Speed's Hist. in Queen Eliz. § 117. purge old Lord Burghley out of this world.

All this was also confess'd by Stephano Ferrera, and Emanuel Loisie; and that Dr. Lopez his Children were to be advanced by the Ki [...]g of Spain, and several other circumstances. And that the Count de Fuentez, and Ibara, were privy to all these actions, take this following Confession to assure it.

The Confession of (a) Manuel Loisie Tinoco, by his own b One of great credit with the Spanish Councellors at Bruxels. hand-writing, the 22 of Febr. 1593/4.

I Manuel Loisie Tinoco, Gentleman of Portugal, confess that the Count de Fuentez, and the Secretary Ibarra call'd me into the Cabinet of the Count; and both of them together, either of them for his own part, took my hands, putting them within their own, and told me, that before they would declare unto me a certain business of great Importance,‘Thou must give unto us thy faith and ho­mage to keep it so secret, that although thou happen to be ta­ken there of the English, thou shalt not discover this se­cret, because it importeth the Quietness of all Christen­dom.’

And after I had given them my word and faith, with all fidelity and service in such an affair, they told me, Stephen Ferrera de Gama hath written to us, how D. Lopez hath offer'd and bound him­self to kill the Queen of England with poyson, with condition the King of Spain should recompence his services according to the qua­lity of them. All which passed in the City of Bruxels, in the house of the Count de Fuentez; and as far as I can remember, it was the 9 day of December past. All this I certifie to have passed in great truth and certainty, and do affirm it under mine Oath.

Again.

I Manuel Loisie Tinoco, a Portugal Gentleman, do confess that it is true, that being in Bruxels, in the house of the Count Fu­entes, he caused me to be call'd for, and demanded of me, of what Quality and Country Andrada was: And after that I had told him all that I knew of him, he commanded his Secretary to shew me all the Letters that Andrada had written to him from Calice: He shewed me three Letters; in the first he signified, that he was come from England, where he had been prisoner a long time; and that he [Page 463] was sent by order of Dr. Lopez, who [as a man very zealous and friendly to the service of the King of Castile] was determined to do the King such a piece of Service, as thereby he might with great safety satisfie himself on the English Nation. But so, as the King should recompence his said services with honours and favours, ac­cording to the quality thereof: For he was old, and many ways in­debted, and would now finde rect for his old age.

And declaring the quality of the service, he told him, that Dr. Lopez bound himself to dispatch the Queen with poyson. Where­fore it behooved him to advertise the King of Spain thereof with all speed, and he would attend at Calice until the answer came from Madril.

The same designe was also carryed on to murther Don Anto­nio, who then call'd himself King of Portugal. Concerning which, take part of Stephano Ferrera de Gama's Confession taken the 18 of Febr. 1593/4.

He saith, that Manuel D' Andrada, about a month before he went out of England, did declare to him, that if the King of Spain would, that D. Lopez would poyson the Queen of England, and the King Don Antonio also. Which speech being afterwards utter'd to D. Lopez by Ferrera, the Doctor answer'd,‘As for the King, he shall dye with the first sickness that shall happe [...] to him: But for the Queen, we have no Meaning, that the busi­ness was not as then fully concluded on, the Doctor being not fully assured of his money, without which he declared he would not poyson her. answer as yet from the other side.’

In short, Lopez, Ferrera and Loisie, were condemn'd and exe­cuted at Tybourn; where Lopez thinking to make some Vindica­tion, affirmed that he loved the Queen as he loved Jesus Christ: at which the spectators could not but smile, knowing Lopez to be of the Jewish Profession.

At the same time that Lopez was dealing withal about the Queens Murther, they, to make more sure, perswaded one Patrick Cullen an Irishman, and a Fencer, to commit the same villany a­gainst her Royal Person. In this Treason Stanley was very active, who, with Sherwood and Holt, two Jesuits, confirm'd him in the lawfulness of the action; giving him thirty pounds towards his journey into England▪ (being then in the Low-Countries▪) But he was taken, confess'd all, and is executed.

At the same time also, lived in the Netherlands one Edmund York, Nephew to the Traytor Rowland York. This Rowland was a vapouring Londoner, the first that brought into England the use of Tucks or Rapiers in single Duels; before which, the manly Back-sword and Buckler was onely in practice by the greatest Gallants: This was that scandalous Rowland York also, who basely betray'd his trust, and deliver'd Zutphen (of which he was Governour) with himself, unto the Spaniards, and perswa­ded Sir William Stanley to do the same with Deventer; both of them for the future fighting under the Spanish Colours against their own Soveraign Queen and Country.

The English Fugitives beyond Seas, perswaded this mans Ne­phew, Edmund York, and one Richard Williams, with others, to [Page 464] kill the Queen. And this wicked Treason was agitating the same time, that Lopez and Cullen were consulting about theirs. But these Traytors were also seised on, and suffer'd.

1. They confess'd, that for an incouragement, Hugh Owen (a noted Traytor) at Bruxels, had an assignation subscribed by I­bara, the Spanish Secretary, of forty thousand Crowns, to be gi­ven them, if they would kill the Queen.

2. That the said Assignation was deliver'd to Holt the Jesuit, who shew'd also the same to York, and produced the Sacrament and kiss'd it, swearing that he would pay the said monies, when the murther was committed.

3. That Stanley did earnestly perswade York to undertake it, animating him with the Example of his Uncle Rowland.

4. That to forward the plot, there were several consultati­ons, Holt the Jesuit sitting as President.

5. That Holt said if this designe fail'd, they would then imploy no more English, but Strangers.

6. That at these consultations, there used several to be pre­sent, as Thomas Throgmorton, Charles Paget, Hugh Owen, Dr. Willi­am Gifford, the finisher of Calvino-Turcismus, of whose Treasons we have heard formerly; Dr. Thomas Worthington, the chief pro­moter of the Doway-Bible, adding some notes to it: He also turn'd Bristow's Motives into Latine; and in his old age turned Jesuit at Rome.

7. It was also confess'd, that there were designed to come in­to England, to attempt her death, one Tipping an Englishman, one Edmund Garret an Ensigne, with a Wallon and a Burgun­dian.

8. That one Yong had undertaken a Treasonable action too.

9. It was also confess'd that these three, York, Williams, and Yong, determin'd at their coming into England, to have put them­selves into the service of some great Noblemen of the Queens Council, thereby to have free access to the Court; and every one of them to seek their opportunities.

10. That Williams, through zeal to the Cause, had wish'd his sword in the Queens Guts.

11. That they had vow'd, come what will of it, to be the death of her. And how furious and abominable James Archer the Irish Jesuit and others were, in this Parracide, Dr. Antilogia, cap 8. fol 116, 117, 118, 119, 120. Robert Abbot (and a little after Bishop of Salisbury) hath abundantly from their Confessions confuted the Impudent Andraeas Eudaemon-Joannes, and satisfied all Forraigners.

And besides those common rewards of riches and favour with advancement here, they were promised the highest of Spiritual Benefits, because their Treasonable Actions could be no less then meritorious, by which they would be certain to enjoy Heaven and its Glory hereafter: For no less rewards and enjoyments did these evil Councellors impudently promise to these bloudy Tray­tors. As if these Casuists were related to the old Hereticks, the Gabr. Pra­t [...]ol. Elench. Haeret p. 110. Cainani, who reverenced Cain for killing his brother Abel, and worshiped Judas for betraying our Innocent Saviour. But why might not they promise as much, when they knew that the [Page 465] Pope, who cannot err, had formerly bequeath'd such blessings to the enemies of Queen Elizabeth?

All these designes failing, the Fugitives and other Traytors were at their wits end, seeing the Queen raign prosperously and successful; and all their attempts against her ruined, always disco­ver'd, and the main instruments seiz'd on, and deservedly executed. But at last another opportunity offer'd it self.

In the year 1595, Sir Francis Drake making his last voyage a­gainst the Spaniards in America, in which he dyed, there was one Edward Squire, who was first a Pettifogging Clerk, afterwards an under-servant in the Queens Stables; and now would try his fortune, as a Souldier in this voyage. It was his chance to go in a little Pinnace, which unluckily straying from the rest, on the Coasts of America, was taken by five great Spanish Ships. By which means, much of Drakes designe was discover'd; and so a great part of the exploit prevented.

Squire at last was carryed into Spain as a prisoner. Here There were three Bro­thers of Nor­folk all Je­suits, viz. Hen­ry, Michael, and Richard Walpoole. Walpoole a Jesuit meets with him, and procures him as an He­retick to be put in the Inquisition; where with afflictions and fair speeches he drew him to be a zealous Romanist.

This done, he perswades him to kill the Queen; commends the action to him as piou [...] and meritorious, offers him large pro­mises: And at last Squire is fully perswaded, and undertakes the murther. At this, the Jesuit Walpoole rejoyceth, hugs and incourageth him, bindes him by several Oaths, under pain of Dam­nation, to be secret, and perform his promises, and not to fear death: For, saith he, what doth it profit a man to gain the whole Rob. Abbot▪ Antilog. fol. 122, 123. world and loose his own soul? Assuring him that if he did but once doubt of the lawfulness and justness of the Action, that mistrust would be enough to damn him, such a sin being seldom par­don'd.

This said, he imbraceth him; then throwing his left Arm about Squires neck, so hugging him with his right-hand, he makes the signe of the Cross upon Squires forehead, thus blessing him:—God bless thee, my son, and strengthen thee; be of good cheer; I will pawn my soul for thine, and thou shalt always have the benefit of my prayers; and whether thou livest or dyest, thou shalt enjoy a full pardon and remission of all thy sins. And another time thus in­couraged him: There is one thing necessary, which if thou prefer before all other things, and dost fulfill it, I have my desire, and thou shalt be a glorious Saint in Heaven.

Squire thus devilishly resolved, gets into England, goeth to Greenwich, where the Court then was; watcheth opportunity; and being informed that the Queen was to ride abroad, goeth to her Horse, holds him according to his place, and cunningly puts strong poyson upon the Pummel of the Saddle; yet saying with a loud voice as she mounted, God save the Queen. But such was the providence, that her Majesty, neither in getting up, riding, or getting down, once touch'd the Pummel: yet he doubted not, but that in time it would work the intended ruine, fully perswaded the Queen had laid her hands on it.

Presently after this, the Earl of Essex set sail for the Island­voyage against the Spaniard: And in this Fleet Squire ventured once more as a Souldier, with which he return'd into England, and lived for some time securely, not thinking that he should ever be discover'd.

But see the luck on't: of this poyson, being great expectation a­mongst some, and seeing no signes of any such effect, they be­came incensed against Squire, thinking that he had left them and the Cause in the lurch, and meerly deluded them. Thus jealous and inraged, a revenge is resolved on, and Squire cunningly ac­cused of some designe against the Queen. Squire upon the noise is examined, and wondring how any thing should be known a­gainst him; yet suspecting Walpoole his Confessor, and believing year 1598 all was fully discover'd, freely confesseth all as abovesaid; so as a Traytor is condemn'd and executed.

Of these late bloudy Treasons, Watson and Bluet, two Priests, thus in Print declare to the world.

Father Holt the Jesuit, and others with him, perswaded an See Bels Ana­tomy, p. 22, 23. Irishman, one Patrick Collen (as himself confessed) to attempt the laying of his violent and villanous hands upon her Majesty. Short­ly after, 1593, that notable stratagem was plotted, for Dr. Lopez the Queens Physitian to have poysoned her. This wicked designation being thus prevented, by Gods providence, the Traiterous Jesuit Holt and others did allure and animate one York and Williams, to have accomplish'd that with their bloudy hands, that the other purposed to have done with his poyson, we mean her Majesties destruction. Hereunto we may add, the late villanous attempt 1599 of Edward Squire, animated and drawn thereunto, as he confessed, by Wal­poole that pernitious Jesuit. These words are set down in their Important Considerations, pag. 33. And yet Father Answer to the fi [...]th part of Sir Edw. Cokes Reports, Epist Dedicat. v. 2. Parsons doubts, whether Squire for all this committed Treason, or no; such was the loyalty and honesty of this Jesuit.

Thus in part have we seen the great dangers Queen Elizabeth run through; her life being continually sought after, both by her own subjects and Forreigners; nor did they want incouragements to oppose their own Queen and Country: Pope Gregory XIII allowed them a See the Bull, tom. 2. p. 319. Colledge at Rome, the Guisians in France another a [...] Sixtus V by Bull desires all to assist it. ib. p. 411. Rhemes; the Spaniard gave them one at Clement VIII confirmed this: vid Sand. de Schism. lib. 4. sive Ap­pendix, p. 104. Val­ladolid in Castile, and allowed them See Thomas Fuller's Church-Hist. lib. 9. Cambden, an­no 1595. others in other places; besides allowed the chiefest of them Pensions, and maintain'd many hundred English in his Wars; though his pay and Pensions were but badly paid to them, yet more and better then such Tray­terous Fugitives deserved.

And for all these Pensions, private fees for Treason, and vast Treasure spent in his attempts against the Queen; what did the Spanish King expect for a recompence, but the Crown and King­dom of England? for the obtaining of which, the nearest that he came, was once (viz. July, 1595.) when Diego Brocher, with four Callies, got very early in a morning unperceived, upon the Co [...]sts of Cornwal, struck into Mounts Bay by St. Michaels Mount, fired Pauls Church, standing alone in the Fields, Mouseholes, Meulin and Pens [...]ns, three poor fisher-Towns, and presently stole home again, without killing one man.

This beggerly enterprize was all the reward and recompence of his vast Treasure and toyl spent against England. And let them never prosper otherwise, who attempt any mischief against it, and so unworthily foment and maintain Traytors, against their respective legal Soveraigns.

But better had it been for Philip and Spain, if he had followed the advice of his Grand-father Charles V, that famous Emperour, [Page 467] who used often to lay down this for a certain Rule, insomuch that it was one of his Proverbs,

Con todo el mundo guerra,
Y puse con Inglatierra.
With all the world make War,
But with England do not Jar.

Whilst these Murtherers were, according to their engagements, consulting the death of the Queen, we must not think the Spa­nish interest altogether Idle, but they had also their other Instru­ments and preparations on foot, the better to secure this Kingdom to them upon her fall.

As for the Jesuits, how active they were for the disturbance of England, a Romanist himself shall tell you; his words are these.

We have also certain intelligence, that the Jesuits have devised a A. [...]. Reply to a notori­ous Libel, p. 81, 82. means to have had the Tower of London seized into their hands, and how they would have it held until the Spaniard came to rescue them. Divers of their Letters have been shewed to divers prisoners for proof against them, when they have answered in defence of the Jesuits, that they thought them free from such stratagems; and amongst the rest, there is one of the XX of June 1596, wherein there are these words.

It may be, if the Kings faintness and pusillanimity hinder us not (as heretofore it hath) the Armado will be with you about August or September. This is one good help, Ireland will be onely for us. The Earl of Tyrone and Odonnel would glad­ly have help from hence, and they are well contented to let the Spaniards have certain Holds and Forts for their uses. This will greatly pleasure to trouble and disquiet England; and in the mean time serve for Harbour for their Ships that shall pass that way, &c.

It were necessary you should make it known aforehand, that no Catholick man or woman shall take harm, either in body or goods. Let every man be quiet till the Spaniards be landed, then shall there presently Proclamation be made of all se­curity.

Of these Proclamations there were two hundred printed in Spain.

Amongst other contrivances to bring this Kingdom into confu­sion, was the designe of Anthony Rolston an English Fugitive, Cambden, an. 1598. who was sent over into England by the Spanish Agitators, and Fa­ther Creswell, under pretence of procuring a Peace, but the truth was (as Rolston himself confessed) to discover what provisions there were for war, to incourage the Romanists, and by Bribes and fair promises to corrupt some great Lords about the Queen, amongst the rest Essex, as the said Earl confess'd himself.

And the better to make cock-sure, and carry all before them, another Fleet is prepared to invade England; and for a further encouragement, as well of English as others to be [Page 468] assistants in this enterprise, their Lord high Admiral draws up a Proclamation, which was printed and published; and you may Dr. Mat. Sut­cliff's Blessings on Mount Ge­rizzim, or the happy Estate of England, pag 292, 293, 294, 295. take it as followeth, as I meet with it.

COnsidering the Obligation which his Catholick Majesty, my Lord and Master, hath received of God Almighty, to defend and protect his holy Faith, and the Apostolical Roman Church: he hath procured by the best means he could, for to reduce to the an­cient and true Religion the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, as much as possibly hath been in his power. And all hath not been suffi­cient to take away the offence done against God in damage of the self-same Kingdoms, with scandal of whole Christianity; yea rather abusing the Clemencie and Benignity of his Catholick Majesty, the heads and chief of the Hereticks, which little fear God, have taken courage to extend their evil Doctrine with the oppressing of Catholicks, Martyring them, and by divers ways and means taking from them their lives and goods, He hath for­got the Spa­nish Inquisiti­on. forcing them by violence to follow their damnable Sects and Errours, which they have hardly done to the loss of many souls.

Which considered, his Catholick Majesty is determin'd to favour and protect those Catholicks, which couragiously have defended the Catholick Faith; and not onely those, but such also as by pusillani­mity and humane respects have consented unto them, forced there­unto through the hard and cruel dealings of the said Catholicks Heretical Enemies. And for the execution of his holy Zeal, he hath commanded me, that with force by Sea and Land, which be and shall be at my charge, to procure all means necessary for the redu­ction of the said Kingdoms unto the obedience of the Catholick Roman Church.

In Complement of the which, I declare and protest, that these Forces shall be imploy'd for to execute this holy intent of his Ca­tholick Majesty, directed onely to the common good of the true Re­ligion and Catholicks of those Kingdoms, as well those which be al­readie declared Catholicks, as others who will declare themselves such. For all shall be received and admitted by me in his Royal Name, which shall separate and apart themselves from the Hereticks. And furthermore, they shall be restored to the Honour, Dignity and Possessions which heretofore they have been deprived of. Moreover, every one shall be rewarded according to the Demonstrations and Feats which shall be shown in this Godly enterprise. And who shall proceed with most valour, the more largely and amply shall be remu­nerated with the goods of obstinate Hereticks.

Wherefore seeing Almighty God doth present to his Elect so good an occasion, therefore, I for the more security, Ordain and Com­mand the Captains General of Horse and Artillerie, the Master Ge­neral of the Field, the Captains of Companies of Horse and Foot, and all other Officers greater and lesser, and men of War; the Ad­miral General, and the rest of the Captains and Officers of the Ar­my: that as well at Land as Sea they use well, and receive the Ca­tholicks of those Kingdoms, who shall come to defend the Catholick Cause, with Arms or without them: For I command the General of the Artillery that he provide them of Weapons which shall bring none.

Also I Ordain and straitly command, that they have particular respect unto the Houses and Families of the said Catholicks, not [Page 469] touching, as much as may be, any thing of theirs, but onely of those that will obstinately follow the part of Hereticks: in doing of which, they be altogether unworthy of those favours which be here granted unto the good, who will declare themselves for true Catholickes; and such as shall take Arms in hand, or at least separate themselves from the Hereticks, against whom and their favourers all this War is directed, in defence of the honour of God, and good of those Kingdoms; trusting in Gods Divine mercy, that they shall recover again the Catholick Religion so long agone lost, and make them re­turn to their ancient quietness and felicity, and to the due obedi­ence of the holy Primitive Church.

Moreover, these Kingdoms shall enjoy former immunities and pri­viledges, with encrease of many others for time to come, in great friendship, confederacie and traffick with the Kingdom of his Ca­tholick Majesty, which in times past they were wont to have, for the publick good of all Christianity. And that this be put in executi­on speedily, I exhort all the faithful to the fulfilling of that which is here contain'd, warranting them upon my word, which I give in the name of the Catholick King my Lord and Master, that all shall be observed which is here promised.

And thus I discharge my self of the losses and damages which shall fall upon those which will follow the contrary way, with the ruine of their own souls, the hurt of their own Country, and that which is more, the honour and glory of God. And he which can­not take presently Arnis in hand, nor declare himself by reason of the tyranny of the Hereticks, shall be admitted from the Enemies Camp, and shall pass to the Catholick part in some skirmish or battel; or if he cannot, he shall flee before we come to the last encounter.

Though Father Parsons was very solicitous to understand the W. Clarkes Reply unto a Libel, fol. 65. success of these preparations, yet he did not expect any great matters to be performed by them: and so it fell out, to the no small grief (we need not question) of many Romanists. And to augment the sorrow of the Hispanioliz'd Faction, the death of the Spanish King hapned the same year; to whom succeeded his son Philip III, of whose attempts against Queen Elizabeth you may hear in the next Century.

The end of the seventh Book.

THE HISTORY Of the HOLY League AND Covenant IN FRANCE.
BOOK VIII.

CHAP. I. An INTRODUCTION to the HOLY LEAGUE.

THE Beginning of this Century had like to have been year 1502 troublesom to Germany by a mischievous League, design­ed in the Bishoprick of Spire, by a Company of barbarous, clownish, rustick High-shooes, and so by the Germans tis Nicol. Basel Addit. ad Chro [...]. Naucleri p. 394. L. ur. S [...]r [...] Com p 3 [...]. call'd Bundiscuch. These, like our Levellers, were to raise themselves into as high a Grandeur as any, by swearing to re­duce all other men to their meanness, by equalling all mankind into the same condition, by rooting out all Magistracy, Dignities and Laws.

As for the Church, (which is continually struck at by Traitors and such Sacrilegious Wretches) she was not to escape their Villanies, they designing to rob her of her Revenues, Titles and Decency, to vilifie and discourage her Priests, thereby to make her contemptible to very Pagans; yet for all this, as all other Rebels do, they make a grand shew of Zeal and Religion; appointing such Prayers daily to be said for good success, viz. The Pater Noster and Ave Maria, and these five times a day, and as a word of Cognizance they had the Virgin Mary, and St. John the Evangelist. And thus constituted, they were resolved [Page 484] to give no quarter, but kill all their Opposers as Enemies and Traitors to God. But by the assistance of the Emperour Maximilian I. and Lo­dowick the good Bishop of Spire, this intended Rebellion was crushed in the very bud, by a timely discovery being quell'd, which occasioned the deserved punishment of several of the chief Undertakers.

But from this we shall proceed to another sort of Leaguers or Covenan­ters, who carried on their Rebellions with more success and vigour, which had like to have ruin'd the whole Kingdom of France.

In this League there were three Families chiefly concern'd, of whom for the better understanding of the History we shall with all haste speak a word or two; not that we design to set down all their Children (lea­ving that to the Heralds) but onely those who may afford some light to the more common Readers of this short Essay of the French League. The Families are those of

I. VALOIS, ending by the death of Henry III.

II. BOURBON, next Heir to the Crown, beginning with Henry IV. King of France and Navarre.

III. GUISE, assisted by their Chief, LORRAIN.

FRANCOIS I. de VALOIS.
  • Henry II. de Valois King of France, wounded in the eye at Tilt by Count
    Beheaded at Paris as a Rebel 1574, and the sen­tence of Treason re­voked 1576.
    Mont­gomery, of which he died, 1559.
    • François II. King of France, died 1560.
    • Charles IX. King of France, died 1574.
    • Hen. III. King of France, murdered by a Monk 1589.
    • François Duke of Alençon, An­jou, Brabant, &c. died 1584.
  • Catherine de Medicis, daugh­ter to Lorenzo Duke of Ur­bin, Cousin to Alexander Duke of Florence. She died at Bloys 1589.

By the death of King Henry III. the Line of Valois (so called from a little Territory North-East of Paris, betwixt Picardy and Champaigne) fail'd, and that of Bourbon as next Heir succeeded to the Throne, in the Person of Henry IV.

ALENCON, a Town in lower Normandy; it was formerly an Earldom, but King Charles VI. raised it up to a Dukedom, 1414. though Le [...]ray ostat de la France, pag. 65. du Verdier by a mistake would make us believe, that it was made a Dutchy by King Lewis IX. surnamed the Saint.

BOURBON.

This Family is so named from a Town in Aquitaine call'd Bourbon, with a differ [...]nce of l'Archambault, to distinguish it from another in Bur­gondy call'd Bourbon l'Ancien, but by corruption of speech Bourbon Lancy.

It was erected from a Barony into a Dukedom by Charles IV. surna­med le Bel, 1327. It would be endless to speak of the Antiquity of this Family, according to some men; and for its Commendations Les Anti­quitez, p [...]g. 628. du Chesne hath said enough by affirming, that the Women of it were born to people Chri­stendom, and the Men to defend it. They draw their relation to the French Crown from Robert Son to S. Lewis IX.

  • [Page 485]Charles de Bourbon the first Duke of Vendosme, died 1536.
    • Antoine de Bourbon married to Jane daughter and heiress to Henry d'Albret second King of Na­varre, and so by his Wife became King of Navarre. He was wounded at the siege of Rouen, of which he died 1562.
      • Henry III. King of Navarre, and the IV. of France, was murdered 1610.
    • Charles the old Cardinal de Bourbon, by the Leaguers called King Charles X. He died in prison 1590.
    • Lewis de Bourbon Prince of Condé, slain at the battel of Jarnac 1569.
      • Henry. Prince of Condé died 1588.
        • Henry born 1588. died 1646.
      • Charles the Younger Cardinal of Ven­dosme, after the death of his Uncle called of Bourbon, died 1594. He was Head of the Third­lings or third party.
  • —Françoise Daughter to René Duke of Alençon, died 1550.

VENDOSME, a Town in Beausse, was from an Earldom erected to a Dukedom by King Francis I. 1514.

CONDE', a Town in Hainault or Henegow, whence these Princes of the House of Bourbon took their Title.

GUISE.

This Family is a branch of the House of LORRAIN; the Anti­quity of which hath been undertaken by François de Rosieres, born at Bar-le-Duc, and Archdeacon of Thoul, and so being born a Vassal to that Family, we may allow him to ramble as far as he pleaseth for Origi­nals; and though he Preface his History with Adam and his Children, yet his modesty alloweth him to fetch this Family no higher then the story of Troy: as it was the fashion of old Monkish Tale-tellers to draw the beginning of most Kingdoms from the Legendaries of that scatter'd People

Lotharius Emperour of Germany (and the rebellious son of Lewis le' Debonnaire) made his younger son Lotharius or Lothaire King of those Ter­ritories, which from him were called Lorrain, as if it were Lotair-Riick, and Lot-Reyck, the Dominion, Possession, Jurisdiction, or Kingdom of Lotaire or Lotharius, which was then in a far larger extent then that which is now the Dukedom, to which now the name only belongs.

  • [Page 486]René Duke of Lorrain, who also call'd himself King of Sicily and Hierusa­sem, and his eldest Son Duke of Ca­labria.
    Philippe Sister to the Duke of Guel­derlandt, and after his death her Husband René took upon him that Title also.
    • Antoine Duke of Lorrain & Bar, Counte de Vau­demont, Mar­quess de Pont, died 1544.
      Renee daughter to Guilbert de Bourbon, Count of Mont-pensi­er; died 1439.
      • François Duke of Lorrain, died 1545.
        • Charles III. mar­ried to Claude daughter to Hen­ry II. King of France. He died 1608.
          • François Count de Vaudemont.
          • Charles de Lorrain, a Cardinal, chosen to be Bishop of Strasburg, which occasioned great troubles. He died 1607.
          • Henry II. Duke of Lorrain.
      • Nicolas Conte de Vaudemont, and Duke of Mercoeur. died 1576.
        • Charles de Lorrain, Cardinal de Vaude­mont, Bishop of Toul. He died 1587.
        • Philippe-Emanuel Duke of Mercoeur, died 1602.
        • Louyse de Lorrain Wife to K. Henry III. of France.
    • Claude Duke of GUISE, Baron de Joinville, came to the Court of France, and obtain'd the Government of Champaigne and Burgondy. He married Antoinette daugher to François Counte de Vendosme; she died 1583. This Claude de Guise was the first and top of that House, which by his children divided it self into these follow­ing branches.
      • François Duke of Guise, kill'd by Poltrot at Orleance, 1653.
        • Anne d'Este Sister to the Duke of Ferrara, and Widow to this Francis Duke of Guise, was af­terwards married to the Duke of Nemours.
        • Henry Duke of Guise kill'd at Bloys 1588.
          • Charles Prince of Joinville, after his Fathers death call'd Duke of Guise.
        • Charles Duke of Mayenne died 1611
          • Catherine wife to the Duke of Nevers.
          • Henry slain before Montauban, 1621.
        • Lewis Card. de Guise, kill'd at Bloys, 1588.
        • Catherine second Wife to the Duke of Montpensier. She died 1596.
      • Charles Cardinal of Lorrain, a Legat in the Council of Trent. Of him François d'Isle makes his Legend. He died 1573.
      • Lewis de Guise made Card. by Julius III. He died 1578
      • Claude Duke of Aumale slain at the siege of Ro­chel 1573.
        • Charles.
      • René Mar­quess of El­boeuf died 1566.
        • Charles Duke of Elboeuf.
          • Charles Duke of Elboeuf and Count de Harcourt.
      • François call'd the Grand Prior died 1562.
    • Jean Cardinal of Lorrain, lived in the French Court a great Favorite with King Fran­çois I. He died 1550.

GUISE, a little strong Town in Picardy, which King Francis I. raised to a Dukedom, and honoured Claude one of the sons of Rene Duke of Lorrain with thit Title.

BAR, a little Dukedom in Lorrain; the chiefest Town of it is now call'd Bar-le-Duc, so call'd to distinguish it from other Bars upon the Seine, the Aube, &c. it was erected into a Dukedom by Philippes de Valois VI. 1329. The eldest son of Lorrain (if married) hath this Title.

PONT, now better known by the name of PONT-A-MOUSSON, a Marquesset and Title of the eldest son (if unmarried) of the Duke of Lorrain.

VAUDEMONT, or Vauldemont, a Town in Lorrain, being the Title of an Earldom.

JOINVILLE, a little Town on the borders of Champaigne to­wards Lorrain, a Principality of the Guises.

MERCOEUR, a Town in Languedoc, raised to a Dukedom by Charles IX. 1569. for Nicolas Nephew to the Duke of Guise.

MAYENNE in Beausse in the little Territory Le Maine (Coenoma­nensis Ager) erected to a Dukedom by Charles IX. 1573. for Charles brother to Guise.

ELBOEUF in higher Normandy from a Marquesset raised to a Dutchy by Henry II. 1581. and given to Charles Granchild to Claude Duke of Guise.

AUMALLE, (Aubmalle, Aumarle, Albemarle, in Latin Alba Mala, Arturus du Monstier Neustria Pia, p. 731, 732, &c. for thus and more variously hath it formerly been writ) a Town in high­er Normandy, anciently an Earldom, with which Titles the Kings of England as Dukes of Normandy used to honour some of their Subjects; and the French Kings having the possession of it have used the same li­berty. Charles VII. made it a Peerdom of France 1458. and Henry II. raised it to a Dukedom for one of Guises sons 1547. but it is now ho­noured by George Monck Duke of Albemarle.

By this the common sort of Readers may the better distinguish and understand the variety of Cardinals to be met withall in the Histories of the French Troubles, and may also see to what Greatness and Honours the Guisian Family hath in a short time been raised to in France, but whether they were answerably grateful to that Crown let others judge.

Some are apt to tell us that Claude de Vaudemont (afterwards the first Ant. Coly­net, p. 1 and le Contre-Gui [...]e. Duke of Guise) came into France in the Reign of Lewis XII. (Predecessor to Francis I.) in no splendent condition, but by wheedling himself into the Favour of King François I. obtained to be the Kings Falconer, whence by degrees he rais'd himself and his Posterity above the Princes of the Bloud Royal. And they also tell us, that Francis I. was so sensi­ble of the Aspiring humour of that Family, that upon his death-bed he advised his son Henry to have a care of them, otherwise Mon fils▪ j'ay bien apperçeu & cognois pur vray que la Race n'en vaut rien, & que si vous faites le contraire, ils vous mettront en pourpoint, & vostre peuple en chemise. François de l'Isle, fol. 6. b. They will turn you into your doublet, and your subjects into their shirts.

Some may look upon Lewis XI. of France as a cunning King, being Jean Bodin de la R [...]pub­l [...]que l. 6. c. 2 p 952, 953. Master of Hypocrisie; others may conclude him rich, when they see his Account run so thriftily (if not beggarly) as

[Page 488]
20 Sols.
Two shillings for two new sleeves for the Kings old doublet.
15 De­niers.
One peny half-peny for a box of grease to grease his boots.

But certainly he was none of the wisest for turning away his Fathers old Faithful Counsellers and Servants, for neglecting and despising the old Nobility, and pleasing and sorting himself with the Plebeans and those of the meanest rank; insomuch that his Taylor was his Herald, and his Barber his Embassadour.

This way of meanness and negligence is seldom without a mischief attending it; and this Family of Valois now growing towards its end, wanted the vigour and prudence of her former Kings: now were they Sardanapalus like, more apt and fit to accompany the worst of Women, and hold a Distaff, then to manage a Sceptre, or protect a People. Pleasures were all their study, and to neglect business all their care: they were only the picture of Kings, having neither life nor action to Government or Majesty; leaving affairs to be managed by any that could thrust themselves uppermost. By which easiness they had the honour to be commended by some, hated by others, pitied by most as good-natur'd Kings, born to enrich a few Favourites, but ruine the whole Kingdom besides. Though some cunning Minister of State can throw all their own Extortions, Cheats, and Villanies upon the King, thereby making a double Cheat, abusing both the King and People.

And thus it happened with these of France, to whose very Name and Family I find some to have such a spite and hatred, that I meet with a Cordelier (called Melchier) publickly in the Pulpit to have told the Peo­ple, 1559. that As long as any of the Line of Valois reigned the people could Guil. Ribi­er Le [...]tres & Memoires d'Estat, tom. 2. p. 799, 800. not be free from oppression, all that Family being so highly addicted to tyran­ny. And another time he affirmed to his Auditors, that It was very con­venient that four of the greatest in the Kingdom ought to be rooted out, for the easment and comfort of the people.

That this Gray Frier meant the King then in being (viz. Henry II.) I cannot say; but for number sake it is not unworth the observation, that besides the King there were but Four men (viz. his Four sons) living then in the whole world of that Family, after whose deaths it ended, and the Crown fell to that of Bourbon. Nor is it unworth the notice, that the people were then so apt to Sedition, that Antoine King of Navarre who (under his own hand gave the King notice of these expressions) was pussled or at a stand how to behave himself in this affair, fearing the rage of the people, should he forthwith call the Frier to an account.

But it is not only the House of Valois that is aimed at, but that of Bourbon too, as being next Heirs to the Crown of France. And this de­sign is heavily laid in the dish of the House of Guise, who (as they say) had for many years consulted how to make themselves Possessors of the Throne of that Kingdom; and finding none so much capable by Right, Title, and Interest, as those of the Family of Bourbon, to thwart and op­pose their designs it was their best policy to procure their ruine: to which purpose take this following Narrative (but in short) of the Gui­sards against the House of Navarre (being the chief of that of Bourbon) which though An 1564. § 8. Spondanus looks upon as a Fable, and it may be accord­ing to Perefixe, that the young Prince of Navarre might be then at Pa­ris; yet take the story (though possibly with some mistakes) upon the credit of Thanus and Gomberville, now one of the French Academy, and so let him and the present Archbishop of Paris (also of the Academy) ban­dy and rectifie it as they please.

Antoine de Bourbon King of Navarre, at the Siege of Rouen being shot year 1562 into the left shoulder with a Musquet bullet, of which wound he a lit­tle after died; those of Guise consulted how to make their best benefit De Gom­berville. Les Me­moires de M. de Ne­vers, v l. 2. p. 579, &c. Thuan. lib. 35. M [...]moires d'Estat, vol. 2. ensuite de c [...]ux de M. de Villeroy, pag. 35, 36, &c. by the said death. Jane the Widow Queen of Navarre lived at Pau, the chief Town in the Territory of Bearne, adjoyning to the Pyrenean Mountains, and with her she had her young Prince Henry (afterwards call'd the Great) now about 9 years old.

At this time Philip II. King of Castile having wars with the Africans and Moors, his Recruits from Italy and Germany were to rendezvouz at Barcelona in Catalonia.

Now doth Charles Cardinal of Lorrain, and his brother François Duke of Guise, consult how to extirpate this Race of Navarre; to which purpose they pitch upon one Dimanche to act as Agent for their Interest in those parts of Aquitaine, where he had as his Assistants Monluc an ex­perienc'd Souldier, d'Escars, Viscount d'Ortes, with the Captain of Ha Castle adjoyning to Bourdeaux, and several others, great Favourersand Dependents of Guise. But the prosecution of these designs was some­what cool'd by the death of the Duke of Guise, who was shot by Poltrot year 1563 at the Siege of Orleance.

Upon this, though a Peace was struck up between the King and the zealous Huguenots, where the later were gainers by the Agreement; yet the Cardinal Lorrain carrieth on his former Contrivements against the House of Navarre, making his Nephew the young Duke of Guise Head of the Plot. And to give a better colour to all, they pretend Religion their Foundation; so all Hereticks ought to be rooted out, amongst which the young Prince of Navarre and his Mother, to which Friends could not be wanting, seeing the King of Spain would assist them.

To this purpose Captain Dimanche is dispatch'd into Spain to the year 1564 Duke of Alva, to obtain the assistance of the aforesaid Forces at Barce­lona, which on a sudden might fall upon Bearne, take Pau with the Queen, her Son Henry, and Daughter Catherine; and to prevent any of their Escapes, the Friends of Guise would way-lay them on the French side; to which end they had several trusty Commanders and Forces conveniently placed thereabouts. And the Princes thus taken should be conveyed into Spain, put into the Inquisition as Hereticks, and then they would be sure enough. Thus the Guisards would have their desire, and as a persuasive argument to the Castilian; they told him that things brought to this pass, the dispute for the Kingdom of Navarre would cease, the Pretenders to it being thus in his possession.

Accordingly Dimanche gets into Spain, waits upon the Duke of Al­va, who having heard and approv'd the design, orders him to go to the King, who was then at Monçon or Monson, a Town in Aragon where they used to keep their Parlements (or las Cortes) for Aragon, Valencia, and Catalonia.

For this place Dimanche passing by Madrid, he fell dangerously sio [...] of an high Feaver, and being but badly accommodated in a poor Inn, a Frenchman call'd Anne Vespier (one of the Queen of Spains servants) took pity on him, removed him to his own house, where he was better attended on, and by the assistance of the Queens Physicians recovered. For which kindness and other great favours Dimanche and Vespier enter into a strict Familiarity and Friendship. In short, Dimanche thinking to make use of him in his absence for some Intelligence, discovers his busi­ness and the Plot to him.

Vespier being born at Nerac in Gascogne, so a Vassal and Subject to the King of Navarre, was guided by so much Loyalty as to resolve to prevent the ruine of his Soveraign; for which purpose he had this ad­vantage: The present Queen of Spain was Elizabeth daughter to Hen­ry II. King of France, and so sister to Charles IX. then reigning King of france, and thus near related to the House of Navarre. Vespier, a ser­vant to this Queen Elizabeth, thinks upon the most convenient way to inform her of all; for which he addresseth himself to the Grand Almo­ner and Tutor, by whose means all is fully discover'd to her, who re­solveth to write of it to her Brother and Sister the King and Queen of France. Notice is also given to Sieur de St. Suplice the French Embas­sadour then in the Spanish Court at Monçon, with a desire to inform the Queen of Navarre at Pau, that she might better consult and provide for her own safety.

Dimanche gets to Monçon, opens all to King Philip; in the mean time de St. Suplice (one well acquainted with State matters, and after im­ployed by the French Court) dispatcheth his Secretary Rouleau into France with the Letters and Intelligence: whereby the Queen of Na­varre had means to secure her self, and the Plot was spoiled by this di­scovery. Yet Dimanche having done with Spain hasts to Paris, where he is privately lodg'd in the Duke of Guise his house, and for some time after at a Monastery belonging to the Friars call'd Bons hommes, adjoyn­ing to the Wood of Nostre Dame de Boulogne near St. Cloud, not far from Paris.

And though the Spanish Money and Interest at this time had such a sway in the French Council and Court, that Captain Dimanche (though it was desired) was not suffered to be seised on in his return from Spain, (whereby they might have discover'd further into the Plot by himself and his Papers) yet was Philip and Guise both gull'd, and the House of Navarre preserved to sit in the Throne. And though the Queen of Na­varre complained of this Conspiracy, and desired justice of the House of Lorrain, yet Catherine de Medicis (one not apt to be commended in Histo­ry) the Queen-mother, turn'd it off by telling her, that it was best to forgive those injuries they could not punish. And indeed the Interest of the Guises was then so powerful, that it was dangerous to call them to an account.

Whilest these things were closely carrying on, Pope Pius IV. was al­so 1563. Spond [...]n. §. 48. 49, 50, 51. Davila. p. 191. sollicited to use his Authority against the Queen of Navarre, which would give a greater color and encouragement for others to attaque her accordingly, because she was of the Reformed Religion. He falleth to work, publisheth a Citation or Monitory against her, concluding that if she did not turn a Romanist within six moneths, he would deprive her of her Dominions, and give them to any that would conquer them.

At this the French King is not a little troubled, looking upon it as a thing of dangerous consequence, as the common cases of all other Kings; nor did he like that any third party should have any pretence to seize upon those Territories which lay so near to and convenient for Spain, whom possibly he might suspect, though it is said that Philip comple­mented Queen Jane with an assurance, that he would protect her and her Dominions against any that should assault them.

Besides this, another thing happened which did not a little perplex the King, the Council of Trent (as they call it) being now ended, Cardinal de Lorrain desired the Pope to use his Interest with the French King, that it should be receiv'd and approv'd of in his Dominions, that he would [Page 491] root out the Huguenots; that he would break the late Peace made with year 1564 them; that he would punish the Accessors to the death of Guise, &c. And that these Petitions might carry the greater awe, an Embassadour is sent as from the Pope, the Emperour, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, to demand them from Charles, who is not a little puz­led how to behave himself in this case.

For to refuse the Council of Trent would render him suspect to the Pope; to receive it would be against the Liberties of the Gallican Church: to make war against the Huguenots would not advantage him, as he had found by experience, and he did not much care for Forein as­sistance; to extirpate them quite was not probable to be done, and if he should he must destroy many of his nearest Relations; however so weaken and impoverish the Kingdom, that at last it might b [...]come a prey to a third party. As for the death of the Duke of Guise, Poltrot (who shot him) was executed for it; and though he had accused Admiral Coligny, Beza, and some others, as Instigators of him to it, yet they had publickly disown'd it both by Oath and Declarations: besides, Poltrot did vary in his Accusations, and so his Credit not possitively to be stood to. However the King by his cunning doubtful Answers and Delays wheedled all these things off, to the no small trouble of the Guisians, who hoped for a war and troubles, that being the only way to raise them­selves, and carry on their designs.

Yet was not the House of Navarre free from danger, for Pius V. ad­vised 1568 Spo [...]d. § 26. the Queen-mother to seise upon their Dominions, seeing Queen Jane was an Heretick; or if she approv'd not of this, that he might by his Papal Authority appoint one of the Family of Valois to be King of those Territories: that for his part if neither of these liked her, he was resolved to give to the King of Spain that part of the Kingdom which Jane possessed. I suppose he did not mean all those Territories in France, which for her Son she governed as Queen of Navarre, but only that little spot of ground which lieth North of the Pyrenean Mountains in Gascogne, which the French do call the lower Navarre, having St. Jean-Pied-de-Port, St. Pelage, and a few other little Towns in it.

But which of them the Pope meant is no great matter, for both of them if gain'd must be won by the Sword, which it seems at this time Philip had no mind to, whereupon this went no further then a vapour, and so I leave it.

But nothing can more clearly demonstrate the intent and design of the year 1572 Guisards, then the Massacre of Paris, (a slaughter so much the worse be­cause of its long contrivance before the action, viz. almost Davila p. 346, 350, 355, 356, 357. two years, for so long was it concluded on before) where the Id. p. 370. Duke of Guise was very urgent and earnest that the young King of Navarre and his young Cousin the Prince of Condé (the next Heir to the Crown after Navarre) should be both slain with the rest; but others (though cruel enough) oppos'd this, as not willing to imbrue their hands in the Bloud Royal, which would seem so abominable all the world over.

But whether at this time the Guisards had any design to secure them­selves of the French Crown I shall not say any thing, though that they had afterwards is apparent and confest by all Historians. And thus much by the way, though one might enlarge himself on this bloudy sto­ry, by observing how the King endeavouring a vindication of himself, did make the thing worse by his many Contradictions, as appears by his Vid. Er­nest. Vara­mund. de Furoribus Gallicis. Letters and Declarations.

Sometimes declaring how sorry he was for the death of his Cousin the year 1572 Admiral, how the Massacre was acted without his knowledge, how it was contriv'd and done only by those of the House of Guise, upon some quarrel between them and the Admiral; that it was not in his power to hinder it, he having enough to do to secure and guard himself, his Queen, his Brethren, the King of Navarre, &c. in his Palace the Louvre; that he is for peace, and desires all to keep the Edict of Pacificati­on, &c.

Othertimes he declareth that the Massacre was done by his express will and commandment; that it was acted for the security of himself and Friends; that the Admiral and Huguenots had plotted and determined to destroy him, his Queen, his Brethren, the King of Navarre, &c. Now or­ders all of the Reformed Religion to be turn'd out of their Imployments, Places, and Estates; and then that they shall be Davila, p. 735. massacred after the same manner all France over, &c.

And as a forerunner to all these slaughters happened the sudden death 12 June. of Jane the stout Queen of Navarre, who being come to Paris (upon ear­nest Invitations) about her sons Marriage, was (as is commonly belie­ved) poisoned by order of the King and Queen-mothers private cabal. Certain it is, though all the rest of her body was dissected and open'd to view, yet the King would Thuan. l. 49. not by any means let her Head be touched, he knowing (as p. 364. Davilla saith) that the poison (of the Perfum'd Gloves prepar'd for her) had only wrought upon her Brain.

But for all this the Marriage went on, and was solemniz'd between 18 August the young King of Navarre (for now Henry after the death of his Mother took upon him the Title of King, being before only call'd Prince) and Margaret Daughter to Henry II. of France, and Sister to Charles IX. a Lady of excellent parts, as appears by her writing, though it may be truly said of her Memoires, that she wrote them more to justifie her self, and wipe off some stains, then to inform posterity of what was true, for all is not currant that she attests. However it be, having been married many years without either Children or Affection to her Husband, she was at last divorced from him 1599, as being married against her will, and to one that was then an Heretick, and too near a kin to her, besides the Spiritual Relation, her Father Henry II. having been Godfather to her Husband; and all these Nullities confirm'd, and to the Divorse rati­fied by Clement VIII. though Pope Gregory XIII. had formerly dispens'd with them, and approved of the Marriage.

But for all these pretences the truth of it was, that this King natu­rally gave himself up to the pleasure of variety, to which he wanted not many flattering promoters, insomuch that some of his Dames of pleasure wanted but a lit [...]e to fit in the Throne; and Margaret having been thus for 27 years fruitless, the people desired succession by some other means, which afterwards happened from Maria de Medicis daughter to Francisco Grand Duke of Tuscamy, married upon the Divorce to this Henry. Mar­garet (who yet kept the Title of Queen) died 1615, who doth Men o [...]r [...]s p. 31. confess, that the Contrivers of this Massacre did design it not only against the Huguenots, but also against the Princes of the Bloud Royal, and that they were not a little angry when they understood that the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé were preserved from the slaughter.

And what vertue or goodness could then be expected in the French Court, of which a late excellent Author doth give this Character? Hard. de Perefixe Hist. Hen. le [...] That then it, never was there any more vicious or more corrupted; where then Atheism, Sorcery, Impiety, Ingratitude, Perfidiousness, Poisonings, [Page 493] Murderings, and such like horrible wickednesses, did sway in the highest degree.

To which we might adde the designs of Catherine de Medicis, the Queen-mother, one that hath left a very bad and black Character be­hind her, some making her the Authoress of the many miseries of that Kingdom, and amongst many others I find one thus very biting a­gainst her.

Tres Erebi Furias ne posthac credite vates,
Tho. Lan [...]. Consult. Germ. p. 272
Addita nam quarta est nunc Catherina tribus:
Quod si tres Furias à se dimitteret Orcus,
Haec Catherina foret pro tribus una satis.
That th' Furies are but three now speak no more,
Since Catherine doth make the number four:
And yet should Hell cashier those three, this Kate
Alone would serve to plague grim Pluto's State.

And we might also suppose, that the ill-will these Brothers of Valois bare one to another might be some advantage to these troubles; and one tells us, that they endeavour'd to ravish the French Crown one from Hist. Hen. le Grand. another, on which he remarks (as it were by a judgment) that they all died unhappily. And possibly these Garboils and miseries might be somwhat promoted by the natural humour of that Nation, which is said to be very Phil. Brist. Geogr. vol. 1. p. 78. Fickle and Quarrelsom; the Sieur Montaigne himself confessing and asserting, That Mettez 3 Francois au deserts de Libye, ils ne seront p [...]s un mois ensemble, sans se har­celer & es­grat ner. L [...]s Essais de Mo [...] ­taigne l. 2. c. 27. p. 666. if three Frenchmen were put together in the wilde desarts of Libya (where self-preservation might oblige them to assist and befriend one another) before a months end they would be pro­voking, scratching, and falling out one with another. As for the Brother Kings, Fuseb. Phi­lod. lp. Cos­mopolit. Di­alog 1. p. 75 76, 77, 79. some think that the famous French Poet Pierre de Ronsard, (though a zealous Romanist) did design their Characters and vices, under counterfeit names, in the end of his La Trançiade, but whether so or not, let others judge.

However, though these accidents might make the way more easie for the following mischiefs, yet we shall find that horrid League more highly carried on by those of the house of Lorrain: of which pre­tended holy Covenant we proceed now to speak more particularly, pas­sing by in the mean time those worse then Civil Wars, between the King and Huguenots, where all things went to wrack, and the King­dome was almost ruined, of which thus an Tho. Da­ne [...]t. Hist. of France in E­pist. Dedic. Dr. Pet. du M [...]ulin's Vindication of the since­rity of the Prot [...]stants Religion, c. 2. p. 29, 30, &c. eye-witness doth testifie, 1577. We found such a Wilderness in all the Countrey between Bayonne and Bourdeaux, that whole Forrests and Woods were turn'd up and consumed, the Towns utterly desolated, the people dispersed, the Churches quite subvert­ed, and the Children, (a lamentable thing to be recorded) remaining un­christned by the space of ten years.

And wherever the fault lay, I shall not Apologize here for the Hu­guenot, who was too zealous in his way, and too much byass'd by fu­ry and indiscretion, as it commonly hapneth to those holy people, who cry up Religion with the sword in their hands, as if it were lawful for subjects to rebel upon the account of any Religion, or such pretence in the world. But nothing here is intended against the Huguenot, since 'tis said in their Vindication, that these troubles were neither upon the account of Religion, nor between the King and them, but rather a begun Quarrel 'twixt the Princes of the Blood and the Guises with their [Page 494] Minions; the first taking it ill, that the latter should sway all, by ex­cluding them from the management of publick affairs, to whom, as Princes of the Blood-Royal, by the Custom of France, it did belong, especially in the Minority or indisposition of their Kings, and so one time were willing to gain that which they thought their right, and an­other time thought it best to defend themselves; but of these things I shall not judge, being at this time nothing to any purpose.

CHAP. II. The Articles of the Holy League, and the Guisards Under▪ plotting against the King.

SIgismundus II. surnamed Augustus, King of Poland, and much com­mended 1572 1573 for his Prudence, Valour and Learning, dying, the people choose for their King Henry Duke of Anjou, Brother to Charles IX. King of France, who accordingly goeth into Poland, and is there Feb. crown'd.

But here he stay'd not long, for the same year his Brother 30 May. Charles dy­ing, year 1574 the Crown of France belong'd to him as next; and so upon notice of his death he June. steals out of Poland, to the no small trouble of the Natives, and posts to his Hereditary Throne, which he thought more worth then the other Elective; yet in France he always kept the Title of King of Poland, though that people, (seeing Henry would not return to them again) had chosen for their Sovereign Stephanus Battorius an Hungarian, year 1575 and Prince of Transilvania.

Henry III. being thus Crown'd or Consecrated the French King at Rbeimes, was the next day married to Louyse de Vaudemont, Neece to the Duke of Lorrain; and, as a shew, that nothing should be want­ing to the prosperity of that Nation, a firm peace was struck up and concluded, whereby a free Exercise of Religion is granted to the Hu­guenots; Liberty to erect Schools or Colledges, of calling Synods, to 14 May, 1576 Edict de M [...]y. enjoy Offices and Dignities, &c. But none of these Conditions were observed, to the no small discontent of the Huguenot.

Nor were the Romanists pleas'd, that any such Articles should be granted, though they were wink'd at, to break them according to their humours. And whoever was the Instigator of the said Agreement, some laid their designs by it. For now was it spred abroad, how pre­judicial the said Peace was to the Roman Religion, how dangerous to the French Nation, that the King shewed himself none of the wisest in concluding it; nay, it was whisper'd, as if the King might have a twang of Calvinism, by this shewing a favour to the Hereticks; though 'tis supposed that the Guisians were the main Promoters of this Peace, thereby to have an occasion to raise these Discourses, the better to get the King disliked, so neglected by his people. Though they need not have taken so much pains to obtain that, which the King himself by his negligence, facile humour, wanton tricks, hypocrisie, and his odd carri­age Vid. Jour­n [...]l du Roy Hen. III. Ao [...]st. 1576. & Fevrier. 1577. in his Momeries and such like disguises, was naturally apt to pro­cure, and accordingly was slighted and despised, as appears in part by the many Lampons and such like Raileries against him, and the Honou­rary Titles the Wags were then pleas'd to bestow on him.

The House of Guise (in spight of the Interest, Priority, and Favour; year 1576 which the Law and Custom of France grants to the Princes of the Bloud Royal) had used of late times to rule all, and dispose of the King and Kingdom as they pleas'd; and having now the Queen of their Family, question'd not but to rule and sway all as formerly, nay and to drive a lit­tle higher. And because Peace was an enemy to their designs, 'tis plot­ted how to break that and the Kings Reputation together, as afore­said.

By the late Edict of Agreement the Prince of Condé was made Go­vernour of Picardy, and in it the strong Town of Peronne assigned to him. At this many Reports are thrown out disadvantageous to the King, and at last the People are secretly cheated to an opposition, so they resolve Condé shall not enter into Peronne, nor have any thing to do over them: for security of which and their Religion a Manifesto of their humours and designs is drawn up by their Leaders, and they are all secretly ob­lig'd to submit and subscribe to it: the Paper it self being long, and much of it of no great matter, I shall refer you to other d'Aubi­gne Hist [...]re Ʋn [...]ne [...]selle, tom. 2. l. 2. c. 3. Andr. Fa­vyn Hist. de Navarre, l. 15. p. 927, 928, &c. Writers.

But the summe of it was:
  • After many fine specious Cantings and Good morrows of their Loyal­ty, Religion, and Obedience, to Enter into an Holy Union or Cove­nant.
  • To honour, follow, and obey him that shall be chosen the
    They do not name their Chief, but all con­clude it was the Duke of Guise.
    Chieftain of their League, and to assist him in all things against any (be who it will) that shall attempt any thing against him.
  • To defend and keep the people from oppression better then hath been done heretofore.
  • To spend their very lives for defence of the Towns and Castles which shall associate with them and their Chief.
  • To keep secret the Counsels of their Covenanters, and to discover any thing that may be prejudicial to their League.
  • To be faithful, loving, and assistant one to another; and that all the pri­vate Quarrels amongst them shall be ended by the Council (which shall be chosen) of their Confederation, to whose determination they will submit themselves.
  • And the better to strengthen their League it shall ba remonstrated at their next meeting, the necessity of appointing some amongst them in several places, to inform the Gentlemen of their parts or neighbourhoods, what is necessary to be propos'd, to receive their Answers, and to determine what is fitting to be set on feot.
  • To give secret notice to their adjoyning Cities of their designs, and to get them to joyn with them in the same League a [...]d Covenant.
  • That some should be dispatch'd to the
    No que­stion but Spain in the first place.
    neighbouring Nations with Creden­tial Letters, to persuade them to joyn, and run the same fortune with their League.
  • That in the Cantons, Divisions, or Wapentakes of the said Province of Pi­cardy there shall be one appointed to inform the Associats or Covenanters about him, of whom there shall be a Roll or List made, and that every one shall procure as many Proselytes as he can.
  • That every man shall have his Arms in readiness.
  • That a Rendezvouz shall be pitch'd upon when time shall require; and that the Places, Towns, and Castles of the King, and of those belonging to their Associats, shall be endeavour'd to be in confiding hands.
  • [Page 496]That they must have some trusty friend at Court to give them Intelli­gence.
  • That they must promise and swear all fidelity and service as far as their lives and estates go to their Chief and Head.

And so zealous were they for this Association, that they protest in their Manifesto to spend their bloud as freely for it, as Christ did his for the Redemption of Mankind.

This their Manifesto they spread abroad with a great deal of care and cunning, persuading and getting multitudes to subscribe it; and amongst other places they were very busie at Paris: but it is said thus, Christo­pher de Thou, the chief President and Father to the Famous Jacobus Au­gustus Thuan. l. 63 Thuanus, gave some stop to it in that City, by shewing his dis­like of it.

They had also a great mind to inveigle Ludovico Gonzago (the Duke Gomber­ville, les Memoires de Nevers, v [...]l. 1. p. 437, 458. of Nevers) into something like it and its Subscription, but he very cun­ningly refused it, as if not willing to enter into any League or Associa­tion without his Kings knowledge and desire; but though he would not subscribe, yet either Opinion or Interest engaged him more then was fit­ting to the Leaguers for some time.

Yet the Guisians perceiving their number to increase, drew their de­signs into a closer compass, and after the following Form framed their HOLY LEAGUE AND COVENANT, which was to be signed and sworn by all their Confederates.

THE LEAGUE.

Au nom de la saincte Trinité, I. Pere, Fils, & Sainct Esperit, nostre seul vray Dieu, au quel soit Glorie & Honneur.

L'Association des Princes, Sei­gneurs, & Gentils-hommes Ca­tholiques, Andr. [...]a­vyn reads onely [...]st faicte— doit estre & serra fait pour restablir la Ley de Dieu en son entier; remettre & retenir le sainct Service d'icelui selon la forme & maniere de la Sainct E­glise Catholique, Apostolique, & Romaine; abjurans & renonçans touts erreurs au contraire.

Secondement, pour conserver le II. Roy Henry III. de ce nom, D' A [...]bi­gne and the Hist. des derniers troubles de France [...]ave it thus,—Henry III. de ce nom, par la grace de Dien & ses Predecesseurs Roys tres Chrestient, which may be as right as the other; and so their pretended Loyalty to the Valoises spoiled by a ju [...]gle. & ses successeurs Roys tres-Chrestiens, en l'estat, splendeur, autorité, devoir, service, & obeissance, qui lui sont deubs par ses subjects, ainsi qu'il est [Page 497] contenu par les Articles qui lui seront presentez aux Estats, les quels il jure & promet garder & son Sacré & Couronnement, avec Pro­testation de ne rien faire au preju­dice de ce qui y serra ordonné par lesdits Estats.

Tiercement, pour restituer aux Provinces de ce Royaume & Estats d'icelluy, les Droicts, Preéminen­ces, Franchises, & Libertes anci­ennez, telles qu' elles estoient du temps du Roy Clouis premier Roy Chrestien, & encores meilleurs & plus profitables, si elles se peuvent inventer sous la Protection sus­dicte.

Au cas qu'il y ayt Empesche­ment, Opposition, ou Rebellion à ce que dessus, part qui & de quelle part qu' ils puissent estre, serront lesdicts Associez tenus & obligez d'employer tous leurs biens & moy­ens, mesmes leurs propres Per­sonnes jusques à la mort, pour pu­nir, chastier, & courir sus à ceux, qui l'auront voulu contredire, & empescher, & tenir la main que toutes les choses susdictes soyent mises en execution reéllement & de faict.

Au cas que quelques-uns des­dicts Associez, leurs Subjects, A­mis, & Confederez, fussent mole­stes, oppressez, & recherches pour le cas dessusdicts, par qui que ce soit, ser [...]nt tenus les dicts Asso­ciez employer leurs Corps, Biens, & Moyens, pour avoir vengiance de ceux, qui auront faict lesdicts oppresses & molestes, soit par la voye de justice, ou des armes, sans nulle acception de personnes.

S' il advient qu' acun des Asso­ciez apres avoir faict serment en la dicte Association, se vouloit reti­rer ou departir d'icelle sous quel­que pretexte que ce soit (que Dieu ne vueille) tels refractaris de leur [Page 498] consentement, seront offencez en leur corps & biens, en toutes sortes qu' on se pourra adviser, comme Enemis de Dieu, Rebelles, & Per­turbateurs du repos public, sans que lesdicts Associez en puissent estre inquietez ny recherches, soit en publec ny en particulier.

Jureront lesdicts Associez toute prompte obeissance & service au Chef que serra deputé, suivre & donner conseil, comfort, & ayde, tant a l'entretenement & conserva­tion de ladicte Association, que ruine aux contredisants à icelle, sans acception ny exception de per­sonnes. Et seront les defaillants & dilayants punis par l'Authorité du Chef, & selon son Ordenance, à laquelle lesdicts Associez se soub­mettront.

Tous Catholiques des Corps des villes & villages seront adver­tis & sommez secretement par les Governeurs particuliers d'entrer en ladicte Association, fournir deue­ment d'armes & d'hommes pour l'execution d'icelle, selon la puis­sance & faculté de chacun.

Est defendu ausdicts Associez IX. d'entrer en debats ny quarrels l'un contre lautre sans la permission du Chef, à l'arbitrage du quel les con­trevenants seront punis, tant pour la reparation d'honneur, que touts autres sortes.

Que ceaux qui ne voudront en­trer X. This Ar­ticle is not in [...]avil [...]' [...] Hist. l. 6. en ladicte Association, seront reputez pour enemis d'icelle, & poursuivables par toutes sortes d'offences & molestes.

Si pour fortification ou plus XI. grande sureté des Associez se faict quelque Convention avec les Pro­vinces de ce Royaume, elle se fera en la forme susdicte & aux mesmes conditions, soit (que) ladicte Associati­on soit poursuivie envers les dictes villes, on par elles demandees, si au­trement n'en est advisé par le Chef.

[Page 496]

THE LEAGUE.

In the Name of the Holy Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, our onely true God, to whom be Glory and Honour.

The Confederacy and Covenant of the Princes, Lords, and Gentlemen of the Catholick Religion, ought to be and is made for the complete establish­ment of the Law of God, and to re­store and settle his holy Worship, ac­cording to the form and manner of the Catholick, Apostolick, and Roman Church, abjuring and renouncing all errors contrary unto it.

Secondly, for the Preservation of King Henry III. of that name, and his Successors the most Christian Kings, in the State, Honour, Autho­rity, Duty, Service and Obedience, due unto them by their subjects, ac­cording [Page 497] as it is contain'd in those Articles, which A condi­tional obe­dience: and here they make the King tru [...] ­kle to the Parlement. shall be presented to him in the Assembly of Estats, the which he swears and promises to ob­serve at his Consecration and Coro­nation, with protestation not to do any thing against that which shall be there ordain'd by the said Estats.

Thirdly, to restore unto the Provin­ces III. of this Kingdom, and the States of it, those ancient Rights, Preeminen­ces, Privileges, and Liberties, which were in the time of A pretty tr [...]ck to run above 1000 years back for a Govern­ment, and so they might pre­tend any thing. Clouis the first most Christian King, or yet better and more profitable (if any such can be found) under the said pro­tection.

In case there be any Impediment, IV. Opposition, or Rebellion against the aforesaid, let it be by Here they will not ex­cept the King him­self. whom or whence it will, the Covenanters here shall be oblig'd to venture not onely their fortunes and goods, but their very lives too, to punish, chastise, and prosecute those, who shall offer to di­sturb or hinder this League; and shall never cease till the aforesaid things be really done and perfe­cted.

In case any of the Covenanters, V. their Vassals, Friends, or Confede­rates, be molested, oppressed, or que­stioned for this cause, be it by Nor will they here except the King from their fury if he op­pose them, that is, side not with them to his own ru [...]ne. whom it will, they shall be bound to imploy their Persons, Goods, and Estates to take revenge on those who have so op­press'd or molested them, either by the way of justice or force, without any exception of persons whatsoever.

If it shall happen that any man, VI. having united himself by oath to this Confederacy, shall desire to withdraw himself or depart from it, upon any pretence whatsoever, (which God for­bid) that then such wilful breakers of [Page 498] their former promises, shall be punish­ed in bodies and goods by all means possible, as Enemies to God, Rebels and Disturbers of the publick peace: neither shall any of the Covenanters be A good prevention against ju­st [...]e, and a way to get the wicked to joyn with them. VII. liable to trouble, or to be questi­on'd either in publick or private for such their revenge.

The said Covenanters shall like­wise swear to yield all ready obedience and service unto that The D. of Guise. But it was his policy not to be na­med at fi [...]st. Head or Chief which shall be appointed; to follow and give counsel, help, and as­sistance, as well to the intire conser­vation and maintenance of the said Nor e [...]e will they except the Ki [...]g, whom they design [...]d to ruine. League, as the † ruine of all that shall oppose it, without any partiality or exception of persons: and the failers and neglecters of it shall be punish'd by the Authority of the Chief or Head, and according to his Orders, to which all the said Covenanters shall And why not submit to the Kings Au­thority? VIII. submit.

All the Catholiques of any Towns, Corporations, or Villages, shall be se­cretly advertised and warned by the particular Governours to enter into this Covenant, and without fail to provide arms and men for the carry­ing of it on, every man according to his condition and ability.

It is also prohibited to the Cove­nanters to enter into debates or quar­rels one against another, without leave of their Head or Chief, by whose ar­bitrement all offences of that nature shall be desided, as well for reparation of credit as other things.

That those who will not enter into this Covenant shall be held as ene­mies to it, and to be prosecuted with all manner of punishments and mis­chief.

This Article is neither in Davila nor Thuanus l. 63. but in Favyn, d'Aubigné, and Hist. de derniers troubles de France l. 1. fol. 8.

[Page 499]

THE OATH.

Je [...]ure Dieu le Createur (tou­chant ces Sainctes Evangiles) & sur peine d'Anatematization & ma damnation eternelle, que j' ay entré en ceste Saincte Association Catholique, selon la forme du traicté qui m' y a esté leu presente­ment, justement, loyaument, & sincerement, soit pour y comman­der ou [...]y obeir & servir: Et pro­metz sur ma vie & mon honneur, So reads Favyn it, but d'Aubi­gne & Hist. des derni [...]rs troubles de France thus,—de m'y conser­vir—how­ever the sense is all one. demeurer en la dicte Association jus­ques à la derniere goutte de mon sang, sans y contravenir, ou m'en retirer pour quelque Mandement, Pretexte, Excuse, ny Occasion que ce soit, This l [...]st clause is [...]n Favyn. & de tenir secret ce qui s'y traictera.

THE OATH.

I swear by God the Creator (laying my hand upon the Holy Gospel) and under pain of a Curse and my eternal damnation, that I enter into this Ho­ly Catholick Covenant, according to the form now read unto me, truly, faithfully, and sincerely, whether it be to command or to obey and serve: And I promise upon my life and ho­nour to continue in this League or Covenant unto the last drop of my bloud, without transgressing it or de­parting from it for any Command, Pretence, Excuse, or Occasion what­soever, and to keep secret whatsoever shall be agitated by it.

Thus (as a Davila Hist. l. 6. p. 451. Romanist confesseth) these men making a shew to obey and maintain the King, they took from him all his Obedience and Authority, to confer it upon the Head of their Confederacy. And Pag. 927. Favyn and others confess the same. Nay, so zealous were they for this Covenant, that they did (Catiline like) [...] laquelle ils est [...]yent si furie [...] ­sement transport [...]z, qu' ls signoi [...]nt ce serment de leur propre s [...]n [...]. Andree Fa­vyn Hist. de Navarre, p. 932. subscribe it with their very bloud, as some Pagan Nations anci­ently used to Tertul. apol. c. 9. drink their bloud at the solemnity of their Trea­ties.

These designs were privately and cunningly sent abroad, and with so much industry that Paris it self, with Poictou, Tourain, and other Provin­ces and places, presently entred themselves into the League.

Having gone thus far, they thought it convenient to have their Plots countenanced at Rome, to which purpose they sent Nicolas David (an Advocate of the Parlement of Paris) thitherward with Instructions: but David being seiz'd on in his way in Dauphiné by the Huguenots, much of the Plot was discovered, and David himself Favyn p. 927. slain. Yet Nicolas Cardinal de Pellevé (a Creature of the Guises) agitated the business at Rome with Pope Gregory XIII. in the mean time Philip II. of Spain was presently persuaded to joyn his Interest with the French Covenanters.

The French King had some Item of these doings, yet not knowing fully what the aim at was, he seem'd to take not much notice, being willing enough to rest secure between these and the Huguenots, both which were powerful and mortal enemies.

And now the Assembly of the States meet at Blois, composed most of the Favyn p. 896. Davila p. 460, 461. 6 Decemb. 1576. Guisians or Covenanters. The King is willing for a firm Peace, but the other party desire no such thing; and seeing that the King by his N [...]gative voice would frustrate all their Councils, they invent a [Page 500] trick to avoid that by desiring of the King, that he would elect a num­ber of Judges, not suspected by the States, who together with XII. of the Deputies might hear such Motions, as from time to time should be pro­posed by every Order, and conclude and resolve upon them: and what­soever should be joyntly determined by the Judges and Deputies should have the form and vigour of a Law, without being subject to be altered or revoked.

But the King smelling the design offer'd them fair enough, but resol­ved to keep the power in his own hand.

The Leaguers foil'd here go another way to work, and desire him to extirpate the Huguenots. The King is puzled at this request; for should he not comply with it they would declare him to be a Favourer of He­reticks, whereby he would lose his Interest with the Romanists; besides considering that the Covenanters were too strong for him at present, he thought it his wisest course to comply with them, thereby to get that Authority to himself which they endeavour'd to settle upon ano­ther; and so he was politickly forc'd to take the Covenant, and declare himself the Head of it.

Having done this beyond their expectation he resolves to be as cun­ning as themselves, and so he desires (since they seem willing for war) to furnish him with Moneys to carry it on. At this they demur; for though they loved mischief, yet were unwilling to lay their Moneys at the Kings disposal: by which trick Henry seem'd left to his own discre­tion.

The Covenanters thus non-plus'd try other means. First, they move that the Council of Trent might fully be receiv'd into the Kingdom: but this is rejected by a Majority of Nobility and Commons, and a great part of the Interested Clergy, as thwarting the Privileges of the Gallican Church; for though they love the Religion, yet they care not for the Popes Authority over them. This not fadging they consult how to re­strain the Kings power, for which purpose they propound that his Coun­cil might be reduc'd to the number of XXIV, and that the King should not chuse them but the Kingdom: but this was also rejected, many of the Covenanters themselves thinking it not safe too much to exasperate the King. And thus the design but half done the Assembly break year 1577 up.

And the King doubting the greatness of the Guisians might too much inlarge their Interest, a little to clip their wings, by publick Spond. an. 1576. §. 11. Or­der confirms the Preeminence and Priority to the Princes of the Bloud.

The Covenanters perceiving that the King had seen too far into their designs, conclude it safe for some time to forbear all open endeavours, but were very sedulous in their private Consultations, by which means they whispered the people into discontent against the King and his Go­vernment, scattering abroad Libels, bewitching many Jo. de Bassieres, tom. 4. p. 205 Nobles and others to their Faction. And several other Plots and Contrivances they had, to carry on which they took hold of any opportunity; insomuch that many Fraternities being now brought into use for Devotion, as Proces­sions, Prayers, &c. the Guisians under this Davila, 16. p. 447. pretence would meet the more boldly and openly to disperse their poison, by their seditious dis­courses amongst the people.

The King also did not want his ways of Devotion, assisting often in their Processions, undergoing Penances, wear Hair shirts, had his Beads openly hanging at his girdle, would observe Canonical hours; and by [Page 501] such like shews of piety some of the people were persuaded, that for all the ill speeches given out against him he was a good Romanist in his heart, and so were the more willing to have the better opinion of him. Journal du Hen. III. Mart 1583. Spond. anno 1583. § 11.

But others who pretended to see a little further were of a quite con­trary judgment, looking upon it to be but Hypocrisie. Amongst the rest Dr. Maurice Poncet (a Benedictine at Paris) preach'd very bitterly against his new-invented Brotherhoods and their Processions, calling of them Hypocrites and Atheists. And indeed it cannot be deny'd, that this King hath sometimes carried on his Vid. d'Au­bigne tom. 2. l. 4. c 1. Confession Catholique de Sancy, c. 8. Love-tricks under these shews of Religion, being too much addicted to ease and pleasures, as appear'd by his other Carnival actions, for which he was Journal du Hen. III. Fevrier 1583. twitted in the Pulpit by Dr. Guillaume Rose (afterwards Bishop of Senlis) and others.

Yet necessity did force him sometimes to look about him, and nothing did he dread more then the Guises and their League, whose power must now be all his study to diminish. To which purpose he promotes as many into Places of Trust as he could conveniently, and whom he could confide in, and knew to be no Favourites of the House of Lor­rain.

The Guisards not ignorant of this design, and knowing full well that the King had really no good affection for them, endeavour what they can to have the Peace broken with the Huguenot, to which purpose a P [...]erefixe Hist. Hen. le Grand. thousand affronts are committed against the King of Navarre, the Prince of Condé, and their Adherents. But passing by these things, the num­ber of Male contents was increas'd; for though the King advanc'd some of his trusty Friends, yet many times Preferment went more by favour then desert, and others were discontented to see themselves slighted: these Male contents the Guisards attaque, and more easily won to joyn with them, and enter into their League.

And that the House of Lorrain might appear in its greatest lustre, the Antiquitiy and Glories of that Family are thought fit to be shewn to all. To which purpose François de Rosieres (Archdeacon of Toul) put­teth pen to paper, and writes a large Book of their Pedegrees and Re­lations, making them as ancient and as near related to the French Crown as he could invent: and this was printed at Paris 1580. by the Kings Licence. But sometime after the Book being more nearly look'd in­to, several things were taken notice of, which gave some great of­fence.

For besides the unseasonable timing of it, considering the designs of the Guises, and his declaring Fran. Ros. St [...]mma­tum Lothar. fol. 451. Hues Capet to be an Usurper, which sounded the harsher seeing some will have the Valoises issued from Hues his Line▪ but besides he had several odd Reflections on the Id. fo. 369 1583 King him­self, of Idleness, Luxury, and bad Government. In short, Rosieres is cast in prison, the Duke of Lorrain cometh to Paris to pacifie the King; at last Rosieres publickly confessing his faults, craving pardon on his knees, by the intercession of the Queen-mother, is released, and the book torn before his face.

Yet was it carefully spread abroad that the Guises were descended from Charles the Great, related to Hugh Capet, and had Title good enough to the Crown. But against this by the Kings Command Pontus de Tyard (afterwards Bishop of Chalon, Cabilonum) writ, but for fear of the Fa­ction conceal'd his name, and Matthaeus Zampinus a Lawyer also took the task. And the same year also (I mean 1583) came out a little French Discourse sur [...]e droict pretendu par ceux de Guise sur la Couroune de France. Tract of about two sheets of paper, in opposition to the pretence of the Lorrainers; but for all this the people will believe as they please.

CHAP. III. year 1583 Francis Duke of Anjou (the onely Brother to the King) dying, the Guisards rejoyce, not doubting but to make themselves next Heirs to the Crown by wheedling in Cardinal Bourbon: with the seve­ral Declarations and Proposals between them and the King.

THE Leaguers, who for some time (that the King might not be too suspicious of them) had proceeded but leisurely, had now an encou­ragement offer'd them to be more brisk in their designs.

For Francis Duke of Anjou, of a fickle and hair-brain'd humour, year 1584 the only Brother to the King, died, not without suspicion and Phil. Briet. An­n [...]l. Spond. § 1. signs of poison, which some Andr. Favyn p. 926, 935. think was administred by the Covenanting Faction; yet at his Funeral the Duke of Guise could Journal du Hen. III. Mart. 25. shew as trou­bled and melancholy a Visage as any.

His death reviveth the hopes of the Guisians, for perceiving the King (having been about nine years married) without any probability of ha­ving Children, for all the assistance of Journal 23 Jan. 1579. Spond. anno 1583. § 11. hallowed Shirts and Smocks, and so the Line of Valois to end with him; and though the next related to the Crown was the House of Bourbon, yet here they had rais'd a doubt, whether the Uncle or the Nephew was to succeed, whether Cardi­nal Bourbon or the King of Navarre were next Heirs; and the Guisards made it their business to raise up the Cardinals right, by his Interest thinking to secure their own designs, for it was his main plot to get Navarre excluded.

And this might the better be perform'd seeing he (as also his Cousin the Prince of Condé, the next Heir after Navarre) was a Protestant, and so it would be an easie matter to get him declar'd incapable of the Crown as an Heretick. And as for Charles Cardinal of Bourbon, being crasie, infirm, and none of the wisest, and one that was rul'd in all things by Guise, was the more fit to make a Property of; and if he should come to the Throne, Guise did not doubt but to manage his Affairs so well, that being already very popular with the Romanists, he might se­cure the Succession to himself, having got many to vaunt much of his Pedegree and Relations. However things went, it was good at the be­ginning to act under the feeble Cardinal, as the first Prince of the Bloud, as they call'd him. And that the Cardinal look'd upon himself as so, is confirm'd by this story which they tell us: That a little after the 'fore­said death of the Duke of Anjou, King Henry III. asked the Cardinal, Journal S [...]t. 158 [...]. that supposing himself should die whether he would take upon him the Government, and precede the King of Navarre? To which the Cardi­nal reply'd, That upon his death the Crown did belong to him, and that he was resolv'd not to lose his right. At which 'tis said the King laught and jeer'd him.

Yet Guise carry'd on his business so well, that he gain'd a multitude of Followers, some being Male-contents, others that loved trouble and mischief, as their Lawyers; some led by Interest, as their Priests and Jesuits; and others persuaded by an holy Zele, thinking Religion was now at the last ga [...]p, and no way to recover her, but by entring into this Holy League and Covenant.

Yet the designs of the Guisards were not carried so closely, but the King had some hints of them, which did not a little trouble him. How­ever to prevent all danger he had some thoughts of joyning with Na­varre, yet with a desire that he should turn Romanist, for which purpose he sends the Duke of Espernon to him, to persuade his Conversion; but in this Navarre desired to be excus'd, however offers him the Assistance and Forces of the Protestants, to be when he pleas'd at his service, either to secure him from, or to quell, the Covenanters.

The Leaguers inform'd of these Consultations, take opportunity thence to bespatter the King, calling him Heretick, giving out that he design'd the ruine of the Roman Religion, that for that end he was joyn­ing himself to the Huguenots; and in proof of this they made no small noise of his receiving the Order of Garter from the English Queen Eliza­beth, (by the Earl of Thes ur­n [...]l by a mistake saith War­wick. Derby) whom they calumniated as the worst of all Hereticks. And the better to possess the peoples heads with mischief and Sedition, they kept in pay divers Priests, who daily taught their Flock,

That Princes ought to be depos'd who do not sufficiently perform their
Perefixe Hist. Hen. le Grand.
duty.
That no Power but what is well order'd is of God.
That that which passeth its due bounds is not Authority but Usurpa­tion.
That it is absurd to say any should be King who knoweth not how to govern.

And we need not question but from these Heads they framed what Interpretations pleas'd them best, and of all they themselves must be Judges. And so I meet with a Batchelour in Divinity of the Sorbonne, who at that time publickly maintain'd in Disputation, publish'd, and dedicated to the Abbot of Cluny, this Position, That

It was lawful for any man, private or otherwise, to depose or kill any
Ant Colyn [...] p. 23.
King or Prince, which were wicked, evil men, or Hereticks.

But the mischief fell upon the Disputants head, for the King offended at this strange kind of pretended Divinity, intended to call him to an account, but was prevented by another accident, for the Sorbonnist was found shot to death in the Court of the College, but by whom I know not, yet the story supposeth by some of his friends the Leaguers, thereby to prevent his Trial, and some further discovery it may be of those who set him on work.

In these Divisions and divers Interests we may suppose France to be but in a bad condition, every Faction pretending and striving to be greatest; and amongst the many Lampons that then flew abroad, this fol­lowing was held not amiss, wherein (as in a Play) each party speaketh his own desires and aims.

LE ROY

Je desire la paix, & la guerre je jure.

LE DUC DE GUISE

Mais si la paix se faict mon Espoir n' est plus rien.

LE DUC DE MAYENNE.
[Page 504]

Par la guerre nous vient le credit & le bien.

LE CARDINAL DE GUISE

Le temps s'offre pour nous avec la couverture.

LE ROY DE NAVARRE

C' il qui compte sans moy pensant que je l'endure,

Comptera par deux fois je m' en assure bien.

LE CARDINAL DE BOURBON

Chacun peut bien compter ce qu' il pense estre sien.

LA ROYNE MERE

La dispute ne vaut, pendant que mon fils dure.

LE DUC DE LORRAIN

Poursuivons neantmoins la LIGUE & ses projects.

LE DUC DE SAVOYE

Le Roy donques perdera la FRANCE & ses Subjects.

LE ROY D' ESPAGNE.

Si la FRANCE se pert je l'aura tost trouve.

LA FRANCE

Tout beau! il ne faut pas tant de chiens pour un os,

Et ceux la ont bien mal ma puissance esprouvee,

Qui pour l'Ambition me troublent le repos.

THE KING

Peace I desire, all war I 'd have repell'd.

DUKE OF GUISE

But by a peace my hopes and plots are quell'd.

DUKE OF MAYENNE

We'll make our selves by war, gain glory thence.

CARDINAL OF GUISE

And we 've occasion cloak'd with fair pretence.

KING OF NAVARRE

Who plots without me, thinking I'll remain

So unconcern'd, shall surely count again.

CARDINAL OF BOURBON

But each may reckon what he thinks his own.

[Page 505]

QUEEN-MOTHER CATHARINE.

For what? whilest my Son lives and wears the Crown.

DUKE OF LORRAIN

Yet let's the LEAGUE and her designs pursue.

DUKE OF SAVOY

Then th' KING will lose FRANCE and his Subjects too.

KING OF SPAIN

If FRANCE doth lose her self I shall her gain.

FRANCE

Puh! for ane Bone so many Dogs are vain.

And to their cost my might and force they 've try'd,

Who durst disturb my Quiet by their Pride.

The Covenanters having with what diligence and secrecy they possi­bly could contriv'd their designs, the Duke of Guise pretended to retire to his Government in Champaigne, but in truth to consult the better a­bout their Affairs, and to get the Duke of Lorrain to subscribe their League. To all which purposes he held a Treaty or Conventicle at Joinville, a place of his on the borders of Champaigne, where met him 31 Dec [...]m. 1584. Juan Baptista Tassi, a Knight of St. Jago, and Dom Juan Morreo of Rhodes, the King of Spains Commissioners; the Duke of Mayenne Bro­ther to Guise, François Roncerole Sieur de Meneville, Agent in the League for Cardinal Bourbon, with some other Favourites of the Faction.

At this Caball amongst other things was
2 Jan. 158 [...]
agreed on,
  • That supposing King Henry III. should die without a Son lawfully be­gotten, that then the old Cardinal of Bourbon should be declared King, all Huguenots or Hereticks excluded from the Succession.
  • That in the mean time all care, industry, and force should be used to root out the Huguenots.
  • That Cardinal Bourbon coming to the Crown, a firm Peace should be made betwixt France and Spain.
  • That he should restore unto Spain all that had been taken from it by the Huguenots, namely Cambray.
  • That he should assist the Spaniard in the recovery of the Nether­lands.
  • That the Council of Trent should be received in France, and that it and no other Religion should be permitted.
  • That the Spaniards should have free Traffick into the Indies, and not not be molested by the
    This complain'd on 1571. D [...]vila, p. 353,
    French Pyrats.
  • That the King of Spain should monethly contribute fifty thousand Crowns for the maintenance of the League, and afford men also if need be.
  • That he should receive into his protection Cardinal Bourbon, with the Guisians, and all other Covenanters.
  • [Page 506]That no Treaty or Agreement whatsoever should be made with the pre­sent
    1585 ☞
    French King without mutual consent of both parties, viz. the Spaniard and Leaguers.
  • That the Articles of this Confederacy should for some reasons be kept secret, till a more fitting opportunity.

Besides these the Spaniard secretly promis'd to the Duke of Guise the Assignment of two hundred thousand Crowns per annum, for his own par­ticular.

In the mean time the Covenanters had Cardinal Pellevée solliciting their cause at Rome with Pope Gregory XIII. to whom they also sent their Agitator Claude Mathieu an active Jesuite: and as there they intend­ed to consult their Interest, so were they not negligent at home, and amongst the rest were very careful to secure Ludovico Gonzago Duke of Nevers in his approbation of their Cause.

For though at first (being a zealous Romanist) he had been overper­suaded to adhere to the League, really thinking that nothing else was in­tended thereby, then the propagation and maintenance of the Roman Religion; and possibly his Wife Catharine, daughter to the Duke of Mayenne, and so Neece to Guise, might somewhat work upon him, to put a greater credit in that Family then was necessary; yet upon better considerations or Interest he began to cool, and at last resolved to do no­thing but what was (as he said) legal and honest, being determined up­on any terms whatever not to violate his Conscience or Loyalty; the Gomber­ville les Me­moir [...] de M. d [...] Nevers, vol. 1. p. 649 better to secure which he draweth up and desires to be satisfied in these following Quaere's.

Whether it be lawful for the Subjects of a Christian Prince to take up arms on their own heads or accord (without the Popes leave signifi­ed to them in writing) to root out the Hereticks of their countrey, see­ing the Prince himself neglects to punish them according to his duty, though desir'd and petition'd so to do by the three Estates?

Supposing this, and that the King should so far dislike the Resolution of his said Subjects as to withstand and op­pose their Declarations and Sentiments, and therein to call to his assistance the said very Hereticks:

Whether in this case the said Subjects shall be quit and free from the Oath of Fidelity and Allegeance they ow'd him?

Whether 'tis lawful for them to fight against the said Prince, even to conquer him in battel or otherwise, with intent to obtain their De­sign, viz. to root out the aforesaid Hereticks?

And to this purpose, whether it be lawful for them to seize on, imploy, and use the Towns and Treasuries of the said Prince, though against his express will and pleasure?

Of these Nevers for his better satisfaction would not onely have the opinion of some private persons, in whose judgment and learning he much confided, but also of the Pope himself.

For the private persons he sendeth the Quaeres to his Confessor Mon­sieur Berthonnier, conjuring him in the Name of the Living God to give him his advice and resolution, and therein to consult with Monsieur Fa­ber. [Page 507] Accordingly they return to him that he ought forthwith to take up arms, and that in so doing it will be so far from harming his Con­science, that it will on the contrary be a Meritorious deed, an immor­tal Honour to him and his Family, and very grateful and agreeable to God himself.

As for the Pope, Cardinal de Pellevée, Jaques la Rue aliàs Martelli, and the aforesaid Claude Mathieu assure him, that the Pope doth so much approve of the Quaeres, that he doth not only declare it to be just and lawful to fight against Hereticks, but also against any that shall favour or adhere to them, though it were the De qu [...]lque qualite on estat qu 'ils fussen [...], mesme Roy­ale. King himself; yet he would not have them to attempt any thing against his life, though he would allow them to seize uhon his person, and so dispose and command him. Yet that his Holiness would not publickly declare this by Bull or Brief, it at this time being not convenient (as he thought) so to do, considering the humours of the Protestants in Germany, Switzerland, the Low-countries, and in France it self; and so hopes that Nevers and the other Leaguing Princes will be content with his Verbal declaration, which he will stand to and never revoke. And for the better security of this Martelli brought from Rome some pretty Beads sanctified by the Pope himself for the Cardinal de Bourbon, that he might bestow them upon the Covenanting Princes, and the other Chieftains and Commanders of that design. But these things not fully satisfying Nevers, he posts to Rome, though con­trary to the Popes desire, and growing daily more jealous of the Lea­guers intentions, is very sollicitous for a perfect Agreement and Accom­modation, writing several times to Cardinal de Bourbon, not to press too much upon the Kings patience: and at last being fully convinced that the Guises had more a private Interest then a publick good in their thoughts, quite forsook them and their Cause, and joyn'd with the King.

The King in the mean time somewhat inform'd of the troublesome and warlike designs of the Covenanters, was persuaded to consult his own security, and therefore by a publick Decree forbids all raising or ga­thering 28 March. together of Souldiers, unless by his express Command and Au­thority, commanding all his good Subjects at the ringing of the Toque­saint (the Alarm bell) to fall upon the said Souldiers as declar'd enemies.

But the Leaguers proceed cunningly and vigorously, & having strength­ned themselves (as they thought) pretty well, were resolved to make an open Rupture according to their former determinations. To which pur­pose they overpersuade Cardinal de Bourbon to quit the Court under co­lour of keeping Lent at his Archbishoprick of Rouen, so he went to Gai­lon a Palace belonging to that See in higher Normandy, where a great company of the Covenanters of Picardy waited upon him, and for his more pretended security conducted him to Peronne, where the League was first framed as aforesaid; and here he was met by the Dukes of Guise, Mayenne, Aumale, Elboeuf, and other Covenanting Nobles, where a large Declara­tion is drawn up in his Name whom they call the First Prince of the Ploud, and subscribed by him: the substance of it is as followeth.

In the Name of God Almighty, King of Kings, be it known unto all, &c.

That a design to subvert Religion hath been the cause of the late troubles.

That it is fear'd (the King dying childless) the Church and Kingdom may be ruin'd, over which they are resolved never to let an Heretick sway; the people being bound neither to admit or obey any Prince but of the Roman Religion.

That to hinder all mischiefs some remedy is to be applied.

That the great preparations of the Huguenots are sufficiently under­stood.

That it is also not unknown, but Chiefly [...]ming at the Duke of Espernon. some people have so possest them­selves of the Kings affection, that they have as it were seiz'd upon his Authority, and excluded those who ought to be more near him.

That these Favourites or Minions have got the chief Governments and Places of Trust, whereby they may command all by Land or Sea.

That they have imbezell'd the Kings Revenues, thereby making them­selves more powerful and obey'd, to the great oppression of the people, which daily increaseth.

That though the Amendment of Abuses was hoped for at the meeting of the Estats at Bloys, yet Private Interests spoil'd all.

That these Abuses are now grown so great, that the Kingdom is almost ruin'd by them, the Clergy surcharged and despised, the Nobles de­bas'd, abus'd, and ruin'd, and all the people in a manner beggar'd and impoverish'd by strange Taxations, &c.

Therefore We CHARLES de BOURBON, first Prince of the Bloud, assisted with the Princes, Cardinals, Peers, Bishops, &c. be­ing the best and soundest part of the Kingdom, DECLARE that we have sworn and faithfully promis'd, to continue in Arms till the Church and Roman Religion be establish'd in her former Dignity, the Nobles enjoy their Privileges, the people eas'd, the new Taxes abolished, the Parlements left to their wonted freedom and liber­ty, &c.

These and such others are the causes of our Arming, which by these ne­cessities is made justifiable, (though otherwise we should disclame such courses;) and so believing we cannot have a more honourable Funeral, then to die in so holy and just a cause. Yet protesting that we do not intend any thing against the King, but on the contrary in defence of his Person, Life, and Estate, being willing to lay down our Arms when he shall remedy these evils, in doing of which he shall be more honoured and obeyed by us.

That seeing the Laws and their good Intentions are clear enough, there­fore they will not force the King to declare a Successour, though in so doing the Nation might hereafter be eas'd of Troubles and Facti­ons about it.

That as they have all a grand Veneration for the Queen-mother, so they hope she will have a good opinion of them.

Humbly desire all people to assist them in this their good design, and to have a favourable construction of their actions.

Protesting never to lay down Arms till we have accomplish'd all these our desires; and so desire all good Romanists to assist them in their Prayers and Devotions.

CHARLES, Cardinal de Bourbon.

But this Declaration was drawn up and confirm'd by the Cardinal some time before, and also Copies of it sent abroad by the Leaguers, the bet­ter to confirm their Party: for I meet with a Letter sent by the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne to the Parlement of Province, (meaning Aix the chief City of that County, where that Parlement sits) in which they tell Memoi [...]es de Nevers, vol. 1. them,

That they have sent the copy of the said Cardinal de Bourbons Declarati­on to them, by which they might perceive how unwilling they were to take up arms, yet that in the quarrel they were resolved to venture life, goods, & friends too; exhorting and adjuring that Parlement to assist them, telling them, that as they shall aid those who joyn with them, so they will endeavour the ruine of those who oppose their League.

Your most Affectionate Servants,
  • HENRY de LORRAIN.
  • CHARLES de LORRAIN.

As for the Declaration it self, it was rejoyned to by the King in ano­ther well and cunningly worded, endeavouring to answer all their Obje­ctions, desiring them to lay down their arms, and admonishing all his Subjects not to believe their idle pretences, but to confide in and joyn themselves to him.

But it was not words that were to befriend the Covenanters: so they draw their Forces together, rendezvouz at Chalons in Champaigne, whi­ther the Cardinal Bourbon is conducted to them by the Duke of Guise, with as great demonstrations of Honour and Joy as could be, the better to insnare and bewitch the old man, whose Name and Interest they wero to make so much use of. And now Guise tampers again with Ne­vers, assuring him that all things go better and better, desireth his speedy assistance, and is much troubled that Rochette (one of his cunning Agitators) is taken and carried prisoner to Paris, fearing thereby some of their Plots may be discover'd.

Yet they look upon themselves strong enough to defie any oppositi­on, having muster'd about 12000 men, expecting daily Recruits of Ger­man and Spanish Forces hir'd to joyn with them; and thus fortifi'd they seize upon several strong places. As for the King, he is at a stand what to do, not having strength enough to oppose his Enemies, nor certain where to secure himself, fearing if he left Paris it would rise against him, and if he stay'd there he might be seiz'd on, so zealously bent was that City for the Covenant. However he gets a strong Guard about him, and sends the Queen-mother to treat with the Confederates. And what a grand conceit they had of their enterprise may in part be Gomber­ville, vol 1. p. 648. seen by their Cardinals Letter to the Dutchess of Nevers, where­in he tells her,

How pleas'd he is with the good will which she and her Duke bears to their designs, which is onely for the honour of God, though others traduce them as Ambitious. That they shall shortly have the bravest Army that hath been in [Page 510] France these five hundred years. That though the Queen-mother now talk to them of peace, yet their demands are so many for Religion, that she will not grant them, &c.

Your most humble Uncle to serve you, CHARLES, Cardinal de Bourbon.

But in short, the Treaty is carried on very cunningly on both sides, and at last both Parties growing jealous of their own Force, and Guise doubting the Cardinals constancy by reason of his easie nature, a Peace was clapt up advantageous enough to the Covenanters, for by Agree­ment 7 July. the Huguenots were to be prosecuted, several Cities and strong pla­ces given to the Guisards, strong Horse-guards appointed and paid by the King to wait upon their Chieftains; Guise himself is to have one hun­dred thousand Crowns, his Forces paid, and all things forgiven, &c. And for better satisfaction upon this Re-union of his Subjects (as they call'd it) the King in Parlement must publish an Edict (which Perefixe calls a Bloudy one.) The summe of it was thus:

HENRY by the grace of God King of France and Poland, &c. 18 July. Edict de Juillet.

How God and Man knoweth his care and endeavours to have all his Subjects of one Religion, i. e. the Roman, the want of which hath been the occasions of so many troubles.

Wherefore with the advice of his Mother and Council he doth ordain and command this unalterable Decree and Edict.

That in his Dominions there shall be but one, viz. the Roman Religion, under pain of confiscation of Body and Goods, all former Edicts to the contrary notwithstanding.

That all Huguenot Ministers or Preachers do avoid and depart the Kingdom within one moneth.

That all his other Subjects, who will not change their Religion, shall de­part within six moneths, yet shall have liberty to sell and dispose of their goods.

That all Huguenots or Hereticks shall be incapable of any Office or Dignity.

That all Courts [...] in sever [...]l pl [...]ces by former Edicts, 1576, 1577. wherein half were to be Romanists and half Hugue­n [...]ts. These were restored ag [...]in by the Edict of Nant [...]s, 1589. with ma [...]y other favours to the Hug [...]enots, m [...]ny or which have been since null'd and taken away. Chambre mi-parties and tri-parties shall be taken away.

That all those Towns and Places formerly given to the Huguenots for their security shall by them be deliver'd up.

That what hath hitherto or formerly been done shall be pardon'd on both sides.

And that for the better preservation of this Edict all Princes, Officers, Governours, Justices, Mayors, &c. shall swear to keep it, and their said Oaths to be registred.

HENRY.
By the King in his Council. Broulart. Read and publish'd in Parlement, the King present. De-Hevez.

The King of Navarre seeing himself thus aim'd at, not only challen­geth Guise to single Combat, (which the Duke answer'd only by Li­bels) but also vindicated himself by an Apologetical Declaration, drawn up by Philippe Morney Sieur du Plessis, whose Pen and Learning that King used to make much use of, as appears by his Memoirs, and whose Life was afterwards writ by one of his Amanuenses, and in whose com­mendations you may read a large Ode in Monsieur Le Pa [...] ­nasse des Po­etes Fran­coises, tom. 2. fol 69, 70, &c. D'Espinelle's Colle­ctions.

King Henry III. perceiving that the Leaguers made great noise against him for not prosecuting the war against the Huguenots, or rather against the King of Navarre, told them his willingness to such a war, and there­fore desir'd them to put him in a way to have Moneys for the raising and paying the Armies: but this they car'd not for, being unwilling that he should be either strong or rich, yet to stop their clamours, he gave order for the levelling of three Armies to fight Navarre and his Asso­ciates. Thus were their three several Interests in France at the same time.

  • I. The King and his Royalists.
  • II. The King of Navarre with his Huguenots, in their own defence, as a
    Andr. Favyn Hist. de Navarre, p. 936. Da­vila p. 579.
    Romanist confesseth.
  • III. The Guisians or Covenanters, designing the ruine of the two for­mer, and to advance themselves.

And now Pope Gregory XIII. dying, there succeeded in the Chair Six­tus V. who upon sollicitation of the Guisards thunders out a Bull against the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé, which being too long for this place I shall refer you to the reading of it in other Pet. Math. S [...]mma Constitut. Rom. Pont. p. 901, 902, 903. Fran. Ho [...]o­man. [...]ul­men Bru­tum. Goldest. Monarch. Rom. tom. 2, 3 p. 124, 125, 126. Authors. But because it is in none of the Editions of Cherubinus his Bullarium, (possibly since that time thinking it not convenient to exaspe [...]te that Kingdom) as they have either fraudulently or politickly left out some other Bulls, take the summe of it as followeth.

First it telleth us what a fine thing a Pope is; that by his right and power can throw down and depose the greatest of Kings.

Then what favours and kindnesses this Henry hath received from the Pope, for Gregory XIII. abolished and pardoned his former sins and Heresies, and gave him a Dispensation to marry his Queen Margaret, and the like done to the Prince of Condé.

Yet for all this they have adhered to Calvinism, opposed the Roman Religion, and endeavoured to carry on that which they call A Re­f [...]rmation, for which they have by Arms and Council withstood the Romanists.

Wherefore according to our duty we draw the sword of vengeance a­gainst these two Sons of wrath, Henry sometimes King of Na­varre, and Henry Prince of Condé.

And therefore declare them and all their posterity deprived of all their Dominions, Principalities, Titles, Places, Jurisdictions, Offices, Goods, Rights, &c.

And that both they and their posterity are and shall hereafter be unca­pable to succeed in or possess any of the premisses.

And we also absolve all Nobles, Feudatories, Vassals, Subjects, and all other people from their Oaths of Allegeance, Fidelity, and Duties they owe or promis'd to them.

And do hereby command and forbid all and every one, that they in no wise obey the aforesaid Henries, or any of their Laws or Command­ments; and those that do otherwise we excommunicate with the same sentence.

And we exhort and admonish Henry III. King of France to im­ploy all his Authority, Power, and Courage to see this sentence exe­cuted.

And command all Archbishops and Bishops in France, Navarre, and Bearne, in virtue of Holy Obedience, that they cause this our Bull. to be publsh'd and effected.

And if any presume to oppose or infringe this sentence, he shall incur the Indignation of Almighty God, and his blessed Apostles Peter and Paul.

A. de Alexiis.
Subscribed by XXV. Cardinals.

The Guisards now thought their Game half done, not doubting but that this Bull would take so much effect, as for ever to exclude these two Bourbons and their Posterity from the French Throne, which then would be the more easie for them to ascend. But the Paris Parlement (most of which saw no further into the League then the specious outside) look'd upon it as a thing of dangerous consequence, that the next heirs to the Crown, should thus so slightly be Excluded, without advice either of the King or them, to the violation (as they thought) of the Priviledg­es of the Gallican Church. And therefore in a full body waited upon the King, desiring to have the Bull torn in pieces, and the Procurers of it to be enquired after, and severely punish'd, and affirming to the King that it ought publickly to be burnt. But the King (though he disliked the manner of the Bull) yet at this time, thinking it best, neither to offend Pope, Parlement or Guisards, said he would consider of it; and thus the business was past over, though the Covenanters spred their Copies abroad with Triumph.

But the King of Navarre would not brook his Reputation thus to be blasted, and therefore gallantly (as Perefiue saith) opposed himself a­gainst the Papal Bull, his Answer being short, brisk, in an unusual stile, and not yet (as I know of) clad in English, take as followeth.

HENRY par le Grace de Dieu Roy de Navarre, Prince Sou­verain de Bearn, Premier Pair and Prince de France,s' oppose à la De­claration & Excommunication de Sixte cinquiesme soy disant Pape de Rome; la maintient faux & en appella come d'abus en la Cour des Pairs de France, desquels il a cest honneur d'estre le Pre­mier.

Et en ce que touche le crime d'Heresie, & de laquelle il est fausse­ment accusé par le Declaration; dict & soustient que Monsieur Sixte soy disant Pape (sauve sa Sanctete) en a faussement menti, & que luy mesme est Heretique, ce qu' il fera prouver en plein Concile, libre & legitiment assemblé. Auquel s' il ne consent, & ne s' y soubmit, comme il est obligé par ses droicts Canons mesmes, il le tient & de­clare pour un ANTICHRIST & HERETIQUE: & en ceste qualité veut avoir guerre perpe­tuelle & irreconciliable contre luy. Proteste cependent de nullité, & le recouvir contre luy & ses Succes­seurs pour reparation d'honneur de l'injure qui luy est faicte, & a toute la Maison de France, comme le faict & la necessité presente le requient.

Que si par le passé, les Princes & Roys ses Predecesseurs ont bien sçeu chastier la temerité de tels Gallans, comme est ce pretendu Pape Sixte, lors qu' ils se sent oub­liez de leur devoir & passé les bornes de leur Vocation, confond­ant le Temporal avec le Spirituel. Le dit Roy de Navarre, qui n' est en rien enferieur a eux, espere que Dieu luy fera la grace de venger l'injure faicte a son Roy, a la Mai­son, & a son sang, & a toutes les Cours de Parlement de France, & sur luy & sur ses Successeurs.

Implorant à cest effect l'aide & secours de tous les Princes, Roys, Villes, & Communantez vraye­ment Christiennes, auquel ce faict touche. Aussi prie tous Allies & Confederez de ceste Couronne de France, de s'opposer avec luy con­tre le Tyrannie & Usurpation du Pape, & des Ligues Conjurateurs en France, ennemis de Dieu, de l'Estat, & de leur Roy, & du repos Gene­ral de toute la Christianite.

Autant en proteste Henry de Bour­bon Prince de Condé.

[Page 512]

HENRY by the Grace of God King of Navarre, Sovereign Prince of Bearn, first Peer and Prince of France, doth Protest against the De­claration and Excommunication of Sixtus V. calling himself Pope of Rome, doth affirm it to be false, and doth Appeal from it as an Imposture to the Court of Peerage in France, of which he hath the honour to be the Chief or First.

And as for that which concerneth the crime of Heresie, and of which he is falsly accus'd by the said Decla­ration; he doth affirm and maintain that Master Sixtus calling himself Pope (with reverence to his Holiness) hath lied in his throat, and that he himself is the Heretick, as he will prove in a General and Free Council legally assembled. To which if he will not consent and submit himself, as he is oblig'd by the very Canons themselves, he will then hold and d­clare him for an ANTICHRIST and HERETICK, and so will have a p [...]r­petual and irreconcilable war against him. Nevertheless protesting his sentences of no force, which Nullity he will recover against him and his Suc­cessours, for a reparation of the injury which is done to him, and all the Bloud Royal of France, as the present necessity requireth.

And if formerly the Princes and Kings his Predecessours, knew well enough how to chastise the hair­braindness or foolhardiness of such dapper Gallants (as this pretended Pope Sixtus is) when they forgot their duty, and pass'd the bounds of their callings, by hand-over-head blending or jumbling the Temporal power with the Spiritual. The said King of Na­varre, who is no way inferiour to them, hopeth that God will assist him to re­venge upon the said Sixtus and his Successors the injury done to his King, the Royal Family and Bloud, and all the Courts of Parlement of France.

And to this purpose he imploreth the help and assistance of all the truly Christian Princes, Kings, Cities, Cor­porations, or Associations which are herein concern'd. And he also desires all the Allies and Confederates of this Crown of France, to joyn themselves with him to withstand the Tyranny and Usurpation of the Pope and the Covenanting Conspiratours in France, enemies to God, their Coun­try, and King, and the Common peace of all Christendom.

The same is also protested and te­stified by Henry de Bourbon Prince of Condé.

And this Protestation was fixed upon the corners of the Streets of Rome the 6th. of Novembe [...] 1585. And there were several Scholars who undertook the defence of the King of Navarre, amongst which were the two famous Civilians Francis Hotman and Pierre de Belloy, the last of which suffer'd a tedeous imprisonment.

As for the Pope, being of a fiery disposition, we may suppose him not a little netled at this Paper; but as by degrees his passion cool'd, so did he affect Navarre, and admire his courage and noble resolution.

And Guise question'd not but that all would go well enough with him; for though once (self-Interest being all his design) he and his brother the Duke of Mayenne had made some Overtures to the King of Navarre to joyn themselves with him, with an intent to ruine the French Kings Favourites or his Party, that so the Leaguers might command that Kings person and Councils; yet he also plotted the overthrow of Na­varre and his Associates, the better to secure all Authority to himself: to which purpose the French King was so work'd upon, as to 7 Octob. 1585. decree all Huguenots to turn Romanists, or depart the Kingdom within 15 days, and their goods to be seiz'd on and sold, but the women had 6 moneths granted them.

Yet the French King justly distrusting the Guisards greatness and de­signs, had (the better to keep the Scales even, and to secure himself be­tween both parties) favour enough both for Navarre and a Peace with the Huguenots, and always looking upon Henry to be next Heir to the Crown, wish'd he would change his Religion, the better to render him more capable to enjoy it. And accordingly began to enter into some Treaties with him, which so madded the Covenanters, that they and the Pulpits ranted very malapertly against the King, as one inclining to the Hereticks, and an enemy to the Roman Religion; which falsities and slanders were no small trouble to Henry of France, by them daily lo­sing the goodwill and affection of his Romanish Subjects: nor was Henry of Navarre any whit less offended at the Duke of Joyeuse, who had ob­tain'd from the Pope, the Confiscation of all the said Kings Hereditary Territories, upon his deprivation by the former Bull or Sentence.

CHAP. IV. A Council of Sixteen appointed at Paris to act all for the League. Where they daily contrive to seize upon and murder the King, but are discovered to him by Poulain. The Guisards desire the King to shackle himself. Guise comes to Paris. The Barricadoes. The King steals out of Paris. Aseeming Peace made by the Edict of Union. The Duke of Guise, and his Brother Lewis Cardinal of Guise, kill'd at Bloys.

VVhilest the Country now tended to War and Sedition, we cannot suppose Paris to lie unconcern'd; and (as some say) her River Pap. Mas­son de flum. Gall. Seina is not so heavy as other waters, so the story of this wicked League might argue her Inhabitants to be more light, fickler, and apt to Rebellion then any other people, and dash out those Commendations of Loyalty which the Learned Les Anti­quitez des Villes de France, l. 1. c. 3. André du Chesne hath appropriated to this City.

Who designs a Rebellion must be sure to secure the chief City to his service, which once done half his work is finish'd. And this was nei­ther unknown nor neglected by Guise, who for a long time had made it year 1584 his care and business to work over the Parisians to his Interest, by his Creatures and Ministers fobbing into their heads strange stories of the bad and gasping condition of the Roman Religion, by reason of the Kings Inclination to Heresie, and endeavours to have Navarre succeed him.

To prevent all, a Council of XVI. active Leaguers are appointed at Paris to carry on the Solemn Covenant, to whom the Duke of Guise sendeth Le Sieur de Mayneville, there to reside and advise the best means to stir up the people to joyn with them, which they thought could not be better done, then by persuading the people of the danger of Religi­on, and how many thousand Huguenots lay skulking in the City well armed, with a resolution to cut the throats of the Romanists.

This close Committee of Covenanters first met secretly in the College de Fortet, (so call'd from its Founder Pierre Fortet) upon which occasion it was afterwards commonly styl'd Le Be [...] ­c [...]a [...] de la Ligue. The Cradle of the League. After­wards they assembled in the Covent of the Dominicans or Jacobins, and at last for fear of being suspected or discovered, they met not at any certain place, but sometimes at one private house and sometimes in ano­ther.

At this time was Provost of the L'Isle de France is properly call'd that Tr [...]ct of ground con­taining Pa­ris, S. Denis, Montmorancy, Dammartin, Poissy, S. Germain en Laye, Luzarche, &c. but the Provosiship or Go­v [...]rnment is of a l [...]rgor [...]x [...]ent. Isle of France one Hardy, who being old (and so not very active) did usually act by his Deputy or Lieutenant (as they call it) which was now one Nicolas Poulain, born at S. Denis, him the Leaguers have a desire to draw into their Caball, because they could make special use of his Authority: nor did they doubt much of his compliance, being greatly in debt, and so the hope of gain and reward would prove strong motives.

Accordingly Jean le Clerc Sieur de Bussy and Georges Michelet, two active men of the close Committee, and zealous Guisards, assault the aforesaid Poulain with many persuasive Arguments to joyn himself to their designs, to which at last he consents, takes an Oath of Secrecy, and they all swear to one another another Oath, That if any one of them were seiz'd on or imprison'd for this their cause, that then every one of the rest should venture life and estate for his delivery. But Poulain continued not long firm to them, for whether he was troubled at their wicked designs, or to ingratiate himself with His Majesty, thereby to better his Fortunes, he discovereth all privately to the King, though kept on his usual meetings with the Leaguers; and when with them, seem'd as zealous as the rest; what he knew of them he afterwards drew up into a little Le Proc [...] du Nicolas Poulain, y [...]u ma [...] [...] in Claude Malingre Sieur de S. Lazare, Annales Generales de Paris, p. 329, 330, 331, &c. And it i [...] al [...]ry l [...]ely r [...]printed in the Recuil de diverses Pieces servant a l'History de Henry III. R [...]y de France, &c. Octavo, 1666. Narrative, out of which we shall take what we think most material.

The better to increase their Number and strengthen their Cause, they had chosen ou [...] several cunning Fellows, one out of each Trade, Com­pany, or Profession, even amongst the several Courts of Judicature, Law, or Justice, who were to in [...]eigle themselves amongst their respe­ctive Trades and Faculties, noise up the Honour of Guise, the Danger of Religion, the Growth of Heresie, the Faults of the King, the Tyranny of his Favourites, and so the Necessity of the League to defend them­selves, Country, and Religion. And for their better security they con­sult how to provide themselves with Arms. The King suspecting some mischief, had by express Order forbidden all Gun-smiths, Cutlers, and such like Artificers, to sell any sort of Arms, but to those who were well known and allow'd to buy them. Upon this account they pitch upon Poulain as the only man in this case to serve them, who by virtue of his Place and Office might buy up store of Arms without suspicion, and besides might pretend several reasons if any jealousie grew of him. And accordingly he had so bestirr'd himself, that in a short time he had bought up a multitude of Arms, and according to directions had in the night dis­posed of them in l'Hostel de Guise, and several other places of the City.

And now they think it best to bring over to their Association the Grandees and Zealots of other Cities and places: to which purpose they dispatch Ameline to sound the Inclinations of the Romanists in the Beausse, as Touraine, Anjou, and other Provinces; who according to his In­structions posted up and down, to the gaining of many Prose­lytes.

But thus encouraged by their Number, they are willing to dally no year 1586 more, but to proceed to action. And so a Caball being held one day in the Jesuites College near S. Pauls, the surprisal of Boulogne (a Port-town in Pi­cardy) was proposed, which might be advantageous to the Spaniards, either for their Fleet in their attempt upon England, (now contriving) or to land Forces to assist the League, which the Duke of Parma might easily do from Flanders. And this was concluded on, and the Plot laid down how to bring it to pass. But Poulain discovers all to the King, by which means the Town was saved.

The people seeing nothing done against the King, murmur that the Heads of the League are not more forward for action; some voting for [Page 517] surprizing the King and Killing him, whilest others thought it would do as well only to put him into a Monastery, which is the same to Deprive him. Another time the King returning from Boys de Vincennes, with no other Company but two Horsemen and four Laquais, they had some Plots to seize on him then in St. Antoine's Street, (being far from the Louvre and so his Guards) in an hurry to kill his Coachman and those with him, and then others to cry out, O Sir, these are the Huguenots who would seize on you. Which words they supposed would so affright him, that he would quit his Coach, and then they would take him and car­ry him whither they pleas'd, as to St. Antoine's Church, in whose Tower they would secure him till they were more strengthen­ed by raising up of the people their Associates. But this upon better advice was held too dangerous for them, and so neglected: yet Poulain informeth the King of it, who resolved for the future to go better guarded; and would willingly have punish'd these Conspirators, but he perceived his Credit too much lost in Paris, and so his Force far inf [...]riour to the Leaguers there; which made him the more willing to have a Peace with Navarre, thereby to be strengthened by his assist­ance; but this neither durst he do for fear of the clamours and threats of the Leaguers, unless Navarre would change his Reli­gion.

In the mean time some of the Covenanters began to grumble, that the Duke of Guise did not in person come out of the Country to head them according to his promise. However his brother the Duke of Mayenne being returned to Paris from his Wars in Guienne, some of the chief of the private Junto waited upon him at ten a clock at night, told him their designs, and desired his assistance, which he promis'd them.

And now after some Consultations thus they conclude of their grand design, that they would seize upon the Chevalier du Guet. Captain of the Ordinary Watch, (one of great Authority) whom by fair promises and fear of death they would force to open the In nature of the Tower of London. Bastile, let them in, and then they would cut his throat. That the gate of the Arcenal should be open'd unto them by two Founders of Cannon who were of their Conspiracy. That the A Court Judicature like Guildhall. Here also some are imprisoned. Grand Chastelet and the The Name of a Prison. Petit Chastelet should be open'd to them under pretence of bringing in certain Prisoners: and by some such other means would they seize upon the other places of the City; kill the Chief President, the Chancelour, the Attorny General, with others of Note who were not of the Party: and with Barrels, Dirt, Chains, and such like so barricado up the Streets, that no Forces could come in to annoy them. As for the Kings Palace the Louvre, they would with ease beset and gain it; which done to cut in pieces the Kings Favourites and Counsellours, put the King himself in a Monastery till a future Government was resolved on: and in this enterprise they should cry out to encourage the Romanists,—Let the Vive l [...] Messe. Mass flourish—and then to send to all other good Towns in the King­dom, to take their part and second them: and the better to root out all the Huguenots, the Duke of Mayenne and the Spanish Forces should destroy the King of Navarre and his Associates in Guienne.

Poulain informeth the King of all, who presently provides for his own safety, secures the places of greatest Trust, and draweth some Souldiers [Page 518] near the City, which did not a little perplex the Covenanters to see their secrets discover'd; and Mayenne also was in some amazement; but to put a better gloss on the business he feign'd himself sick, and went not to the Louvre for some weeks; at last resolving to quit the City, he goeth to take his leave of the King, who willingly gave him liberty to depart, but with this Complement,—How now Cousin, will you forsake the Covenanters?—the Duke only replying, that he knew not what [...] Com­ment Cozin [...]uittez vous lepar­ry de la [...]i­g [...]e? His Majesty meant, and so departed.

The King is glad at Mayenne's departure, by which means the Parisi­ans wanted an Head amongst them; yet the Duke left behind him seve­ral expert Captains and Officers to assist the Covenanters if need be; who were now grown so zealous and confident, as to intend the seizing of the Kings Person at St. Germains Fair, being to dine at the Abby, but Poulain discovering this he went not, and so that fail'd. The Duke of Guise inform'd of these enterprises was very angry with them, as being too hasty and bold to act so high without his knowledge or allowance; nor was he pleas'd, that they had discovered themselves and plots to his brother Mayenne; and so sends le Sieur de Mayneville to chide them. They confess their grief for thus offending the Duke, excuse themselves, desire his pardon, and give Mayneville a Gold Chain to stand so much their Friend as to pacifie the Duke.

Whilest these things were acting in Paris their Instruments were not Mem. de Ne [...]ers vol. 1. [...]. 753. 755. idle in other places, especially at Rome, where Pilles Abbé d'Orbais, Agent for Cardinal de Guise, and some others were great sticklers for the League, countenanced there by Cardinal Pellevé [...]. The actions of which Cardinal (being a Subject of France) did so vex King Henry III. that we are Journal De 1586. 1587 told, that he order'd his Revenues to be seiz'd on and distributed to the poor.

The King being gone from Paris with an Army to oppose the Germans then marching into France to assist the Huguenots, the Covenanters had some thoughts of seizing on the City in his absence, according to Guise his Instructions, who phansied that he might secure the Kings Person in the Country. To this purpose they sent Lauchart to Guise for further information; who upon maturer advice would not allow of the plot, s [...]eing the King then to have such a Force about the City, and a good Army under his command. However they assure the Duke of their strength and willingness to attempt any thing that he shall com­mand.

And the better to incite the Rabble to Rebellion, the Pulpit (the worst Instrument in Seditious design) is made use of; several turbulent Priests or Ministers being set on work to bespatter the King and his acti­ons: one of the chief of these Firebrands was Jean Boucher, Preacher of St. Benoist, a zealous wall-ey'd Fellow, of whose wicked Doctrines we have told you formerly out of his book De justa abdicatione Henri­ci III. The King sent for him, and publickly told him of his lies and slanders; as how he had told the people in the Pulpit, that the King caused one Burlart of Orleans to be put into a Sack and thrown into the River, although the said Burlart was yet alive, and daily kept compa­ny with the said Boucher; by which the King told him he had com­mitted two grand faults, first so basely to bely his lawful Sovereign, and then after telling such a lie in the Pulpit to go forthwith to the Altar and Sacrament, without acknowledging his foresaid falsities, although all confess that every one ought to confess his faults before he receive the Eucharist: yet the King told him that at this time he would for­give [Page 519] all, though he might revenge himself as Pope Sixtus V. did, who year 1587 sent several Franciscans to the Gallies for traducing him in their Ser­mons.

Another call'd Prevost, being Preacher of St. Severin, amongst his many other Seditious prattlements had from the Pulpit told his Parishio­ners, that—The King was a Tyrant, and an Enemy to the Church and People—Upon which the King (as became him) sent for him; which so netled the Covenanters, that they forthwith spread abroad, that the King was resolved to punish and imprison all the good and godly Preachers. A thing very offensive to all manner of Zealots, of what pretended Opinion soever; Rebellious Experience making it a certain rule, that none clamour up Preaching more, then those who pretend to know Religion better then their Teachers; the more ignorant the peo­ple be, the more apt they are to think they comprehend the deepest my­steries, and though they are bid to obey for Conscience-sake, yet (for all their crying up of the Bible) they make a contrary fundamental-Rule, viz. Rebell for Conscience-sake: yet let these Toleration, comprehensive, or in sum Rebellious Villains (for their actions hitherto in History hath not separated them) be worse then can be imagined, they shall never want some rascally upstart Nobles, who raised themselves by fighting the King and cheating the Church, to be their Treasonable and Sacri­legious Patrons, especially where their Twatling Dames have more zeal then honesty, and from such Vagabonds in Religion, good Lord, de­liver all Kings, Kingdoms and Churches! but when Kings are subjects, people will be Kings, but a brave and daring Prince durst never yet be opposed, to the ruine of the Undertakers, but such can never be, whose Favorites are more for pleasure then true honesty and a National inter­est, as it hapned now in France.

Prevost inform'd that he was sent for, was secur'd in an house of one of his Neighbors call'd Hatte a Notarie; and for his farther protection Jean le Clerc Sieur (or Landlord) de Bussy, one of the chief of the Co­venanting Sixteen, with several other Armed men put themselves into the foresaid house, oppos'd and fought against those whom the King sent to enquire for the same Delinquents, and made such an Hubbub and Riot, that the Kings Messengers, though headed by Seguier the Lieute­nant-Civil, or one of the Judges, were forced to withdraw themselves and shift for their own security.

These and such like seditious actions so incouraged the Leaguers, that the Town sounded nothing now but the misdeeds of the King, and the Glories of Guise, that if it had not been for him the Ark would have fal­len into the hands of the Philistins, and Heresie would have triumphed o­ver the true Religion. Nay, the Sorbonists were so bold as to make (as we are told) a secret Decree, That Princes might be depos'd from their Go­vernment, Journal. if they did not what became them, as the charge taken away from a negligent Guardian.

And towards the latter end of this year, 'tis said, that the King was Id. inform'd that the Duke of Guise, had posted disguised to Rome, where he stayed only three days with Cardinal Pellevé, and that the Pope sent him a rich sword. Another tells us, that one Viliers was sent to Rome, to desire the Popes assistance, and that a Letter was found about him, said to be writ by the Dutchess of Lorraine, Mother to the Duke, con­taining thus much.

I am very glad to understand the state of your Affairs, and I advise you to Ant. Coly­net. p. 173, 174. go forward, for never a fairer Occasion was offered you, to put the [Page 520] Scepter in your hand, and the Crown upon your head.

The two last years we could not expect much matter from the Lea­guers (though we see their designs bad enough) seeing most of the Soul­diery in France were imployed against Navarre and his Huguenots, many of the Covenanting Nobles being engag'd in those wars, which diverted them from their attempts upon the King: but we shall see the next year make amends for all.

The Duke of Guise (the better to make all things sure) hath a meet­ing 1588 Davila p. 667, 669. D Aubigne tom. 3. l. 1. c. 21. Spond [...]nus. of the Chieftains of the House of Lorrain at Nancy, (a strong Town in that Dukedom) where it is talk'd high of deposing the King, of put­ting him into a Monastery, of destroying the House of Bourbon, to dispose of all things themselves, and such like extravagancies. But at last it was concluded, that the Duke of Lorrain should keep the Forces of the League in action, and that Guise and others should unite with Cardinal Bourbon to present a Petition to the King, much for their own advantage, which if granted their business might easily be done without clamour or any great opposition; if denied, they had force sufficient to obtain it. Accordingly the Paper is presented to the King, in which (after many fair words) they demand,

That the King should really and briskly joyn himself with them, and root out the Huguenots.

That he would put such persons as they should name from his Court, Council, and their Offices or Imployments.

That he would make the Council of Trent be received in his Domi­nions.

That he would grant some strong places unto the Covenanting Prin­ces, where they might keep Garrisons and make Fortifications at the charge of the Crown.

That he would maintain an Army near Lorrain under the Command of one of the Leaguing Princes.

That he would cause all the Estates of the Huguenots to be sold, to sa­tisfie the expences of the late wars, and to assist the Covenanters in their future designs.

That he would settle the Inquisition in the chief Cities of his Kingdom, and such like.

The King received the Propositions with a seemingly contented countenance, but defer'd his Answer; nor did the Duke of Guise care much whether he satisfied their demands or no, the design being only to render His Majesty odious to the People, as an Enemy to them and Religion, and a Friend to the Hereticks. And the fair and dissembling carriage of Guise, for the Ease of the People, Good of Religion, and Scorn of the Kings pimping, flattering, upstart Favourites, (who rais'd themselves by cheating the King and the oppression of the Poor) had in procuring favour and esteem far the advantage of the Kings carriage and actions, whose only care was Luxury and Idleness, Dancing, Fool­ing with lit [...]le Dogs, pratling with Birds, and such like childish gaye­ties.

All which were sufficiently known to the Guisards, upon which they daily spread abroad (as is usual upon such neglects and occasions) their Pamphlets, Libels, and Lampons; whilest the Zele and Honour of Guise [Page 521] is celebrated in every street and corner, styling him—the new Da­vid, year 1588 the second Moses, the Deliverer of the Catholick people, the Prop and Pillar of the Holy Church, the new Gideon, the Safety of the Kingdom, and such like.

In the mean time the secret Council of the Covenanters in Paris was not idle, and having (as formerly said) for the better carrying on their Plots (the City being divided into Les Seize Quart [...]ers, every one of which is usually go­vern'd by a Qua [...]tinier or Alder­man. XVI Wards or Quarters) appointed a trusty Covenanter to supervise every Ward, and the Leaguers in that Di­vision, from which number the chief and Council of the Guisards in Pa­ris was commonly call'd The Sixteen, (Les Seize.) But Guise now per­ceiving the business daily to ripen for action, thought this Division not close enough, therefore sends back La Chapelle (one of their busiest Coun­sellours) to tell them his desire, who forth with pulls out of his pocket a Map of Paris, purposely divided into V Quarters, every one of which had now by the Duke a Colonel appointed over it, (their names were Count de Brissac, the Sieurs de Bois-Dauphin, de Chamois, d'Eschavoles, and Co­lonel St. Paul) and under every Colonel were several Captains, and so to every one was given a Note what to do, where any might have Arms that wanted. Besides, he had ordered the Duke of Aumale and other his Associates, to be in readiness with their Forces at appoint­ment.

And to the no small joy and encouragement of the Guisards now died Henry de Bourbon Prince of Condé: poison'd he was, as is confess'd by all; and with him might that Branch have ended, but that his Princess (imprison'd upon suspicion as guilty of her Husbands death) a little after was brought to bed of a young Prince, and was call'd Henry. The King of Navarres Life had formerly several times been attempted, of which D' Aubigne will afford you a couple of odd stories. And in this Year Tom. 2 l. 5. ch. 5 Monsieur de Calliere will tell you of another design against his per­son: and we need not question but that his death, be it any way, would Hist d M. [...]u Matig­non, p. 219, 220▪ 221. have been very acceptable to Guise and his Party, who about this time did † spread abroad that he was really dead, whether to encourage their Associats, to dismay the H [...]guenots, or that they knew of some Attempts Ant. Co­lynet. p. 214 against his Life, and hoped they would accordingly take effect, let others judge.

In the mean time the Parisians carry on their Plots, and all things be­ing now in a pretty readiness, they resolve to take opportunity of the time of Lent, it being the Kings custom then to go in Procession in the habit of a Penitent amongst the Whipping-Friars, without any other Guards or Retinue, and thus they thought they might without much difficulty seize on him, clap him up in a Cloyster; then the Duke of Guise to summon the States-General, tell them of the Kings unfitness to rule, and so the League might sway all as he pleased. But Poulain dis­covering this to the King, he feigned himself sick, went not abroad that day, and so escap'd the snare: yet the Covenanters proceed, make a secret Muster of their Forces which they find to be about XXX. thou­sand stout men, and perceiving their designs discover'd, (but by whom they could not tell) thought it not fit to waste time, or give the King opportunity to seize upon any of them, or prevent their Contrivances, wherefore they send to Guise to come without fail, who promi [...]th, and in the mean time sendeth many Officers, to lurk secretly in the City a­gainst his coming.

The King inform'd of this, adviseth for his own safety; but the Fa­ctions at Court did somewhat weaken the Determinations, yet he gets [Page 522] some Companies to strengthen himself in the Louvre, procureth what Friends he can secretly to joyn with him; yet after all he perceived himself not able to cope with his Enemies, though they were some­what cool'd at his Preparations.

About this time His Majesty being at Bois de Vincennes, accompanied 5 May. not with abovn six or sevee, the Sixteen design'd to intrap him in his return, then to Alarm the City by giving out that the Huguenots had surpriz'd him, and in tended his death; thinking by this trick to raise up their Confederates: but Poulain discovering this, the King sent for his Guards, and so this also fail'd. In this designed Treachery Catharine Dutchess of Montpensier, and Sister to Guise, was an active Instru­ment.

The King being also inform'd by the same Poulain, that the Duke of Guise was now resolved to come to Paris, and the Covenanters ready to receive him, sendeth several Messengers to him with express command not to approach; to which he giveth cunning and doubtful answers, with an intent to disobey, and accordingly with all possible haste, at­tended with but a very few of his Gentlemen and Servants, (not keeping the High road, but through by and private passages, that he might not meet any other of the Kings Prohibitions, and so seem publickly to disobey His Majesty) enters the City, the people running mad with joy out of their houses and shops to follow him, insomuch that he had pre­sently above thirty thousand Followers, crying out Long let Gnise live, 9 M [...]y. Davila p. [...]80. D'Aubigne tom. 3. l. 1. ch. 23. the Pillar of the Church. All [...]hewed their greatest affection to him, some thanking him, others bowing to him, some kissing the hem of his gar­ment, others that could not get so near by their hands and gestnres shewed their zele and joy; some ador'd him as a Saint, touch'd him with their Beads, kissing (as they thought) the then said hallowed stuff, or touching their Eyes and Foreheads with them; the Women strowing leaves and flowers from their windows, Madam Vitri crying out, O good Prince, seeing you are come we are safe: others adding, Shall we not die for joy when we have seen you King? To such an height of madness and wickedness will a giddy Zele for Religion transport the indiscreet Rabble.

Guise on the other side with a popular Face and and smiling Counte­nance shewed himself affable and courteous to all by Words, Salutations, or kind Looks; and thus passing along with his Hat in his hand, omit­ted nothing that might gain their Affections and Applause, and in this complemental Triumph he rode directly to St. Eustache, allighted at the Filles Repenties, where the Queen-mother then lay, with whom having some discourse, she in the mean time informeth the King of his coming by her Gentleman-Usher Luigi Davila, (a Cyprian by birth, and elder brother to Henrico Caterino Davila, that excellent Author of the History of the Civil Wars of France) which so perplex'd His Majesty, that he was fain to rest himself upon his Arm, hanging his Head down almost to the Table.

Guise having had some discourse with the Queen-mother (who was not a little frighted at his coming) waits upon her on foot to the Louvre, she being carried in her Chair or Sedan: being come before the King, he endeavours to excuse and vindicate himself, and so returneth to his own house in St. Antoine's Street. And here not only Pope pon [...]. an. 1588. § 3. Sixtus V. but several others condemned the King, that he had not Guise forthwith kill'd whilest he was in his power in the Louvre, and some of his Coun­sellours advised him then to do it, whilest others thought there was no [Page 523] policy or safety in that, seeing the People so furiously resolved for him. Yet probably the King being then in an high passion, might have or­der'd his dispatch, but that Guise by whisperings and other demeanours perceiv'd their Resolutions not settled, so very cunningly taking hold of their uncertainties, pretending a weariness by reason of his travels, took his leave and went to his House, attended with the former multi­tude of his Admirers.

And now the Plot begins to work▪ Guise that night gets above four hundred Gentlemen and Commanders to his House, sends for the Council of Sixteen, and the Like our City She­riffs. Paris hath 4 Es­chevins. Eschevins, (then of his Faction) with whom he con­sults, ordereth Guards to be kept in every Ward, all the Covenanters to be ready upon notice, and had his own house well stored with Arms. And the same care was also taken by the Court to fortifie the Louvre. The next day Guise attended with above four hundred Gentlemen, pri­vately armed with Pistols under their cloaks, (for upon his former jea­lousie 10 May. he would not venture himself so unprovided as he was before) went to the Louvre, waited upon the Queen his Cousin, then the King, and so [...]eturn'd, and held a deep consultation with Pierre Depinac, Arch­bishop of Lyons, his chief Confident and Counsellour. After dinner he went to the Queen-mothers house, whither the King came; and after several discourses concerning the faults of the Government and the People, each endeavouring to vindicate himself and Favourites, they de­parted.

The next day the King order'd all strangers to depart the City, think­ing 11 May. by that means to lessen and divide the Forces of the Guisards, but this could not be perform'd nor obey'd: and Guise, to render His Maje­sty more odious, gave out that the King intended to put to death LX. of the chief Romanists, (a counterfeit List of whom he framed and sent abroad by his Creatures, in which were named the Eschevins, the chief of the Sixteen and Covenanters) and then all their Curates and Preach­ers; and to make this more terrible, it was confidently reported, how that the The Town­h [...]us [...]. Hostel de ville was full of Gibbets to hang the said people on. All which so incens'd the Rabble, that they were thinking to rise up that very night, their Commanders being settled in every Quarter.

And that which most confirm'd these Opinions to the People, was the approach of the Kings Forces; for His Majesty perceiving the high Attempts of the Leaguers, determined to put it to the push, to secure himself and daunt or quell his Enemies; to which purpose he had sent for the several Regiments of the Swisses and French who quarter'd near Pa­ris, who accordingly were led into the City on Thursday morning by 12 May. Mareschal Byron, and agreeable to the Kings Orders, had taken up their Stations or Postes in several places of the City, especially near the Court, which some think was not done to the best advantage, seeing they kept too great a distanc [...] from L'Hostel de Guise in S. Antoine's street, whereby with the greater ease all his Associates and Rabble might come to him, and unite without any opposition.

However at the noise of these Royal Forces the people shut up their Shops, fly to their Arms, and according to their former Instructions, what with Tubs, Barrels, and such like materials, stop, Th [...]refore the French do yet call this day and action—Les Barcieades de Paris, or Journee des Barri­eades. barricado, and chain up the Streets, Lanes, and Passages, and that with such cunning and quickness, that the Kings Forces being as aforesaid divided, could not come to or assist one another: whereupon after a little resistance and a few slain, they yielded themselves. And thus this vast City became subject to Guise, who rode through the streets exhorting the people to [Page 524] stand upon their Guard, since God had been so merciful to them as to secure their Lives, Families, Liberties, and the Honour of the Holy Church, desiring them to depend upon him, and all would be well.

On the other hand the King and Court found themselves in a sad condition, and seeing no help, after many Consultations the Queen­mother is sent to treat with the Duke, and being with a great deal of difficulty (by reason of the stoppages and barricadoes) brought to him, upon discourse she findeth him haughty and exorbitant in his demands, more like a Conquerour then a Subject, not departing a jot from such as these.

That he should be Lieutenant General in all Provinces and places in the Kingdom.

That the States should be call'd at Paris, who with the King should con­firm to him that Power.

That the King of Navarre, with the other Princes of Bourbon his Adherents, should be declared to have forfeited their Right and Ti­tle to the Crown.

That a Form of Government should be made, which the King should not have power to alter.

That such of the Kings Favourites should be banish'd the Court, and turn'd out of all Offices and Places.

That War should be made against the Huguenots, and the absolute Command of it committed unto him.

That the King should have no extraordinary Guards about his Person, and so dismiss his Guard 45 Gentlemen.

That the Dukes of Aumale, Elboeuf, and Nemours should have the Government of Picardy, Normandy, and Lyons, and that the Leaguers should have six other Towns as they should name.

That the Duke of Mayenne should be Admiral, and his Creature De la Chastre be Mareschal instead of Byr [...]n.

That Brissac (an active Leaguer) should be Governour of Paris.

And at last concluded,

That he was resolved either to lose his life, or secure Religion and the Estate of his Family.

The Queen-mother returneth, and the King finding no m [...]ans by stay­ing there to escape his snar [...]s of the Enemies, (who were now forming 13 May. a Siege against him) res [...]lved to withdraw himself, so stealing through the So cal [...]'d from the [...] of T [...]les the [...]e form [...]rly. Tuilleries (the Gardens by the Louvre) he took horse with a dozen Gentlemen, posted to Trapes, and the next day to Chartres, where he was receiv'd with great demonstrations of joy. 'Tis said that the people were so bewitch'd with this Solemn League and Covenant, that seeing him thus fly for his safety, they Jo. de [...]ssieres tol 4. l. 21. p. 259. shot at him cross the River, calling him all the Contumelious names that malice could invent. And that the King was so troubled at these Villanies and Indignities, that having got a little from Paris, he turn'd him about uttering some threats and menaces against that ingrateful City.

The Courtiers hasted after the King with what speed they co [...]ld make, most trudging afoot, for in this burly-burly happy was he that could procure an horse though never so bad, many Persons of Quality [Page 525] being content to make use of their own legs [...] preserve themselves: and amongst those who fled to the King was Ni [...]las Poulain, not daring to stay in Paris, suspecting himself discover'd: and well was it for him that he so escaped, for the Leaguers were so mad against him for his Loyalty, that they imprison'd his Wife, threatned his Children, rifled his house; and as for himself, he got to Chartres and the King without ever a Peny of mony; nor do I hear of any reward (excepting Promi­ses) that he received for his faithful service in so often saving the Kings life, it being the custom for such good-natur'd or negligent Princes, not to understand worth and vertue, and so to be Misers in rewarding of such, but Prodigals in heaping Riches and Honours upon their phantastical and flattering Minions or Favourites; and it may be Poulain was too grave and serious for such a wanton and frolicksom Court as Henry III's. was.

And here the Skill or Policy of Guise hath been much call'd in questi­on, for not speedily following his blow, having all the advantages that possibly could be expected; his great neglect being his letting the King escape, the seizing of whose Person might have compleated his Tri­umphs, and (by his Enemies so wanting an Head) might have brought France to submit to his pleasure; all which might with ease have been accomplish'd, had he but forthwith begirt the Louvre, by which he might have taken the King: but this nelect he remembred too late, and afterwards repented of so grand an oversight.

Though here he had fail'd, yet he resolveth to secure himself; to which purpose having gain'd all the strong places in Paris, put out and imprison'd the Like the Lord Ma [...]or of London. Prevost des Marchands, and others whom he suspected to favour the King, and settled his own Creatures in their Places; he surpriseth all the Neighbouring places, and presently Orleans, Bourges, Amiens, Abbeville, Montrovil, Rouen, Rheims, Chaalons, and above twen­ty other considerable places submitted to him, the mad people every­where crying out,—Long live Guise! long live the Protector of the Faith!—And his Sister the Dutchess Dowager of Montpensier was so zealous against the King and Peace, that she would brag how the King should be Jo. de Buss. vol. 4. p. 261. shorn for a Monk, and shew the Scisars which should do the feat.

And for a good encouragement the Spaniard sendeth 600000 Crowns, supposing that the League would make rare work for him. And thus D'A bigne tom. 3 l. 1. ch. 23. Guise commanding all, the King can find no safety for himself but by Peace, though upon never so bad Conditions; and that which was no small argument of his Compliance, was the approach of the Spanish Ar­mado (by them call'd the Invincible) and the vast Preparations of the Duke of Parma in Flanders, which though in the main design'd against England, yet he understood not what (if Conquerours, as most suppos'd they would) they might act against him and France, knowing full well the Catholik King to have all along assisted the Covenanters.

In short: The King thus forc'd to shackle himself, lest the Mischief and Rebellion should run too far, he submits to Guise, granting him and his Faction all the Proposals they desir'd, and so by a Decree (call'd the Edict of Union or July) a Peace is hudled up between them. The Edict it self being somewhat long, take here the Heads of it.

[Page 526]

HENRY by the Grace of God King of France and Poland, &c. We ordain and decree these following Articles as an unalterable and fundamental Law in our Kingdom.

We swear and renew the Oath made by us at our Coronation, to live and die in the Roman Religion.

We ordain and would have all our Subjects to swear as we do, and to joyn themselves with us in the extirpation of Hereticks.

We swear that we shall never favour or advance them, and command all our Subjects to swear never to admit of an Heretical King, or one that favoureth Heresie to reign over them.

We promise never to promote or imploy any but of the Roman Religion, and expresly forbid any to be receiv'd into any Place or Imploy­ment, but who have proved themselves of the said Religion.

We swear and promise to protect and use our Subjects, who joyn with us in these our undertakings, as becometh a good King.

We would have our said united Subjects to swear to assist one another against the Hereticks.

And that our said Subjects swear to live and die in their Allegeance to us.

And that they swear to depart from all Practices and Leagues contrary to the said Union, our Person, and Authority.

We declare all to be Rebells who will not sign this said Union, and all Towns who will not admit it shall be deprived of all their Privileges and Franchises.

And to make the Peace more sure and durable, all former Leagues, Plots, Actions, especially those of the 12th. and 13th. days of May last at Paris, done by the Guisards and their Party, are pardon'd and forgot as if they had never been done.

HENRY.
By the King in his Council, Publish'd in the Parlement at Paris, Publish'd by sound of Trumpet by the Crier,
  • Visa.
  • After­wa [...]ds bet­ter k [...]own by the name of Villeroy.
    De Neufville.
  • Du Tillet.
  • T. Lauvergnat.

Thus we see how careful some were to have this Agreement ratified, published, and confirmed. But this was not all, for besides this two Armies must be rais'd and paid against the Huguenots, one commanded by the King, the other by the Duke of Mayenne: the Leaguing Lords are to retain for six years the Cities and Fortresses granted them 1585: and that Orleans, Dourlans, Bourges, and Montereau should be added to them: the Duke of Guise to command all the Forces in the Kingdom: that in October next the States General should be held at Blois: and seve­ral such like advantages were granted to the Leaguers. Upon which Guise waits upon the King, and none seem so kind as those two, but it was but from the teeth outward; of which we are told one story, how the King at dinner ask'd the Duke to whom they should drink: To whom you please, quoth Guise: then said the King, Let us drink to our Journal, Ao [...]st 12. 1588. good friends the Huguenots: 'Tis well said, Sir, replied the Duke: Yea (added the King) and to all our good Barricadors at Paris: to which Guise yielded a counterfeit smile, not well pleas'd that the King should com­pare the Barricadors with the Huguenots.

And now behold the greatest wonder that Toute la Cour fut veue habillée à l' Espagnole, le long Estoc à la garde Crossée à l' Espagnole, les grosse chausses, les jartieres houpées, le pourpoint collé sur le corps, la grande fraize bien godronnée, la Monstache, la barbe & le chappeau à l' Espa­gnole; tout leur parles Espagnol, Rodomontades Espagnoles: bref, vous eussiez dict, qu' en ce temps la le François avoit en horreur & mis­pris de parler & se dire François, & qu' on luy faisoit tort de ne l'appeller Espagnol—Andre Favin Hist. de Navarre, p. 940. ever yet happened in France! The whisking Monsieur converted to a grave Don, all the Court clad after the Spanish garb, a long Tuck with a cross-bar'd Hilt, great Trunck­breeches, tufted Garters, strait and close Doublet, a great high-set Ruff, staring Mu­stachoes, with Beard and Hat after the Casti­lian mode; all they speak is Spanish, and that Rodomontadoes too: insomuch that one might think that now Monsieur was asham'd or scorn'd to speak his own language, or call himself a Frenchman, nay would take it in snuff not to be thought a Spaniard. Such an esteem and love had the Castilian got amongst the people, for his assisting them in their wic­ked League and Covenant against their King and Soveraign. And by this also appeared not onely the Boldness, but Authority and Power of the Guisian Faction, to whose caprichioes and Interest, the Royalists were thus forced to submit and truckle.

Guise thus having all sway and glory, the better to advance his Repu­tation Pope Sixtus V. sendeth him long Congratulatory Letters, giving him many thanks for his Zele and Actions, comparing him to the old Maccabees, bidding him go on as he had begun, and telling him that he would send a Legat into France to assist at the approaching States: which Letters were spread abroad by the Leaguers in great triumph, to the no small discredit and regret of the King, who in these Papal Commenda­tions and Blessings had no share, nor taken notice of; and such Pontifi­cal Neglects used to be the Forerunner of Laying aside or Cut­ting off.

Well, the Assembly of the States General meet at Blois, the major part 16 Octob. 1588. being Covenanters, by which Guise was so strengthened, that 'tis thought that he at least aim'd at the same Authority that the ancient Major-domes had in France, whereby the King would be but a mere Cypher, whilest the Duke might make himself King when he pleas'd. So to gratiate himself with the people, and remove all obstacles, he proposeth that Ta­xes and Impositions might be lessened, which was thought irrational, seeing at the same time he will have the war vigorously carried on a­gainst the Huguenots; yet he gain'd his desires.

Then he moveth that the Council of Trent might be received, but this is denied by most as contrary to the Liberties of the Gallican Church.

But (which was the main of all) he proposeth that the King of Na­varre and his Relations (as Hereticks) shoul'd be declar'd uncapable of Succession, which was presently granted him by the Three Estates, but it was not so rec [...]ived by the King, who (though he was forc'd to consent to it in dubious and general terms, yet) told them that he would think further of it, and would take care himself to have the Decree drawn up. But before this Navarre understanding their designs, had at an Assem­bly at Roc [...]el fram'd a Protestation, pronouncing all their Votes and Acti­ons against him and his Right null, as being no stubborn Heretick, wil­ling to submit to a General Council, and to be instructed that the States were not free nor full, and that they could not justly condemn him be­fore they heard him.

Whilest these Proposals were vexing the King, news is brought that [Page 528] Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy had seiz'd on the little Marquessate of Saluzzo, (towards the head of Po in Italy) who had also pretended a right to it, end so took advantage at the Kings Expulsion out of Paris, and these French Troubles; though at this time he pretended a necessity, viz. that otherwise the Huguenots from Dauphine would have taken it, and Favyn p. 93 [...]. others suppose that he wanted not assurance from the Leaguers.

However it was, the Kings j [...]alousie and anger did daily increase; and 'tis said that here Guise expresly refus'd (though commanded) to Ant. Coly­net p. 303, 304, 305, 306. swear Allegeance to the King, saying, He would not, and if he offended they might punish him. But this is not so bad as a further design plotted by him and his Complices, which they say was to take away the Kings life, of which 'tis said the King had private Information. In short, the Spond. § 18. King considering what Favours the House of Guise had received from the French Crown, yet how many Rebellions he had rais'd against him, Hist. des d [...]r [...]iers troubles de France, l. 4. fo. 142 143, 144, 152, 158. what Combinations he had made against him and the Crown with the very Enemy to both, viz. the Spaniard; that for all his outward pre­tensions for Religion, yet he had made secret Overtures to joyn with Navarre; how he had beaten and driven him from his Royal City and Palace, killing his Guards who endeavour'd his defence; seiz'd on his Revenues and Treasures: He call'd to mind his many Plots, how to get the true Heirs of the Crown made incapable of Inheritance, had taken all Authority and Command from him, aspired to be greater yet, &c. And thus persuaded that Guise his design was to Hard. de Perefixe Hist. Hen. le Grand. dethrone him, he re­solved to save himself, and ease the Kingdom of this troublesom Subject.

The Kings Counsellours confess necessity now or never required it: but to seize on him, try him [...]or Treason, condemn and execute him was dangerous, if not impossible, by reason of his many Favourites, and the power of his Faction; and so the safest way was to kill him now at Blois, a place far enough from Paris, the head and nest of the Covenan­ters: and accordingly he was 23 Dec. 1588. slain at the Court or Castle, being gone thither to sit in Privy Council: there was also taken Lewis de Lorrain, the Cardinal of Guise, brother to the Duke, and a zealous and furious Covenanter, who by the Kings Order was slain the next day, though be­ing 24 Dec. a Clergy-man, many had refused to imbrue their hands in his bloud.

Their flesh was presently co [...]sum'd in quick Lime, their bones burnt, and ashes thrown into the River, or secretly interr'd, thereby removing all tragical and woful objects, and preventing any part of them to be found and look'd upon as holy Reliques of Martyrs, which was suppos'd many of the Leaguers would nor stick to do and reverence. Such a love had these Lorrainers gain'd, of whom some said, If they were so zealous for the Roman Religion, why did they not fight against the Jews, who are so numerous even in Italy it self? If they were such Favourites Le Contre-Guise. with the Spaniard, why did they not see the Moors expell'd thence? If they thought themselves Kings of Hierusalem, why did they not thrust out the Turks? If they were Princes of the Empire, why did they not war against the Lutherans? If they loved the Honour of France, why did they oppose the regaining of Saluzzo? And must they needs come to disturb France, wherein they were look'd upon as strangers?

CHAP. V. year 1589 The So [...]bonne decree, That they are absolved from their Allegeance, and so may fight and act against the King with all their might. Their Letter to the Pope. They order that the Kings Name shall not be used in any of their Missals or Collects whatsoever. Lyon joyns its Interest with Paris. The Duke of Mayenne made Head of the Leaguers.

A Little after the death of the two Guises departed out of this world 5 Jan. 1589. Catherina de Medicis (the Queen-mother) at Blois, a Lady of a poli­tick deep reach and understanding, fit to manage and carry on any busi­ness; but withall being an Italian very deceitful and cruel, not regard­ing what means she used, or what bloud she shed, so she did but ob [...]ain her designs. She was buried at Blois, though she intended her body to be carried to St. Denis, and there laid by her Husband Henry II. for which purpose she had built a neat round little Chapel in the Churchyard: but the Parisians were too zealous and powerful, some of the Guisards decla­ring Journal. they would throw her body (if they could get it) into the River.

No sooner were the Guises dispatch'd, but King Henry III. hasteth to his Mother, telling her,—I am now King of France, having put to death the King of Paris—And some think his words might have proved true, had he been more active and follow'd his blow: but instead of mounting presently to horse, (whereby by his presence he might have en­courag'd his Friends, and daunted the Covenanters, now in a maze for want of an Head) he staid trifling away the time at Blois, examining and troubling himself with the Acts of the States there, so that the Lea­guers had time to recollect themselves, throw off their amazement, re­gain their spirits, and to convert their former fear of themselves, and pity of the late Guises, into the height of rage and fury against their King and his Adherents.

At Paris the people run into all manner of extravagancies, the Pulpit being then the worst Instrument in the Kingdom, sounding nothing but the commendation of the Guises and the honour of Rebellion: amongst the rest Father Lincestre was very zealous, one time commanding all his Auditors to swear to revenge the death of the Guises, in token of which to hold up presently their hands (as was done at the taking of the late English cursed Covenant) and had the impudence to call aloud to Ach [...]lles Journal. de Harlay, chief President of the Parlement and a great Royalist, to hold his so high up that all the people might see it; which Harlay was forc'd to do for fear of his life. And another time he told his Auditors, that He would not then preach to them the Gospel, because it was common and they knew it well enough; but he would declare to them the abomi [...]able life and act [...]s of that perfidious tyrant Henry de Valois, meaning the King; tel­ling them how he us'd to invoke the Devils, undertaking also out of his sleeve to shew them some of the Devils which Henry used to adore and pray to. Another time affirming, that for his part if he were at the Al­tar, and the Eucharist in his hand, yet he would not scruple then and [Page 530] there to kill the King. Another in his Preachment concluding his large Commendations of Guise, addresseth as it were himself to the Dutchess of Nemours (Mother to the Duke) sitting just over against him, bawleth out, O holy and glorious Martyr of God, blessed is the womb that bore thee, and the brests that gave thee suck!

The people put forth a Declaration, wherein they swear,

To live and die in the Roman Religion. 30 Jan. 158 [...].

To defend according to their uttermost power Paris, and all other Con­federating places.

To defend and protect all their fellow Leaguers against all other their Opposites, of what Quality or Dignity soever; and to withstand all those who were any way concern'd in the late killing and imprison­ing at Bloys.

And they also propose two Quaeres to the Doctors of Sorbonne, which take as followeth with the Determination of that College.

Anno Domini Millesimo quin­gentesimo octuagesimo nono, die septima mensis Januarii, sanctissi­ma Facultas Theologiae Parisiensis congregata fuit apud Collegium Sorbonae, post publicam supplicati­onem omnium Ordinum dictae Fa­cultatis, & Missam de sancto Spi­ritu ibidem celebratam, (postulan­tibus clarissimis D. D. Praefecto, Aedilibus, Consulibus, & Catho­licis Civibus almae urbis Parisien­sis, tam viva voce quam publico instrumento & tabellis per eorun­dem actuarium obsignatis, & pub­licae urbis sigillo munitis) delibe­ratura super sequentibus Articulis, qui deprompti sunt ex libello sup­plici praedictorum Civium.

I. An populus Regni Galliae possit libe­rari & solvi à sacramento Fideli­tatis & Obedientiae Henrico III. praestito?

II. An tuta conscientia possit idem po­pulus armari, un [...]ri, & pecuni­as collegere & contribuere ad de­fension [...]m & conservationem Re­ligionis Catholicae & Romanae in hoc Regno, adversus nefaria con­silia & conatus praedicti Regis, & quorumlibet aliorum illi adhaeren­tium, [Page 531] & contra publicae fidei vio­lationem ab eo Blesis factam, in praejudicium praedictae Religionis Catholicae, & Edicti sanctae Uni­onis, & naturalis libertatis con­vocationis trium Ordinum hujus Regni.

Super quibus Articulis, audita omnium & singulorum Magistro­rum (qui ad septuaginta convene­runt) matura, accurata, & libera deliberatione, auditis multis & va­riis rationibus, quae magna ex par­te tum ex Scripturis sacris tum Ca­nonicis Sanctionibus, & decretis Pontificum in medium dissertissi­mis verbis prodita sunt: CON­CLUSUM est à Domino Decano ejusdem Facultatis, nemine refra­gante, & hoc per modum Consilii ad liberandas Conscientias praedicti populi.

PRIMUM, quod populus hujus regni solutus est & liberatus à Sa­cramento Fidelitatis & Obedientiae praedicto Henrico rei praestito.

DEINDE, quod idem populus licite & tuta conscientia armari, uniri, & pecunias colligere & con­tribuere potest, ad defensionem & conservationem Religionis Catho­licae, Apostolicae, & Romanae, ad­versus nefaria consilia & conatus praedicti Regis, & quorumlibet illi adhaerentium, ex quo fidem pub­licam violavit in praejudicium Re­ligionis Catholicae, & Edicti San­ctae Unionis, & Naturalis Liberta­tis convocationis trium Ordinum hujus Regni.

Quam Conclusionem insuper visum est eidem Parisiensi Facul­tati, transmittendam esse ad S. D. N. Papam, ut eadem Sanctae Sedis Apostolicae autoritate probare & confirmare, & Ecclesiae Gallicanae gravissime laboranti opem & auxi­lium praestare dignetur.

[Page 530]

In the year MDLXXXIX, the 7th. day of January, the most holy Facul­ty of Theology at Paris was conven'd at the College of Sorbone, publick prayers of all the Orders of the said Faculty being said, and the Mass of the Holy Ghost there celebrated, to consult upon these following Articles, as they are extracted from the Peti­tion of the Citizens, according to the desire of the Illustrious Persons the Prevost de Marchands, the Esche­vins, the Consuls, and the Catholick people of the famous City of Paris, testified as well by their words as by Instrument and publish Act, signed by their Register, and seal'd with the com­mon Seal of the City.

Whether the People of France may not be discharged and set free from the Oath of Allege­ance and Obedience made to Henry III.

Whether the said people may with a safe conscience arm and unite themselves, collect and raise mo­neys for the defence and preser­vation of the Catholick Roman Religion in this Realm, a­gainst the wicked counsels and practises of the said King and [Page 531] all other his Adherents, and a­gainst the breach of Publick Faith committed by him at Bloys, to the prejudice of the said Roman Religion, and Edict of Holy Union, and the Natural Li­berty of the Assembly of the three Estates of this Kingdom.

Upon which Articles having been had a careful, advised, and free deli­beration of all the Masters of that Fa­culty, being then LXX in number, as also being heard many and sundry Reasons, most excellently produc'd and deliver'd, not onely from Holy Scri­ptures, but also from Canonical San­ctions and Papal Decrees: 'tis agreed and CONCLUDED on by Master Dean of the said Faculty, not any gainsaying it, and that by way of counsel or advice to deliver the con­sciences of the said people.

FIRST, that the people of this I. Kingdom are discharged and freed from the Oath of Allegeance and Obe­dience made to Henry III.

SECONDLY, that the said people II. may legally and with a safe conscience arm and unite themselves, collect and raise moneys for the defence of the Catholick, Apostolick, and Roman Religion, against the wicked counsels and practises of the said King, and all other his Adherents; seeing he hath violated the publick Faith in preju­dice of the Catholick Religion, the Edict of the holy Union, and the Na­tural Liberty of the Assembly of the three Estates of this Kingdom.

Moreover, the said Faculty of Pa­ris do think fit to have their said De­cree or Conclusion to be sent to our most Holy Lord the Pope, that he would vouchsafe to ratifie and confirm it by the Authority of the Holy Apo­stolical See, and afford help and assi­stance to the French Church, now in great stress and hazard.

And accordingly a Letter was drawn up and sent to the Pope, which take as followeth, being now very difficult to be met with; and at Paris it self all Papers concerning these insolencies were taken from the Re­gisters or off the Files, at the re-entrance of Henry IV. into that City, whereby many Villanies of this League were lost.

S. D. N. SIX TO PAPAE V.

[...]EATISSIME PATER, quae spes nobis ante aliquot dies s [...]mma erat, fore ut post tot procellos, quibus annos pene jam triginta jactati sumus, constitutam in Galliae Ecclesia pacem aliquando videremus, atque de [...]a renuntium BEATITUDINI vestrae laetum brevi offeremus, eam vero crudeli atque immani fortissimi ac pientissimi Ducis Guisii, atque illustris­simi Cardinalis ejus fratris caede acerbissimo luctu commutatam esse, tanto gra­vius pertulimus, quanto durius est in medio ardore belli ereptum eum nobis esse, cui ut hoc reliquum nobis Religionis ac vitae est acceptum ferimus, ita eo amiss [...] ne haereticorum faucibus prostituatur, merito formidamas.

Quae si tamen Divini Numinis constitutio fuit, ut & invictissimi Principis labores gloriosissima morte consumaret, & latens dudum sub Catholica professi­one impietatis virus tam chari capitis praetio aperiret, ut omnipotentis Dei judi­cia in ea re taciti suspicimus, ac veniam Petimus, ita Sanctitatis vestra pedibus provoluti, opem vestram per viscera misericordiae Jesu Christi imploramas, ut dum rem qualiter paucis exponimus, tuum auxilium quod decet etiam impe­tramus.

Non enim ut Interfectoris ars atque existimatio fingere perfecto scelere ne­cesse habet, transversum optimum Ducem ambitio egit, qui quod in Regem to­ties nullo negotio potuit, hoc unum peccasse (fortasse merito) à multis dictus est, quod noluit. Quem si non usque eo domus Dei ac publica salutis Zelus [...]omedisset, ut in certissima pericula toties inermis se dederit, si non conscien­tiae puritas & animi candor ejus à quo ad necem petebatur, dolis opportunum [...]ecisset, cum ille quae de paratis sibi insidiis dicebatur, toties intrepidus contem­neret, sic nimirum affectus, ut optimi & probissimi quique solent, qui alios im­probos esse d [...]fficillime suspicantur, & vivum adhuc haberemus, & tanto super­ [...]it [...] Ecclesia Dei vindice gauderemus.

Nisi forte quod Haereticis omnino pro libidine in aula gerentibus, jamque extincto Regis [...] An­jo [...]. fratre, atque ipso non obscure favente Rege, Navarrum ad Sceptrum vocantibus, ab Illustrissimo Cardinali Borbonio primum, mox á bea­tissima memoria Gregorio XIII. P. Dux Guisius excitatus, ut videret, nequid Religio Tagoedia spectat nisi ut Navarro, Duke of Espernon [...] Hugu [...]not, but the Kings F [...]v [...]urite. Spernonio, [...]ri [...] Cazimir, Cent [...]ral of the Ger­man Army 1587, that ca [...] to assist Na­v [...]re. Cazimiro, A [...]oven [...]n [...]ing Compl [...]ment to an Eng­lish Q [...]een. meritrici Anglicanae, caeteris foederatis haereticis Inferia dentur, & talibus hostibus litetur? ut moerenti­bus ac dejectis Catholicis exultent Heretici, & in suis illis cogitatis furoribus (quod jam undique fit) liberius debacchentur?

Adde vestram (Pater Beatissime) & totius Sanctae Sedis laesam dignitatem, cum & praesente Sanctitatis vestrae Ca [...]nal Giov [...]n. Franc. Morosini, [...] [...] Be [...]gamo, [...] at [...]ys. Legato scelus tantum par­ricida designaret, & monenti audientium denega­ret. [Page 533] Denique Cardinalem confodiens, totum sacrum istud [...]c purpuratum Col­legium violaret. Cui enim tandem sacro parcet qui caput petierit? qui sedem vestram, quam verbo si vereri fingit, facto oppresserit? qui Patrem, à quo Hen. III. was cons [...] ­or [...] at Rheims by Lewis Car­d [...]nal [...]f Lorrain. The st [...]ry of the Saincte Ampoule and H [...]ly Oyl kept at Rheims may be seen in L [...]enls a [...]d French Histori. s. coe­l [...]sti oleo tinctus est occiderit? aut quae sub illo Christiano homini securitas esse potest: aut quo tandem processura est impietas, qua sic jam in praecipiti st [...]tit:

Quae cum sint ejusmodi ut jam vitam potius profundere, quam Tyranni dem hanc nostris atque Ecclesiae universa cervisibus impendentem, & postrema omnia minitantem ferre parati sint omnes boni: eoque jam ventum sit, ut Francorum prisca fides virtus ac pietas hic se totam debeat explicare, vel ipsi exemplo praeeuntibus pueris atque infantibus, quos ingenti numero plusquam decem millium, non sine miraculo clamores sua sponte per vicos in coelum tol­lentes, & altionem sceleris in Tyrannum poscentes; alios etiam Tyranni imaginem (sic enim vocabant) flagris [...]esam ac fratrem igni admoventes in hac urbe audivimus & obstupuimus; id nimirum est in quo vestram (Bea­tissime Pater) opem imploramus, ut cum tria nobis à vestra Beatitudine prae­stari in hoc negotio necesse sit, ea nos ad beatissimos pedes prostrati vehementer flagitemus.

Primum, ut juramento quo nos Henricum III. quondam obstrin­ximus I. & soluti declaremur.

Deinde, ut bellum quod cum publicae Religionis ac libertatis op­pressore II. necessario gerendum est, justum esse decernatur.

Postremo, ut nequid tam necessario operi, tum precum apud Om­nipotentem III. Deum, tum facultatem humanarum, desit, ad utrun­que tum externi Principes, tum nostri praecipue homines Apo­stolicae vestrae gratiae, atque per Jubileum Indulgentiae beneficio provocentur.

Nam priora illa duo eo confidentius petimus, quod cum juris nihil in Chri­stianos ei esse debere, qui se Haereticum aut fautorem Haereseos manifeste prae­buerit, qui publicam fidem tum divinam tum humanam tam insigni parricid [...]o fregerit, qui Regni & Sceptri judices tam foede violarit, qui per Assasinos Chri­stianum Principem occiderit, qui Sacerdotem, Pontificem, Cardinalem, & in Comitiis Ecclesiastici Ordinis praesidem trucidarit, qui Anathematis d [...]ras omnes ac fulmina incurrerit, qui parato ad perdendum omnia, & foede conculcan­dum animo sit, ipsa nos dudum ratio & vetus traditio docuerit, praesertim cum Gallia ipsa Reges quondam isto (quo pejorem nunquam habuit) longe tolera­biliores authoritate vestra excluserit, imo etiam voce propria nos juramento hoc liberos, si quid praeter promissa faceret, non semel pronuntiarit, tum vero in praecipiti negotio, cum responsum Beatitudinae vestrae expectandi tempus non esset, nec tamen quicquam dubia & fluctuante conscientia facere certum esset, gravissimo adhibito Theologorum Sorbonae Parisiensis jud [...]cio, qui iterum & tertio, rogatu nostro, magno numero ad Septuaginta usque super hac re conve­nerunt, & rem accuratissime disceptarunt, secure nos in utroque agere, & tuto à vestra Beatitudine caput utrunque postulare ac sperare debere ab iisdem de­dicimus: Quinetiam eos ad vestram Beatitudinem suam ea de re sententiam, quibusque rationum momentis impellantur, scripturas accipimus,

Vestrae vero (Pater Beatissime) sapientiae erit, si quid fraus, si quid solita, qua dudum asstigimur, Impostorum ars contrarium iis Beatitudina vestrae ob­truserit, huic fidem adhibere nolle: aut si quid (quod plus timemus) nobis con­sternatis, & vix à tanto dolore animum colligentibus, praeoccupando impetra­rit, id ne Christianissimo Regno, ne Ecclesiae nocet providere: imo irritum (quod trementes & veniam petentes dicimus) urgente ac premente negotio sta­tuere [Page 534] neve committere, ut in tanto Ecclesiae periculo, in quo bis peccare jam non licet, illusisse se dignitati vestrae, quod non semel factum antea est, versuta nequitia gloriari possit.

Tum nos qui loquimur, quos reliqui Galliae Catholici intuentur omnes, si quid Francorum quondam genus, si quid Gysiorum Principum virtus, & fu­sus toties pro Christi Ecclesia sanguine, si quid Parisiensium civium fides de republica Christiana atque adeo Apostolica sede promeruit, si quid nobilissimi Regni pessum euntis, & jamja [...] haeresi colla subdituri, universamque Ecclesi­am eodem motu concussuri causa atque periculum, si quid bonorum omnium, & testamentum Patrum relantium fletus movere eum debet, qui in apice Eccle­siae constitutus, ut confirmet fratres divinitus monitus est, vestram (P. B.) pa­ternam providentiam per eum qui est, qui erat, qui venturus est omnipotens, obtestamur, ut in re tanta, tam periculosa, tanti in reddenda ratione apud summum judicem momenti futura, quam res ipsa necessariam esse clamat, solli­citudinem ac curam adhibere, & quae antea diximus, quaeque iterum devotissi­me petimus donare ac tribuere non gravetur. Denique non committat, ut Sixto V. Pont. fidem in Christianissimo regno periisse, aut non satis per nos vestramque dignitatem tanto malo provisum fuisse posteri dicere jure possint. Quod nos impetraturos ut speramus, sicuti sperare certe debemus, ita post san­ctissimcrum pedum oscula, Beatitudinem vestram uti nobis Deus Opt. Max. sic diu incolumem servet, summis precibus ab co petimus atque obsecramus.

Beatitudinis vestrae Humillimi, Devotiss. & Obsequentiss. Filii, Cives Parisienses, pro reliquo Catholicorum & Fidelium in Gallia coetu.

And now the Covenanters run into all manner of extravagancies a­gainst their Soveraign, whom they no more call or acknowledge for King, terming him only Henry de Valois, Heretick, Tyrant, and what not? throw down his Arms and Statues, which they break to pieces, and drag along the streets: nay, so mad were they, that to have but his Sc [...]lus pu­taba [...]ur morie ple­ct [...]ndum, s­ [...]uts Henri­cum R [...]gem ap [...]a [...]et, ant ta [...]u­l [...]m [...]us pi­ [...]um d [...]mi [...]. Jo. de Buss to. 4. [...]. 287. Journal. Picture or to call him King, was thought crime enough to deserve death: yet the Painters set themselves on work to draw him, but in the most ridiculous and shameful habits and postures their zealous phansies could invent.

And their Priests were as wicked as the worst of them, thundering from their Pulpits all manner of falsities and accusatious against him, ac­cusing him of Magick and Witchcraft, persuading their Auditors to fight against that Belial, to give no quarter to him nor his friends; for the Kingdom was sick, and nothing could cure it but a good draught of French bloud. Some made little Images of him in Wax, which they set on the Altars whilest Mass was saying, then mumbling some old Wives Charms, prick'd the Images to the heart, thinking by that way of Witchery to kill the King. Others carried lighted Tapers up and down, repeating several superstitious words, and putting out their Lights, thinking so to hasten his death.

Others imployed their Wits to render him odious, making many De insta Hen. III. ab­ [...]ic. [...]. 4. 38 wicked and malicious Anagrams of him, as

[Page 535]
HENRI DE VALOIS:
Anagram,
Vilain Herodes: or Julian Herodes: or
De hors le Vilain: or Ha, ruine de Loys!
HENRYC DE VALOIS:
Anagram,
O Crudelis Hyena!
HENRICUS TERTIUS DE VALLESIO:
Anagram,
O Deus! vere ille
This it may be was in opposition to that Ana­gram made formerly of this HEN­RICƲS TERTIVS, Anagr. In te vere Christus.
Antichristus:

and such like. And for Libells and Satyrs they were innumerable, the Press and Pen labouring continually with infamous Defamations against their Soveraign.

And now they consult how to carry on their designs; and first they run to the Parlement at Paris, seizing on all whom they thought to fa­vour the King, clapping them up in the Bastillc; the Rump, or those who comply'd with the people, being about CLX in number, chose Barnabé Brisson for their President, one of great Learning as his Works testifie; but whether his Zele or Fickleness might engage him in this action I know not, or whether his fear of the peoples fury should he re­fuse it; and I meet with a Protestation said to be his, and by him sub­scrib'd, Journal, 1589, 22 Jan. declaring his Innocency, how he was forc'd to do what he did: Be it as 'twill, the Leaguers were pleas'd to have a man of his Repute, Honesty, and Learning, to seem to espouse their Cause.

To maintain this war and their designs, which they call'd THE HOLY UNION, the people contributed with abundance of freedom, insomuch that Moneys which had been whoorded up for ma­ny years, now flew plentifully abroad, and the Women or Holy Sisters are never behind in wicked Zele: most of the Cities and Provinces re­volt from the King, and so the war is carried on against one another under divers Titles.

The Kings Party is some­times call'dThe Covenanting Party is some­times call'd
RoyalistsLeaguers
Minions or FavouritesCovenanters
HuguenotsCatholicks
HereticksConfederates
NavarristsRebels
PoliticksHoly Union
Bearnoises [K. of Navarre born in that Territory.Lorrainers
Les Ma [...]eutres, or Mad Hack­sters, now corruptly He­ctors.Guisards or Gusians Zealots
Bandees blanches or Escarpes blanches, i. e. White For­ces or White Scarfs.The Godly Party

White was the Colours of the Kings Party, especially the King of Na­varre always wore it, he and those for him wearing white Ribands or white Scarfs: the Colour worn by the Leaguers was commonly Green, though some in imitation of the Spaniards wore Red.

Besides the former long Letter to the Pope, they sent others also to se­veral Cardinals, in which they renounced all Acknowledgments to the King, still calling him in their Letters only The late King of France; and the same Complements they afforded the King of Navarre: and the better to gain their designs, they sent to Rome to agitate their Affairs with the Pope these four active Blades:

Le Sieur de Dieu, Knight, and Commander of the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem.

Mr. Lazare Coquelei, Counsellour in the Parlement of Paris.

Jean de Piles, Abbot of Orbais, who had formerly been at Rome in behalf of the League, 1586, 1587.

Pierre Frison, Dean of Rheims.

To these they gave several private Instructions (30 in number;) the summe of them being to this purpose:

To wait upon the Pope, and tell him of their Affairs in France. To inform him of the Massacre at Bloys, and aggravate them by the circumstances, as the Time, Place, Manner, and Breach of promise. To justifie all the actions of Guise, with the necessity of his former taking up Arms, with the willingness of the Leaguers to come in to the King, (though they were very powerful) when he promis'd to fight the Hereticks. How the designs of the contrary Party was to ruine the Clergy. To satisfie him of the Barricades in Paris, as that the King designed to murder the good Catholick people. How the Catholiques are very hardly us'd, whilest the Favourers of He­reticks are preferr'd; which plainly discovereth the heart of the late King, (i. e. Henry) whose abominable wickedness and hypocrisie they must also discover. How he hath now joyn'd himself with the Hereticks, is no good Romanist, hath no reverence for Religion, being at Church sometimes with bis Hat on. To tell him the Rea­sons why they chose Mayenne for their Head or Chief. That for their parts they will neither spare their lives nor estates in this quar­rel, and so to desire his assistance to afford them his spiritual and temporal Treasures, to pronounce some Decree against this cruel Ty­rant, not to entertain or hear his Embassadours and Messages. To send forth a Jubilee through all Christendom, to implore Gods assi­stance. To grant a Croisado, that all good Catholicks might help them. To excommunicate all that oppose them. To send a Le­gat into their Army, that all may know that the Pope undertakes their quarrel. To desire that all Catholick Princes would enter into a League in defence of their Religion, &c.

SENAULT.

Nay, the Sorbonists were so zealous, that some one or other having Mem. de l [...]i Ligue, v [...]l. 3. p 557. drawn up a short Paper, containing the reasons of taking up Arms against the King, and it concluding,

[Page 537]

XIII. How one Bodille being no more then a Gentleman, yet because Chil­deric See back­w [...]rd [...], l. 3. c. 4. § 2. II. had caused him publickly to be whipped, the said Bodille took thence occasion to kill that King, for which he is commended by Historians: and therefore may not the Injury done to a better then Bodille, viz. to a brave Prince (Guise) be also reven­ged?

So zealous (I say were the Doctors of Sorbonne, that having red over this Tract they approved it, affirming nothing was in it contrary to the Roman Church,

J [...]lie [...] de Moranne.

Nor is this all, for the people being obliged to pray for their King by the Canon of the Missale, some of the City of Beauvois (in la France, about mid-way betwixt Paris and Amiens) upon this made a scruple whether they were not thereby obliged to pray for Henry de Valois, seeing they used to pray for—Our King Henry.

Whereupon it was concluded by the Sorbonne, that in any prayer 5 Apr. 1589. whatever the word Henry should not be express'd, that he should not be pray'd for, and that it should be dash'd out of all Prayers or Collects: and further, if any of their Faculty of Paris agree not to this, they shall also be held culpable and guilty of Excommunication, depriv'd of the Prayers and Privileges of the said Faculty.

And it was also concluded, that instead of these words—For our King—some prayers shall be drawn up for the Catholick or Leaguing Princes, which accordingly was done.

In the mean time many places joyning with the Leaguers, amongst the rest those of Lyons drew up a long and tedeous Declaration, where­in they say,

That Lyons hath formerly been one of the most Loyal Cities in 2 March, 1589. France.

That Obedience may be wrong'd by being too much or too little.

That therefore for the future they will consider all the Kings commands, whether they are for the better or worse, and accordingly obey or oppose.

That Kings being appointed by God for two ends, to preserve Religion, and keep the people from oppression, that therefore they will and ought to oppose all commands contrary to these two ends.

That seeing he hath violated the Edict of Union, kill'd and imprison'd the good Romanists, countenanced the Hereticks, favoured Esper­non and his creatures; therefore they have entered into the Holy Union, taken up Arms, resolving to take the King from his b [...]d Council, which if they had not done they had been worse then Jews.

That to say Kings ought not to be resisted upon any occasion is false Do­ctrine, seeing they are onely to be obey'd conditionally, viz. in that which is not prejudicial to Religion, Gods Service, and the good of the State.

[Page 538]

Doubt not but God will bless their good Undertakings: And so after the telling of some stories conclude.

This done, they draw up a Form of an Oath, whereby they swear to 12 March. these Articles:

  • To continue in the Roman Religion.
  • To defend their City of Lyons.
  • To preserve the Forein Merchants in their Privileges.
  • To act in defence and behalf of those of Paris.
  • To obey no Command whatever that is prejudicial to their Union.
  • To observe exactly the Edict of Union.
  • To obey the Duke of Nemours their Governour.
  • To stick close one to another.
  • And desire all good people to joyn with them.

And for their further encouragement those of Paris send a Letter to these Hotspurs of Lyons, wherein they mind them

Of the Killing and Imprisonments at Bloys.

That the Assassinates had no other design in it but to ruine Religion, bring in Heresie, maintain their Tyrannies, and to bring all good people into slavery.

So being Frenchmen and Catholiques we are bound to defend our Religion and Estate against any he who it will; and by all Obliga­tions of Religion, Law, Nature, and Interest, we must not leave the Kingdom to the mercy of this prodigal, perjur'd, cruel, and mur­dering Prince.

That the two Henries are agreed, Heresie allow'd of, the Catholicks persecuted, and all things seem to go as in England.

Therefore rowse up and take courage against these oppressions, and send some of yours to consult with us, and afford us your assistance.

SENAULT.

Nay, so confident were they in their courses, that they sent a Letter Mem. d [...] M. de Nevers, vol. 2. p. 205.—hors d'icelle, il [...]'y a point de salut, soit au Ciel ou en la Terre to the Citizens of Nevers, exhorting them to stick close to this Cause, assuring them that without so doing—There was no hopes for their salva­tion either in Heaven or Earth.

Whilest these things were doing, the Swordmen and their Counsel­lours were not idle; for the Duke of Mayenne no sooner hears of his brother Guise's death, but he consults his own security, secureth many strong places to his Interest, and at last gets to Paris, where he was recei­ved with all demonstrations of joy and honour: and here he falleth to work how to carry on the war, and such a vogue with the multitude had this Holy League, that strong places and Cities daily submitted them­selves to its Authority: nay, a Company of Bumkin Tatterdemallians in Normandy, to the number of Sixteen thousand, having rose on their own heads, and for their own Interest, resolving to defend themselves [Page 539] and goods against any whatsoeve [...] be he Royalist or Leaguer, that should come into their Country, were at last by the persuasion of some Priests and Jesuits wheel'd over to fide with the Covenanters; but having no experience and but poorly armed, were quickly routed by the Duke of Montpensier. These Clubmen were afterwards call'd the Gautiers, from the little Town la Chapelle Gautier in higher Normandy, where they first began their Insurrections or Rendezvouz'd.

The King in the mean time had writ friendly Letters to the Duke of Mayenne, giving him reasons for the death of his brother, persuading him to live quietly; but Madam de Montpensier (his zealous sister) and other thoughts would not let him hearken to the Kings desires: so at Paris he is made Head of the Covenanters, and declared Lieutenant Gene­ral of the Crown of France: the Sixteen and others would have had him to take upon him the Title of Perefixe Hist. Hen. le Grand. King, but this he refused, however he had all the Power. They broke the Kings Great Seal, making another in its stead, on one side of which was the Arms of France, with this Inscription:

THE SEAL OF THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE.

On the other side was an empty Throne, about which was this:

CHARLES DUKE OF MAYENNE, Lieutenant of the Estate and Crown of FRANCE.

Mayenne thus entered as it were into the Throne, appointed a Council consisting of Their Names may be seen in Jan de Ser­res, l'Inven­taire. XL of the chiefest Covenanters, and this was call'd The General Council of the Union, which with his assistance was to treat of and conclude all the most weighty business; however the Council of Sixteen was left chiefly to look to Paris, and now was added to the for­mer Oaths this new one: We do all swear to be obedient to the General Council of Catholicks newly appointed at Paris, and also engage as much as in us lieth to see it submitted to by others, and whatsoever shall be there ordain'd to be accomplish'd.

But a little after Mayenne added some other of his Creatures to this Council, the better to bring them to his lieur.

And now the Leaguers prosecute the war against the King every where, though he freely offers all pardon that will acknowledge him for their King, and sends to Mayenne again and again to have Peace made, but this the Duke absolutely denieth, nor will allow so much as a Truce, though Moresini the Cardinal Legat interposed for the gaining of it; so that the King is oblig'd to proclame Mayenne and all his Ad­herents Traitors, and to remove the Parlement and Courts of Paris to Tours by Proclamation, himself then residing there, and many of the Loyal Parlement-men had fled to him from Paris.

Yet for all the low condition of the King, and the great power of the Leaguers, the City of Senlis testified their Loyalty; for though at first Ant. Coly­net, p. 392, 393. that place had adher'd to the Guisards, yet now upon honester thoughts they declare for the King, upon which it was closely besieg'd and bat­ter'd by the Duke of Aumale and the Parisians; and being put to some straits, and summon'd to yield, they promis'd to make answer next mor­ning, which they did by hanging out a Pourtraicture over the Walls▪ by them newly painted, wherein was represented the Dukes of Mayenne and Aumale hanging on Gibbets, and their sister Catharine Dutchess of Montpensier kneeling at their feet, tearing her hair, weeping and bewail­ing their sad misfortune: at last the Siege was rais'd, and so these Roy­alists escaped the fury of the Leaguers.

But not to trouble my self with their fights and skirmishes, the King seeing the Covenanters resolved to ruine him, and seeing no means for his own preservation but to throw his thoughts upon the King of Na­varre, (though above all things he abhorr'd an Huguenot) who had un­der his command a good experienc'd Army, and from whom he need not doubt of assistanee, Navarre having by a Manifesto protested against the Covenanting Rebellion, and proferred his service to fight against them in behalf of the French King.

In short: A Peace or Truce was concluded between these two Kings, at which the Spanish Embassadour Bernardino Mendoza forsaketh the Vide d'Au­bigne tom. 3. l. 2. c. 30, [...]1. Court without taking leave, goeth to Paris, resideth with the Covenan­ters, where he became an active Instrument to carry on the Spanish de­signs; and Cardinal Morosini (the Popes Legat) quits the Kingdom for Rome: And now was it that the Kings Name was dasht out of all Pray­ers as aforesaid. And though the King had used great means and Inter­est to get the good will of Pope Sixtus V. yet the Agitators of the League were so persuasive and prevalent at Rome, that the King is not only de­nied, but a Monitory Bull is thundered out against him, whereby he in­curred the Censure if within 30 days he released not Cardinal Bourbon and the Archbishop of Lyons, and gave him notice of it, and within 60 days to make his due submission to the Pope for the death of Cardinal Guise: and if these things were not done, he should then be no King, nor his Subjects bound to obey him, but absolutely free from their Oaths of Allegeance.

The Bull it self being not to be met with in any of the Roman Bullaria, and so very difficult to be had, take as followeth.

SIXTUS Episcopus, Servus servorum Dei, ad futuram rei memoriam.

Inscrutabilis Divinae Providentiae altitudo, cujus nutu coelestia simul & terrena gubernantur, Apostolorum principi beato Petro, ejusque suc­cessoribus Romanis Pontificibus, Claves regni Coelorum ac totius Apo­stolicae tradidit plenitudinem potestatis, simulque supra soliditatem ejus fidei suam sanctam aedificavit ecclesiam, secundum verax Domini ver­bum, Ego dico tibi, quia tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram aedificabo Eccle­siam meam, & portae Inferni non proevalebunt adversus eam, & tibi dabo claves regni coelorum; & quodcunque ligaveris super terram erit ligatum in coelis, & quodcunque solveris super terram erit solutum & in coelis.

Unde nos ad sacrosanctam ejusdem Beati Petri Cathedram (meritis licet imparibus) divina disponente clementia vocati, & in throno justi­tiae constituti; & secundum Hierimiae propheticam vocem, Ecce con­stitui te super gentes & super regna, ut evellas & destruas, disperdas & dissi­pes, aedifices & plantes; supremam in omnes Reges ac Principes uni­versae terrae, cunctosque populos, gentes & nationes, non humana sed divina Institutione nobis traditam potestatem obtinentes, ipsum Domi­num imitari debemus, qui pius & misericors ultionem [...]ei, qui illum praevenit, paratam temperat, & quos impoeniteutes videt non prius se­vera vindicta coercet, quam antea comminetur: In assidue autem pec­cantes & in peccatis perseverantes, cum excessuum gravitas misericor­diae fines transierit, ut saltem timore poenae ad poenitentiam redeant, coe­lestia justitiae arma exercet. Ita & nos quoque pro commisso nobis à Deo universalis Ecclesiae regimine, salubriter cogimur providere, [...]e per insidias humani generis hostis, eorum salus qui curae nostrae crediti sunt, in exitium ruat, aut in discrimen adducatur; sed peccatores pa­terna nostra monitione & redarguatione, aut corrigantur ab erroribus & ad poenitentiam revertantur, aut si charitatis zelus per exhortationis & monitionis remedia nihil proficiat, ipsique incorrigibiles apparuerint, tandem spiritualis gladii mucrone non ad perniciem sed ad salutem vi­brato, veluti putrida membra à sincero Ecclesiae corpore (quod ab omni macula purum custodire debemus) abscindantur & seperen­tur.

Sane cum superioribus mensibus ad aures nostras, non sine ingenti animi nostri perturbatione & horrore, fama publica ita reference & in­crebrescente, pervenisset; & deinde per literas dilecti filli nostri Joan­nis Francisci (tituli Sanctorum Nerei & Archilei, Presbyteri Cardinalis Mauroceni nuncupati, nostri & Sedis Apostolicae in Regn) Franciae de latere Legati) certiores facti fuissemus, quemadmodum etiam notori­um universis existit: Quod Henricus III. Francorum Rex, Ludovicum bonae memoriae Sanctae R. E. Presbyterum Cardinalem Guisium, Me­tropolytanae Ecclesiae Rhemensis Archiepiscopum, seu perpetuum ad­ministratorem, ac nostrum & Sedis Apostolicae Legatum natum, capi & in carcere conjici, ac die sequenti in vigilia Nativitatis Domini no­stri Jesu Christi necari: necnon dilectum filium nostrum Carolum (Ti­tuli Sancti Chrysogoni, ejusdem Sanctae Ecclesiae Presbyterum Cardina­lem Borbonium, Avenionensis Civitatis & Comitatus Venaisini, nostrum etiam & Sedis Apostolicae de latere Legatum:) ac venerabilem fra­trem nostrum Archiepiscopum Lugdunensem, pro quo nos eodem tem­pore idem Henricus Rex, ut illum in Sanctae R. E. Cardinalem assu­meremus instanter rogabat, similiter capi, ac etiam in carcerem de­trudi, & in eo custodiri mandaverit, prout etiam capti & carcerati im­praesentiarum existunt, detinentur & custodiuntur, in Excommunica­tionis sententias & alias censuras Ecclesiasticas & poenas, in sacris Ca­nonibus ac diversis Constitutionibus (tam generalibus quam particula­ribus) Sanctorum Generalium Conciliorum & Summorum Romanorum Pontificum praedecessorum nostrorum, ac in literis nostris die Coenae Do­mini legi consuetis, contentas & promulgatas, una cum consciis, com­plicibus, fautoribus, defensoribus & receptoribus, ac iis qui consilium, auxilium, opem, operam, custodiam & ministerium praebuerunt, tule­runt & praestiterunt, incurrendo.

Nos qui dictum Henricum Regem paterna charitate & praecipuo a­more semper complexi & prosecuti fuimus, non potuimus ob hujusmo­di delictorum & sacrilegiorum atrocitatem non maximo affici dolore [Page 542] & moerore, prout alias in Consistorio nostro secreto coram venerabili­bus fratribus nostris S. R. E. Cardinalibus retulimus, ac dolentes con­questi fuimus: dumque expectabamus quod idem Henricus Rex facti poenitens, & culpam suam agnoscens ad cor rediret, & dictos Carolum Cardinalem & Petrum Archiepiscopum carceratos relaxaret & liberos dimitteret, & absolutionem à praemissis humiliter postularet, prout soe­pe soepius Joanni de Vivonne Marchioni de Pisanni Ordinario, & Hiero­nymo Gondio Extraordinario, suis apud nos Oratoribus, & etiam vene­rabili fratri Claudio Episcopo Coenomanensi, ab eo ad nos specialiter de­stinato, paterno affectu significavimus, & vehementer hortati sumus, ipse Henricus Rex, non ut vere poenitens, nec peccatum sincere confi­tens, nec ea cordis humilitate qua debebat, & quemadmodum fideles & poenitentes Reges & Principes hactenus fecerunt, absolutionem hu­jusmodi à nobis postulare curavit, verum salutaria ac paterna nostra consilia non amplectens, usque in hodiernum diem eosdem Carolum Card. & Petrum Archiepisc. distulit dimittere & liberare.

NOS igitur, qui licet ad Declarationem contra eundem Henricum Regem super praedictis antea procedere potuissemus, nihilominus pro paterna ac singulari nostra erga eum pietate, & pro Regii honoris di­gnitate benigne cum eo agendo, ipsum plusquam par erat (jam enim quintus agitur mensis) ut resipisceret expectavimus, non possumus nec debemus amplius differre, quin his malis pro ejusdem Henrici Regis ani­mae salute & conservatione, quae nobis prae omnibus charior & anti­quior semper fuit, Canonica & opportuna remedia adhibeamus. Sed cum ex debito Pastoralis Officii cunctorum Christi fidelium, praesertim vero S. R. E. Cardinalium, etiam Praelatorum securitati consulere & providere teneamur, ne cum tanto Regni Franciae & totius Christiani orbis scandalo, & nostrae Sedis Apostolicae dignitatis discrimine, dicti Carolus Card. Barbonius & Petrus Archiep. Lugdunensis diutius in carce­ribus detineantur, neve à nobis de hujusmodi neglecta cura ac muneris nostri administratione in districto Dei judicio rationem reddere coga­mur, de venerabilium fratrum nostrorum ejusdem S. R. E. Cardinalium consilio & assensu, ac matura deliberatione praehabita, praedictum Hen­ricum Regem per viscera misericordiae, & aspersionem sanguinis Dei & Domini nostri Jesu Christi, quo & per quem humani generis Redemptio facta est, ex toto corde hortamur, atque authoritate Apostolica tenore praesentium primo, secundo, & tertio monemus, requirimus, ac eidem virtute Sanctae Obedientiae praecipimus & mandamus, quatenus ab hu­jusmodi carceratione & detentione dictorum Caroli Card. & Petri Ar­chiep. carceratorum, sive sub custodia, aut alias quomodolibet detento­rum desistendo, illo per se vel alium, seu alios intra terminum decem di­erum immediate sequentium à die publicationis praesentium, modo & forma infrascriptis faciendae, omni postposita mora, exceptione vel ex­cusatione aut praetextu, libere dimittere & liberare, ac in pristinam & plenam libertatem cum omni securitate, tuto commeatu ac recessu, rea­liter & cum effectu restituere & reponere, teneatur & debeat, seu libere dimittat, liberet, atque in pristinam & plenam libertatem cum omni se­curitate, tuto commeatu ac recessu restituat & reponat, seu dimitti, libe­rari, restitui & reponi (ut praemittitur) faciat & mandet; ac de eorun­dem Caroli Card. & Petri Archiep. libera dimissione & liberatione, & in pristinam & plenam libertatem cum omni securitate, tuto commeatu at­que recessu, restitutione & repositione, per suas literas Regia manu & sigillo subsignatas, seu per publicum & authenticum Instrumentum, ad nos & Sedem Apostolicam transmittendas, intra triginta dies à die dicta dimissionis & liberationis, intra ipsos decem dies faciendae, numerandos, doceat & certioresreddat.

Quod si praedictus Henricus Rex paternis his nostris exhortationibus, monitionibus & requisitionibus, ac mandato non paruerit, & intra prae­dictos decem dies eosdem Carolum Card. & Petrum Archiep. non libere dimiserit aut liberaverit, & in pristin. plenam libertatem cum omni se­curitate, tuto commeatu & recessu non restituerit vel reposuerit, seu li­bere dimitti, liberari, restitui & reponi non fecerit (ut praefertur;) & de libera dimissione, liberatione, restitutione & repositione praedictis nos (ut supra) intra dictos triginta dies non docuerit, aut certiores non reddide­ret, ipsum quidem Henricum Regem, ac omnes & quoscunque qui in no­toria violenta manuum injectione, captura, carceratione, detentione & nece praedictis conscii, complices & fautores fuerunt, quive consilium, auxilium & opem, operam, custodiam & ministerium praebuerunt, tule­runt & praestiterunt, cujuscunque conditionis, status, gradus, ordinis & dignitatis tam Ecclesiasticae quam mundanae exsistant, in Excommunica­tionis majoris sententiam & Anathematis vinculum, & alias Censuras Ecclesiasticas, in praedictis sacris Canonibus & Constitutionibus genera­libus & particularibus, atque in literis die Coenae Domini legi consuetis, contentas & promulgatas damna biliter incurrisse & incidisse, ex parte Omnipotentis Dei & beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum ejus autho­ritate & nostra, & nunc prout ex tunc dicimus, pronunciamus & decla­ramus, illumque & illos universis Christi fidelibus excommunicatos, & ab unitate corporis Christi seperatos, & ut tales ab ipsis omnimodo vi­tandos palam & publice denunciamus.

Et nihilominus eundem Henricum Regem, ac universos & singulos praedictos conscios, complices, fautores, defensores & receptores, quive consilium, auxilium, favorem, opem, operam, custodiam & ministerium in praemissis praebuerunt, tulerunt & praestiterunt, tam super dictis pub­lica & notoria violenta manuum injectione in praefatos Ludovic. Card. Guisium, Carolum Card. Borbonium, & Petrum Archiep. Lugdunens. & illo­rum captura & detentione, quam nece ejusdem Ludovici Card. & aliis criminibus & excessibus desuper admissis, ac latius deductis, & dedu­cendis & exprimendis, eadem Apostolica authoritate, primo, secundo & tertio monemus, requirimus & citamus, quatenus ipse Rex perse, vel alium seu alios, suum vel suos, procuratorem seu procuratores, legiti­mum seu legitimos, sufficienti ad id mandato instructum seu instructos; reliqui vero personaliter per seipsos, intra terminum 60 dierum à die executionis & publicationis praesentium computandorum, (quorum 60 dierum 20 pro prima, alios vero 20 pro secunda, reliquos autem 20 pro tertia & ultima canonica monitione, ac ultimo & peremptorio termino eisdem praefigimus et assignamus) coram nobis comparere teneantur et debeant, ad dicendum, opponendum et allegandum; quare non debeant d [...]clarari et denuntiari propter hujusmodi violentam manuum injectio­nem, comprehensionem, necem, et detentionem personarum Card. et Archiep. respective et alia praemissa, in alias sententias et poenas spiri­tuales et temporales in praedictis sacris Canonibus et Constitutionibus contentas et inflictas, incurrisse et incidisse, et quare tam ejusdem Henrici Regis quam aliorum supradictorum feudatarii, subditi et vassalli pro­pterea à juramento fidelitatis, quo ei vel eis quomodolibet astringuntur, absolvi, vel illi jam absoluti declarari non debeant, et alias super praemis­sis ad se legitime excusandos et defendendos.

Alioqui etiam ipso Henrico Rege, vel suo legitimo procuratore, seu legitimis procuratoribus non comparentibus, aut consciis, complicibus, fautoribus, et aliis praed. etiam in executione praesentium (si videbitur) nominandis personaliter non comparentibus, aut etiam compar. et nihil quod ipsos legitime excusare vel defend. valeat, aut relevare possit addu­centibus; [Page 544] Nos nihilominus etiam nulla alia monitione vel citatione praecedente, (nisi forsan per officium Audientiae contradictorum, si no­bis visum fuerit) procedemus, justitia mediante ad omnes & singulos actus in praemissis quomodolibet necessarios & opportunos, etiam usque ad praedictarum sententiarum & poenarum in eisdem sacris Canonibus & Constitutionibus contentarum & inflictarum, seu illarum incursus de­clarationem & denunciationem, necnon ad Absolutionem seu Absolu­tionis declarationem funda [...]oriorum subditorum & vassallorum à jura­mento Fidelitatis, quo tam eidem Henrico Regi, quam aliis supradictis quomodo libet tenentur vel astringuntur, prout juris fuerit, & ordo dictaverit rationis.

Caterum ab Excommunicationis majoris, Anathematis vinculo, & aliis censuris praedictis, nec ipse Henricus Rex nec ullus alius praedicto­rum, neque etiam in foro Conscientiae à quocunque seculari, vel cu­jusvis ordinis regulari Presbyteris, vel Praelato quavis dignitate & au­thoritate fungente, nisi à nobis vel Romano Pontifice pro tempore exi­stente, & praeterquam in mortis articulo, nec tunc nisi de stando Ec­clesiae mandatis & satisfaciendo praestita cautione absolvi possint, etiam praetextu quarumvis facultatum & indultorum, etiam occasione Jubi­lei plenarii vel Cruciatae sanctae, seu Confessionalium, quibuscunque personis Ecclesiasticis secularibus & quorumvis ordinum, etiam Men­dicantium & Militiarum, Regularibus, etiam Episcopali, vel alia ma­jori dignitate praeditis, ipsisque Ordinibus, ac eorum Monasteriis, Con­ventibus & Domibus ac Capitulis, Collegiis, Confraternitatibus, Congregationibus, Hospitalibus & locis piis, necnon Laicis, etiam ei­dem Henrico Regi & forsan aliis Franciae Regibus ac caeteris personis supradictis, per nos & dictam Sedem & cujusvis Consilii decreta, ver­bo, literis aut quacunque scriptura in genere vel in specie concessorum, innovatorum, etiam si in eis casus in literis die Coenae Domini legi soliti expressi comprehenduntur, nisi de praesentibus nostris literis speci­fica & expressa, non autem per clausulam, quorum tenores, aut alias quascunque clausulas generales idem importantes, mentio fiat.

Nonobstantibus Privilegiis, Indulgentiis & literis Apostolicis gene­ralibus vel specialibus, etiam ipso Henrico Regi, ac ejus praedecessoribus seu aliis supradictis, vel eorum alicui seu aliquibus aliis, cujuscunque ordinis, status vel conditionis, dignitatis & praeeminentiae fuerint, etiam si Pontificali, Regali, seu quavis Ecclesiastica & mundana praefulge­ant dignitate, vel eorum Regnis, Provinciis, Civitatibus, seu locis à praedicta Sede ex quavis causa, etiam per viam Constitutionis perpe­tuae, contractus aut remunerationis, & sub quavis alia forma & teno­re, ac cum quibusvis clausulis, etiam derogatoriarum derogatoriis con­cessis & sapius approbatis & innovatis, etiam continentibus quod Ex­communicari, Anathematizari vel Interdici non possint per literas Apo­stolicas, non facientes plenam & expressam ac de verbo ad verbum de Indulto hujusmodi, ac de ordinibus, locis, nominibus propriis, cogno­minibus & dignitatibus eorum mentionem, necnon consuetudinibus & aliis quibuslibet observantiis scriptis vel non scriptis, per quae contra has nostras literas, sententias & censuras, quominus eis ligentur & affici­untur, si juvare valeant vel tueri.

Quibus omnibus eorum omnium tenores, ac si ad verbum nihil peni­tus omisso insererentur praesentibus, pro expressis habentes, ad effectum praesentium duntaxat specialiter & expresse derogamus, caeterisque con­trariis quibuscunque.

Ut autem praesentes nostrae literae ad ipsius Henrici Regis & aliorum supradictorum notitiam facilius perveniant, seu pervenire possint, ad quos personaliter monendos & citandos tutus his turbulentis tempori­bus non patet accessus, prout nobis notorie constat, & praesentium te­nore declaramus, easdem nostras literas, tam in alma urbe nostra, & in Basilicae Principis Apostolorum & Cancellariae Apostolicae valvis, ac in acie Campi Florae, per aliquem ex Cursoribus nostris, quam etiam in partibus regni Franciae, in valvis duarum vel trium ex infrascriptis sex Cathedralibus Ecclesiis, viz. Pictavensi, Aurelianensi, Carnotensi, Mel­densi, Agennensi, & Coenomanensi, more solito legi & publicari, & inibi affigi, & per aliquod temporis spatium affixas dimitti, eisque postmodum inde detractis, earum exempla in eisdem locis pariter affixa relinqui mandamus.

Decernentes ut earundem literarum publicatio sic facta, tam contra eundem Henricum Regem quam alios in praemissis conscios, complices, fautores, defensores & receptores, ad eos qui consilium, auxilium, opem, operam, custodiam & ministerium praebuerunt, tulerunt & praestite­runt, supradictos & eorum quemlibet perinde arctet & afficiat, ac si li­terae ipsae eis vel eorum singulis personaliter lectae & intimatae & insinu­atae fuissent: cum non sit verisimile ea, quae tam patenter & publice facta fuerint, ipsos posse quomodolibet ignorare.

Quia vero difficile foret praesentes literas ad singula loca deferri ad quae oporteret, VOLUMUS, ut earum transcriptis, etiam impressis, manu publici Notarii subscriptis, & sigillo personae in dignitate Ec­clesiastica constitutae obsignatis, eadem prorsus fides ubique gentium & locorum in judicio & extra illud adhibeatur, quae eisdem originalibus adhibeatur, si essent exhibita vel ostensa.

Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostrae Hortatio­nis, Monitionum, Requisitionum, Praecepti, Mandatorum, Pronuntia­tionis, Declarationum, Denunciationis, Citationis, Praefixionis, Assi­gnationis, Decretorum, Derogationis & Voluntatis infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire: Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit, Indignationem Omnipotentis Dei ac beatorum Petri & Pauli Aposto­lorum ejus, se noverit incursurum.

  • A. de Alexiis.
  • M. Vestrius Barbianus.

And so wonderfully powerful was this Bull against Henry and his De justa ab­die. Hen. III. l. 4. c. 14. p. 418. well-wishers, that they tell us by way of Miracle how one at Venice (but offering to speak in behalf of the King) sunk presently down, and no sooner was carried home but he died.

CHAP. VI. King Henry III. murdered by Friar Clement. The Pope's Speech in Commendation of the Murder.

THe King as aforesaid being not a little perplext at the late Papal Mo­nitory Bull, R. de Beaune (the Archbishop of Bourges) endeavoured to comfort him, by suggesting that the Pope would alter his mind when he better understood the bad Designs of the League. To whom the King after a deep sigh replied,—He thought it very hard, that he who had ever fought and laboured for Religion should be rashly Excommunicated, be­cause he would not suffer his own throat to be cut by his Rebell-Subjects; since those who had Emperor Charles V. b [...] his Gene­ral Lewis de Bour­bon, anno 1527. sack'd Rome, and kept the Pope himself prisoner, had never been Excommunicated—But the King of Navarre (then present) gave him the best counsel and comfort by his Answer,—But they were Vi­ctorious, Sir: Let your Majesty endeavour to conquer, and be assur'd the Cen­sures shall be revok'd: but if we be overcome, we shall all die condemn'd Hereticks.

Accordingly it was resolved to augment their Army as much as they could, to lay siege to Paris (the Head of the Leaguers) which obtain'd would make all the Kingdom submit, and the design of that siege would draw multitude of Souldiers and Adventurers in hopes of good plunder. In short: what by the joyning of the two Kings Armies, by the coming in of the Swisses (rais'd by Monsieur de Sancy) to the Forces of the Duke of Longueville, and other daily Additions and Voluntiers, the King pre­sently found himself at the head of above forty thousand fighting men.

With this strength he presently besiegeth Paris, which was such a cooler to the Leaguers, what by the sickleness and cowardise of the peo­ple then (as usually happens to such great Cities) what by the scarcity of Victuals, the not sufficient number of Souldiers, nor Pay to encourage them, with their stubbornness and threats to quit the Service if not pre­sently paid and victuall'd; with these Inconveniences (I say) the People and Souldiers were so disheartened, that they were even ready to revolt, but that the Priests and Friars affoarded them much encouragement, not only by their example in taking up Arms themselves, but also by their Seditious Preachments, which usually worketh very much upon the ig­norant, and can countenance Knaves and Rebels to act for their Interest, (that is) to do any wickedness and villany whatever. And lest any badge of Royalty should remain to put them in mind of their Loyalty and Allegeance, the Cordeliers struck out the Head of the Figure of J [...]urnal. the King, which was painted kneeling before the High Altar of their Church; the Jacobins also defac'd the Kings Picture in their Cloysters.

But nothing did more persuade the people from a Revolt, then the as­surance which the Priests and other chief Leaguers gave them, that they should be freed from their Enemies within a few days; in hopes of which the Citizens were more active in opposition, though they understood not the means of such a delivery.

In the mean time the Council of Sixteen with some other Chieftains consult their deliverance; the plot is not long finding out: for there then living in Paris one Jaques Clement (a Friar of the Order of St. Do­minick, commonly call'd Jacobins) one very ignorant, and so more stur­dy, bold, and apt for any wickedness, of which he was more capable by his extrava­gant Davila p. 815, 816, 817, 857. And Favyn H [...]st. de Navarre, p. 949. Hist. des derniers troubles d: France, l. 5. fol. 6. Satyre Menip. p. 125, 126, 127. Laurence bocuhel Hist. de l. justi [...] crimi­nelle de France, tit. 11. ch. 12. Zele, and not a little augmented by the daily Preachments he had heard against the King. Thus puff'd up they us'd to call him Captain Clement; and thus determin'd, he confesseth that he is boldly inspir'd to kill the King. The Father to whom he confest it imparted it to Edmond Bourgain (Prior of the Covent of Jacobins, and one of the chief Counsellours of the League) who bid Clement consider, whether it might not be a temptation of the Devil, and so that he should fast and pray, begging of God to enlighten him what to do.

A little after Friar Clement returneth, telling them that he now found himself strengthened and confirm'd for the deed: upon which they encou­rage and engage him to it, telling him that he shall be well recompenced for the fact; if he die, he shall surely fly to Heaven as a Saint, and be enrolled amongst the Roman Martyrs on Earth; but if he live, he and his shall be provided for, that he shall have a Bishoprick if not a Cardinalship. And that Ant. C [...]l [...] ­net p. [...]03. there might be some hopes of his life, 'tis said that the Dutchess of Mont­pensier and others assur'd him, that there were many Leaguers and their partakers in the Kings Guards, Camp, Court, Chamber, and his Coun­cil too, who would be ready to assist, defend, and rescue him, if any dan­ger should happen.

The Friar thus resolved, three things are next consulted of, viz. Ac­cess to the King; The manner of Execution; And the Secresie. As for the first, it was concluded to get some Letters from Count de Brienne, or the Chief President Achilles de Harlay (then Prisoners for their Loy­alty in the Bastile) the sight of which with the reverence of his Coat would get him admittance. As for the second, nothing like a Stab with a Knife, which might conveniently be hid in his wide sleeve. And lastly, to prevent that none should discover it before the blow be given, the Gates should be ordered to be strictly shut, with sure Guards and Watch at all Avenues, that none but himself should go out.

Well, the Monk hath a Knife given him by the aforesaid Il recoit de son Prieur un Coustea [...]. Favyn. ib. Prior, which is impoi­son'd, and (as The mutability and wo [...]ering st [...]te. France, printed in solio Anno 1597, pag. 132. Ant. Colynet p. 405. some write) he intreated the Popes Legat to bless it and him for his better speed; and Jan de Serres Inventaire. others say, that he ac­quainted Father Cammolet and other Jesuits with his design.

In brief: the Letters cunningly procured, as if to do the King some good service, and thus prepared he goeth to St. Cloud (a Village near Paris, where the King then quartered) where he is seiz'd on, examin'd, confesseth his bu­siness is to the King, to whom he hath Letters and other secrets to deli­ver, but such as he will discover to none but the King himself. The The Monk thus believed is the next morning carried to the Kings Lodg­ings, where he presents him with a Letter, which whilest the King is reading Clement pulleth the Knife out of his Friars sleeve, [...] stabb'd the King in the belly, of which wound he died that night. And this mur­ther, [Page 548] was well timed for the Leaguers, the King having determined to storm the City the next day. And thus ended the Line and Family of Valois by the murther of this King Henry III. whose Commendations have been undertaken by some of the French V [...]de [...]'Espinel [...]e le Parnasse, tom. 1. fol. 315, 316, 329. Delit. Poet. Gal. vol. 3. p. 114. Poets, whilest others are as much against him.

As for the wicked Monk James Clement, he was [unadvisedly] in­stantly slain, his body thrown out of the window, burnt by the Souldi­ers, and his ashes scatter'd in the River, and upon him was made this Anagram:

Frere Jaques Clement:
Anagram,
'Tis Hell that created me.
C'est l'enfer quim' a cree.

But on the other hand the Covenanters rejoyce, throw off the mourn­ing which they had worn for Guise, appear'd in their greatest glory, clad themselves in flourishing green tossing Feathers, made Bonfires, had the Monks Picture made and shewed publickly, his Mother and Kindred Satyre Me­nip. p 128. Vide Mem. de la Ligne, tom. 4. p. 14, &c. Thua [...]. l. 96. sought out to be rewarded and gratified, the better to encourage others to the like murther; nay had thoughts to set up his Statue in their Churches instead of the Kings pull'd down. And no sooner was the Siege rais'd but a Company of them goeth in Triumph to St. Cloud, (cal­led so from a son of King Clodomire) where the King and Monk were slain: and because the Friars body was burn'd as aforesaid, so that they could procure none of it, they pared off the ground which had been died with his bloud, which as Holy Reliques they place in a Boat, intend­ing to convey them to Paris to be worship'd as sanctified stuff by the people: but see the luck on't, and the end of themselves in the height of this their religious Trophy; a wind ariseth, turns over their Boat, where­by the people and their Reliques were lost and drown'd.

As for the Preachers, they magnifie the Action as Heroick and No­ble: Burgoin the foresaid Prior of the Jacobins compared him in his Ser­mons to Judith, the murdered King to Holofernes, and the delivered City to Bethulia: Father Robert (a Franciscan at Vendosme) publickly com­mends the deed: Dr. Boucher cometh out in Print by Authority of the Union in vindication of it, affirming it to have been done Incredi­b [...]li bono­rum omni­um gaudio & exultati­one. De [...]u­sta He [...]. III. [...]. l. 4. c. 23. Id. [...]. 450, 451, 452, 453, 454, 455. to the un­speakable joy of all good men; comparing the Friar to Ehud for killing Eglon King of Moab; that he had done a greater work then Judith in killing Holofernes, David Goliah, or Sampson his thousand men; obser­veth a Providential Miracle for honour of the Roman Church, viz. that it was committed on the day of St. Peters Feast ad vincula, and another for the preservation and justification of the Sorbonne School and her Do­ctors, viz. that this Monk was born at a Village call'd Sorbonne, in the Territory of the City Sens by the lower Champaigne; at last abuseth many Texts of Scripture in his commendati­on, and will have the action ascrib'd to Quod factum nuper & probatum di­vinitus etiam gratulamur. Id. epist. ded. Heaven, to the no small comfort of the Covenanters: And we are also Tho. L [...]ns. Consul. German. p. 281. told, that Claudius Sanctius writ in vindication of this murther.

Nor will A [...]l. p [...]. Jean Chastel part. 3. c. 1. [...] p. 122. François Veronne let him pass without a favourable nod. V. d. Jesuit. Sicar. appendix, p 27 [...]. Another lay­eth it down as a brave subject for Historians, Poets, Orators, and Preachers to exercise [Page 549] their parts with, affirming it to be—Tam generosum, tam glorios [...]m, tam necessarium Galï [...], tam utilem atque fructuosum, toti Christiano orbi tam acceptam & approbitum ab authori­tate Canonum, à Ratione, Consilio & Sententia tot hominum sapientissimo­rum & devotis [...]imorum in mundo. Ib. p. 272. A generous and noble action, necessary for France, and profitable for Christendom, agreeable to and approved of by the Authority of Canons, with the reason, advice, and judgment of the wisest and godliest of men. To give all the commendation and encomiums, which this Writer sets down at large of this Optimus ille Jat [...]binus. best of Jacobins, (as he calls the Villain) would be too tedcous: nor need I here mention the impudence of James Cam­molet the Jesuite, and the rest of the Leaguers, who (if we may believe some English Roman See their Preface to the Jesuits Cate­chism, ¶ ¶ 3. p. 2. Priests themselves) would not give Absolution to the Gentry of France, unless they would take Arms against their King Henry III. of whose murther thus one of their Poets:

Qui Monachi virtutem habitu simulaverat olim,
Hunc Monachi virtus non simulata necat.
The counterfeited Monk his death doth feel,
Being stabb'd by one was Monk as true as Steel.

Nor need we question their commendations of this Parricide, since they held him for a blessed Spondan. au. 1589. § 17. Will. War­mingtons Moderate Pef [...]nce of the Oatho o [...] Allegeance, p. 147. Martyr, not only in Words and Writing but in Pictures too, and this not only in France but at Rome it self. And further it was the opinion of some, that if this wicked Friar had been a Franciscan (Pope Sixtus V. being of that Order) as he was a Dominican, he might have been declar'd a Saint.

And what opinion the Chieftains of Rome had of this action, may in part appear by the Letter sent to the General Council of the Holy Union by Cardinal Montalto, Nephew to Pope Sixtus; the which take thus:

Illustrissimi Domini,

Valde hic dubitabamus, num rumor de morte Henrici III. Gallia Re­gis verus esset aut falsus. Nam licet is e [...]diversis locis ad nos adcurrebat, autorem tamen clarum aut certum non habebat: quandoquidem id quod narrabatur fabulae similius videbatur quam veritati. Verum ad­ventus Nicolas Nivelle and Rollin Tierry wer [...] the two Booksellers and Printers privi­leged and appointed at Paris by the Holy Union to print and publish their affairs, as Jean Pellchotte was to the Holy Uni­on at Lyons. Nicolai Nivellii, civis Parisiensis, qui adhuc adpulit 25 die mensis praesentis, cum literis quarto die scripti à Duce May­ennio ad sanctitatem ejus, omne nobis du­bium exemit. Idem attulit secum instru­menta publica Monitorii Apostolici, in effe­ctum illic producti: non habebat tamen literas ullas à vobis ad sanctitatem ejus, quod ingratum sane ei ac­cidit.

Quanquam autem dicta sanctitas ejus libenter cognovit liberatam esse Lutetiam, & imminutas vires Hugonotorum, tristitia tamen non par­va perfusa est, & summe obstupefacta, audians tam magnum admodum & nobilem Regem, morte tam miserabili peremptum, adeoque finem ejus conformem non fuisse illi, quem sortiti sunt tot antecessores ejus, [Page 550] qui longa serie per plurima secula gloriose regnarunt in Gallia, & po­stea ex hac vita in meliorem transiverunt cum gloria sempiterna.

Verum quia sanctitas ejus desiderat (vel ut copiosius nomine ejus ad Ducem Mayennium perscripsi) videre tandem, & quidem durante tempore Pontificatus sui finem imponi turbis, tempestatibus, & miseri­is funestissimis potentissimi illius regni, utque extirpatis haeresibus, pri­stinam recuperet Majestatem suam, floreatque ibi usus S. Catholicae, Apostolicae, Romanae Religionis nostrae; ideo notum vobis facio, sancti­tatem ejus paratissimam esse (siquidem necessarium a vobis judicetur) ad mittendum Legatum Cardinalem, qui necessitatibus vostris succurrat, partim suppeditando vobis milites & pecunias (quas per Dei gratiam alibi mutuo sumere haud oportebit) partim autoritate & consilio suo complu­res principes alliciendo; ut ita eodem consilio juvetur, conservetur, & promoveatur causa Dei, Fidei, & Religionis nostrae.

Sed quum apud nos, qui vestro nomine rem agere possit tam arduam sit nemo, sanctitas ejus exhortatur vos, ut tempore provideatis, & quoad ejus primum fieri potest; idque aut per literas, aut per Depu­tatum quempiam nostratim, cui res vestrae omnes probe notae sint; aut mittendo ex professo quempiam e vestris partibus, qui authoritate & ingenio polleat sufficienti tractando negotio tam gravi & primario. Et quandoquidem constat, adversarios attonitos valde esse, & quasi divi­no ictos fulmine; antequam unire iterum se, & consilium atque vires corroborare possint: omnis ideo lapis movendus erit, ut TAM PRAE­CLARA ET RARA OCCASIO ne amittatur, de qua dici aliud non possit, QUAM DIVINITUS A POTENTI ET BENIGNA MA­NU DEI oblatam esse.

Et proinde sanctitas ejus exhortatur vos non tantum ut conservetis, sed etiam amplificetis & propagetis concordiam & unanimitatem IN SANCTO VESTRO FOEDERE; omnia siquidem pessum ac perditum irent, cum perpetuo nostro dedecore atque damno, si inter vos & alios unitos vincula pacis & unionis firma atque fortia non essent. Dominus noster adsit vobis spiritu sancti consilii sui, & concedat vobis PLENAM VICTORIAM IN HOSTES NOSTROS, & Divi­nae ipsius Majestatis.

Vestri studiosissimus ut Frater, A. Cardinalis MONTALTUS.

Though by this Letter and what hath been said it appears plainly, that the Pope sided with the Covenanters; yet to summe up all, take here the Popes own Speech, which he made in the Consistory to the Cardinals upon the Kings murther.

Animo meo saepe ac serio revol­vens, mentisque aciem intendens in ea, quae nuper Dei voluntate ac­ciderunt, videor mihi vere posse illud Prophetae 1. 5. Abacuch usurpare,—Quia opus factum est in diebus vestris, quod nemo credet cum narra­bitur [Page 551] —Mortuus est Rex Franco­rum per manus Monachi; nam ad istud potest recte applicari, licet de alia re, nempe de incarnatione Domini, quae omnia mira ac mira­bilia superat: Propheta proprie lo­cutus sit, sicut & Apostolus Paulus eadem verba v. 41. Actorum 13. ad Christi resurrectionem verissime re­fert.

Quando Propheta nominat opus, non vult innuere aliquid vulgare vel ordinarium, sed rarum, insigne, ac memorabile facinus, quomodo de creatione mundi,—Opera ma­nuum tuarum sunt Coeli—Item,—Requievit die septimo ab omni opere quod patrarat—Cum ve­ro factum ait, eo verbo tale aliquid in Scripturis exprimi, quod non te­mere, casu, fortuna, aut per acci­dens evenire dicitur; sed quod ex­pressa Dei voluntate, providentia, dispositione ac ordinatione obve­nit. Ut cum dicit Salvator,—O­pera quae ego facio vos facietis, & ma­jora horum facietis—& similia in sacris literis plurima. Quod au­tem loquatur in praeterito factum esse, id more aliorum Prophetarum facit, qui propter certitudinem e­ventus solent saepe de futuris, ac si jam facta essent praedicere. Di­cunt enim Philosophi res praeteritas esse de necessitate, praesentes de in­esse, futuras de possibili tantum; ita illi loquuntur. Propter quam certitudinem Isaias Propheta longe ante vaticinatus est de morte Chri­sti; sic dixit, sicut in Act. Apost. c. 8. etiam recitatur,—Tanquam ovis ad occisionem ductus est, & sicuti agnus coram tondente se non aperuit os suum, &c.—Atque hoc de quo nunc verba facimus, & quod his diebus nostris evenit vere insi­gne, memorabile, & pene incredi­bile opus est, nec sine Dei Opt. Max. particulari providentia & di­spositione perpetratum. Occidit Monachus Regem, non pictum aut fictum in charta aut pariete, sed Regem Franciae, in medio exercitus [Page 552] sui, milite & custodia undique se­ptum, quod revera tale est, & [...]o modo effectum, ut nemo nunc cre­dat cum narrabitur, & fortasse apud posteritatem pro fabula reputa­bitur.

Quod Rex sit mortuus, vel eti­am Frave Com­parisons. peremptus, facile creditur; sed eum sic sublatum, vix est credi­bile: sicut Christum natum ex foe­mina statim assentimur; sed fi ad­das porro ex foemina virgine or­tum esse, tunc secundum hominem non assentior: ita etiam quod mor­tuus sit Christus facile credimus, sed quod mortuus jam resurrexerit ad vitam, quia ex privatione ad habitum non fit regressio, redditur secundum intellectum humanum impossibile, & propterea incredi­bile: quod homo ex somno, ex morbo, etiam ex Syncope vel Ex­stasi resuscitatur, quia id saepe se­cundum naturam fit, humanitus credimus; sed resurrexisse à mor­tuis ita secundum carnem videba­tur incredibile, ut Paulo apud Phi­losophos Athenienses de hac resur­rectione disserenti improperarent, quod esset novorum doemoniorum annunciator: & alii (sicut D. Lu­cas narrat) irridebant, alii dice­bant—Audiemus te de hoc iterum—De talibus igitur, quae secundum naturae leges & ordinarium cursum fieri non solent, dicit Propheta,—Quod nemo credet cum narrabi­tur—sed hujusmodi tantum fidem adhibemus ex consideratione Om­nipotentiae Divinae, & per subje­ctionem intellectus nostri in obedi­entiam Fidei & obsequium Christi. Nam hoc modo quod erat incredi­bile naturaliter fit credibile. Igi­tur qui secundum hominem non credo Christum de virgine natum, tamen quando additur, hoc factum esse supra naturae terminos per ope­rationem Spiritus Sancti, tunc vero assentior & credo. Ita quando di­citur, Christum ex mortuis resur­rexisse, humanitus non credo, sed cum id factum esse per divinam [Page 553] (quae in ipso erat) naturam affirma­tur, tunc omnino credo.

Eodem modo licet tantum Re­gem in medio exercitus, tot stipa­tum militibus, ab uno simplici & imbelli Religioso occisum esse, se­cundum prudentiam carnis & intel­lectum humanum sit incredibile, vel omnino impossibile; tamen considerando ex altera parte gra­vissima Regis peccata, & specia­lem Dei Omnipotentis in hac re providentiam, & quam inusitato & mirabili modo justissimam volun­tatem suam erga ipsum impleverit, omnino & firmiter credo.

Rem etenim istam tam grandem & inusitatam alio referre, quam ad particularem Dei providentiam, (sicut quosdam ad alias causas or­dinarias, vel etiam ad fortunam & casum, aut similes accidentarios eventus perperam referre intelligi­mur) prorsus non licet: sicut ii, qui totius facti seriem pressius ob­servant, facile videre possunt, ut [...] plurima intervenerunt, quae ab ho­mine nisi Dei speciali concurrente auxilio, expediri non quiverunt. Et sane Regum ac Regnorum rati­ones, caeteraque tam rara tantique momenti negotia, a Deo temere administrari non est existimandum.

Sunt in Sacra Historia nonnulla hujus generis, nec eorum quid­quam potest alio quam ad Deum authorem referri: tamen nihil est, ubi magis claret superna operatio, quam in isto de quo nunc agimus. Lib. Maccab. 1. cap. 6. legimus, Eleazarum, ut Regem populi Dei persecutorem ac hostem tolleret, seipsum certae morti obtulisse. Nam in conflictu conspiciens Elephan­tem caeteris eminentiorem, in quo videbatur Rex esse, concito cursu in mediam hostium turmam se conjiciens, hinc inde viam vi ster­nens, ad belluam venit, atque sub eam intravit, subjectoque gladio peremit, quae cadens oppressit Elea­zarum & extinxit.

[Page 554]

Hic quoad zelum & animi ro­bur, reique tentatae exitum, ali­quid hujus nostri simile cernimus, tamen in reliquis nihil est compa­rabile. Eleazarus erat miles, armis James Cle­ment a bet­t [...]r man then Elea­zar. & pugna exercitatus, in ipso proelio constitutus, ardoreque animi & fu­rore (ut fit) accensus: iste Monachus, proeliis ac pugnis non erat assuefact. & a sanguine vitae suae instituto ita abhorrens, ut nec ex venae incisione fusum cruorem forsan ferre potue­rit. Ille noverat genus mortis, si­mulque locum sepulturae suae, nempe quod ruina belluae inclusus magis quam oppressus suo sepeli­retur triumpho: iste mortem ac tormenta crudeliora & incognita expectabat, sepulcroque se caritu­rum non dubitabat. Sed & alia multa dissimilia sunt.

Nota quoque est insignis illa hi­storia sanctae mulieris Judith, quae & ipsa ut obsessam civitatem suam ac populum Dei liberaret, cepit consilium (Deo sine controversia suggestore) de interimendo Holo­ferne hostilis exercitus principe; quod & perfecit. In quo opere li­cet plurima, & apertissima super­nae directionis indicia appareant, ta­men longe majora divinae providen­tiae argumenta in istius Regis occisione, The Mo [...]k more assist­ed by God then Judith. ac civitatis Parisiensis liberatione; sicut certe quoad hominem, hoc fu­it illo magis difficile vel impossibi­le. Nam illa sancta soemina in­tentionem suam aliquibus urbis Presbyteris aperuit, portamque ci­vitatis & custodiam pertransiit illis praesentibus ac approbantibus, ut proinde scrutioni vel explorationi, quae obsidionis tempore solet esse tam exacta, ut ne musca fere sine examine egredi queat, non potue­rat esse subjecta. Apud hostes ve­ro, per quorum castra & varias ex­cubias transeundum erat, saepius ex­plorata & examinata cum foemina esset, nec quidquam haberet vel literarum vel armorum, unde su­spitio [Page 555] oriri potuit, deque adventu in castta, & à suis, fugae probabiles reddens rationes, facile dimitteba­tur. Sicut tam propter easdem causas, quam propter sexum & for­mae excellentiam ad principem im­pudicum introduci, & in temulen­tum facile quod designavi [...] perfice­re valuit: ita illa. Hic vero Re­ligiosus aggressus est, & confecit rem longe majorem, pluribusque impedimentis ac tantis difficultati­bus periculisque obsitam, ut nulla prudentia aut astutia humana, nec alio modo, nisi aperta Dei ordina­tione ac succursu confici potnerit. Debebant obtineri literae commen­datitiae ab iis, qui erant contrariae Factionis, transeundum erat per e­am urbis portam, qua itur ad ca­stra hostium, quae ita sine dubio in illis obsidionis angustiis custodie­batur, ut cuncta haberent suspecta, nec cuique sine curiosissima explo­ratione, de literis, nunciis, nego­tiis, armis pateret exitus. Sed iste (res mira!) vigiles pertransiit sine examine etiam cum literis creden­tiae ad hostem, quae si fuissent in­terceptae à civibus, sine mora ac sine ulteriori judicio de vita fuisset actum, atque apertum hoc Divinae providentiae argumentum. Sed ma­jus miraculum est illud, quod idem mox fine omni exploratione trans­ierit quoque hostium castra, varias militum excubias, ipsamque cor­poris Regis custodiam, ac totum denique exercitum, qui fere erat conflatus ex Haereticis, ipse Religi­osus exsistens, & in habitu ordinis sui, qui ita erat exosus talibus ho­minibus, ut in illis locis quae paulo ante prope Parisios vi ceperunt, Mo­nachos quosque vel occiderint vel pessime tractaverint. Jud [...]th erat foemina, minimeque odiosa; ta­men examinata illa saepe, illa nihil [Page 556] secum tulit unde sibi oriretur peri­culum: iste Monachus, & propterea odiosus ac suspectissimus, etiam cum cullello ad hoc propositum praepa­rato, non in vagina condito (unde poterat esse probabilis excusatio) sed nudo, ac in manica absc [...]ndito, quem si invenissent, mox fuisset in crucem actus. Ista omnia clariora sunt particularis providentiae divi­nae argumenta, quam ut negari que­at: nec aliter fieri potuit, quam ut à Deo occoecarentur oculi inimico­rum ne agnoscerent illum.

Nam (ut antea diximus) licet quidam ista absurde tribuunt fortu­nae aut casui, tamen nos hoc totum non alio referendum censemus, quam in Divinam voluntatem. Nec profecto aliter factum crede­rem, nisi captivarem intellectum in obsequium Christi, qui hoc modo admirabili & liberare civitatem Parisiensem (quam variis viis intel­leximus fuisse in summo discrimine, maximisque angustiis constitutam) & istius Regis gravissima peccata punire, eumque tam infausta & in­fami morte e medio tollere sta­tuit.

Atque nos (dolentes sane) ali­quoties praediximus fore, ut quem­admodum erat familiae suae ultimus, ita aliquem insuetum & dedecoro­sum vitae exitum esset habiturus. Quod me dixisse non solum Cardi­nalis Joiosa, Lenocortius, & Parisi­ensis, sed etiam qui tunc apud nos residebat Orator, testes esse pos­sunt. Neque enim hic mortuos, sed viventes in testimonium hujus­modi verborum nostrorum adhibe­mus, quorum isti omnes probe me­minisse possunt. Quicquid tamen in hunc infelicem Regem hoc tem­pore dicere cogimur, nullo modo volumus ut pertineat ad nobilissi­mum illud Galliae Regnum, quod nos in posterum, sicut hactenus, semper omni paterno amore ac honore pro­sequcmur.

[Page 557]

De persona ergo Regis tantum ista cum dolore diximus, cujus in­faustus simi eximit quoque ipsum ab iis officiis, quae solet haec sancta sedes (quae est pia mater omnium fi­delium, & maxime Christianorum Principum) Imperatoribus & Re­gibus post mortem exhibere: quae pro isto libenter quoque fecissemus, nisi id fieri in hoc casu sacrae Scri­pturae vetarent. Est, inquit Joan­nes, peccatum ad mortem, non pro il­lo dico ut roget quis—Quod vel intelligi potest de peccato ipso, ac si diceret pro illo peccato, vel pro remissione illius peccati nolo ut quisquam roget, quoniam non est remissibile: vel quod in eundem sensum redit, pro illo homine qui peccat peccatum ad mortem, non dico ut roget quis. De quo gene­re etiam Salvator apud Matth. Quod illi qui peccat in Spiritum Sanctum non remittetur, neque in hoc seculo neque in futuro. Ubi facit tria ge­nera peccatorum, nimirum in Pa­trem, in Filium, & in Spiritum San­ctum; atque priora duo esse minus gravia & remissibilia, tertium vero irremissibile: quae tota differentia (sicut ex Scripturis cholae tradunt) oritur ex distinctione attributorum, quae singula singulis personis San­ctissimae Trinitatis appropriantur. Licet enim, sicut eadem est essentia, sic eadem quoque est potentia, sapi­entia, & bonitas omnium persona­rum (sicut ex Symbolo S. Athanasii didicimus, cum ait—Omnipotens Pater, Omnipotens Filius, Omnipotens Spiritus Sanctus) tamen per attribu­tionem Patri applicatur potentia, Filio sapientia, Spiritui Sancto a­mor: quorum singula eo modo quo attributa dicuntur, ita sunt propria cujusque personae, ut in aliam re­ferri non queant. Ex quorum at­tributorum contrariis, & distinctio­nem & gravitatem peccatorum di­gnoscimus. Contrarium poten­tiae, quae attribuitur Patri, est infir­mitas, ut proinde id quod ex infir­mitate seu naturae nostrae imbecilli­tate committimus, dicatur committi [Page 558] in Patrem. Oppositum sapieutiae est ignorantia, ex qua cum quis peccat, dicitur peccare in Filium, ita ut ea quae vel ex humana infir­mitate vel ignorantia peccamus, fa­cilius nobis condonari soleant. Ter­tium autem attributum quod est Spiritus Sanctus, nempe amor, ha­bet pro contrario ingratitudinem, vitium maxime odibile. Unde ve­nit, ut homo non agnoscat Dei erga ipsum dilectionem aut beneficia, sed obliviscatur, contemnat, ac odio etiam habeat. Ex quo tandem fit, ut obstinatus reddatur atque impoe­niteus. Atque his modis multo gravius & periculosius peccatur in Deum, quam ex ignorantia aut im­becillitate: proinde hujusmodi vo­cantur peccata in Spiritum San­ctum; & quia rarius ac difficilius, & non nisi abundantiori gratia con­donantur, dicuntur irremissibilia quodammodo, cum tamen sola im­poenitentia sit omnino & simpliciter irremissibilis. Quicquid enim in vita committitur, licet contra Spi­ritum Sanctum, potest per poeniten­tiam deleri ante mortem: sed quis perseverat usque ad mortem, nul­lum locum relinquit gratiae ae mi­sericordiae. Atque pro tali pecca­to, seu pro homine sic peccante, noluit Apostolus ut post mortem oraremus.

Jam ergo quia magno nostro dolore intelligimus, praedictum Re­gem ex hac vita sine poenitentia, seu impoenitentem excessisse, nimirum in consortio Haereticorum, ex tali­bus enim hominibus confecerat exercitum suum, & quod commen­daverat moriens Regnum in suc­ce [...]sione Navarrae, declarato Haere­tico & excommunicato; necnon in extremis, ac in ultimo fere vitae spiritu, ab eodem & similibus cir­cumstantibus petierit, ut vindictam sumerent ab iis, quos ipse judica­bat fuisse causas mortis suae. Prae­ter haec & similia manifesta impoe­nitentiae [Page 559] indicia, decrevimus pro ipso non esse celebrandas exe­quias.

Non quod praesumamus quid­quam ex hoc de occultis erga ip­sum Dei judiciis aut misericordiis, qui poterat secundum beneplaci­tum suum in ipso exitu animae suae convertere cor ejus, & misericordi­ter cum illo agere; sed ista loquuti sumus secundum ea quae nobis exte­rius patent.

Faxit benignissimus Salvator noster, ut reliqui hoc horrendo ju­stitiae supernae exemplo admoniti, in viam salutis redeant: & quod misericorditer hoc modo coepit, be­nigne prosequatur ac perficiat, sicut eum facturum speramus, ut de ere­pta Ecclesia de tantis malis & pe­riculis, peren [...]es illi gratias aga­mus.

[Page 550]

Considering oftentimes with my self, and applying my whole understanding unto these things, which now of late by a just judgment of God are come to pass; I think I may with right use the words of the Prophet Habakkuk—I have wrought a work in your days, [Page 551] which no man will believe when it is told him—The French King is slain by the hands of a Friar; for unto this it may justly be compared, although the Prophet spake of another thing, namely of the Incarnation of our Lord, which exceedeth and sur­mounteth all other wonders and mira­cles whatsoever: As also the Apostle S. Paul referreth the same words most truly unto the resurrection of Christ.

When the Prophet said A work, his mind was not to signifie by it some common or ordinary thing, but a rare and notable matter, worthy to be re­membred, as that of the creation of the world,—The Heavens are the works of thine hands—And again,—He rested the seventh day from all the works which he had made—When he saith, I have wrought, with these words the Holy Scriptures are wont to express things not come to pass by casualty, fortune or accident, but things befallen by the determined providence, will, and ordinance of God, as our Saviour said,—The works which I do you shall do also, and yet greater—and many more such like in the holy Scriptures. And that he saith that it is done in times past, herein he followeth the use and order of the holy Prophets, who for certainty of the event are wont to pro­phesie of things to come as if they were past already. For the Philos. say, that things past are of necessity, things pre­sent of being, & things to come only of possibility. For which certainty the Pro­phet Isaiah long before prophesying of the death of Christ hath thus spoken,—He was led as a sheep to the slaughter, and like a lamb before his shearer so opened he not his mouth—And this whereof we speak at this present, and which is come to pass in these our days, is a famous, no­table, and almost incredible thing, nor done or atchiev'd without the particu­lar providence and disposition of Al­mighty God. A Friar hath kill'd a King, not a painted one, or one drawn upon a piece of paper or a wall, but the King of France, in the middest of his [Page 552] Army, compassed and environ'd round about with his Guard and Souldiers: Which truly is such an act, and done in such a manner, that none wil believe it when it shall be told them, and per­haps hereafter it will be held but for a fable.

That the King is dead or slain, is easily believed, but that he is kill'd af­ter this manner, is hardly to be cre­dited: even as we presently agree un­to this, that Christ is born of a wo­man, but if we adde of a Virgin, then according to natural reason we cannot assent to it: even so we easily believe that Christ died, but that he is risen again from death unto life, is accord­ing to humane understanding impos­sible, and therefore incredible: that one is awakened again out of sleep, ex­tasie, or a swound, because it oft hap­pens so according to nature we natu­rally believe; but to be risen again from the dead, it seemeth so incredible unto flesh, that S. Paul disputing at Athens of this point was disliked, and accused to be a setter forth of new Gods; so that many (as S. Luke wit­nesseth) did mock him, and others said,—We will hear thee again of this thing—Of such things there­fore which befall not according to the Laws of Nature, and the ordinary course thereof, speaketh the Prophet, that none shall believe it when it shall be told them. But we give credit to it by consideration of the Om­nipotency of God, and by submitting our understanding under the obedience of Faith, and the Service which we owe unto Christ. By these means this that was incredible by Nature becometh credible by Faith. Therefore we that believe not after the flesh that Christ is born of a Virgin, yet when it is ad­ded unto it, that this was done super­naturally by operation of the Holy Ghost, then truly we agree unto it, and faithfully believe it. So like­wise when it is said, that Christ is risen again from the dead, as we are onely flesh we believe it not; but when it is affirmed, that this was done by the power of Divine Na­ture [Page 553] in him, then without any doubting we believe it.

Even so when it shall be told us, An infalli­ble Compa­rison. that such a mighty King was kill'd by a poor, simple, and weak Friar, and that in the midst of his Army, envi­ron'd with his Guard and Souldiers, to our natural reason and fleshly capacity it will seem incredible, or altogether improbable; yet considering on the other side the grievous sins of the King, and the special providence of Almighty God herein, and by what ac­customed and wonderful means he hath accomplish'd his most just judgment a­gainst him, then most firmly we be­lieve it.

Therefore this great and miracu­lous work we must ascribe onely to the particular providence of God, not as those who refer all things amiss unto some ordinary causes, or unto fortune, or such like accidentary events; but as those who (more nearly observing the course of the whole matter) easily see, that here in this befell many things, which could in no wise have been brought to pass without the speci­al help of God. And truly the state of Kings and Kingdoms, and such like rare and weighty affairs, should not be thought to be governed by God rashly and unadvisedly.

In the Holy Scripture some are of this kind, and none of them can be referred unto any other thing but unto God the onely Author thereof: yet there are none wherein the Heavenly operation is more seen, then in this whereof we speak at present. We read in the Maccabees, how Eleazar of­fered himself unto a sure death to kill the King, who was an enemy and per­secutor of the people of God. For in the battel espying an Elephani more excellent then the rest, whereon it was likely the King himself was, with a swift course casting himself in the midst of the troops of his enemies, here and there making a way per force, g [...]t to the beast, went under her, thrust his sword into her belly and so flew her, and she falling upon him kill'd him.

[Page 554]

Here we see some things as to zele, valiantness of mind, and the issue of the enterprise, not unlike unto ours, though in the rest there is no compari­son to be made. For Eleazar was a souldier, exercis'd in weapons, train'd up in arms, set in battel, emboldened with courage, and inflamed with rage and anger: whereas this Friar was not used to fighting, and so abhorring of bloud by order of his profession, that perhaps he could not abide the cutting of a vein. Again, Eleazar knew the kind of his death, as also the place of his burial, namely, that he should be entombed under the fall of the beast, and so buried in his own triumph and victory: but this Monck look'd onely for death, and expected nothing but unknown and most cruel torments, yea and doubted that he should want a grave to rest in. But in this are yet ma­ny other things that can suffer no com­parison.

The famous history of the holy wo­man Judith is sufficiently known, who consulted how to deliver her city and the people of God (no doubt but by Gods inspiration) to kill Holofernes, Chieftain of the enemies forces, which she also accomplished. Wherein al­though appear many and most mani­fest tokens of heavenly direction, yet far greater arguments of Gods providence are to be seen in the killing of this King, and the deli­vering of the city of Paris; as being more difficult and harder to be brought to pass. For this holy woman disclo­sed part of her intention unto the Go­vernours of the City, and went out with the approbation and in the pre­sence of the said Elders and Gover­nours, and by that means was not sub­ject to the examination and searching, which in time of siege is used so strict­ly, that a Fly can hardly without exa­mining get by. She being come to the enemy, through whose Camp and Watchas she was to go, and often exa­min'd and search'd, yet being a wo­man, carrying no letters nor arms, whence any suspicion might arise, and yielding probable reasons of her co­ming [Page 555] there and abandoning her own country, was easily discharged. As also for the same causes, and for her sex and exquisite beauty, being brought before that lascivious and drunken Prince, might with ease perform what she had determin'd. But this Religious man had undertaken a matter of greater weight, and also perform'd it, though it was compassed with so many impediments, difficulties, and dan­gers, that by no humane means it could have been brought to pass with­out the manifest ordinance and aid of Almighty God. For Letters of Com­mendation were to be procured from the contrary Here the Pope in his Infallible Consistori­an Chair calls the Kings Par­ty a Facti­on, as if the Covenan­ters were in the right. Faction, then was he constrain'd to go through that gate of the City, which directly went to the enemies camp; which without doubt was so narrowly kept and watch'd in the extremity of that siege, that every trifle bred suspicion, and none were suffer'd to go forth without curious searching touching their letters, busi­ness and affairs. But he (a wonder­ful thing!) went by the Watch un­examin'd, yea with letters of com­mendation to the enemy; which if they had been intercepted by the Citi­zens, without delay or further sen­tence he had suffer'd death, and there­fore this is a manifest A good argument, that the chief of the League knew his de­sign, and so order'd his departure. argument of Gods Providence. But yet behold a greater No such w [...]nd [...]r, for he was pre­sently taken by the Kings Guards, and sh [...]w'd them the Sup [...]rscri­ption of the Letters he had to the King, so they carried him to Sieur de la Guesle, the Kings Attorney General and Auditor of the Camp, who kept him all night, and next morning bad him to the King. miracle, that he without searching went through the enemies camp, by divers Watches and Centi­nels, yea and past the Kings Life­guard, and finally through the whole Army, compos'd almost of none but Another mistake; for the King of Navarre and his Huguenots kept different Posts and Quar­ters from these under the French King. Hereticks, he being a Religious man, and habited according to his Or­der, which was so odious unto them, that they None [...]e merciful than Navarre, though quarter and favour is seldom shewn in places storm­ed; nor had th [...]se pratling Rebels reason to expect equal favour with the simple L [...]ymen, by them mis­led and seduced. kill'd, or at least grie­vously misused, the Friars they found in the places not long before taken by force about Paris. Judith was a wo­man, and so nothing odious, yet often [Page 556] examin'd, though she carried nothing about her that might have endanger­ed her. But this was a Friar, and therefore hated and most suspected, ha­ving also a Knife prepared for that purpose, not put up in a sheath (which might have affoarded him a probable excuse) but it was bare, and hidden in his Monkish sleeve; which if it had been found about him, he had present­ly suffer'd death. All these are such clear arguments of the particular pro­vidence of God, that they cannot be denied: and it could not be otherwise, but that God blinded the eyes of his enemies, so that they could not see or know him.

For (as we said before) although some absurdly ascribe this to fortune or chance, yet we think fit to refer all this to nothing else then the will and ordinance of God. And truly I could not believe this to have been done o­therwise, unless I should captivate and submit my understanding under the obedience of Christ, who had deter­mined by these miraculous means to deliver the city of Paris, (which as we have heard hath been in great danger and extremity) and justly punish the heinous sins of that King, and take him away out of this world by such an unhappy and infamous death.

And truly we (not without grief) have often foretold, that as he was the last of his family, so he would make some strange and shameful end of his life. Which that I have often said, not onely the Cardinals Joyeuse, Leno­curtius, and he of Card. Gondi Bi­sh [...]p of Pa­ris. Paris, but also the Ma­quess de Pilani. Embassadour at that time here resident, can sufficiently testifie. Nor do we here call those who are dead to witness our words but the living, of whom some yet can very well remem­ber them. However, what we have here been forced to speak against this unfor­tunate King, we would in no wise that it should reflect against that most no­ble Kingdom of France, which we shall cherish hereafter, as we have hitherto done with all fatherly love and [...] ­steem.

[Page 557]

This therefore which with grief we have now spoken concerneth onely the Kings person, whose unhappy end de­priveth An infallible and chari­table Do­ctrine and Exposition of his Holi­ness. But if the King was so damnable, what was the Friar that mur­ther'd him, and the re­bellious Co­venanters, whose Fa­ction and Treasonable actions the Po [...]e fa­vours? him of those Duties which this Holy See (the tender mother of all the faithful, but chiefly of Christian Prin­ces) is wont to affoard unto all Kings and Emperours: which we most wil­lingly would likewise have bestowed upon him, if the Holy Scriptures in this case had not altogether forbidden it. There is, saith S. John, a sin unto death, I say not that any should pray for it—Which may be understood ei­ther of the sin it self, as if he should say, for that sin or for the forgiveness thereof I will that none should pray, be­cause it is not pardonable: or else in the same sense, for that man who com­mitteth such a sin unto death, I say not that any should pray for. Of which our Saviour himself hath spoken in S. Mat­thew, saying that He that sinneth a­gainst the Holy Ghost shall not be pardoned, neither in this world, nor in the world to come. Where he set­teth down three sorts of sins, viz. a­gainst the Father, the Son, and the Ho­ly Ghost; and that the two first are less heinous and pardonable, but the third unpardonable. All which diffe­rence proceedeth from the distinction of the attributes, as the Divines teach, which severally are appropriated unto every several person of the Holy Tri­nity: And although as the essence of all the three persons is but one, so also is their power, wisdom, and goodness, (as we have learned by Athanasius his Creed, where he saith—The Father is Almighty, the Son Almighty, and the Holy Ghost Almighty) yet by at­tribution power is ascribed unto the Father, wisdom unto the Son, and love unto the Holy Ghost: whereof every several as they are termed Attributes, so are they proper unto every several person that they cannot be referred to another. By the contraries of which at­tributes we can discern the distinction and, greatness of sin. As the contrary to power, which is onely attributed unto the Father, is weakness; and therefore that which we do amiss through infir­mity [Page 558] of nature is said to be committed against the Father. The opposite to wis­dom is ignorance, through which if any man sinneth he is said to sin against the Son; therefore that which we com­mit through natural infirmity or igno­rance, is more easily forgiven us. The third attribute, which is the Holy Ghosts, is love, and hath for its con­trary ingratitude, a fault most odious; for hence it happens, that men do not acknowledge the love and benefits of God, but do forget, despise, and hate them; whence it followeth that they become altogether obstinate and impe­nitent. And this way sin is committed against God with greater danger and peril, then if it were done through ig­norance or weakness of the flesh, and therefore it is termed a sin against the Holy Ghost. And because such sins are seldom or difficultly pardoned, and that not without a great abundance of grace, and so in some fort are said to be unpardonable, whereas indeed they be­come simply unpardonable only through unrepentance. For whatsoever is done amiss in this life, although it be against the Holy Ghost, yet by repentance may be forgiven before death: but they that persevere therein till death are ex­cluded from all grace and mercy. And therefore for such sins and sinners, it is that the Apostle hath forbidden to pray after their decease.

Now therefore because we under­stand, not without our great grief, that the aforesaid King is departed out of this world without repentance and im­penitent, to wit, in company of Here­ticks, his Sup­pose it did, would any w [...]se man l [...] is Kingdom, rather then borrow another mans sword, who agrees not with him in every circumstance in Religion? army consisting of such men, and that by his last will he had commended the Kingdom and Crown to the succession of And good reason, being the lawful next Heir. Navarre, a de­clar'd Heretick and excommunicated; as also when dying and ready to yield up his Ghost, he desir'd of him and such like standing by him, that they would That this is false read Davila l. 10. p. 818. Spondan. anno 1589. § 15. revenge his death upon those whom he judged to be the cause there­of. For these and such like most mani­fest [Page 559] tokens of unrepentance, we have decreed that his death be not solemni­zed with Funerals.

Not that by these we would seem to determine any thing concerning the secret judgments of God against him, or of his mercies; who could accord­ing unto his good pleasure at the point of his expiring convert and turn his heart, and deal mercifully with him: but this we have spoken, moved by these external signs and tokens.

God grant therefore that the rest being admonished by this fearful exa­mple of Heavenly judgment, may re­pent and amend: and that it may fur­ther please him to continue and ac­complish that which be hath so merci­fully begun, as we put our trust he will, to the end we may give everlasting thanks to him, for delivering his Church from such great and imminent dangers.

Thus with his blessing he brake up the Consistory; and by this may appear with what Davila, p. 868. great demonstrations of joy he received the news of the Kings murder.

But here it may be we may meet with a blunt and bold Objector, who possibly may affirm, that there was never any such Speech made by the Pope.

To answer this we shall take Bellarmine for our Adversary.

First, then the Ʋnder the name of Mat. Tor­tus. Respon. ad Ap [...]l. Angl. p. 70. Cardinal doth not possitively deny there was any such Speech, and if he had known there had been no such thing, he would at this time (being pleaded against him by King James) have boldly denied it, and he could not be ignorant, being then famous and Praelector of Controversies at Rome, intimate with the Pope and Cardinals, and so not willing to be catch'd in a lie, he endeavours to shuffle it off as well as he can.

One time he saith, it was onely published by the enemies to the Roman Church. But to this we answer, that it was first published by the Romanists themselves, presently after it was spoke and Antifix­tus in an­swer to this Speech was printed at London, 1590. printed at Paris 1589. by Nicolas Nivelle and Rollin Tierry, by Authority of the Ho­ly Union, and the approbation of these three Sorbonne Doctors, Boucher, Decreil, and Anceline.

Then again the Cardinal argueth, that the Pope himself did neither publish the Speech, nor command it to be published. This we may grant, and yet never the worse, this being no argument to prove he ne­ver spoke it.

Bellarmine proceeds, intimating no such Speech could be divulged seeing none took notes of it as it was spoke.

To this may be answer'd, that it is true that the Cardinal, whose of­fice it was to have noted the Popes Oration, not dreaming of such a de­sign, neglected the providing of Pen or Ink; but yet how it was taken this following story will tell.

The Oration and Consistory being ended, and the Pope departed to­wards his Chamber, certain Cardinals with a greedy desire flocked a­bout Cardinal Allan (an Englishman, created 1587) there in the Cham­ber, intreating him that he would call to remembrance, and write down what he had heard there spoken. Allan won by their importunity (they being his friends) promised to do his best. The same Afternoon he be­gan to write the Speech as near as he could remember. Which done, he commanded Mr. Warmington one of his Chaplains, and two other his Gentlemen, to write out Copies thereof, which he afterwards present­ed to the Cardinals his friends, for which they thank'd him, and upon perusal affirm'd it to be the very Oration which Sixtus had utter'd in the Consistory. And (as his Chaplain confesseth) it is said, the Pope liked his doing therein, acknowledging it to be really his Speech. And all this the said A Mode­ [...]ate De­ [...], p. 148. Mr. William Warmington, Chaplain to Cardinal Allan, and an honest and loyal Roman Priest, doth publickly confess and testifie. And so we need trouble our selves no more about it, since Bellarmine at last doth in a manuer acknowledge it, and falls a vindicating of it.

Amongst the rest, who in these troubles set themselves to scrible down obedience, was an Englishman, viz. William Reynolds, then in the Low Countries under the Spanish Dominion, what he writ on this sub­ject was by the desire of some of the chief French Covenanters, and under the false name of His book was cal [...]'d—De justa Christianae Reipub. in Reges im­pios & Hae­reticos au­toritate. Guillielmus Rosseus, Mr. War­mington sent a Copy of the Popes speech from Rome to him, for which Reynolds returned him many thanks, glad that he had so got the approbation of the Roman Bishop to vindicate his Arguments of a Conditional subjection; of whom (I hope by the way) will not be ta­ken amiss this following story as we find it.

This Mr. William Reynolds was at first a Protestant according to the Church of England, and of New College in Oxford, and Brother to him was John Reynolds (him of Corpus Christi College in Oxford, famous for his great Reading) who was bred up in Popery beyond Sea. William (as the story goeth) with an intent to reclame his brother John makes a journey to him beyond Sea, where in a Conference it so fell out, that John (as they say) being overcome by his Brothers Arguments returns into England, and (as people use to love and run into extremes) was a little te [...]ing to Puritanism, as his siding in Hampton Court Conference may somewhat testifie, yet he died a true Church of England man, every way conformable to the Canons, nor was he ever but peaceable and moderare, loving obedience and his studies more then frantick zele and innovations, according to the giddy fury of our hot-headed Puritans. On the other side his brother William (as they say) being convinced by the reasons of his brother John, staid beyond Sea, where he proved a vi­olent and virulent Papist, by his writings declaring that Protestants were no better then Turks, nay that they were worse then Pagans.

Of this strange change Dr. William Alabaster, an excellent Poet, and one who had made trials also of both Religions, made this following Epigram.

Pella inter geminos plusquam civilia fratres
Traxerat ambiguus Religionis apex:
Ille Reformatae fidei pro partibus instat,
Iste reformandum denegat esse fidem.
[Page 561]
Propositis causa rationibus, alterutrinque
Concurrere pares & cecidere pares.
Quod fuit in votis, fratrem capit alteruterque;
Quod fuit in fatis, perdit uterque fidem.
Captivi gemini sine captivante fuerant,
Et victor victi transfuga castra petit.
Quod genus hoc pugni est, ubi victus gaudet uterque,
Et tamen alteruter se superasse dolet.

Which is thus rendered by the Ingenious Doctor Peter Heylyn: Cosmogr. l. 1. p. 267.

In points of Faith some undetermin'd jars
Betwixt two brothers kindled civil wars:
One for the Churches Reformation stood,
The other thought no Reformation good.
The points propos'd they traversed the field
With equal skill, and both together yield.
As they desir'd, his brother each subdues;
Yet such their fate, that each his Faith doth lose.
Both Captives, none the prisoners thence to guide;
The Victor flying to the vanquish'd side.
Both joy'd in being conquer'd (strange to say)
And yet both mourn'd because both won the day.

I have been the longer upon this William Reynolds, because he was a great stickler in the French Covenant, after the murther of the King, coming from the Netherlands to Paris, where he vindicated their actions by finishing his former book, and dedicating it to the Duke of Mayenne, and it was sometimes after printed at Antwerp, with great applause of the Roman Party.

CHAP. VII. Cardinal Bourbon declared King by the Leaguers. Paris besieged, and its Famine relieved by the Duke of Parma.

HENRY III. a little before his death declared Henry of Navarre to be next Heir to the Crown of France, desir'd all the Nobility so to acknowledge him, and advised him himself to turn a Romanist, as being the onely way both to gain and continue without danger in the Throne. And some will tell us of some prophetick observations in be­half Andre du Chesne les Antiquitez de France, p. 109, 632. of the Family of Bourbon.

As how Louis de Bourbon, the third Duke of that Line, (who died 1410) building his house call'd Hostel de Bourbon near to the Louvre, caused to be written over the Portal in Capital Letters this word ESPERANCE, viz. Hope; as if he expected some of his Race would ascend the Throne, and joyn the two Houses. And 'tis further observed, that in the fine Chapel of Bourbon l'Archambaut de Lys, that the same day that the former Henry was stabb'd, a clap of thunder whis­keth away a Bar, which cross'd and touch'd the said window, without any damage or harm to the Glass or Painting.

But leaving these guesses as nothing to our purpose, we shall find our Henry IV. (no more call'd Navarre, but King) in great perplexities how to behave himself at this mishap. For though the Huguenots freely ac­knowledged him as King of France, yet he was not to trust too much to them, lest he should offend the Romanists, some of whom shewed also a willingness to allow him for their King without any conditions, but the greater part absolutely denied it, unless he would assure them to maintain the Roman Religion, and give hopes of his own Conversion; whilest others of them absolutely renounced him, and presently ran over to the Leaguers: By which jealousies and Factions this conquering great Army was on a sudden so dwindled away, that the King was necessitated to raise the siege, and retire for his own security.

On the other side the Covenanters rejoyce and daily increase, many of them persuade the Duke of Mayenne to take upon him the Title of King; but this for the present he waveth, as thinking his own Interest as yet not strong enough, and so with a general consent of the Leaguers old Cardinal Bourbon (then in prison at Chinon) is declared in their Paris Parlement, and publickly proclam'd in the streets of Paris King of France, under the names of CHARLES the TENTH, coyning their mo­neys with the Effigies, Name, and Title of King, yet is not to this day held or reckon'd amongst their Kings.

And the better to make all cock-sure the Duke of Mayenne sendeth forth an Edict or Declaration, wherein

He desires all to stick close to the Holy Union for the preservation of Religion and the Crown. And seeing it hath pleased God of his mere goodness, singular providence and justice, to deliver us from him who had joyn'd himself with the Hereticks, contrary to the holy admonitions of the Pope: Therefore waiting for the liberty and pre­sence [Page 563] of our King and Soveraign Lord, we desire and command all year 1590 good people to joyn themselves with us, and to swear to die in the Roman Religion.

SENAULT.

And the Parlement of Tholouse is as brisk as any; for no sooner had they news of the Kings murther, which was committed on the first of August, but they put forth a Decree, wherein

They command all to unite in defence of the Roman Religion.

That all Bishops within their Churches give thanks to God for the deli­verance of Paris and other places.

Ordain that the first day of August shall for the future be every year ce­lebrated with Processions and publick prayers, in acknowledgment of the great benefits they received that day.

Forbid any to accept or allow of Henry de Bourbon for their King, or to assist him.

du TORNOER.

Nor is it the French onely, but other busie people will not by any means allow this Henry to be King. Amongst the rest I find our Fa­ther Persons or Creswell (if not both) layeth it as a grand fault upon —Fit mani­festissimum, nullo jure neque Divi­no ne ue Humanno, Regis Gallia nomen aut dignitatem Nava [...]ra [...] posse com­petere. Re­sponsi [...] ad E­dictum R [...] ­ginae Angliae sect, 2. § 148, 153. p. 184, 190. Queen Elizabeth for acknowledging him to be King, of whom they are so confident as to affirm, that 'tis not possible for him to be truly King of France by any Law either Divine or Humane.

But to return to France, where the war is carried on vigorously, but to the loss of the Covenanters, to whose aid Pope Sixtus sends Cardinal Cajetano as Legat into France, and with him amongst other Scholars came Bellarmine; but what was most powerful, they brought with them Bills of Exchange for large summes of money, to be disposed of as the Legat thought best for the advantage of the Cause.

King Henry IV. being inform'd of the Legats coming, caused to be publish'd, that if he came towards him, that then he should be received with all honour aad safety; but if he went towards his enemies the Covenanters, then none should acknowledge him for a Legat, or receive him under pain of Rebellion. But Cajetan after many turnings and windings at last arriveth at Paris, where he is received in great pomp, lodged in the Bishops Palace, richly furnished with the Kings goods ta­ken year 1590 out of the Louvre.

In the mean time the Kings Parlement met at Tours, declareth against the Legat: on the contrary, the Paris Parlement or Rump with the Sor­bone Doctors stand for him, order all to acknowledge to him; and that he being then the Supreme Spiritual Authority in the Kingdom, no pow­er there could meet and act in opposition to him. For the Legat did not a little fear that the Royallists (considering how much the Pope favoured the Rebels) would chuse a Jac. Fuli­gott vit. Card. Bel­larmin, [...]. 2. c. 9. Patriarch for that Nation, which would have spoil'd his Holinoss markets. And now concerning this Legat the Pens on both sides are more busie then the Swords.

Amongst the rest who expected to gain by these Troubles was the King of Spain, who also had assisted the Leaguers, and for their further encouragement sets forth a Declaration, the summe of it being:

Philip by the grace of God King of Castile, Leon, Arragon, &c.

Is sorry for the Troubles and Heresies in France.

Therefore commands all Christian Catholick Princes to joyn with him to extirpate Heresie, and deliver the most Christian King of France Charles X. that (France being once cleared of Heresie) they may proceed to purge other Heretical Countries, all which being exter­minated, they may recover the Holy Land from the Turks.

Protesteth that he designs nothing but the exaltation of the Roman Church, the repose of all good Catholicks under their lawful Prin­ces, the extirpation of all Heresies, the peace and concord of Chri­stian Princes; to obtain which he is willing not onely to imploy his means but his life also.

Juan de Vasquez.

A little before this some of the Royallists spread abroad such like Pro­positions as these following:

That Henry of Bourbon might or ought to he King.

That with a safe conscience the people might assist him and pay Tri­bute.

That an Heretick, though relaps'd and put out of the communion of the Church, may have right to the Crown of France.

That the Pope of Rome hath not right to excommunicate Kings.

That now it is not only lawful but necessary to make a Treaty or League with the Bearnois and his Hereticks.

Which Propositions were presently condemn'd by the Sorbone Do­ctors, the Decree of theirs was confirm'd by the Cardinal Legat, and sub­scrib'd 10 Feb. Spond. an. 1590. § 3. and sworn to by the Bishops and Curats.

Yet their courage was somewhat cool'd by the Kings success, nor was the League prosecuted with that eagerness as was expected, by reason that the Duke of Mayenne and the Spaniards mistrusted one another, be­sides the great jealousies amongst the Covenantiug Chieftains them­selves, every man seeking his own Interest, all expecting to make them­selves great, and several designed the Crown for himself. Adde to these the unwieldiness of Mayenne their General, being very fat, heavy and slow in all his actions, and one that spent much time in eating and sleeping. And the truth is, the most vigorous and earnest promoters of the League were the Priests and Women, the first acting as well by the Sword as their Seditious Preachments, the later encouraging and gaining by their boldness and insinuations; nay, so zealous were they in this Caus, that from the highest to the lowest they were not asham'd to act any thing to gain Proselytes; so that the King suppos'd, that what his Armies wan in the Field they lost by these Love-tricks, several of his Officers being now and then wheedled over to the League, when they came under the lieur of such attractive baits at Paris.

Yet the Leaguers were quite crest-fallen after the King had totally routed Mayenne and his great Army at the battel of 14 March, 2590. Yory (of which Du Bartas hath a long Poem.) But as a little before, when Henry conquer­ed the same Duke at Septemb. 1589. Arques, the better to keep up the hearts of the people and Parisians, the Dutchess of Montpensier had the confidence to publish abroad that the Covenanters were Conqueronrs, that Navarre himself was taken and conducting to Paris, which was so far believed, that many Ladies hired Windows in S. Denis street to see him pass by: but they were convinced of the error when a little after they saw the said King take their very 1 Novem. 1589. Suburbs of Paris.

So after the aforesaid battel of Yory the Leaguing Chieftains fearing lest the Parisians would mutiny at the sad news of it, gave out many lies concerning it, and at last perceiving all could not conceal the story, to make the best of a bad market the Legat, the Spanish Embassadour, and the Archbishop of Lyons, got the Priests to use their cunning in the Pul­pits to deceive the people, who as yet were not certain of the De­feat.

Amongst the rest Father Christino de Nizza from these words—Those whom I love I rebuke and chasten—seem'd to foretell them, that God would prove the Faith and Constancy of the Parisians, as he was wont to try the courage of his children, for which he clapt together a great store of Examples out of Scripture; and then making a shew as if Let­ters were just then delivered to him, he shewed them to the people, say­ing that he was very sorry that he had done the office of a Prophet, and that God had been pleased by his mouth to advertise the People of Paris of that Temptation which was to fall upon them, as now it troubled him to relate it; and so told them that the Catholick Army had lately come off with the worst. To all which he added such effectual pray­ers and exhortations, that the people seem'd rathor heartned then di [...]cou­raged. The same trick was used by Guilliaume Rose (Bishop of Senlis) Jean Boucher, Prevost, Feu-ardent, Peletier, with the other Preachers: amongst the rest was Francisco Panigarola Bishop of Asti, who came along with the Legat, who (though he preach'd in the Italian Tongue) was continually follow'd by abundance of people, being famous for his great eloquence. And to these stories may be added the former zelous Widow Montpensier, who said, that truly the Duke had lost the battel, but that the Bearnois was dead; which by many was believed for some days, which satisfied to restrain their first fears, and so to gain some time to give orders, and to send to raise new succours.

The Parlement at Rouen proceed desperately, putting to death some prisoners they had, because they were Servants to the King, and then make an Act that all should be guilty of High Treason who joyned with the King of Navarre, and did not side with their King Charles X. 10 April. as they termed him.

However King Henry goeth on prosperously, and with his Victorious Army layeth close siege to Paris it self, which so cool'd the fury of those people, that many of them began to stagger in their resolutions to pre­vent which the chief of the Citizens and Leaguers drew up these three following Quaeres.

I. If it should happen (which God forbid) that the most Christian King Charles X. should die; or, if whilest he is unjustly kept in prison, he should yield up his right of the Kingdom to Henry de Bourbon:

Whether then the French be bound to or may with a safe conscience receive for their King the said Henry, or any other Prince who fa­vours Heresie; although it were supposed that he were absolved from his crimes and censures, considering the evident danger of his falshood, of the destruction of Religion and the King­dom?

II. Whether he may be said to be suspected of Heresie, or a Favourer of it, who procureth or permitteth a peace to be made with the said Henry, when the said Party may hinder it?

III. Whether these things be of Divine Right, and may be neglected by Ca­tholicks without mortal sin and pain of damnation? And on the contrary, Whether it be meritorious to oppose with all ones endea­vorus the said Henry? And if the said Opposer be kill'd in this cause, Whether he may not be call'd a Martyr?

With these Proposals they wait upon their Assembly of Divines at the Sorbone, desiring their Resolutions and Determinations of them, which take in their own words as followeth:

Anno Domini Millesimo quin­gentesimo nonagesimo ineunte 7 May. mense Maio, &c.

Super quarum dubitationum de­terminatione Sacra Facultus per ju­ramentum convocata, soepiusque cum publice in Collegio Sorbonae post Missam de Spiritu Sancto, tum privatim vocato selectorum Magi­strorum coetu congregata, matura deliberatione praehabita, cunctis­que capitibus serio sigillatim ac di­ligenter, quoad fieri potuit, exami­natis & discussis, in hunc tandem modum censuit.

Jure Divino prohibentur Ca­tholici Haereticum hominem, aut fautorem Haeresios & hostem Ec­clesiae notorium, multoque magis relapsum, & à sancta sede nomina­tim excommunicatum, ad Regnum admittere.

Quod si ejusmodi quispiam ab­solutionem à criminibus & censuris in foro exteriore impetraveri, & tamen subsit manifestum simulati­onis & perfidiae, & eversionis Reli­gionis Catholicae periculum, is ni­hilominus eodem jure excludi de­bet.

[Page 567]

Quicunque autem satagat ut is ad Regnum perveneat, aut ei studet ac favet, aut etiam ad Regnum promoveri permittit cum impedire possit, & ex officio debeat, sacris Canonibus est injurius, de Haeresi merito suspectus, & Religioni at­que Ecclesiae perniciosus, contra quem eo nomine agi potest & de­bet, cujuscunque gradus & emi­nentiae sit.

Cum igitur Henricus Borbonius Haereticus, fautor Haeresios, hostes Ecclesiae notorius, relapsus & no­minatim excommunicatus sit, & si forte absolutionem in foro exterio­re impetraret, manifestum appareat simulationis ac perfidiae, & eversio­nis Religionis periculum, eum Christianissimi Regni aditu, etiam absolutione obtenta, & quovis alio legitimo Haerede mortuo vel ce­dente, Franci prohibere, & à pace cum eo facienda abhorrere tenen­tur, & qui ei favent, Canonibus in­jurii, de Haeresi suspecti, & Eccle­siae perniciosi, ac ut tales [...]erio se­duloque coercendi ac puniendi sunt.

Ut autem qui dicto Henrico ad Regnum aspiranti favere, suppeti­asve quovis modo ferunt, Religi­onis desertores sunt, & in continuo peccato mortali manent: sic qui se illi quocunque possunt modo zelo Religionis opponunt, plurimum a­pud Deum & homines merentur: & ut illos, Satanae regno stabilien­do pertinaces, aeterna poena damnan­dos: sic hos, si ad sanguiuem usque resistant, aeternum in proemium & ut fidei propugnatores Martyrii palmam consecuturos judicare par est.

Conclusum (nemine repugnan­te) in tertia congregatione generali super ea re facta in majore Aula Collegii Sorbonae, omnibus & singulis magistris per juramentum vocatis, se­ptima die Maii, MDXC.

[Page 566]

In the year of our Lord God One thousand five hundred and ninety in May, &c.

Upon the determination of which doubts the Sacred Faculty being cal­led together by oath, and many times assembled, as well in publick congre­gation at the College of Sorbone, ha­ving celebrated the Mass of the Holy Ghost, as also privately at the meet­ing of the Delegates, mature delibera­tion being had, all the particulars be­ing carefully, truly, and seve­rally examin'd (as much as could be) at last have declar'd their judgments in manner following.

All Catholicks by Divine Law are forbid to admit any into the Throne that is an Heretick, or a favourer of Heresie, and a known enemy to the Church, much more one that is rela­psed, and by name excommunicated by the Pope.

If it should chance that any guilty as aforesaid, should procure a sentence of Absolution from these crimes and censures, yet if there be evident dan­ger of his hypocrisie, perfidiousness, and the ruine of the Catholick Religion, he then for all his said Absolution is (by the said Divine Law) to be excluded from the Kingdom.

[Page 567]

Whoever also endeavours that he should be King, or doth partake with or favour him, or doth suffer him to be set in the Throne, when he might pre­vent it, and was oblig'd so to do; he for so doing doth violate the holy Ca­nons, is justly suspected of Heresie, and is mischievous both to Religion and the Church, therefore he may and ought to be oppos'd, be he of whatsoe­ver degree or quality.

Therefore seeing Henry de Bour­bon is an Heretick, a favourer of He­resie, a known enemy to the Church, is relapsed and by name excommuni­cated; and though he might obtain sentence of Absolution, yet there being evident danger of hypocrisie and perfi­diousness, with the ruine of Religion; and though he had Absolution, or any other lawful heir dead, or yielding up his right, yet are the French obliged to keep him from the most Christian Crown, and to abhor the thoughts of making peace with him; and those who do favour him are violators of the Canons, may be suspected of Heresie, are enemies to the Church, and as such ought to he earnestly and carefully chaflized and punished.

As therefore those who favour the said Henry in his aspiring to the Throne, and do any ways affoard him any help, are deserters of Religion, and remain in a perpetual mortal sin: so those, who for their love to Religion do oppose him as much as in them lieth, do very much merit both of God and Men: And as on the one hand it must be suppos'd, that those people so obsti­nate in strengthening the Kingdom of darkness will be eternally damn'd; so on the other, it is most mtet to conclude that these, who are slain in this cause against the said Henry, as Champions of the Faith, shall obtain an everlast­ing reward, and be crown'd with the Trophies of Martyrdom,

And this is concluded on (not one gainsaying it) in the third general congregation held upon this busi­ness, in the great Hall of the Col­lege of Sorbone, all and every one of the Masters being summon'd thither upon oath, 7 May 1590.

In the mean time Mayenne was very busie in raising Forces, in con­su [...]ting with the Duke of Parma, then Governour in the Spanish Nether­lands, to get Supplies from him, the better to force the King to quit the siege: and the truth is, this affair did greatly perplex him; for if he lost Paris the Cause was undone, and if he relieved it by the Spanish assistance (and without them he could not do it) his own Interest might be lost. For the Sixteen wish'd him not well, because he had broken up their Council of Forty, (which contrary to his expectation bridled his Au­thority) and they thinking to introduce a Commonwealth Government, h [...] had crost that by creating another Council, a Keeper of the Seals, and four Secretaries of State, with which he governed affairs, without cal­ling them, except when he had need of money. And thus having dis­pleas'd the Sixteen, he fear'd they would engage Paris under the Spanish Yoak, if they saw Spaniards enough to deal with all: But of two evils th [...] last is to be chosen; and so he resolveth to reinforce his Army with Spanish Supplies.

In his absence he appoints his Brother the Duke of Nemours (a coura­geous young man) to command the City, and assign'd him a Their nam [...]s in d'Aub [...]ne to. 3. l. 3. [...]. 7. Council: care is taken to fortifi [...] all su [...]pected Avenues, and the people are Ser­mon'd up to such an height of madness, that a great scarcity of provi­sions being in the City, some for letting slip but some words, as if peace were better then to be starv'd with hunger, were by the fury of the Zelots either executed in publick, or cast headlong into the River a [...] damn'd persons, enemies to the Catholick Faith, and infected with the poi [...]on of Heresie.

Whilst the Parisians were thus eager for the Cause, their Kingling Charles X. or Cardinal Bourbon dieth in prison at Fontenay, being 66 9 May, 1590. y [...]ars old, much troubled with the Stone, and greatly addicted to old Wives Prophesies, which pleas'd him the more because now and then he was told some which denoted his Kingship. His death troubled some of the Leaguers, having now no King, and so one of their grand pretences vanished; yet they continue resolute; Mayenne keepeth to himself the Title of Lieutenant Gen [...]ral of the State and Crown of France, and the States General are ordered to meet for the Election of a new King; the Sorbone renew their Decrees against the King as an Heretick, and so not capable of the Crown.

And the better to keep the people up in their humours, by order of 31 May, A­s [...]er si [...]. [...]. the Legat a Procession is made of the Clergy to implore Gods assistance: at the Head of these went Roze Bishop of Senlis, with a Cross in his left hand and an Halbert in his right; then followed the Monks and Friars according to their several Orders, Capuchins, Minims, Franciscans, Do­minicans, Fu [...]llans, Carmelites, &c. In the Procession the Prelates, Priests and Monks walked in their sever [...]l accustomed Habits, but over them armed openly with Head-pieces, Croslets, Coats of Mail, &c. all of them with Swords girt to their sides, and in their hands carrying some sort of Arms or other; some with Guns, some with Spears, others with Halberts. Thus marched they along singing Hymns, shooting off their Guns, with which one was slain by chance; and with them they carri­ed all their Reliques, as notable Assistants and Well-wishers to their So­lemn League and Covenant; and thus they foot it to the great Church.

After this followeth another Procession of the Duke of Nemours, the Officers of the Army, the Magistrates of the City, with the Archbishop of Lyons, and some other valiant Bishops. These trudge also to the great Church, where upon the great Altar laying their hands upon the Gospel, they swear to defend the City to their u [...]most, and to oppose the Heretical Prince. And a little after, to make all sure, their Parlement at Paris by Act forbid any upon pain of death to talk of any Agreement Peace or Composition with Henry of Bourbon, for so they called 15 June. him.

By this time the City began to be in great want by reason of the Kings cutting off all assistance from them; therefore to encourage the peo­ple Cardinal Pietro Gondy Bishop of Paris ('twas made an Archbishop­rick 1622) pittying the poor, had all the Church-plate turned into mo­ney for them, the Legat caused all his own Plate to be melted and coin­ed, Mendoza the Spanish Embassadour promised them six score Crowns a day in bread, and of all his Plate he left himself but one Silver Spoon; the Ladies and richest Nobles sold their Houshold-stuff, Jewels and Or­naments; the Legat also got fifty thousand Crowns for them from the Pope.

But all th [...]se helos were not enough for two hundred thousand persons then in the City, provisions growing so scarce, that a Bushel of Wh [...]at wa [...] for one hundred and twenty Crowns, the fl [...]sh of Horses, D [...]gs, Asses, Mules, &c. are publickly vended; but the poorer sort wanting moneys to buy such dainti [...]s, were forced to feed upon such H [...]rbs and Grass as t [...]ey found in the Yards, Ditch [...]s, and along the Ramparts, whic [...] ma [...]e them [...]i [...] in h [...]aps, yet were the Chieftains (as if th [...]y w [...]re related t [...] the old Saguntines) so far from yi [...]lding, that they caused se­veral to be ex [...]cuted for desiring Br [...]ad or Peace.

An [...] here we need n [...]t trouble our [...]elv [...]s with the stories of former great Famines, as of Hierusalem, amongst the Turks 1595, in Poland and Bohem [...]a 1312, in Transylvania 1604, at Leyden 1574, at Sancerre and Rochel, of Peg [...] 1598, of Caifung in China 1642, and several others, since (as is confess'd by all) this Famine at Paris was not inferiour to any of them, many being forced to make bread of dead mens bones, and not onely feed upon Skins, Tann'd hides, &c. but men eat one another, and some women their own children; and we may justly suppose a grand scarcity, when there was but one little Mem. de la Ligue, tom. 4. p. 332, 333. Dog in all the City, which the Dutchess of Montpensier kept for her self, and refus'd two thousand Crowns onely for its brains, though it was to preserve the life of Monsieur d Orlan one of her friends. In short, above tw [...]lve thousand died of ve­ry Famine, yet did the people really think themselves Holy Martyrs for dying in so good a Cause. At last the King for mere pity permits as many to depart the City as would; at one time there crauled out above four thousand, glad they were delivered from such a misery; then he sent Pasports to the Scholars, Churchmen, Ladies, and even to his great­est enemi [...]s.

In the mean time the King presseth more upon them, taketh S. Denis, 7 July. (the Leaguers before their yielding it up having d'Aubi­gne, tom. 3. l. 3. c. poison'd the Wells, the better to d [...]stroy the Kings Forc [...]s) at which siege the King himself was so vigilant, that he [...]at [...] on horse-back forty hours together. Being entered S. Denis. in the Presence-chamber were two Franciscan Friars Ant. Coly­net, p. 476. and another Priest s [...]iz'd on in the habit of Gentlemen, who being im­prison'd and strictly examin'd, conf [...]st that they were three of the six and twenty who had sworn the Kings death, for which they were hang'd. [Page 570] Then the King assaults and takes the Suburbs of Paris, which so startled the Leaguers, that they desire a Treaty onely to spin out time, daily ex­pecting relief; the King grants it, but their Propositions are so extrava­gant that nothing is done.

However the King having now the Parisians as it were by the throat, the Doctors of Sorbone are at their wits end, suspect the Integrity of the Legat, grew angry at the Pope for not affoarding them more assistance, and in this pet and fury drew up a Letter to be sent to his Holiness; but the City was so closely besieged, that the Letter and Messenger were sei­zed on, and so never got as far as Rome; which the better to shew what fears, jealousies and distractions they were possest with at the writing of it take as followeth, as I meet with it then translated into English out of the Latin Copy.

Most Holy Father,

By those continual Letters, partly touching the cruel and lamentable slaughter of our most Christian Brethren, which your Holiness at sun­dry times hath received, was easily to be known that all France hath fixed her eyes onely upon the See of Rome, the Cause concerning the state of the whole Church; and therefore the rather because it hath been always the chiefest refuge of those that were afflicted for the de­fence of Religion in their greatest misery and extremity. Besides, the good report that we daily hear of your Holiness Zele, Wisdom, Since­rity, Justice, and Hate of all Ungodliness, did not a little increase our hop [...], the tokens whereof being brought unto us, were very severe a­gainst all the wicked, as are the heavy Censures and Sentences pro­nounced by your Holiness own mouth against the Hereticks and Politici­ans of our time, and the Orations made in the sacred Assemblies of the Cardinals, which we read with a great desire, being now printed: and also because there is ordain'd a Council of most reverend Cardinals for the redress of the state of France, and favourable and Fatherly Letters written to the Princes and Magistrates of this Realm, and moreover to many of sundry degrees and qualities; whereby we perceive that your Holiness did commend and approve our purpose and enterprize, promi­sing us all aid and assistance to the furtherance thereof. And lastly, the sending of your Holiness Card. Ca [...]etan. Legat through such long and dangerous ways, being a man of great parentage and singular wisdom, with the full con­sent of all the most Honourable Council of Cardinals, nothing more comfortable and to be desired in this our general and common grief.

We of our side, for to encourage the hearts of the common people, have caused to be printed in both the Languages (that every man might understand them) those Letters, the which (with great commendation of our College) the renouned Cardinal of Nephew to this Pope Sixtus V. Montalto hath vouchsafed to send, wherein was specified that your Holiness Legat was sent with men and m [...]ney: and that the onely and chiefest care of your Holiness was touching this Realm, how best to refresh and succour the afflicted and distressed people thereof, that therefore we should not doubt but that your Holiness will out of hand in this our distress send us sufficient re­lief. The private Communication of your Holiness Legat did also con­firm your singular good will and affection towards us, and the exquisite eloquence of T [...]e old Transl [...]tor might as well have said The Bi­shop of Asti. H [...] name was Franci­seo Panig [...] rola. He was an [...]qu [...]nt P [...]ea her, a [...] came into France with Gae­cano the L [...]gat. Astensis did greatly enlarge and commend it in the Pulpit. Wherefore we cease not daily to publish and declare unto all the world [Page 571] this your great benefit so ready and certain, and are not afraid with a wonderful contentment to assure our selves in our publick and private communications of your Holiness favourable inclination towards us.

But seeing that our grief daily increaseth, and that honest and godly men daily sustain and receive hourly great loss and damages, that it lacketh but little but that we (God punishing our sins in his heavy judg­ment) begin to feel the ruine of the State of France, and (which worse is) the uttermost decay and overthrow of Catholick Religion; the peo­ple beginning to waver, and to be removed from their accustomed con­stancy, suspecting that the goodwill of your Holiness, and the Credit and Authority of your Preachers, and which is more (not without our great grief) almost esteem little or nothing of the Legacy of the most renowned Cardinal Cajetan, that wheresoever we can turn our selves, are importun'd and wearied with these continual complaints, that our want is not relieved by the plentifulness of the See Apostolick,; and that these fifteen moneths (somewhat more or less) being spent in hoping and Watching, the foresaid Legat hath not had or used a particular pow­er of Excommunicating and Deposing, therewith to bridle and subdue all the ungodly and enemies of the Church, of what Quality or Condition soever they be: seeing that as yet no special Excommunication of Henry of Bourbon and his Favourites hath been published, which long ago should have been done they say, before they being hardened in their im­piety would have despised it: so that it is very easie to persuade unto the weak, wavering, and discontented people (being already discouraged with long wars, with poverty and need almost dismayed and dead) that which the Politicians whisper in their ears, namely, that your Holiness either favoureth Henry of Bourbons side, or at the least will not contraid or displease them, or else that you make but a small account of our af­fairs: and that to content the minds of honest and good men your Holy­ness hath sent your Legat, as to Adversaries void and destituted almost of power and money: and therefore being infected with the pestilent policies of this time, (for this the wicked ones seek to persuade) endea­voureth to please both Parties, and therefore cease not to affirm that your Holiness hath excogitated and invented onely these delays. And to that intent Francis Duke of Lu­xenburg (a strict Ro­man Catho­lick) sent to Rome to see if he could get the Pope and King Henry reconciled, 1589. Luxenburg (the greatest enemy of the Catholicks) hath been recei­ved at Rome with such humanity, and was entertained so liberally, and in great dissimulation excluded, but afterwards most friendly recalled again, unto whom they say your Holiness hath promis'd that Navarre should be used favourably, and that another shall be sent (the first Car­dinal being called back again) in a most honourable Legacy.

Moreover we are not a little grieved that some of the better sort (asto­nished and dismayed through the imminent dangers unto the Catholick Religion, and wearied with long delays) foreseeing partly the issue of our affairs by the present state thereof, begin (to confess that which is true) to have an ill opinion of our actions, and to interpret all things to the worst. And further to testifie that which we have seen, we know that not long since out of Italy Letters have been written in plain words by men of Authority and Account, whose Credit was never yet suspect­ed in like or greater matters, that in vain we look for money and assist­ance from the See of Rome, because all things are not done there plain­ly and sincerely as they should be. Whereby as much as we can guess it is probable enough that all things stand in danger of Schism, and that a most perilous fire (unless God provide otherwise) is already kindled to the overthrow of the whole Church.

O what a painful and troublesom striving and wrestling sustain we against those noisom rumours and tidings? O with what a great labour is this to be drawn again out of the peoples minds? (if in any wise it can yet be rooted out again) which if it go further and take faster hold, we pray your Holiness to judge what shall at the end become hereof; and likewise to consider if there can be any cross more grievous unto honest and good-zeal'd men then this: so that not without cause our lives are unto us altogether unsavoury and unpleasant.

And although we invent certain probable causes of your Holiness de­lay, therewith something contenting the peoples minds and easing their griefs; notwithstanding we cannot satisfie our selves herewith, ceasing not to bewail these long delays, but chiefly when we remember the words of the Poet, saying,

A wound which at first was to be cured with ease
With lingering is come a dangerous disease.

But this is far worse, that all things almost are come into an extremi­ty, as much as any mortal man is able to judge; and, which is worst of all, now every one saith that this is come to pass through the negligence of the See of Rome, and we are not able any longer to disprove their ob­jections. To no other end tend our daily and mighty Meetings and As­semblies with the most renowned Cardinal Cajetan and his Assistants, (whereof they will perhaps complain unto your Holiness) inquiring im­portunately, and with full Assembly daily desiring to know what there is done at Rome as touching our matters, and the occasion that we are kept thus long in suspence, and if there be yet any hope left where to rest upon; which as often as we do and bring home nothing else but the common answer, and always one song, namely, that his Holiness hath a great care of our affairs, and that he will never abandon our Cause, be­ing our most loving and careful Father, very wise and expert in that he hath to do, and that ere long will quench this burning Fire, and that he hath not in vain ordain'd this worthy Legacy, and such like things ma­ny more. We see, and not onely we but every particular man, that this is told us but to drive us off; as those that mask their faces with mirth and cheerfulness, but being sifted narrowly, this which the Poet saith fitteth them of right:

In sight they feign good hope, and mirth in countenance bear;
But pinching grief in heart and mind closely they wear.

Of what mind thinketh your Holiness we should be, or how to repose any trust in those answers which are altogether without substance and frivolous? Well, to what end soever this Council tendeth, this gene­rally we fear, that whiles you in lingering seek for fitter opportunity, and in the mean time the Romans take council, Meating pa [...]is. Saguntum shall be as­saulted and won, and your Instruments and Engines of war (as Brutus said) shall come too late after the battel. In the mean while the Henry IV. He­retick prospereth in his succeedings, and the unconstant people speak well of him, but we must often with grief approach near unto the gates of death.

Moreover (most holy Father) they sow and cast out every where these spiteful and disdainful scoffs, that at Rome are oftentimes rehearsed and remembered the singular and great benefits of this Realm unto the See [Page 573] Apostolick; but now the same Kingdom being grievously distressed, is not once requited with like, no not with necessary thanks and re­ward. That this Realm is honoured with the Title of The First begotten of the Church, but that it is altogether handled as a Bastard, and aban­don'd as an untimely Fruit. That the Bishop of Rome challengeth unto him the name of a Father, and succoureth not his most obedient and du­tiful Children, enduring now extremity, and stretching forth their hum­ble intreating hands, but rather provoketh them to anger. Finally, that all these lingerings are of small effect, and these excuses not worthy to be written in water.

It is also very grievous to hear, and is now upon every mans tongue, that it cannot be done without our great shame, that all the Treasure of England, Germany, and other Heretical Nations, is spent, wasted, and consumed in an ill and an ungodly Cause; and that from every place power is sent, and cometh in savour and aid of the Hereticks: But that the Catholick Princes (* one onely excepted, of whom France receiveth Philip King of Spain. a great and continual succour in such important Affairs, but notwith­standing insufficient) look one upon another careless, being in a most just and weighty Cause altogether faint, cold, and unwilling. Which as it is in great grief to be lamented in other, yet especially in him unto whom it belongeth to surmount them all in this kind of duty, for to en­courage them with word and deed to defend the Cause of that particular member of the Church, whereof he is set and appointed by God a Go­vernour and a general President, and always armed with present money wherewith to defend her. And rather should by Letters and Messen­gers pawn and engage his Credit, for to encourage the hearts of the Catholicks, then to abate and dismay their hope, in fearing in vain to look for that, whereunto reason and equity doth persuade and bind him; chiefly by that the Bishop by whom Navarre himself, and other attend­ing unto Divellish Doctrines, and other walking after the design of the flesh in impiety, scoffing the name of Catholicks, the wisest and most learned men have always judged were excommunicated and cursed.

For what is he (most Holy Father) that with one eye cannot see, that they onely gape after the Goods and Possessions of the Catholicks, by all means seek to entrap their lives, greedily thirst after their bloud, and onely wish the destruction of Christian souls, and utter decay of true Re­ligion? This the conquer'd Cities do witness, this the sacked and spoil­ed Goods of honest and godly men, this the rewards granted or at least promised unto the Hereticks; this the Consecrated Reliques, nay rather the most sacred body of Jesus Christ cast before Dogs; this the hard and impenitent hearts of the corrupted Nobility, this the Souldiers ready to the spoil and overthrow of Churches, this the new established Syna­gogue of the Ministers of Sathan corrupting and falsifying the pure Word of God, this the manifold Gibbets of Preachers, this the bodies of sundry Captains and Souldiers beheaded, this in great heaps the mur­thered Catholicks, this the members of the Franciscans and Dominicans quickly torn in pieces with wild horses, this finally the cruel slaughters of Christians, and chiefly of Ecclesiastical persons, manifestly declare and confirm. Amongst whom the bright and thining Lights, and wor­thy to be belov'd and desired, and the stays and pillars of their Orders, It may be his name was Robert Chessa [...]s, Davila pag. 861. he had publickly commended the Murther [...] Henry III. Chessaeus President in his Country, and one of S. Francis Family, drawn by violence from Gods service and committed unto the Hangman, being at Vendosme, not without great grief of all good Christians, in the spring [Page 574] and prime of his age, hang'd and depriv'd of his life. The Director and worthy Reg [...]nt of the Dominicans at Paris, N. Demonte, threescore and ten years of age, first in infinite places stabb'd, and not far from the Ci­ty almost torn in pieces. And of the same calling before a most worthy and valiant maintainer and defender of the truth, He advi­sed Cl [...]ment to mu [...]der Hen. III. Burgonius, after divers torments with horses at Tours, being dismembered, have all (now laure­ated and crown'd with their innocent bloud) yielded up their Ghosts int) the hands of the Almighty.

Whereupon when we think, we have thought good, diligently to do two things by the liberty which Christ freely hath bestowed upon us. The first is, which although others can do it better, yet after our small and slender skill to declare unto your Holiness the whole state of France, whose earnest zeal and desire to aid us, we doubt not shall be driven in the rest, as the Letters of your most Renowned Card. Montalto. Nephew written unto the whole body of the Holy League, most plainly witness. The other, that we by all means will seek to comfort and strengthen the careful minds of the people, partly heavy and wavering by the subtilty of the Politicians, and partly by their own natural weakness, and move and stir them up with all diligence and earnestness to expell and drive out Navarre, and refuse and deny him boldly even in the middest of Sword, Flame, and Fire, all service and obedience, and exhort them to prefer rather what misery soever, before an ungodly and wicked peace, al­though he should seem to have forsaken and forsworn his Heresie, and for it should have obtain'd a Pardon, (whereunto yet notwithstanding his is nothing near) and should profess himself a Catholick again, submit­ting himself under the Holy See, for the manifest danger which might ensue and befall unto the true Religion by this deceitful Conversion and feigned repentance: and he that shall favour him counselling any to agreement, or else consenting and according thereunto, when by any means shall be able to stay and hinder it, to be esteemed dangerous and suspected of Heresie, and altogether unworthy of mens com­pany.

Whereupon our minds and heads are altogether so occupied, that we are fully determined ere long to put in print to the view of the world certain Articles concerning these points, and send them first unto your Holiness, and afterwards disperse them in all places of the world, partly to a perpetual reproach and upbraiding of the Inhabitants of this Realm, if (so often times admonished) with baseness and cowardliness of heart, they should consent to submit themselves under the yoke and bondage of an Heretick; partly to stir and raise up every mans affection, to send with all expedition aid and relief unto our distressed Affairs. And last­ly to leave behind us for our Successours sure witnesses and tokens of our care and loyalty to our Country, and so to disburthen our Consciences, and purge and discharge our selves before God, his Angels, and the World, not to have forgotten our duties in time of persecution, but con­stantly to have confest the name of Christ.

It therefore concerneth your Wisdom (most Holy Father) to foresee (seeing we are now in these dangerous days, whereout we cannot escape without great miracle) that this evil turn not to the destruction of your Holiness, and the utter overthrow of the Apostolick See; and that the judgment of God (as S. Peter saith, and the continual and known threat­nings of Navarre seem to confirm) begin not at his house, and that that Serpent (which hath till now been nourished, defended, and by those unto whom it did not become most courteously used) spit and cast not his [Page 575] poison and venom upon him, by whom it was expedient his head should have been broken and bruised, to the perpetual reproach and shame of Sixtus V. but notwithstanding by a just revengement and secret judg­ment of God.

And while there is any hope remaining, that with all speed your Ho­liness linger not to draw the two-edged sword, although too late we fear (but who knoweth if God will be appeased and forgive us our offen­ces?) upon this noisom beast, and display all force and power against it. For it is now long enough, nay we fear too long tarried, delayed, lingered, and loitered. And this is that we crave of your Holiness for the tender love and mercy of God, if there be left any regard of duty, same and estimation, or any care of the publick, or the particular health and welfare, deeply to think and consider, that it concerneth the utter­most danger of the Church, and the safety of Christ his flock so dearly bought, and committed unto our charge; and whiles you are able to slay this wilde Boar, that consumeth the Vineyard of the Lord, and drive away, bridle, and repress with thy double Sword all the small Foxes breaking and throwing down the same; for fear this being wilfully neglected, his anger be not ready to punish and chasten us, who will re­proach us the hardness of our hearts, and require at our hands the inno­cent bloud-shedding, and the great quantity of souls lost for ever; who because his flock is become a prey, and his sheep a spoil unto the wilde beasts, and his Vineyard trodden under foot, and made waste, will grie­vously complain, and we be not snared and wrapt in his just but most fearful and terrible judgement, eternally to be lamented and be­wailed.

Wherein we protest before the same Almighty and High God, and his Angels, that herein we have performed our charge and duty; and therefore if here be written any thing somewhat bitterly, we pray your Holiness to take it in good part, as coming from a burning zeal, towards the Church now periclitating and ready to fall; and therefore the ra­ther, because it behoveth that all our thoughts be fixed in the defence of Sion, whose duties we judge it to be to leave nothing undon, where­by we might by all means possibly both things above and beneath, and all that is in Heaven and Earth move and provoke for to pity her di­stressed estate, because it is more then full time so to do.

Farewel, And as your Holiness pitieth the French, nay, the Universal Church, ready to fall; so God be favourable and merciful unto you.

Your Holiness Affectio­nate Orators, and most Humble Servants, the Dean and the rest of the Sorbonne at Paris.

The Duke of Mayenne intent (as aforesaid) upon the relief of Paris, at last joyneth with Alessandro Farnese Duke of Parma, and marcheth towards the City; the King wirh a Resolution to fight them raiseth the Siege; but Parma carried his designes so cunningly, that in spight of all opposition he conveyed great store of Provisions into the City, nor could the King force or oblige him to a Battel; yet the King resolved to give one lusty storm to the City, to which purpose Ladders being provided, and silently be in the night set to the walls, the City had been [Page 570] won, if by chance a Jesuit (as Pag. 958. Davila saith) or a few Jesuits (as Pag▪ 343. de Bussieres saith) who stood Centinel without the Corps du Garde, which was kept by those Fathers, and Nicholas Nivelle the Covenanting Booksel­ler, (all the rest being asleep and negligent) had not discovered them, given the Alarum, and fought stoutly against them upon the walls.

The King seeing himself disappointed by Parma, the Parisians well stored with Victuals, and a Sickness in his Army; raiseth the Siege, disposeth his Forces into Quarters; the Duke of Parma returning also to his Government in the Low-Countreys.

Many Stories are we told of some mens foolish contempt and scorn over their supposed Superiors, some whipping their Gods if not agree­able to them, Augustus Caesar could defie Neptune, The Thracians would rant against the Heavens if Thundred, Xerxes would shackle the Helle­spont, and though the Ancient Poets and Lucian villifyed their Gods (it may be upon good reason) by making them guilty of all the villanies in the world; yet none could be so extravagant as that which the Inge­nious Le [...] E [...]sa [...]s [...] 1. c, 3. Montaigne tells us of one of the late Kings (neighbouring to France) of Spain as some think, who having his Expectations disap­pointed by Heaven, swore to be revenged on God himself, and (if the story be true) be commanded his subjects not to pray to God for ten years, nor to speak of, or believe in him. I shall not say that these Covenanters proceeded so far, but may justly affirm that never any people acted more against Gods Vice-gerent then they. Their stubbornness may here be seen by their miseries, and thus their contempt of favour, law, life, duty and obedience, doth shew their disrespect to the Divine Oracles, and God himself.

CHAP. VIII. The Thirdlings. Young Guise escapes out of Prison. Barnaby Brisson Strangled. The Duke of Mayenne overaw'd the Sixteen. The Mock State General meet at Paris. King Henry the Fourth declares himself a Romanist, and received absolution at St. Dennis.

VVHilest Parma is returning to the Netherlands, Pope Sixtus the 27 Aug [...]st. Fifth dyeth; upon which the Cardinal Legat departeth France, leaving behind him in Paris, Filippo Sega, Bishop of Piacenza (he came from Italy with him, and was also a Cardinal) to act as Vice-Legat. Ur­ban VII. is elected Pope, who dying thirteen days after, Cregory XIV. is * chosen to sit in the Chair. [...] D [...]mb.

In the mean time the King is pinched on all hands, the Parisians va­pour [...]s Conquerors, Emanuel de Loraine Duke of Mercoeur carryeth all for the League in Brittain, with whom above four thousand Spaniards joyn: the Duke of Savoy conquereth in Provence, and by the Parlia­ment of Aix, is Declared Head of their Government, having also some Intentions for the Crown; nor was the Duke of Lorraine idle. But these prosperous proceedings did not altogether please Mayenne, fearing their greatness would Eclipse him: Yet by these was the King brought so low that he borroweth aid from England, Holland, and the German Princes; and Mayenne sendeth to desire the like from the Pope and King of Spain.

By this time Barnaby Brisson, chief President of the Covenanting year 1591 Parliament at Paris, for fome reason or other, was more agreeable to the King then formerly, and several in the City began to wish a Re­conciliation with him. The King himself knew, that he had some friends in the City, by whose assistance he had a design to surprize it, by having several of his Captains disguised in Countrey habits, pretending to carry Horse-loads of corn or meal into it by night [the usual time so to steal in, by reason of the Kings Forces scouring the ways and Countrey:] But this plot being discovered, it fail'd, and is yet call'd the 20 Jan. Journee des farines. Farinarum dies, or Nox farinarum. Day of Flour or Meal. These caused the Pari­sians for the more strengthning themselves against any such like at­tempts, to receive into their City Four thousand Spaniards, to the dis­pleasure of Mayenne, who feared that Nation and Faction might in time be too strong for him there.

But he was very male-contented with the forwardness of the new Pope Gregory XIV. who espoused the quarrel of the League with a great deal of earnestness, sendeth Marsilio Landriano of Milan Nuncio into France, with two They may be seen at large in a Book, calld de Christia­nissimi Regis pericu [...]s, or de periculi Henrici IV. Printed 1591. Monitory Bulls.

I. One relating to the Clergie, whom he interdicted if within 15 days they forsook not the obedience and part of the King. And further, if within 15 days more they departed not from him, then to be depri­ved of their Livings, Benefices, and Functions.

II. The second concerned the Princes, Nobility, and the rest of the Laity, wherein under great pains he also warned them to depart from the King, whom he call'd Heretick, Persecutor of the Church, an Excommunicated Person, and therefore depriv'd of all his Do­minions and Possessions.

To these the Pope addeth Arms and Money, sending his Nephew Hercole Sfondrato (newly for Honours sake made by him Duke of Monte­marciano) with an Army, which he will maintain with the moneys ga­thered up by Sixtus V. and kept in Castel St. Angelo; and besides this he alloweth 15000 Crowns a moneth to the Leaguers.

The Royallists are greatly offended at these Papers and Proceedings. Those of the Soverein Court (for conveniency then sitting) at Chaalons, by Decree declare that the former Bulls and actings against Henry III. as also these against the present Henry IV. to be odious, seditious, false im­postures, contrary to all holy Decrees, Canons, Constitutions, Councils, the Rights and Liberties of the Gallican Church, and so to be idle, vain, null and void, and to be burnt by the hands of the Hangman. Or­dain also that Landriano calling himself Nuncio, to be seiz'd on, and suf­fer according to Law, forbid any to entertain him; declare that all Car­dinals, Prelates and other Ecclesiasticks, who any way promote a Con­sent to these Bulls, or approve of the late Murther of Henry III. shall be deprived of all their Benefices in this Kingdome, and that none here­after carry any money to Rome, or procure any Benefices thence, &c. Yet I have a Copy of it (that year printed) bearing date 29 Aug. 10 June 1599. The same in effect was decreed by the Parliament then sitting at Tours, but with this addition, prohibiting any upon pain of Nigh Treason to publish and obey any of the aforesaid Bulls. And [Page 578] which was best of all——A de­clare & de­clare Gre­goire, se di­sant Pape, quatori­esme de ce nom, enne­mie de la p [...]ix, de l'union de l'Eglise Catholique Apostolique & Romaine, du Roy & de son Estat: adhe [...]ant a la Conjuration d'Espagne, & fauteur des Rebelles, coulpable du tres cruel, tres cruel, tres inhumain, & tres detestabable parricide, proditoiremen [...] commis en la personne de Henry III. Roy de tres henreuse memoire, tres Christen & tres Catholique. Hath declared, and doth declare Gregory (calling himself Pope) the XIV. of that name, an Enemy to the Peace, to the Union of the Chatholick-Apostolick-Roman Church, to the the King and his Estate, a Partaker of the Spanish Conspiracy, a favourer of Rebels, guilty of the most cruel, most inhumane, and most detestable Parricide, Tray­terously committed on the Person of the most Christian King, and most Ca­tholick King Henry III. of most happy memory—5 August, 1591.

The same Language was used by the Parliament sitting at 3 Aug. Caen: on the contrary the Parliament at Paris thunder out their Decrees, com­manding the Nuncio and Monitory Bulls to be received and obeyed, as proceeding from an Authentick Authority, threatning severe punish­ments to all those who submit not to them.

And here having mentioned several Parliaments, the common Rea­der may understand once for all, that France had then, and hath now, several Seats of Parliament (or rather Courts Judicature) having com­mand within their respective Precincts, and instituted by several Kings, as this following Scheme will shew.

OrderWhereSettled byAnno
I.Paris.Philippe IV. le Bel.1302.
II.Tholouse.Charles VII.1443.
III.Grenoble.Charles VII.1453.
IV.
Was con­stituted 1447 and so it was then t [...]e th [...]rd Parl [...]ment, [...]u [...] it l [...]st th [...]t [...]ank and [...]d [...]r [...]y a rebelli [...]n.
Bourdeaux.
Louis XI.1462.
V.Dijon.Louis XI.1476.
VI.Rouen.Louis XII.1499. some say 1503.
VII.Aix.Louis XII.1501.
VIII.Rennes.Henry II.1553.
IX.Pau, said first to be instituted afterwards confirmed.Louis XIII.1620.
X.MetsLouis XIII.1633.

I order and time these as they were made, fixed, or sedentary; other­wise we might say that Parlements were had at Paris 577, at Tholouse 1302, and at Rouen 1443. In the time of this League Paris and Rouen being in the hands of the Covenanters, King Henry III. removed the Ses­sions of those Parlements to Tours, Caen, &c. whither accordingly as many of the Royal Members as could go went and sate, acting for their Kings, whilest those of the other persuasion staid, and were as busie and zelous for the Leaguers.

But to return; the Nuncio, the Embassadours of Spain and Savoy, the Lords of the House of Lorrain, Nicolas de Pellevé, then Archbishop of Sens (and not of Card. de Lenoncourt was now li­v [...]g and Archbishop of Rheims. Rheims till the year after, as Pag. 1014. Davila mistakes) with some others meet at Rheims, where every man seeming for the League, yet under that vizard to carry on their own designs and Interest, their Consultations broke up without any determinations.

In the mean time spang up a third Party, which had like to have foil'd both King and League. Charles Cardinal of Bourbon, who whilst the old Kingling Cardinal Bourbon lived was called Cardinal of Vendosm, he seeing the Pope, Spaniard and Covenanters, and all re­solved to exclude King Henry the IV. if he turn'd not presently Roma­nist, hoped that change would never be, and so doubted not (being of the Royal blood) to get the Crown to himself. This Plot he carried on secretly by his Favorites, amongst whom was Jaques Davy Sieur du Perron (though now but young, and of mean birth, yet of great parts and Learning, and afterwards a Cardinal:) This Plot being dis­covered, Mayenne was not a little troubled at it, as aiming to take away his greatness, and the King not satisfied as offering to rob him of the Crown: However, though his Party was potent, and in the Opinion of the Romanists, grounded upon good reason, yet the King seemed outwardly to despise and slight it, by jeeringly calling them the Les Tiercelets. Third­lings, as being neither for the King nor Covenant.

And another accident did not a little trouble Mayenne; viz. The escape of Charles the young Duke of Guise from his Imprisonment at 15 August Tours, for he had been secured ever since the killing of his Father at Blois; but whether this escape was by the Kings desire and permittance, the better to divide, and so weaken the Leaguers, or by Bribery, or chance, is nothing to our story. The truth is, Mayenne, though he seemed pleased at his Nephews liberty, yet he liked not the great re­joycings the Covenant [...]rs made at it, by Bells and Bon-fires, whereby he feared himself might be neglected, and by such divisions and jea­lousies, the King might assure himself no loser.

Mayenne himself also dreading the event of these distractions, pro­cureth a Private Meeting with the Duke of Lorrain, and some others; where it was secretly concluded to unite together, never to permit (if they could prevent it) any to the Crown, but of their Family; but if they should be constrained to yield further, yet that no stranger should be, but a Prince of the Blood, and of the Roman Religion: This is signed and sealed by them, and of it they inform the Duke of Guise, who desires time to consider.

Nor is Paris free from sidings and fear; for the Council of Sixteen (which had been the foundation of the League, and the raising of the Duke of Mayenne) began now to distrust his proceedings, as a man thwarting their greatness, not active and fierce enough against the King and H [...]gonots, and one that regarded self more than the Publick: And he of late being commonly far absent from them, had not that aw and respect as formerly; so they began to neglect him, and cry up the young Guise: And considering themselves strong enough, having the Preachers, the People, the Spaniard, the Bishop of Piacenza (lately Vice-Legat) on their side, resolve to have things carried as they please. To this purpose, they send their demands and complaints to Mayenne; who not consenting to them, vext their Worships so much, that they resolved to lay him aside, and consult some other Head or Chieftain. And to this purpose, (being also instigated by Mendoza the Spanish Am­bassador) in the Jesuits Colledge (where their deepest Plots used to be made) a Letter is drawn up, and by the Sixteen and others, sent to Philip II. King of Spain, by one called Father Matthieu, and by Lib. 10 [...] ▪ * p. 1041. Thu­anus, and Davila, nominated Claude Mathe [...].

But because François Montagne, Rene de la Fon, and Louis de Beau­manoir; or if you will have the plain truth of it, the Jesuit Luys [Page 580] Richeome (for he was the French Author that writ the but th [...]se with his [...]ath [...]r Ap [...]logies are not printed amongst his Works in 2 vol. Apologies for the Jesuits under the former false names) Because, I say they deny his name to be so, alledging, that Claude Mathieu dyed above two years before, viz. 1588. at Ancona in Italy, though there might be others of that name besides him, and be­cause Matthien may as well be a Christian Name as a Sirname, as the Advocate Pl [...]-day. Ar­nauld and the Author of the Book 3. fol. 200, 201. Jesuits Cate­chism do intimate, that this was so; and the late Memoirs d'Estat en suite de ceux de Mons. de Vill [...], tom. 3. p. 44 where you may [...] the who [...]e Lett [...]r it self. Prints from Paris assure us that his name was Matthieu Aquarius. I shall say no more, this being enough to overthrow one objection, and Davila, Thuanus, Arnauld, Perefixe and others, being enough to testifie the truth of the thing, supposing the name were not in all things exact­ly set down. Part of the Letter take as followeth.

Most High and Mighty Prince,

Your Catholick Majesty having been so gracious unto us, as to let us understand by the most religious and reverend Father Matthew, not onely your holy intentions for the general good of Religion, but more especially your great affections and favours towards this City of Paris, &c. Then after great commendations of young Guise, and the telling of their own miseries, they go on to tell him—

We trust in God, that before it be long the Forces of his Holiness and your Catholick Majesties being joyn'd together will free us from the oppressions of our enemies, who have hitherto for an [...] year and half so block'd and hem'd us in on all sides, that nothing come into the City but by chance or force of Arms, and would press further, stood they not in fear of the Garrisons your Majesty was pleas'd to send us. We can boldly assure your Catholick Majesty, that the prayers and desires of all the Catholicks are to see your Catholick Majesty sway the Sce­pter of this Kingdom and Reign over us. As we most willingly cast our selves into your arms as into the arms of our Father. Or that your Catholick Majesty would be pleased to appoint some of your poste­rity.

And if it shall stand with your good pleasure to appoint any other besides your self, that it may please you to make choice of a The Duke of Guise, or [...]om [...] [...]th [...]r Frenchman, to marry his [...] Isa­bel. Clara Eng. Son in Law, whom we will receive as King with all our best affections, all the Devotions and Obedience that a good and loyal people can, and are Daughter to Alphonso IX. of Castile and Leon, married to Louis VIII. of France, and so Mother to St. Louis IX. She was a wise Queen Rege [...]t, q [...]elling all the Cons [...] [...] of the Crown and Kingdom, bound to yield to their Liege and Sove­raign. For we hope so well of the blessing of God upon this Alliance, that what we have already received of that most puissant and most Christian Princess Donna Izabella Clara Eugenia, el [...] Daught [...] to Philip II. (by his [...] wife Elizabeth [...]r Izabel [...] France Daughter [...] Henry II.) [...] have to [...] [...] of France, and to marry with [...] French Prince [...] N [...]l [...]man to be [...]ing. Blanche of Castile, Mother to our most Christian and most religions King St. Louis; we shall re­ceive it, yea twofold, of this great and ver­tuous Princess (c) daughter of your Ca­tholick Majesty; upon whom for her rare Vertues the eyes of all men are fixed and [Page 581] set, as a most pleasant object, and in whom most gloriously shineth the Bloud of France and Spain, to no other end or purpose, but by a perpe­tual Alliance to fraternize and joyn in one brotherhood, as it were these two great Monarchies under their Government, to the advancement of the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, the beauty of his Church, and uni­on of all the Inhabitants of the world under the Ensigns of Christian­ism.

As your Catholick Majesty with so many notable and triumphant Vi­ctories by the favour of God and his aid hath mightily prevail'd and advanced the same; so we most heartily pray to God (who is the Lord of Battels) to continue your proceedings therein, with such accom­plishment, that the whole work may be finished and perfected in all points. To which end and purpose that it would please him to pro­long your Catholick Majesties days in perfect and happy health, ac­companied with daily success of Victories and Triumphs over all your Enemies.

The reverend Father Matthew this bearer, who hath greatly comforted us, and fully instructed with the state of our affairs, shall satisfie your Catholick Majesty in all things which may seem defective and wanting in our Letters: Beseeching your Majesty most humbly to credit him in whatsoever he shall report unto you from us.

Whether this Matthew Aquarius the Agent of the League was a Jesuite or no, I shall, not possitively affirm, though there be good Authority for it, but the best Authors may have their mistakes. I shall onely observe by the by, that there was at this time one Matthaeus Aquarius a Domini­ [...]an, and in vogue as well for his Philosophy as Schoolmanship, both in Rome and Naples; so a trusty servant both to Pope and Spain. And though the Jesuites will attribute the title of Fathers to themselves, yet I find this Aquarius (as oftentimes others are also) before his printed books so inti­tuled, that any might mistake him for a Jesuite, because called Father; I shall not say, nor can I affirm that this Aquarius the Dominiean was the same man with the Leaguers Agent.

This Letter was intercepted near Lyons by Gilbert de Chaseron Gover­nour of the Province of Bourbon, and by him sent to the King, whereby their Honesty, Religion, and Loyalty was discovered.

Now as the Sixteen and their Associates had laid the Design to hum­ble the Parlement of Paris to them, which they thought to depend too much upon Mayeune; they began to stir up the people, persuading them Religion was betrayed, their Cause and good Covenant quite undone; that the Parlement intended to deliver the City into the hands of the Navarrois, i. e. the King. And to obtain their designs with greater ease and facility, they consulted about a new 5 No­vemb. Jo. de B [...]ssi­e [...]es vol. 4. p. 364, 3 [...]5. Gomber­ville Me [...] de M. de Nevers Tom. 2. pag. 623. Oath, whereby all that favour'd them not should be driven out of the City, and all the Bloud Royal to be excluded from the Succession and the Crown.

In the mean time they take an occasion to be stark mad; for one Brigard (once a violent Covenanter) being suspected by them of too much favouring the King, was hurried to prison, resolving to have him hang'd [Page 582] for it; but the Parlement not agreeing in this with their humours, cleared him in a full trial; and he at last finding means to escape from their fury out of the City, they in a giddy zele turn their malice upon his Judges.

Thus resolved they hurry the people to Arms, seise upon Barnaby 15 Nov. Brisson the Chief President, Claude l'Archer Counsellour of the Chastelet, with Jean Tardif, whom they carry to the Sessions-house, there in a haste condemning them without rule or reason. Brisson desireth them to spare him a little time, till in prison he had finished his book De For­mulis (so much cried up by learned and knowing men) but no favour or mercy being granted, they are all three instantly strangled in prison, scarce a quarter of an hour being allow'd to Brisson to confess in. Thus murder'd, he is presently hung out of his own Chamber-window, and the next day hung on the Gallows publickly to be seen of all. Such was the end of the learned but unfortunate Brisson, who before had in Poet. Gal. v l. 1. p. 713, 714. verse bewail'd the mischiefs of a Civil war, and it may be in relation to this League.

This done, they meet at the house of Pellettier, the Covenanting Le­cturer of S. Jacques de la Boucherie, where they conclude that a Court of 17 Nov. Justice shall be form'd of men of their Faction, to proceed against Here­ticks and the Favourers of the King, that the moneys and Treasuries how expended shall be look'd into, that the Council of State shall be fill'd up, and the men were there named by them; that a Council of war shall be chosen, upon whose consent the Governour (de Belin left by May­ [...]nne) should act nothing; that the Seals of the Crown which Mayenne carried about with him, should for the future always remain in the City, &c. To these they adde the sending of the Letter to the King of Spain formerly writ, with which they now forthwith dispatch Mathieu.

Yet Thuanus dates the Letter the 20th. of November, and Memoires en suite de ceux de V [...]lleroy, tom. 3. p. 24, 25. another the 20th. of September; but herein I follow Arnauld, who maketh a par­ticular observation upon the timing or dating it, the Jesuits themselves not objecting any thing against his date, viz. 2 Novemb. and Davila saith it was sent this day, viz. 17 Novemb. and so most probably writ before, this day they being too busily implied in other mischiefs. However the day is no great matter, the difference being but small, and probably a mistake in the writing or printing.

This done, they arise from Council, get the Council of State present­ly to assemble, to whom they propound the Articles, to the end to have them confirm'd and executed: but at this time they are put off, it being alledged the day was too far spent, and the Dutchess of Nemours carried her self so powerfully with them, that they were willing to let the exe­cution of them alone till they had heard from her son the Duke of Mayenne, who being inform'd of these hurly-burlys, thought it best to quell them before they went any further, for which purpose well guard­ed he hastes towards Paris: at whose approach the Sixteen discoura­ged, 28 N [...]v. crave pardon, let him enter the City, the Bastile is also yielded to him, then he seizeth on Lauchort, Emmenot, Auroux and Ameline, great Sticklers amongst the Sixteen, whom he caused to be strangled in the Louvre, and publickly hung on the Gallows, and others had tasted the 3 Dec. same sauce had they not fled for it.

At this the Priests and Doctors of Sorbonne were wonderfully terri­fied, but he not willing to lose them quite, knowing such men to be dangerous enemies amongst the people, waited upon them himself, gave them good words, told them all was pardoned, and Justice satisfied, [Page 583] which he ratified by an Edict. At the same time he also decreed, year 1592 that upon pain of death no more Councils, Meetings or Conventicles, should be had any way, except the Ordinary one of the Union with the sense of the lawful Magistrates, which being registred in full con­sent of Parliament, put an end to the power and greatness of the Sixteen, and somewhat spoil'd and cool'd the designes of the Spanish Ministers. And an Oath was also drawn up and read in Parliament for all the Soul­diers in the City to take, the better to keep them in Obedience.

Whilst these things were acting, Pope Gregory XIV. dying, Innocent IX. succeedeth him, who allowed the League fifteen thousand Ducats a month, desiring them to fall to work, and chuse a King of the Roman Religion, aiming (as 'tis thought) at Cardinal Bourbon (the Head of the third party) but what his other designes were, his 30 Dec. death after a two months Popedome, would not let be known. And after him succeeded Clement VIII.

The Parliament at Rouen now puts forth a severe 7 Jan. 1592 Edict against any that shall adhere to Henry of Bourbon, as they call'd him; yet the pro­secution of the League was somewhat hindred by the Jealousies arising betwixt Parma and Mayenne, the latter fearing to be out-vapoured by the Spaniard, was not so averse as formerly from an Agreement with the King, to carry on which the great Statesman Villeroy (who as yet kept himself with the Leaguers) and du Plessis Morney (the Kings faithful friend) had divers meetings, but the Covenanters Propositions were so high and lofty (getting all into their own hands, leaving his Majesty a meer shadow) that it brake off without any determination, though the King was willing to grant much to be at rest and quiet.

This Treaty was presently made known, thinking to do Mayenne a displeasure, and so it did, both the Spaniards and Leaguers being of­fended at him, in offering to treat without their consent or knowledge, and so made jealous as if intended to leave them in the lurch. But on the other side, the King gain'd not much by the bargain, the Roma­nists who followed him (next that it should be carried on by an Hugue­not, viz. Morney) began to have the same suspicions of His Majesty. And in this zeal and humour having consulted themselves, they forth­with gave Mayenne to understand that it was fitting for the common safety, that all the Romanists should be united, and so to require of the King to change his Religion within a prefixt time, and then they would acknowledge him, otherwise they would joyntly proceed to the Election of a King of the Roman persuasion, for such an one (and none other) they would have.

Adde to this Pope Clements favour of the League, allowing it 15000 Ducats a moneth, exhorting them to chuse a new King of the Roman belief, alledging none to be capable of a Crown but one of that Religi­on, commanding the Nuncio Cardinal Piacenza to forward the Election. Upon all these and other such like considerations the King is perplext beyond measure, now clearly perceiving that all of them were gone to that height of Conditional Subjection, as never to receive him for King unless he would be of their Religion, nor was his force sufficient to op­pose. The case is hard, but a Kingdom is not to be lost, yet the war goeth on vigorously on both sides.

In the mean time the Pope having sent to his Nuncio in France to ha­sten the calling of the States General, that a Catholick King, an enemy to Hereticks, and a Defender of the Church, might be chosen; the [Page 584] Duke of Mayenne took heart, fancying that the Pope might aim at him, year 1593 and thus entertaining some thoughts of being King, he resolved to con­vocate the States General; the Spaniard would have it at Soissons, that Parma might the sooner assist or awe them from Flanders; the Duke of Lorrain desires Rheams, where his greatest Interest lay; but Mayenn [...] thought Paris best, his own Authority being greatest there by his former weakening the Sixteen.

In the mean time all care is taken by them to exclude Henry, and no­thing could thwart them more then his turning Romanist, of which they had some fears, several earnestly solliciting him to it. To prevent this October. 'tis spread abroad, how unlawful it is for any to desire his Conversion; how it is against Divine, Civil, and Canon Law, the Decrees of the Popes, Mem. de M. de Nevers vol. 2. pag. 634. the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom, the Holy Union, &c. and therefore conclude, that those who propose or endeavour such a thing are wicked Citizens, unstable perjur'd Politicks, seditious Disturbers of the Common­weal; favourers of Hereticks, suspected of Heresie, Excommunicated, ought to be driven out of the City, lest they should corrupt the rest.

And those of Chaalons having put forth a 18 No­vemb. Decree against Cardinal de Piacenza the Popes Nuncio, as also the Popes Bulls, as they did for­merly against Pope Gregory XIV. Those of the Parlement of Paris pub­lish an Act, whereby they

Declare the said Decree of Chaalons null; of none effect or force, being published by those of no Right or Authority to be a Parlement, being Schismaticks, Hereticks, Enemies to God and his Church, disturb­ers of the State and publick peace of the Kingdom.

Order the said Decree as full of Scandal, Schism, Heresie, and Sedition, to be torn and burnt by the Hangman.

Forbid any to receive or obey the said Decree.

Injoyn all to honour and obey Pope Clement VIII. and acknowledge his Legat.

Affirm that their intended General States design nothing but the Pre­servation of the Roman Religion, and to choose a true Christian Catholick French King.

Forbid any to hinder or molest the members▪ coming to the said meet­ing of States.

DU-TILLET.

Accordingly to summon the said States-General, the Duke of Mayenne 1593. 5 Jan. Publish'd a large Declaration, in which he undertakes

To Vindicate himself.

Desireth the Romanists to unite.

That though the Leaguers had too much cause to desire the late Kings death, yet they had no hand in it, it being a blow from Heaven.

That Navarre could not be King, because an Heretick, Obedience be­ing only founded upon the of the Roman Religion.

So they cannot be blamed for their Actions, nor can be Rebels, seeing they fight only against Hereticks, and their Associates, who have despised the Popes Bulls, and Admonitions, &c. And so throw­ing an odd blot upon the King concludes.

To this the Popes Legat Piacenza, thinking that of Mayenne' [...] not plain and severe enough, added another Declaration,

[Page 585]

Desiring all to be obedient to the Pope, who will never assent to an He­retical King, or the ruine of the Church or that Crown. * 15 Jan.

Affirming that to think that the Priviledges of the Gallican Church extendeth so far as to admit of an Heretical King, is the dream of a Madman, and an Heretical Contagion.

That those who had acknowledg'd Navarre, had forgot the Piety of their Ancestors, the Reputation of their Countrey, and the safety of their souls, their salvation being desperate.

That Navarre had violated all Laws both divine and humane.

And that the Parliament of Paris is a true and lawful one, and so per­swadeth them to proceed to an Election.

To these the King returning Answers, endeavoring to clear him­self from their Accusations, not forgetting also to shew what a favour he had for the Roman Religion.

And though the death of the Duke of Parma had been no small Hindrance to the Spanish designs, yet now Lorenzo Suarez de Figuer [...] Duke of Feria cometh Embassador to manage the Interest of that Crown at the meeting of the States, several at this time aiming at the Throne, and every one not despairing of their Cause or Interest: The Spanish daughter Izabella Clara Eugenia, the Dukes of Guise, Lorain, Ne­mours and Mayenne having all hopes.

In short, the States-General meet at Paris in the Great Hall of the 26 Jan. Louvre, amongst the rest of the Drolleries of these times, nothing took more then a Book call'd Satyre Menippee or le Catholicon d'Espagne, Composed in abuse of this Convention. Debit. Pret. Belg. Tom. 3. p. 339. Justus Lipsius will have a fling at this Book, but the greatest honour it received was from Rome, where their Wisdomes there, (as if they had nothing else to do) did ma­ny years after very gravely call it to remembrance, and at last thought it fit to pass under their 16 Mar. 1621. vid. Ind. Expur­gat. Alex­andri VIII. p. 218. Censure of Reprobation. The prose of it was made by the Almoner to Cardinal de Bourbon; the Verses were composed by Nicholas Rapin, commended by Poet▪ Gall. vol. 3. p. 165. Johannes Passeratius, Ib. p. 420, 421. Scav [...]la Sammorthanus with others, and Rapin himself hath some Ib. p. 204▪ &c. 28 Jan. Poems out in Latin.

The States being met as aforesaid, Mayenne (King-like) sitteth under the Cloth of State, desiring them to choose a Catholick King, an Ene­mie to Heresie, which was seconded by others. The next day at a private meeting the Legat moved, that at the next Sessions of the States all should take a solemn Oath never to acknowledge Navarre for their King, though he should turn Romanist, but this was quashr at the Proposal, as to swear against the Popes Authority, suppose he should turn, and his Holiness command him to be received.

The next day the Romanists with the King (with his consent) send Propositions, to the States for a Treaty with them, at which the Legat stormeth, affirming the Proposal to be Heretical, and so not fit to be Answer'd, Cardinal Pelleve and Diego d'Ivarra one of the Spanish A­gents agre [...]ing with him, but this was opposed; and because the Pa­per was directed to all the States, 'twas judged fit to be communica­ted to them, which so netled the Legat, that he got the Colledge of Sorbonne to declare it Heretical, as intimating a declared Heretick might be King, and ought to be obeyed. Yet the Proposal is shewn to the States, a Conference with the Royal Romanists is consented to, but in their Answer they had this odd Conclusion,—That to oppose an Heretical King is not Treason. The place agreed on is Surenne, between Paris [Page 586] and St. Denys, and Persons are nominated on both sides.

In the States the Spaniards carried high for the Infanta, many seem­ing willing to it for interest-sake; but when they named Ernest Arch-Duke of Austria, the Emperors Brother, for her husband, it was re­jected, as not fitting to give the Kingdom to a stranger. The Spani­ards smelling the design, offered to admit of a French Prince to be mar­ried to Philips daughter, which took pretty well, Guise, Nemours, Lo­rain, and Mayenne his sons, each of them hoping to be the Man and King. Nay, some who seem'd to be the Kings Friends and Allies, as Cardinal Bourbon, Count de Soissons, the Prince of Conti, with some o­thers, began to hearken to this Proposal, every one fancying to make the Crown his, upon which conceits they were not so earnest in the Kings Cause and Interest as they seem'd to be.

The King perceiving that the Authority of the Pope was one of his greatest Enemies or Pretences, had a great minde to have him pacified, to which purpose he formerly had the Republick of Venice, and Fer­dinando de Medici Grand Duke of Tuscany to use their interests in his be­half at Rome; and to further it had also been sent Cardinal Pietros de Gondy, Bishop of Paris, and the Marquess de Pisani, in the name of the Romanist with the King upon the same Errand. But the Pope com­manded them not to enter into the Ecclesiastical Territories, as being Favourers of Hereticks, well-Wishers to Navarre, with whom they had presumed to speak and treat, to which some Reasons and Excuses being returned, the Pope at last permits them to enter Rome. And at last the King himself gave fair Signes and Proffers to the Conference at Surenne, not only of his being willing to be instructed in the Roman Religion, but as it were ready to be of it.

This amazeth the Covenanters to the purpose, the Legat protesteth against the Conference as dangerous, that they could neither treat with, nor admit of a peace with Navarre, being a declared Heretick, and that if they did either, he for his part would quit the Kingdom; and this he publish'd in Print that every one might take notice of it. Nor were the Spaniard less concerned, who (fearing the Kings Conversion, would make haste and be excepted of, thinking to spoil it) Nominates the Duke of Guise for Husband to the Infanta, shewing it was so in his Instructions.

At this Mayenne is stung to the heart, nor could he so much dissemble but his thoughts were perceived; however he thanks them for their kindness to his Nephew, and desires time till things were better prepa­red; But this Nomination being known, the Embassadors, Nobles, Citizens, and every one flock to pay their service to Guise, and give him joy, his Palace is fill'd, himself cried up, and now they vapour of a new Kingling, Charles de Guis [...]. Charles XI. At all this the Dutchess of Mayenne is mad, she frets, storms and weeps three days, and not able any longer to endure, she falleth upon her troubled husband with Sighs, Exclamati­ons, Threatnings and Railings, jearing him as one that hath lost all his labour and pains, if he who had hitherto borne the brunt, must at last only thus truckle to his young Nephew.

The Duke also (thus perplext to see himself as it were laid aside) puts many into young Guise his head, demands strange and exorbitant Conditions of the Spaniard for performance; yet thinking these not sure enough, designeth a Treaty with Cardinal Bourbon; and lest this also should fail, cunningly dealeth with the Parliament of Paris, to make a Decree, that the Crown should not be transfer'd to strangers, and the [Page 587] nulling of all Treaties held to that purpose, as contrary to the Sulique Law (which some think a Cheat) and other Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. And this trick was soon obtain'd by the hands of Jehan le Maistre chief President, who (as if the Duke knew nothing of the bu­siness) 28 June. waited upon Mayenne with a good Company of Councellors, to inform him of their Order; which Action and Decree, the Duke seemed to take in ill part, as if they had been too bold in medling, and this had some effect, not a little dashing the Confidence and Plots of the Spaniard.

The King understood all this Cabal, and also he perceived, that though they agreed not amongst themselves, yet were they all resolved against him, and to adde to his trouble, the Romanists whom he most trusted, were falling from him as a Prince not to be converted. These and other Camde [...] an. 1593. Inconveniences, forcing him to be more apprehensive, he thinks himself now necessitated so far to comply with them in securing the Kingdom to himself, as to hint the Roman Religion to be the best; and so at Mante, having talked between Sp [...]nd. 1593: sect. 17. 23 July. five and six hours with some Pre­lats, he seem'd well enough satisfied, and thus thrust from his failings, he declareth he will publickly go to receive Absolution, and hear Mass at St. Denys within two days.

Now is Mayenne at his Wits end, he had been at some pains and trouble to lay aside his Nephew, his Dutchess perswading him rather to make peace with Navarre, then to be a subject to young Guise. But here he perceives himself out-witted, all his Pretensions against the King being because he was an Heretick, but now by this declared Con­version he is left without excuse. Well, finding no other remedy, he consults to get a Truce with the King for some time, to which his Ma­jestie shews himself willing, hoping by the sweetness of a little peace to gain upon the people, though Mayenne had other designs against him. As for the Duke of Guise, considering well how things went, he excused his Election to the Spanish Embassadors, as a thing that would prove ridiculous to others, and ruinous to himself.

In the mean time, the Legat inform'd of the Kings design, to con­vert and be absolved at St. Denys, pulls out his Paper-Tools, and falls to the old Work, declaring Navarre to be an Excommunicated Heretick, being so pronounced by Sixtus V. and therefore not to be absolved or admitted into the Church, but by the Pope himself: That all shall be null and void, that they shall do that waywards; and that those who shall appear there, shall be excommunicated and deprived: to these Mayenne addeth his good-will, by forbidding any man to go to St. Denys 25 July. un [...]er great penalties.

But all to no purpose, for the day being come, all sorts of people croud thither, the King clothed in white, with a black Hat and Cloak, nobly attended, goeth to the Great Church, the Gates being shut, the Lord Chancellor knocks, they are opened, and within appeareth Re­naud e Beaune Archbishop (or if you will A Litle losa attri­buted to the Archbi­shop of Bourg [...]s, Pope Ni­colas I. cal­ling S. Ro­dolphus the 47. Prelat of this Ci­ty a Patri­arch. Caus. 9. Quest. 3. c. Con [...] ­stus & Gloss. Patriarch) of Bourges; sit­ting in his Chair in his Pontificalibus, environ'd with a great number of Prelats. He ask'd who he was, and what he would have? The King replied, that he was Henry King of France and Navarre, desiring to be received into the bosome of the Church, the Arch-bishop ask'd him if he heartily desired it, and was truly sorry for his former Errours? which the King affirming on his knees, repeating the Confession of Faith, with some Prayers, and being sworn, after secret Confession he recei­ved Absolution; then sat under the Cloth of State to hear Mass; so all [Page 588] being done, he returned an excellent Romanist to his Palace, but with what bad words and maledictions the Priests of Paris could throw up­on him.

In the mean time at the Conference of Surein, a Truce being con­cluded between the King and Mayenne, the Legat shewed himself very zealous and furious against it, threatning to be gone, but he was some­what appeas'd by Mayenne's getting a Decree from their illegal States for the receiving the Council of Trent, though a little before, the Council being treated on, in the same States the Parliament opposed its Reception, producing XXVI. Articles in it, contrary to the Gallick Spond. on 1593. sect 9. Church.

Mayenne seeing the Covenanting Cause thus at a stand, if not quite lost, thanks the Spaniards for the honour they had done his family, by honouring their Infanta to his Nephew Guise, and for their assistance to the League, but tells them withal, that it is fitting to defer the Ele­ction to a more convenient time, then Assembling the States, he made them all take an Oath to persevere in the Holy Union, and so adjourn'd 8 August. them for some months, and then to meet again at the same place, hoping yet with himself rather to raise then diminish his greatness.

The King having as aforesaid taken away all Objections at home a­bout his Religion, endeavours the same at Rome, to which purposes he sends Lodovico Gonzago Duke of Nevers Embassador thither, with se­veral Vid. Gom­berv [...]lle Me­moi [...]es de M. de Ne­v [...]rs vol. 2. P, 405. &c. p. 638. Davila. pag. 1220. Divines, amongst whom was Jaques Davy, Sieur du Perron the Elect Bishop of Eureux, who had already thrown off the interest of his former Master Cardinal Bourbon (the Head of the third Party) for whilst he Negotiated the Cardinals designs with some great ones at Court, he grew acquainted with the King, pleasing him with his Learning, Elo­quence, Mirth, Wit and Poetry: thus commanding the Kings Ear and Humour; and perceiving his own greatness might more easier be attain'd to by the King (especially his Conversion) then the Cardinals Exaltation, quitted his old former service, and became very active for his Majesty.

Nevers and his Company go towards Rome, whilst Arnand d'Ossat (though but of mean Parentage, yet of great Wit and Judgment, as his Negotiations and Letters testifie) now living at Rome (and after­wards a Cardinal) secretly and wisely on his own head, agitated for the Kings advantage. The Pope sends Possivino (the known Jesuit) to Nevers, not to approach, the Duke returneth many Reasons, and go­eth on; at last the Pope allow'd him, but he must enter the City pri­vately, and not stay in it above ten days. He waiteth upon the Pope, but Clement will grant him nothing, nor absolute, nor confirm the for­mer Absolution of Henry, nor permit the Bishops who came along with him to kiss his Toe, because they had presumed to absolve Na­varre, though they alledged it was but ad futuram Cautelam, reserving his Obedience and Acknowledgment to the Pope, which he now ren­dred him. The Duke and Prelats seeing nothing to be done, depart the City and go to Venice.

In the mean time Mayenne carrieth on his designs, sends into Spain, de­siring that their Infanta might be married to his eldest son; but the Le­gat is mad at him for spoiling the cause, by crossing the Promotion of Guise: nor had the Spaniards any great kindness for him, perceiving that he favour'd and made use of them only for his own advantage. Besides these, the League was now also somwhat weakned by the Am­bitious thoughts of the Duke of Nemours, who thinking to canton out [Page 589] or make himself absolute Lord or Prince of Lyon (where he was Go­vernour) and the Territories adjoyning was by Mayenne's Directions turn'd out of the City and Government, by which affront (as his Bro­ther in law Nemours thought it was) one grand prop of the Covenant was thus discontented and laid aside. Upon which Mayenne and Guise (thus conceiving their own Relations and Confederates to plo [...] against them) thought it behoved them to be more cunning and wary, and so they joyn more strictly together, for the more sure preservation of them­selves, Family and Faction.

CHAP. IX. The Several Plots of Pierre Barriere against the King. Paris yielded Charles to the King. Chastel stabs the King in the Mouth. Ridicove a Friar sent to kill the King.

WHILST the Leaguers (as aforesaid) were grievously perplext year 1593 by their own Jealousies, Divisions, and the Kings Con­quests, the Murther of his Majesty, (his life being the main Obstacle to the Covenant) is zealously contrived. There was one Pi­erre Barriere or la Bar, first a Boatman in Orleance, and after a trusty Souldier for the Solemn League and Covenant; he some way or [...]her instigated, took up a Resolution to kill the King, thinking thereby to do God good service, and meritoriously to make his way more easie for Heaven, their Preachers from the Pulpit having continually thun­dted into the peoples ears the lawfulness and gallantry of such an Action.

His design he communicateth to some Friers, who incourage him in it; then he must needs reveal it to Seraphino Banchi, a Florentine Domi­nican then living in Lyon; Banchi honestly abhorring the Fa [...], disco­vereth it to le Sieur de Brancabeon, a servant of the Queen Dowagers, and sheweth him the fellow to the end he might use his direction in in­forming the King.

Barriere resolved on his business, goeth to Paris, conferreth about the business with Christopher Aubre, Curat of S. Andre des Arcs (or en La­as) who seem'd well pleased with the noble Resolution, made the fel­low drink, telling him, That he should gain by that Act both great Glory and Paradice; and so sendeth him for further Instructions to Ambrose Varade, about three weeks before chosen Rector of the Jesuits Col­ledge. Varade entertaineth him friendly, telling him, that the Enter­prise was most holy, and that with good Constancy and Courage he should Confess himself, and receive the blessed Sacrament. Then led him to his Chamber, gave him his blessing, received the Sacrament in the Col­ledge of the Jesuits, and was confest also by another Jesuit by Varade's Order.

The Villain thus encouraged buyeth a Knife for Eighteen pence, a lusty knife with a blade, some seven inches long, edged both ways with a long Poyniards Point. Thus prepared he went to St. Denys [...] (where the King then was) watching opportunity to give the blow, but pre­vented there, he followed him to Fort Gournay, then to Bricontrez Ro­bert, where he confess'd again, and communicated with Thomas Boucher, [Page 590] (whether akin to Jean I know not) the Curate of that place; here the year 1594 King passed by and escaped him, as he was drawing out his knife; so losing that opportunity he followed His Majesty to Melun, whither Bran­cal [...]on being come, and seeing the fellow, he is discovered, and taken, and carried to prison, where he desired of Anne Rousse the Gaolers wife some poison. Being examin'd, confess'd all, is condemn'd, led to the 31 August. Scaffold in the Market-place, where he further confesseth, that two Black F [...]iars went from Lyon also upon the same design: so his right Hand is burned in a flaming Fire, his Arms, Legs, and Thighs broken, so put upon the wheel and strangled, the next day his body was consu­med to ashes, and they thrown into the River.

The King now goeth on prosperously, taking several places, and others yielding freely to him, which success troubled not a little the Covenan­ters. year 1594 But to keep up their hearts the Nuncio put forth a 27 Jan. Declaration, exhorting all the Catholicks to unite and oppose Navarre, telling them that the Pope will not absolve him, nor admit of his Absolution; that the Duke of Nevers is disreguarded at Rome, his Embassie is despised by the Pope; that they owe no obedience to the King, his Conversion be­ing but a Cheat, and himself not received into the bosom of the Church.

In the mean time Aix in Provence yields to the King, to the great trouble of Gilbert Genebrard the Hebrician and Chronologer, who the year before had this Archbishoprick given him for his great zeal to the League by Pope Gregory XIV. and so vext was this old Covenanter at the re [...]ition of this place, that he forthwith departed the City, scorning to breathe amongst such Royallists. Mayenne having sought help from Pope, Spaniard, and every where else, and now growing jealous of Count de Belin his Governour of Paris, he removed him, putting in his room Count de Brissac, and so marcheth out to try his fortune in other places.

Brissac having thus Paris under his command, thought it best to con­sult his own advantage by making peace with the King, whom he saw to carry all. Whilest this Capitulation went secretly on, the King had himself crown'd at Chartres, by Nicholas de Thou Bishop of that City, 27 Feb. and for his Sacreeing or Anointing, because Rheims was possest by the Covenanters, and so they could not procure the Sancte Ampoule or holy Vial of Oyl (of which their Legends talk much) they had recourse to that kept in the Abby Monast [...] ­ri [...]m majo­ris Mona­ste ii. de Marmonstier near Tours, which they say was brought from Heaven by an Angel (P [...]g. 57. Gononus saith the Virgin Mary) to cure the broken bones of St. Martin the Archbishop of that City. For the Ceremonies of this Coronation I shall refer you to Hist. de N [...]v [...]. c. Andre Pavyn, Le Ce­rimonial de [...]ranc. Theodore Godefroy, and the story of it was the same year printed in French as also in English.

Well, the Tr [...]aty is concluded about the delivering up of Paris. Brissac upon feigned excuses sendeth out of the City the Souldiers he could not confide in, then having prepared all things for the best, the King and his Forces are secretly let into Paris, the Souldiers and Citizens upon notice 22 March. crying V. ve le Roy, all things are carried peaceably, all pardon'd and kept in their Places and Offices; but Cardinal Pelleve Archbishop of Rheims a furious Covenanter, now lying sick in Paris, and inform'd what was a do­ing angrily said, that—He hoped yet the Arms of the Spaniards and good Catholicks would drive that Huguenot out of Paris—which said he died. All the Kings enemies had liberty to depart. The Legat (though the King desired him to stay) returned for Rome, the Spanish Embassa­dours [Page 591] and Forces marched away, and several Their names in Mem. de M. Nevers, v l. 2. l. 718. Frenchmen jealous of their own Villanies quitted the City, and others the Kingdom. And now both Parlement of Paris and the Sorbonne Doctors wheel about, and de­clare themselves dapper fellows for King Henry IV. and the Parlement of Paris puts forth a Decree, the summe of which was:

Nulleth and maketh void all Decrees and Oaths made or taken against King Henry IV. since Dec. 20. 1588.

Nulleth all that hath also been done against King Henry III. command­eth all to speak reverently of him, and that those shall be proceeded against who were any way guilty of his murther.

Revoketh all power formerly given to the Duke of Mayenne, forbids any to yield him any obedience under pain of Treason, and under the same penalty commands the House of Lorrain to acknowledge Henry IV. for their King.

Commandeth all people to forsake the League or Union.

Revoketh all that hath been done by the late pretended States General at Paris, and that for the future they assemble not.

And that the 22th. of March shall for the future be kept as an Holy­day, &c.

De Villoutreys.

The King thus prosperous, many places (seeing small hopes left) sub­mitted themselves. The Duke de Elboenf of the House of Lorrain ma­keth peace; the Duke of Lorrain himself is inclinable, but Mayenne, d'Aumale, and some others stand out obstinately. As for the Spaniards, they seeing the League ruin'd, fight for their own Master Philip, under that notion beginning a war with France, to them the Duke of Aumale submitting himself and Interest, rather then to his own Sovereign; and Mayenne followed almost the same steps, joyning with them, though he did not absolutely submit himself to them. Thus the League daily lo­sing ground; Lorrain maketh a Truce or Peace with the King, and Guise seeing little else to trust to, renounceth the Covenant and compounds with His Majesty.

But that all hopes might not fail, another attempt must be made upon the Kings Person. The Memoirs du Duc du Sully, tom. 1. p. 169. Jesuits, Capuchines, and other Religious Ze­lots had formerly contriv'd his murther; and Mem. de la Ligue, tom. 6. p. 263. L [...]ur [...]nce Bouchil Hist. de la justice cri­minelle de France, tit. 11. ch. 15. François Jacob, a Scho­lar of the Jesuits at Bourge [...] had boasted and threatned his death; but here we meet with a fellow that will endeavour to be as good as his word.

His name was Jean Chastel, son to a Draper in Paris, a young man of a wicked life, and bred up in the Jesuits School. Having consider'd with himself what an abominable life he had led, resolved to do some noble and meritorious action for the benefit of Religion, thereby to wash and wipe out the stains of his own crimes and offences. And ha­ving often heard it preach'd from the Pulpit, discoursed of and disputed in the Schools (where he conversed) that it was not onely lawful but glorious to kill Heretical Kings, and particularly Henry of Bourbon. Thus nurs'd up, he concluded nothing could be more meritorious to him­self, and acceptable to God and Man, then the taking out of the world Navarre, whom he was taught to believe to be truly no King, but a [Page 592] damnable Heretick and Persecutor of the Church. Thus resolved, he year 1593 imparts his design to his father and the Curate of Saint André in Paris.

And now being fully confirm'd in the gloriousness of the action, and being well prepar'd for the attempt, he will take the next opportunity. The King with several Nobles being at the Louvre in the Chamber of the fair Cabrielle d'Estrees, (by him for love-sake made Dutchess of Beausort) Jean Chastel amongst the rest had boldly thrust himself in. At last getting near the Kings person, he out with his knife offering a stab at his Throat or Heart, but the King by chance then stooping to one in 27 Dec [...]m [...]. complement, received the blow or wound upon his upper lip, which al­so struck out a tooth. The Villain upon the blow let the knife fall, and having mixt himself with the Company designing to slip away, it could not presently be known who was the Criminal, till the Count de Soissons by chance casting his eyes upon Chastel, and perceiving him in an amazed and affrighted condition, seiz'd on him by the arm, upon which the fel­low presently confest, and which was more boldly vindicated the action. Upon this wound Perron made a long Copy of Vide [...]sp [...]n [...]se le P [...]rn [...]sse, com. 1. fol. 13, 14, &c. verses, and so did Poet. B [...]l [...]. to [...]. 1. p. 500, 501. Baudius, Poet. [...]. tom. 3. p. 718, 719. Seba, and others upon the Parricide and Pyra­mide.

The by-standers would have cut the Villain to pieces, but the King wiser then their passions commanded he should not be hurt; so he is had to prison, tried, and condemned to have his flesh pull'd off with hot Pincers, his right hand holding the knife to be cut off, and himself drawn in pi [...]ces by four horses; which accordingly was done, the Parri­cide shewing no sign of grief or pain.

The Father of Chastel was banished, his house before the Palace pull'd down, and a stately Pyramide erected in its place, with many Inscripti­ons in Golden Letters upon it, casting no small reproach upon the Jesuits. The Inscriptions at large you may see in other Lud. Lu­c [...]s Hist. J [...]suit, l. 4. c 3. J [...]. W [...]ius Le­cti [...] Me­mor b [...]o [...] t [...]m 3 [...] [...] c 4. Mem. de la Ligue, t [...]m. 6. p. 266, &c. Writers. Of Chastel and the Jesuits thus saith part of it:

Huc me redegit tandem herilis filius,
Malis magistris usus, & schola impia
Sotoricorum, eheu, nomen usurpantibus, &c.

On another side of the Pyramide amongst other words were these:

Pulso praeterea tota Gallia hominum genere novae ac malificae super­stitionis, qui rempub. turbabant, quorum instinctu piacularis adole­sc [...]ns dirum facinus instituerit.

On the fourth side of the Pyramlde was the Arrest or Decree of Parle­ment against the said Chastel and the Jesuits, part of which relating to the latter, take as followeth:

The said Court doth likewise ordain, that the Priests and Students of the College of This Je­suits C [...]l­lege [...] Par [...]s was [...] hous [...] [...]f Guiilaume de Prat, Bi­sh [...]p [...]f Clermont. He [...]e [...]mit­te [...] t [...] J [...] ­su [...]ts t [...]li [...] ▪ and [...] th [...]r [...] 1564. and when he died he left it [...] F [...]t. [...] them. H bu [...]lt them C [...]ll [...]g [...]s [...]lso at other [...]. Clermont, and all others calling themselves of that Society, shall (as corrupters of youth, disturbers of the common peace, and enemies to the King and State) within the space of three days after the publication of this present Decree, depart out of Paris and other Towns and places where their Colleges are, and fifteen days after out of the Kingdom, upon pain (wheresoever they shall be [Page 593] found, the said term being expired) to be punished as guilty of the foresaid crime of High Treason. Also the goods as well moveable as unmoveable to them belonging, shall be imployed to charitable uses, and the distribution and disposing of them to lie as shall be or­dain'd by the Court.

Furthermore, hereby are forbidden all the Kings Subjects to send any Scholars to the Colleges of the said Society which are out of the King­dom, there to be instructed upon the like pain and crime of High Treason, &c.

Du TILLET.

This Decree against Chastel and the Jesuits was so ill resented at Rome, that it was some years after there 9 Nov. 1609. Index Expurg. e­dit. Alex. vii. pag 205 condemned amongst other books which they look'd upon as Heretical, in number of which was also the famous Thuanus. And we are Jan. de serres. an. 1609. told that Bellarmine was so nettled at the learned Bishop Andrews his Tortura Torti, that he was the great stickler in procuring the former Ceusure. Thus were the Jesuits (who, as Davila confesseth, were the first Authors and continual Fo­menters of the League) banished the Kingdom; though since they have been restored, the Pyramide pull'd down, and a Fountain erected 1604, in its stead. As for the Pyramide, Chastel, the Decree against the Jesuits, and the Kings Tooth, one did thus endeavour to reconcile all:

Sire, si vous voulez du tout a l'advenir
De l'Assassin Chastel oster le souvenir.
Ostant la Pyramide, & l' Arrest qui la touche,
Qu' on vous remitte done une dent dans la bouche.
Sir, if for th' future you will have forgot
The murth'rous Chastel and the trait'rous Plot;
Th' Pillar, and th' Decrees that th' Jesuits stain
Destroy; then let them tooth your mouth again.

And the King himself (when told that Chastel was a Student amongst the Jesuits) did give them this biting blow,—Memoir [...] du Sully Tom. 1. p. 270. It seems then it is not enough that the mouths of so many good men have testified that the Jesuits were none of my friends, if they be not also convinced of it by mine own mouth and bloud now shed.

The truth is, upon Chastels Mem. d [...] la Ligue vol. 6. Jes Cat. fol. 205 Davila, p. 1332. confession more then once, that he learned this King-killing Doctrine from the Jesuits; their College of Clermont was searched by Order, amongst which in the Study of Father Jean Guignard (born at Chartres) were several Writings found, praising the murther of the late King, persuading the killing of this, &c. of which take his own words:

That cruel i. e. H [...]nry III. Nero was slain by one Clement, and that Coun­terfeit Monk was dispatch'd by the hands of a true Monk. This Heroical act performed by James Clement is a gift of the Holy Spirit, (so termed by our Divines) is worthily commended by the [Page 594] Prior of the Jacobins, Burgoin, a Confessor and Martyr. The Crown of France may and ought to be transferred from the House of Bourbon unto some other. And the Henry IV. Bearnois, although con­verted to the Catholick Faith, shall be more mildly dealt withall then he deserves, if rewarded with a shaven Crown he be shut up in some strict Covent, there to do penance for the mischiefs which he hath brought upon the Realm of France; and to thank God that he hath given him grace to acknowledge him before his death. And if with­out Arms he cannot be depos'd, let men take Arms against him; and if by war it cannot be accomplished, let him be Murthered.

This Guignard being tried confest the book to be of his composing, is condemn'd, and suffer'd; yet have they pictur'd him amongst the Martyrs, attributed Miracles to him, though Response al' Ant [...]eo­tou. c. 1. p. 32, 33. Adrian Behotte (a little more modest) is unwilling to hear any more of him, as if he were guil­ty. By Order also was Jean Gueret, another Jesuit, Teacher of Philo­sophy, and Confessor to Chastelet, banished, and his goods confiscated, Chastel having learned Philosophy under him for two years and an half, in which time he had heard such Principles of King-killing as­serted.

And it cannot be denied but that the Jesuits College was bad enough in these Leaguing times. At the first breaking out of Troubles they in­stituted at Paris a Brotherhood, esteeming it a Congregation in honour of our Blessed Lady, and it was commonly call'd The Congregation of the Chapelet, because the Brethren of that Company were to carry a pair of Jes. Cat. sol. 198, 199. Beads, to say them over once a day. Of this Fraternity the Zelots of the League had themselves enrolled, as Mendoza the Spanish Embassa­dour, the Sixteen, and several others. This Congregation was kept every Sunday in an upper Chapel: on Saturdays they were confest, on Sundays they received the Sacrament; when Mass was done, a Jesuit stept into the Pulpit, exhorting them to be constant in the Cause. This done, the Common sort departed, the Grandees staying behind to consult about the affairs of the League, of which Council Father Odon Pige­nat was a long time President, being one very zealous and fiery.

In the School of this College one Alexander Haye a Scotchman was Regent of the first Form for three or four years of the Troubles, being a furious Covenanter, and a great Corrupter of the Youth. He read to his Auditors Demosthenes his Invectives against Philip of Maeedon, where by his Glosses he made good stuff against the King, affirming it a com­mendable act to kill him, by which blessed Deed the Actor could not fail of Paradice, and be exempted from the pains of Purgatory. Nay so zelous was he against the King, that he openly protested, that if the Bear­nois should enter the City, and pass by their College, he would leap fr [...]m the highest window thereof upon him, thereby to break the said Henry's neck, being firmly persuaded, that this fall would also carry him­self into Heaven. That day that the King went first to St. Denis to hear [...] Haye understanding that certain of his Auditors had been [...] the Ceremony, the next day he forbad them his Lectures as [...]communicated persons, forbidding them to enter his School till they had been absolved by some of the Jesuits from that horrid crime.

When the people began to talk of Peace with the King, he command­ed one of his Scholars to declame against it; but the Orator seeming ra­ther [Page 595] to be for Peace, Haye storms at him, makes him come down, cal­ling him Heretick and such like Covenanting names. When the King took possession of Paris one of the Scholars went into the School before the rest, and wrote all about his Class

GOD SAVE THE KING;

which when Haye saw, he fell into a rage, crying out against those who had spoil'd the walls, (for he durst not now speak positively against the King, threatning if he knew the offender to have him punish'd, and so caused it to be wiped out. He being now forced to leave the Kingdom, went to Rome where he lived.

And Jaques Cammolet a furious Jesuit, and a great Stickler in the Leaguing Council, was as arrogant of the King as any, using to make it his business to prattle mischief into the people. One time preaching in the Church of St. Berthelemy, he took for his text how Judges 3. 15, 16, 21, 22. Ehud slew Eglon the King of Moab, he discoursed a long time in Com­mendation of Henry III. placing Clement the Murtherer amongst the Angels. And at last thus instigated the people to do the like to Henry IV.—We have need of an Ehud, we have need of an Ehud, were he a Friar, were qe a Souldier, were he a Laquay, were he a Shepherd, it made no matter; needs we must have an Ehud, one blow would settle us fully in the estate of our affairs, as we most desire—Another time he (and so did Barnard) call the King Holofernes, Moab, Nero, &c. and maintained that the Kingdom of France was Elective, and so it belong'd to the peo­ple to chuse the Kings: For proof of which he cull'd out this Text,—Thou shalt chuse thy brother for King: which thus he and Barnard ex­pounded,—Thy brother,that is, not of the same lineage, or of the self-same Nation, but of the same Religion, as this great Catholick King, this great King of Spain is. Another time Cammolet affirm'd, that by these words,—Deliver me, O Lord, out of the mire, that I may not stick in it—King David understood Prophetically the rooting out of the House of Bourbon.

When Barriere was examined concerning his Design to murther the King, he also confest that two Friars went from Lyons to act the same; and that Cammolet knew of their or some other mans wicked purpose, was in those times fully believed, of which he himself gave this hint. When news came to Paris that Barriere was discovered and executed, many of the Zelots began to despair of a Remedy, Cammolet the next 5 Sept. Sunday thus encouraged his Auditors,—Have patience, have pati­ence, for you shall see within few days a wonderful miracle of God, which is at hand; yea esteem it as already come.

Such like Discourses as these, and their thus siding with the Spaniard against their own King and Countrey, with other actions, were the rea­son that the Jesuits were judged to be expell'd the Nation, and occasi­oned a pleasant French Gentleman in a little Poem thus to conclude of them:

A Gesis sunt indita nomina vobis,
Quae quia Sacrilegi, Reges torquetis in omnes,
Inde sacrum nomen, sacrum sumpsistis & omen.
From
A warlike we [...]pon used by the anci­ent Spani­ards and Freuch, and fr [...]m them taken up by the Ro [...]ans and others.
Gesan, which against all Kings they shake,
The Jesuits their Name and Fortune take.

A little after Jehan Chastel had wounded the King, there was one François de Verone set forth a Book in Vindication of the Villain and Action, affirming it to be Apol. p [...]ur Jean Chastel. p [...]rt 1. c. 7. p. 21. A generous, vertuous, and an Heroick Act, and comparable to the most Renowned Deeds of the Ancients, either in Sacred or Prophane History. That it was Part 2. p. 25. purely just, vertuous and Heroick; That it was Part 4. c. 1 p. 147. most holy, most humane, most worthy, most to be prais'd and commended; That it was Ib. p. 155, 156. agreeable to God, to all Laws, to all Decrees, and the Church. That those who had condemn'd him, had Part 4. c. 2. p. 152. judg'd against God, against the Holy Scriptures, against the Church and her De­crees, and against the States and Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. And as for Chastel himself, he was a Part 3. c. 10 Happy soul, and a Pag. 23. true Martyr. And the same Verone also write an Apology for Father Guignard, whom he Part 5. c. 9, 10. commends for his Constancy, in defending to the last gasp his treasonable papers against the King, for which he reckons him a Mar­tyr and Saint in Heaven.

But to return to the King, who had earnestly solicited the Pope to year 1595 allow him to be a Romanist, and receive him into the Church. At last the P [...]p [...] perceiving the King victorious, the League ruined being no [...] able t [...] make head against him, after many solicitations and Treaties, (though the Duke of Sessa the Spanish Embassador oppos'd and Mem d. Nev [...], vol. 2. [...] 716. threat­ned much) consents, and so Jaques Davy He was cons [...]rated B [...]sh of this See by Card. Joyeuse at Rome. 29 Decem. this year. He was after Archbishop of Sens, and Cardinal a [...] [...]erron. Bishop-Elect of Eureux, and Arnaud d'Ossat, the Kings Proxies or Representers appear'd before the Pope in the Porch of S. Peters, 17 Sept. prostrating themselves before him, and kissing his feet, desiring in the Kings name Absolution. First, the Pope nulls and makes void the Absolution formerly given the King at S. Denis, then they lying prostrate at his feet, whilst the Psalm Miserere was sung. At the end of every verse the Pope with a Wand W [...]ipped at Rome—S K. James [...] in his Ap l. [...]or the O [...]th of Al­l [...]me [...], p. 75. Virga Sacerdo [...]al▪ leviter per­c [...]ssum, Mat. Tort. [...], 89. gently striking their sh [...]ulders; then he pronounced the Absolution, upon which the Gates of the Church fly open, and in they are led, Te Deum is sung, Bonefires and Guns make the Boys mad for joy, and so the King is a good Romanist.

In the mean time the Duke of Mayenne seeing no hopes of carrying on his own designes of greatness, the King being now successful, and most of the Kingdom obeying him, is willing also to be at peace with him, which the King perceiving, very graciously offers him Conditi­ons. A Treaty is begun, and all his shifts and pretences being spoil'd by the Popes admission and absolution of the King, after many De­mands, Consultations and Concessions, an All the Articles and Edicts c [...]nc [...]rning [...] t [...]se Ag [...]emen [...]s [...] the King ar. in [...]oired [...]s [...]erniers [...]u [...]l [...]s de [...]nce. [...]. 1601. 1596 Agreement is struck up, very favourable and beneficial to the Duke and his party, all things being pardon'd and liberty given to them to come in and live peaceably.

Many advised the King to prosecute Mayenne to the utmost, and not accept him into his favour, having shuffled him off for six years together, troubling him with fifty Treaties without concluding any thing, and one not willing to agree as long as he had any means and op­portunity to oppose. But the King being good natured, waved all his jealousies, made a firm peace with him, kept him his Favourite; and he himself ever after lived a good subject. And to this Agreement, 'tis supposed the fair Gabrielle did not a little perswade the King, she lo­sing nothing by making such reconcilements.

Now the Duke of Nemours (the elder Brother died a little before a fierce Covenanter) reconciles himself also, so doth the Duke of Joyeuse, the City of Marseilles as seized on too, and delivered to the King; so that now nothing seem'd to remain of their Solemn League and Cove­nant, but the Duke of Aumale, and the Duke of Mercoeur; The [Page 597] first would not acknowledge the King, having submitted himself to year 1597 the Spaniard, for which he was declared a Traitor, and in Effigie was executed, by the drawing of it in pieces by four horses. The second, being Brother to the Queen Dowager, still maintain'd part of the Dutchy of Bretaigne, foolishly hoping to separate that Province from the Crown, and retain it to himself. The King had often offered him good Conditions, but still he delayed time, which at last so troubled his Majesty, that he resolved to march into Brittany himself to reduce year 1597 him, which Mercoenr perceiving, and by consequence his ruine not far off, claps up a Peace, by giving his only daughter to Caesar, eldest son of the fair Gabriele (by the King) which son by this great Match was made Duke of Vendosme. And now also was struck up a compleat year 1598 Peace at Vervins between the French and Spaniard. And thus ended the French League and Rebellion.

But before we leave this League we will give you a chip of the old block, whereby you may perceive other designes on foof, to take away the Kings life.

The Duke of Parma Governour of the Netherlands dying (1592.) Thuan. lib. 123. [...]ledaye de Mons. ce la Marte­l [...]ere, p. 97, 98. Ernest Arch-Duke of Austria, and Brother to the Emperour Rodolph II. succeeded in that Command, and with him at Bruxels resided N. Malavicinus, Embassador from Pope Clement VIII. which Agent had formerly acted at Parts very earnestly for the Covenanters.

Nor did his zeal lessen by a farther distance, for here he consulted all means to get some body to assassinate the French King Henry IV. At last informed that one Charles Ridicove a Dominican Friar at Ghent, had shewed himself a mortal enemy to Navarre, and would be apt e­nough to undertake such a wickedness. Malavicino sends to the Pro­vincial, commanding him to send Ridicove to him; which is obey'd. The Dominican being come to Bruxels, and acquainted with the noble Ex­ploit, desireth that the Deed might be approved of by the Pope and Cardinals, that himself and friends might be rewarded, and himself Conveniences allowed. Malavicino consenting and undertaking for all, the Conditions are agreed on.

It may be the true name was D'avesnes, the same with that me t [...] ­ored i [...] Hi­stoire de la paix entre les Roys de France & d'Espagne, fol. 144. Avenaria Mother to Ridicove (who also knew of the Plot) in Con­fession telleth it to Hodume the Jesuit, who liketh the Fact well enough, but desireth to see the hardy fellow; 'tis granted, and having view'd him well, approveth of all, but fears the man is not strong enough: In short, Ridicove is blest and crost by Malavicino, and liberty granted him (for the better carrying on the business) to appear Gentleman-like, to ride, fence, dance, and such like Accomplishments. Thus quali­fied, he departs the Netherlands, goeth to Vernand, thence to St. Denys, where finding the thing difficult, or not fully resolved or hardy enough to venture, he returneth to Brussels. Malavicino seeing him, and nothing done, wonders at his negligence, Ridicove excusing himself because he now perceived the King was turn'd Romanist. To take off this, Malavi­cino tells him he is mistaken, the Bearnois being damned by the Pope, all his Partakers excommunicated, and so ask'd him if he would once undertake it again; the Villain consents, but desires the Popes Autho­rity: At last he is perswaded to try the other bout in France; so dis­guiz'd, he departed with an excuse in his mouth, as if he had been sent by Nicholas Basta, a Commander at Antwerp, (who was also privy to the Plot) to treat underhand about the delivering up of Bapaulme, (a strong little place on the Frontiers of Artois) to the King.

At this time one Pet. Arger a Dominican also of the same Monast [...]ry of [Page 598] Gant, had been trucking at Bruxels with Malavicino about the Kings death, which he undertook to perform, some Italians loving to be sure in Murther.

Ridicove in the mean time changeth his name, and from his Mother calls himself d'Avesnes Avenarius, thus he goeth to Amiens, waiteth upon the Governour, with whom thinking to get the greater repute, and not to be discovered himself, he the false Avenarius telleth him of one Ridicove instigated by Malavicino to kill the King, and to this he addeth also the design of Peter Arger. The Governour inform'd the King of all, who sendeth for this supposed Avenarius, who boldly affirm'd the same sto­ries to his Majesty; and that Ridicove being his intimate friend, had disclosed the same to him. In short. the King, till a further discovery, hath Avenarius imprison'd; though at last, doubting least this might only be a trick to cast an Odium▪ and Jealousie upon Albert the Cardi­nal Arch-Duke, and Archbishop of Toledo (who upon the death of his Brother Ernest was then Governour of the Netherlands) and so to hinder the peace between the two Crowns then consulting on; the King or­dered the fellow to be set at liberty, but to depart the Kingdom, and to return no more upon pain of death.

Ridicove getting to Gant, consulteth again how to kill the King, and havi [...]g joyn'd himself with another Dominican call'd Clement Odin, and disguising themselves in the habits of Heremites, trudge into France, dis­cover their design to Pierre Morell a Curate, who relateth it to Desidere Parisote, who abhorring the Fact, tells the King, whereby the Friars are secured, examin'd, and being ask'd what could excite them to such a deed, Ridicove Answer'd,—That he was first instigated to enter­tain such thoughts, by the daily Sermons and Disputations which he had heard, fitted for such Actions; it being the custom not only in their Church­es, but the street and all other meetings, to extol Jacques Clement, as a most glorious Martyr, for sacrificing his life for the liberty of his Countrey, whereby he also thought the deed to be glorious and acceptable to God, espe­cially when Malavicino did warrant it to him by the Authority both of God and the Pope, and thus fully perswaded he had undertaken the Mur­ther.—for which he was condemn'd and executed.

At the same time there was one Nicolas l'Anglois a Capuchin Friar, belonging to that Monastery in St. Miel, or St. Michel in the Dukedom of Bar, and in the Diocess of Toul in Lorrain, who throwing off his Cowle or Hood, and under the disguise of a Beggerly habit, being found in the Court, upon examination, giving no good account, and Convict by Testimony was also condemn'd and suffered upon the Wheel.

Such like murtherous designes of the Friars, occasioned many Poems against them, amongst the rest upon the stabbing of Henry III. (who is said to have loved them most affectionately) thus one of them con­cludeth.

Jamais il n'y eut Roy par qui la Moinerie
Respectee fut plus, & par qui plus cheria:
Si les Moins ainsi tu [...]nt leurs grands amis,
Bon Dieu! que ferent ils à leur grand Ennemis?
Never did King carry more kinde defires,
Than Henry, unto all sorts of Fryers;
[Page 599]
If Monks to friends will give such deadly blows,
Good God! what will they do unto their Foes?

Thus much for the French, Popish, Solemn League and Covenant, by Retorting of which is enough to stop their mouths concerning our late Rebellions, seeing,

The Romanists there safely pretended the danger of Religion as well as our Presbyterians did.

They entred into a Solemu League and Covenant, as our Non-confor­mists did.

They forced their King to take it, and it is not unknown what our villainous Long-Parliament would have done, and what the impudent Schismaticks in Scotland did do.

They spred abroad that their King was an enemie to their Religion, and in this were worse then our Puritans, who though they slandred our King, yet had it rather been a scandal for him to have been of their schismatical perswasion.

They had their Priests and Jesuits sacrilegiously to abuse the Pulpit and People, with their seditious, lying and treasonable Discourses, as our Rebels had their blasphemous Lecturers, ignorant and impudent Tub-Thumpers; and 'tis hard to tell which of these Covenanters were the greater Villains, though I'le grant ours to be the greater Dun­ces.

They falsely gave out that many thousand Huguenots lurk'd in Paris to kill them, thereby to incense and inrage the people, as our Puri­tans did of God knows what Cavaliers and Papists mustred under ground, and such like tales.

They had their several Juncto's and Cabal's, as ours had their Com­mittees, &c.

They null'd and made void all their Oaths of Allegiance, as ours did.

They declared that Allegiance was but Conditional, viz. to a Ro­manist, as ours did to a Covenanter.

They made many Oaths in behalf of Conditional Subjection and Re­bellion, as out late Zealots did.

They had their Doctors or Divines of Sorbonne, to countenance and vindicate their wicked Actions, and to declare for good whatever they would have them; As ours had their Club of Assembly of Divines, to prove new Governments, and King-opposing to be by Divine Right and Predestination.

They made Banishment and other Penalties for those who would not take and subscribe their Oaths, as our Rebels did for their Covenants and Engagements.

They had their particular Processions, and such like Set-pieces of Devotion, to crave Divine Aid and Assistance, as ours had their monthly Fasts to desire God to bless their sins and Rebellions, as also their Thanksgiving, like the old Irish, who used to thank God, if by Theft or Robbery they had got a good booty.

They had their Oaths of Abjuration as well as ours had.

They would pardon and authorize all those who acted for their cause, as ours could indempnifie one another, some may think with as much right or true Authority, as the Mer. Ca­sub [...]'s Ne­cessity of Reform. p. 75. French Priest consecrated the Sacra­ment in the name of the Devil.

They call'd their League against their King Loyalty, and ours thought as well of the Covenant.

They would have the Council of Trent revived, as ours would the Covenant, Directory, and Presbytery, and such like schismatical and trea­sonable Principles.

Some of them would have their Chieftain Mayenne to be King, as o­thers in England would have had Oliver.

As their Mayenne would not take upon him (when offered to him) the Title of King, because his Interest was not then sufficient to vindicate it, and so would only be Lieutenant of the Crown of France; thus Oliver upon the same account refused the Kingship, but would be Protector of England.

They commended Guise and Mayenne as the only Prop of their Church, as ours by their Addresses did sacrilegiously magnifie Oliver, and his son Richard.

They had their Rump and secluded Members as well as we, but in this the French were worst of the two, they turning out honest men, whilst ours excluded only Conditional subjects, i. e. Traitors, so one Knave turn'd out another.

They sent to the Popish Princes large Complaints against their King, as ours with their Schismatical Assembly against King Charles I. to Hol­land and Geneva.

They would alter, limit, put out and in as they pleased their Kings Council, as our Puritans desired to do in England.

They would take away the Kings Negative Vote, and make the States superiour to him, so would our Roundheads here.

They sent a Letter to desire Protection and Assistance from Spain, (an enemie to their King and Countrey) as the Scotch Covenanters did from the French King Lewis XIII. against their King Charles I. as ap­pears by their Letter, subscribed by their Chieftains.

They in Triumph conducted Guise, and his friends into Paris, as our Presbyterians did the five Members, &c. to the affront of King and Government.

They by their Tumults forced their King to flee from his chief City and Court Paris, as our Puritans did King Charles I. from London for his own safety.

When their King offered them and their General Mayenne Pardon, Favour, and desired a Peaee, they reject both it and him, as ours did with King Charles, when he offered the same to them and their General Essex.

They censure all who sided with the King, and sat at Tours or Chaa­lons, as ours did those who sat at Oxford as a Parliament.

They broke the Kings Great Seals, making new ones, as ours also did.

They declared it Treason to aid or favour their King, as the English did.

They murthered any who sided with their King, as well as our Re­bels here.

They defaced all the Kings Pictures, and Statues, as the Phanaticks did here.

They had their Women of all Qualities to promote their Cause by their Love-tricks and Contributions, as the Puritans in England had their Wives, holy Sisters, and zealous Ladies, hurried along with as much Chastity and Religion, as Honesty, Moderation, or Loyalty.

They renounced all obedience to Henry III. and his Queen, or­dered he should not be prayed for; as our wicked Presbyterian Long-Parliament declared the Queen a Traitor, renounced the King by their abominable Votes, and Declaration of Non-Address, and it was after­wards death to pray for him.

They often attempted the death of Henry IV. contrived and procured the Murther of Henry III. as ours designed King Charles's death in the Isle of Wight, and at last murthered him on the Scaffold.

When Henry III. was kill'd, some of them would not acknowledge his Successor Henry IV. but would have a Government or Ruler of their own making; others would admit him if he would turn Roma­nist. As when King Charles I. was martyred, some would not at all have his heir K. Charles II. to reign, whilst others would not reject him, provided he would turn Presbyterian, otherwise not.

They often endeavour'd to seize on their King, then to kill him or depose him by clapping him up in a Monastery, but fail'd in their de­signes; whilest ours had the luck of it to conquer, and so to act with our King as they pleased. Though 'tis plain the French had as bad intents, though not the like success and opportunities, it may be their Kings were not so much betray'd as ours.

Yet herein lay the difference, whereby the Romanists were most cul­pable; their Troubles and Seditions being countenanced, acted and headed by the most learned and knowing of their Clergy, as Popes, Cardinals, and their Prelats; whilst our Rebellion and Schism was hur­ried on, and noised up by an ignorant pack of Lecturers, fellows of no Religion, having not Learning to apprehend any.

In short, our Covenanters and Rebels followed and trod in the Foot­steps of the French Leagne (a Warr which first occasioned the multipli­city of Pamplets) and from which all latter Rebellions have taken the Items, Rules, Principles, and Methods.

Yet how abominable and wicked soever, this French-Roman Solemn League and Covenant was, it had its Admirers of those no way engaged in it; Amongst whom our English Father Parsons was none of the hindmost, vaporing to the world, Andr. Philopater, Resp. ad Edict. Regi­nae Angl. p. 210, 211. § 172, 173 How just, how famous, and how holy the Cause was: That it was not only lawful, praise-worthy, or holy; but necessary and of Duty; by Divine Command, and Christian Obligation; Nay, that they could not do otherwise without danger of their souls; It may be grounding all this upon his Papal Rule, That Nulli po­pulo sub damnatio­nis poena licet Re­gem haere­dicum ad­mittere. Ib. margin. no People whatever are to admit of an Heretical King under pain of Damnation. But 'tis known well enough, that his Pen is no slander, nor are his Commenda­tions of any Credit.

The End of the Eighth BOOK.

A CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF THE Romish Treasons AND USURPATIONS.
BOOK IX.

CHAP. I. The Quarrels betwixt Pope Paul the Fifth, and the Venetians.

NEer the beginning of this Century, by the Death of Leo XI. 1605: (who sat as Pope but a few days) Paul V. succeeded as Bishop of Rome. Scarce was he warm in his Chair, when he began, to consider, how to advance the Priviledges and Honour of his See, which by Degrees had been neglected and worn out; For this purpose he was earnest with the French King to receive the Councel of Trent. He procured that in Spain the Jesuits might be ex [...]mpted from paying Tithes: At Naples he wrought in such sort, that the Marquis of Morcone was sent to Rome as punishable in the In­quisition, for having condemned to the Gallies, a Bookseller; The In­quisition pretending the Crime to belong to his Cognisance; He offer'd to trouble the Duke of Parma, for laying Imposts on his own Subjects in the absence of the Bishop, He fell out with the Duke of Savoy, [Page 620] for presenting an Abbey to Cardinal Pio, so that his Highness for Peace­sake, was forced to give it to the Popes Nephew.

Thus his design went on to ruin the Temporal Authority. In the mean time, the Commonwealth of Luca, considering that many of their Citizens changed their Religion, and retired into the Protestants Countries, publish'd an Edict prohibiting any of their Subjects to have any Commerce with such people. The Pope lik'd the Law, but would not have it made by Lay-men, so commanded them to [...]ase the Edict out of their Records, and he would publish another, but the same in Substance, by his Papal Authority.

At the same time, the Commonwealth of Genoa being informed, that the Governours of certain Lay-Fraternities (their Subjects) instituted by Devotion, [...]ad not [...]ithfully dispensed the Revenues intrusted them, resolved to examine their Accounts, and Commanded their Books should be brought to the Duke. At the same time, divers Citizens, used to meet, as for Christian Exercises, in the Jesuits Colledg: which Club, resolved to favour none in p [...]omo [...]ion to Offices but their Associates. The State taking notice of it, and considering, what mischief, in time, this would bring upon the Commonwealth, prohibited all such Assemblies and Conven­ticles.

The Pope takes Pet at these honest Orders, affirming they were against the Ecclesiastical Liberty, so Commands the Commonwealth to revoke these Edicts, or else he would thunder against them his Censures of Ex­communication. By which Terror, both the States of Luca and Genoa, were forced to obey his Holiness.

Thus the Popes design went fairly on, nor did he doubt any place in Italy, unless the Republick of Venice, which used to act upon Princi­ples most honourable and beneficial to themselves, without any respect to the Interest or Bribery of other Potentates. The Pope had now resident at Venice, as his Nuncio, Horatio Matthei Bishop of Gierace, a great Stickler and Boaster of the Ecclesiastical Liberty, as they call'd it; and in his way so zealous, that he thought all Christian Actions and Graces were of no validity, unless this also were promoted beyond all pro­portion.

The Senate of Venice, considering the mistake of Charity and Devo­tion [the Zealots thinking nothing so holy as the multiplying of Churches, where no * need is,] made a Decree, (1603.) that, None —la Republique—se tronea con­trainle d'y mettre la main—Autrement il fast arrivè bientost que toutes leurs villes n' eussent plus estè qne Convens & Fglises, et que tours leurs Revenus, qui doivent porter le [...] charges de l'es­tat. & qui servent a la Nourriture de [...] Gens Maries, les quel [...] 'ournis­sent des Soldats, des Marchande, & des Laboureurs, n' eussent plus ser­vi q [...] á l'en tre tien des Religieux e [...] des Religieuses. Hard. de Perefixe Ev. de R [...]ez Hist. du Hen. le Grand. part. 3. an. 1606. within the Precincts of the City should build any new Church or Monastery, without the Senats Consent.—Truly think­ing that they were stored well enough, having already within the City (where ground is so scarce) 150 Churches, Monasteries and such like places of Devotion.

The Senat also (agreeable to the old Statutes of their Republick anno 1333 and 1536.) made a Decree like our English Mort-maine, That None should sell, give or alie­nate any more lands to the Clergy without the Senats Com­mission.

A little after the making of these Laws, the Trou­bles between them and the Pope began. The Occasion taken thus.

One Scipio Sarraceno, a Canon of a Church of Vicenza, had with great Contempt desaced the seal of the Magistrate, which was put to, for the custody of the Bishops Court of Chancery, at the request of the Chan­cellor, the See being vacant. And farther, had earnestly endeavoured to seduce a young Gentlewoman his Cozin, using many solicitations to her, [Page 621] both in publick and in the Church; but not gaining his desires, according to a common kind of Revenge and Affront in Italy, he filthily bewray'd her door, portal, and the ring thereof, and did her some other wrongs. The young Gentlewoman upon advice, puts in her Complaint to the Se­nate at Venice, whereupon the Canon is Cited and Imprisoned.

Of this the Pope is informed, who cryeth out that the Liberties of the Church are violated, that he will not permit Ecclesiasticks in any Case to be judged by Lay-men, that Satisfaction is to be given and the Canon releas'd. The Venetians return, That their Republick is free, that they have the same autority with other Princes, so can take cognisance of the Crimes of their own Subjects within their own Dominions and punish them according to the falt.

Whilst this is convasing, happens another accident, The Count Bran­delino Valdemarino Abbot of Nervese, being guilty of many Exorbitant Crimes, as

Cruel Tyranny over his Neighbours, by taking up their goods, at what small price he pleas'd.

Committing many Rapes and Impurities upon all sorts of Women.

Accused of Sorcery and dealing in Magick.

Practising many abominable murthers by poyson, whereby he destroy'd his Brother and his Servant, and indanger'd his own Father.

That he had for a long time lain with his Sister, and poysoned her Maid, lest she should discover it.

That he had caus'd his Enemy to be kil'd, and then poyson'd the murthe­rer, lest he might accuse him, and other such like Villanies.

For these and such other crimes, the Abbot is by Order of the Senate Imprison'd. At this the Pope also takes offence, denying the Temporal Authority over Priests, that the Church can only take cognisance of them, be their falts never so great or notorious. And in this▪ humour layeth a Quarrel against the Venetians, unless they will satisfie him in these three things.

I. That they null the Decree, concerning the building of any more Chur­ches.

II. That they also null and void the other Decree, touching the giving of lands to Ecclesiasticks.

III. That the Abbot and the Canon be releas'd, and delivered up to his Nuntio.

A great deal of do, there was on both sides, but the Pope perempto­rily informed the Senate, that at first, he would send an Exhortory Breve to them, and if he were not obey'd by such a time, he would pro­ceed farther, having power over all, could deprive Kings, and to this end had Legions of Angels for his aid and assistance.

And accordingly he sent two Breves: The Nuntio delivers them to the Senate, but they were not open'd, because Marini Grimani, the Duke was then on his Death-bed, and dyed the next morning. The Pope upon notice of this, orders his Nuntio to protest unto the State against any new Election, as in it self to be void, by being made by men excommunica­ted: Thinking by this Trick to bring a Confusion amongst them. The [Page 622] Nuntio, to execute this Command, with great importunity desired Audience of the State, but it was not granted him, it being not their Custom to ad­mit any, during the Vacancy, unless their business be only of Condo­ling.

Duke Grimani being buryed [for till the former Duke be under year 1606 ground, they cannot go to the choice of another] they fell to their Bal­lotation or Lots, and the Election fell upon Leonardo Donato. Having thus got another Doge or Duke, they open the Breves, which they found to be one and the same in Tenor, which the Pope said was through the Nuncio's mistake, in delivering two of the same, instead of two different ones.

The Pope ranted fairly against their Decrees about Churches and Ec­clesiasticks, affirming that—These Ordinances tended to the Damna­tion of Souls, to publick scandal, were of themselves void and of no value, and no man obliged to observe them. That they who had made these Statutes or any like, or who did further them, had incur'd Ecclesiastical Censures; had deprived themselves of such lands as they held of the Church; and their Estates and demains were subject to other penalties: that they could not be absolved unless they revoked the Decrees. So he admonish'd the Republick to con­sider the Danger, whereinto they had cast their souls, to seek a Remedy, and commanded them under pain of Excommunication to null the said Or­ders. That otherwise he would proceed farther, considering the account he was to give to God at the Day of judgment; and that he could not dissem­ble, when he saw the Ecclesiastical Authority so abused.

The Venetians answer'd all, warily and wisely; but yeilded not a jot of their Authority. At which the Pope was incensed, saying they were Tyrants and different from their Ancestors; being resolved, though he should lose his skin yet he would maintain the cause of God of his own Reputation. And so orders his Nuntio to give the other Breve, which through mistake (as he said) he had not formerly presented. The Nuntio obeys, and the Senate opening it, found it to concern the Imprisonment of the Abbot and Canon, which the Breve said was Contrary to the Holy Canons, and to Ec­clesiastical Liberty, which were grounded on divine Ordinance; so commanded under pain of Excommunication, that the Canon and Abbot should speedily be delivered to his Nuntio and that if in the mean time the secular power had proceeded to any acts, or sentence of Condemnation or Execution, he did null them, and declare them void: Threatning if he were not speedily obey'd, he would proceed farther.

The Senate vindicated themselves by an Answer, but nothing satis­factory to the Pope, who told their Ambassador that the Exemption of Ecclesiasticks, was de jure divino, and that his cause was the cause of God; that he would not depart any thing from his Resolution, and he would be obeyed. And thus resolved, calls a Consistory where were present XLI. Cardinals, who agree with the Pope; so a Breve of Excommu­nication or Interdict is drawn up, printed and publish'd against the Duke, Senate, and the Republick.

It contain'd,

That the Venetians had lately made some Decrees, contrary to the Au­thority of the Apostolical See, the Ecclesiastical Liberty, General Councels, Sacred Canons, and the Constitutions of the Pope.

For proof of which, he instanced their Decrees, concerning Churches, and the Clergy; with the Imprisonment of the Abbot and Canon.

[Page 623]

That these Actions tended to the danger of the Souls both of Duke and Senate, and the scandal of others.

That the Law-makers incurr'd the Censures of the Church, the forfeiture of what they had, could not be absolved but by the Pope, and the nulling of the Decrees.

That though the Decrees, were void of themselves, yet the Pope did here­by, null them; according to the Example of his Predecessors.

That he doth hereby Excommunicate the Duke, Senate, and their Par­takers, if within XXIV. days, they do not null the Decrees, rase them out of their Registers, promise to make none such for the fu­ture: And to release the Abbot and Canon to his Nuntio.

That from this Excommunication none could absolve them but the Pope himself.

That if after the XXIV. days, the Venetians should continue three days longer obstinate without submitting, that then he Interdicted all their State and Dominions, so that no Masses or Divine Service should be celebrated in them, except in some cases and places.

That he deprived the Duke and Senate of all priviledges they had or pretended to have from the Church:

Commanded these his Bulls to be publish'd through the said Dominions, to be observed and obey'd by all.

The Bull it self being now not very Common, take as followeth.

PAƲLƲS PAPA, QƲINTƲS
Venerabilibus Fratribus Patriarchis Archiepiscopis et Episcopis, per Universum Dominium Republicae Venetorum constitutis, et dilectis filiis eorum Vicariis in Spiritualibus generalibus, nec non Universis Abbatibus, Prioribus, Primiceriis, Praepositis, Archidiaconis, Archi-Presbyteris, Decanis et Plebanis et Parochialium Ecclesiarum Recto­ribus, aliisque personis in dignitate Ecclesiastica constitutis, in eodem Dominio existentibus, tam secularibus, quam quorumvis Ordinum et Institutorum Regularibus; Salutem et Apostolicam Benedicti­onem.

SUperioribus mensibus ad nostram, & Apostolicae sedis Audientiam pervenit, Ducem & Senatum Reip. Venetorum, annis elapsis in eo­rum Consiliis, plura & diversa Decreta, tum sedis Apostolicae autoritati, & Ecclesiasticae libertati ac immunitati contraria, tum Generalibus Conciliis, & sacris Canonibus, nec non Romanorum Pontificum Constitu­tionibus repugnantia, statuisse.

Et inter caetera, sub die XXIII. Mensis Maii, anni M. DC. II. sum­pta occasione, ex quadam lite, seu Controversia inter Doctorem Francis­cum Zabarellam ex una, & Monachos Monasterii de Praglia nuncupatos Ordini Sancti Benedicti Congregationis Cassinen, alias Sanctae Justinae de Padua in Diaecesi Paduan. ex altera partibus vertente; in eorum Consilio statuisse, non solum ut Dicti Monachi tunc, aut deinceps ullo unquam tempore, actionem, per quam sub quovis titulo, aut colore in bonis Ecclesiasticis Emphiteoticis a laicis possessis praeferrentur, praetendere, an etiam jure Praelationis, seu Cosolidationis directi cum utili Dominio, aut extinctionis lineae in primis Investiturae Comprehensa, aut alia quavis causa bonorum praedictorum proprietatem sibi vendicare minime possent, [Page 628] sed tantummodo jus directi Dominii illis praeservatum; verum etiam, ut id ipsum quoad caeteras omnes personas Ecclesiasticas, Seculares, & Re­gulares, Monasteria Monialum, Hospitalia, et alia loca in eorum temporali Dominio existentia, declaratum & firmiter deliberatum censeretur.

Et sub die decimo Januarii M. DC. III. ad superiora quaedam Consilia ab eorum Majoribus, ut etiam asserebant, habita respicientes, quibus cavebatur, ne quisquam, sive secularis, sive Ecclesiasticus in Urbe Vene­tiarum, Ecclesias, Monasteria, Hospitalia, atque alias Religiosas Do­mos, & pia loca, sine eorum speciali licentia fundaret & erigeret, in Con­cilio Rogatorum congregatos iterum decrevisse, ut id eandem in Omni­bus jurisdictionis eorum locis vim obtineret, & praeterea Exilii ac perpe­tui Carceris, & publicationi fundi, venditionisque aedificii contra secus facientes poenam edixisse.

Ʋlterius, eosdem Ducem & Senatum die XXVI. Mensis Martii anni M. DC. V. inhaerentes alteri Decreto, anno M. D. XXXVI. ab eodem Senatu facto, in quo (ut asserebant) erat expresse prohibitum, ne quis sub certis in illo contentis poenis in Urbe Venetiarum, ejusque Ducatu bona immobilia ad pias causas Testamento seu Donatione inter vivos, re­linqueret, aut alio quovis Titulo alienaret, sive ad earum favorem, ultra certum tunc expres [...]um tempus obligaret (quod in illum usque diem, ut ibi etiam dicebatur, usu receptum & observatum non fuerit) non modo iterum id vetuisse, sed expresse etiam prohibuisse, ne bonorum ejusmodi Immobilium alienationes in favorem personarum Ecclesiasticarum, sine Senatus praedicti licentia, fierent, ac insuper Decretum ipsum & poenas in eo contentas per universum eorum Dominium extendisse, & per Recto­res & Potestates Civitatum & locorum sui Dominii, promulgari fecisse, atque bona Immobilia omnia, quae contra praemissorum formam vendi, aut quovis modo alienari contingeret, ultra nullitatis poenam publicari, & vendi, eorumque praticum inter Rempub. ipsam, Magistratum exe­quentem, & ejus ministros, ipsumque denuntiatorem dividi mandasse, & alias, prout in Decretis & Mandatis Ducis, & Senatus praedictorum latius dicitur, contineri.

Ac praeterea eosdem Ducem & Senatum, Scipionem Sacracenum Ca­nonicum Vicentinum, & Brandolinum Valdemarinum Forojuliensem Abba­tem Monasterii, seu Abbatia de Nervesa Tarvisinae Dioecesis, personam in dignitate Ecclesiastica constitutam, ob quaedam praetensa Crimina in Civitate Vicentina & alibi per illos (ut dicebatur) commissa, Carceri mancipasse, & mancipatos detinuisse, sub praetextu, quod eis haec facere liceret, inter alia ob quaedam ipsis Duci & Reipublicae a quibusdam Romanis Pontificibus praedecessoribus nostris concessa (ut asserebant) Privilegia. Cumque praemissa in aliquibus Ecclesiarum jura etiam ex Contractibus init is ipsis Ecclesiis competentia auferant, ac praeterea in illis, & aliis sedis Apostolicae ac Nostrae autoritati & Ecclesiarum juribus, & personarum Ec­clesiasticarum privilegiis praejudicium inferant, ipsamque libertatem ac immunitatem Ecclesiasticam tollant. Ac ea omnia in ipsorum Ducis & Senatus animorum perniciem & scandalum plurimorum tendant.

Et cum ij. qui supradicta ac similia edere & promulgare, illisque uti ausi sunt, in Censuras Ecclesiasticas a sacris Canonibus, Generalium Con­ciliorum Decretis, & Romanorum Pontificum Constitutionibus inflictas, necnon etiam privationis feudorum, & bonorum si quae ab Ecclesiis ob­tinet, poenam eo ipso incurrerint, a quibus Censuris & poenis, non nisi a Nobis & Romano Pont. pro tempore existente, absolvi & liberari possint ac praeterea Inhabiles & Incapaces sint, qui absolutionis & libe­rationis beneficium consequantur, donec editas leges novis Edictis atque [Page 625] Decretis subtulerint, omniaque inde sequuta reipsa in pristinum statum reintegraverint.

Cumque etiam Dux & Senatus, praedicti, post plures paternas nostras monitiones a multis mensibus citra eis factas, adhuc decreta & edicta prae­fata non revocaverint, ac eosdem Canonicum Saracenum & Abbatem Bran­dolinum carceratos detineant, & illos Venerabili Fratri Horatio Episcopo Hieracensi, nostro & Apostolicae Sedis apud eos Nuncio, ut debebant, non consignaverint: Nos qui nullo pacto ferre debemus, ut Ecclesiastica li­bertas & Immunitas nostraque & Sedis Apostolicae Auctoritas violetur & contemnatur; Inhaerentes plurimum Generalium Conciliorum Decretis ac Vestigiis Re. Me. Innocentis III. Honorii III. Gregorii IX. Alexandri IV. Cle­mentis IV. & Martini etiam IV. Bonifacii VII. Bonifacii IX. Martini V. Nico­lai V. & aliorum Romanorum Pont. Praedecessorum▪ Nostrorum, quorum ali­qui similia Statuta alias contra libertatem Ecclesiasticam edita, tanquam ipso jure nulla, invalida & irrita revocarunt, ac nulla, invalida, & irritaesse decre­verunt, & declararunt & aliqui contra similium edictorum Statutarios, & ali­os ad Excommunicationis promulgationem, necnon ad alia infra-scripta seu eorum aliqua devenerunt, habita cum venerabilibus fratribus Nostris S. R. E. Cardinalibus matura Consultatione, de ipsorum consilio & assensu, licet su­pra dicta Decreta, Edicta & Mandata ipso jure nulla, invalida & irrita sint, ea nihilominus ipso jure adhuc de novo nulla, invalida, & irrita, nulliusque roboris & momenti fuisse & esse, & neminem ad illorum observantiam te­neri, per praesentes decernimus & declaramus.

Et insuper auctoritate Omnipotentis Dei, ac Beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum ejus, ac Nostra, nisi Dux & Senatus praedicti intra viginti quatuor Dies a Die Publicationis Praesentium in hac alma Urbe faciendae computandos, quorum primos octo pro primo, octo pro secundo, & reli­quos octo pro tertio & ultimo ac peremptorio termino, & pro monitione cano illis assignamus, praedicta Decreta omnia, & in illis contenta et inde sequuta quaecun (que) omni prorsus exceptione et excusatione cessante publice revocaverint, et ex eorum Archivis seu Capitularibus locis aut libris, in quibus Decreta ejusmodi annotata reperiuntur, deleri et cassari, et in lo­cis ejusdem Dominii, ubi promulgata fuerunt, revocata, deleta et cassa esse, neminemque ad illorum observantiam teneri publice nunciari, ac omnia inde sequuta in pristinum statum restitui fecerint, et ulterius nisi a similibus Decretis contra libertatem, Immunitatem et jurisdictionem Eccle­siasticam ac nostram et Sedis Apostolicae auctoritatem, ut praefertur, faci­entibus edendis, et respective faciendis in posterum cavere, et penitus ab­stinere promiserint, ac Nos de revocatione, deletione, cassatione, nun­ciatione, restitutione, ac promissione praedictis certiores reddiderint; et nisi etiam praedictos Scipionem Canonicum et Brandolinum Abbatem prae­dicto Horatio Episcopo et Nuncio cum effectu consignaverint, seu consig­nari fecerint, ipsos tunc et pro tempore existentem Ducem et Senatum, Reipub. Venetorum, statutarios et eorum fautores, Consultores, et adhae­rentes, et eorum quemlibet, etiamsi non sint specialiter nominati, quorum tamen singulorum nomina et cognomina praesentibus pro expressis haberi volumus, ex nunc prout ex tunc, et e contra Excommunicamus et Excom­municatos nunciamus et declaramus.

A qua Excommunicationis sententia, praeterquam in mortis articulo con­stituti, ab alio quam a nobis, et Romano Pont. pro tempore existente etiam praetextu cujuscunque facultatis, eis et cuilibet illorum tam in genere, quam in specie pro tempore desuper concessae, seu concedendae, nequeunt absolutionis beneficium obtinere. Et si quempian eorum, tanquam in tali periculo constitutum ab ejusmodi Excommunicationis sententia absolvi [Page 626] contigerit, qui postmodum convaluerit, is in eandem sententiam re­incidat [...]o ipso, nisi mandati [...] nostris, quantum in se erit, paruerit: et nihilo­minus, si obierit, post obtentam hujusmodi absolutionem, Ecclesiastica car [...]ar s [...]pultura, donec Mandatis nostris paritum suerit.

Et si dicti Dux [...]t Senatus per tres dies, post lapsum dictorum viginti­quatuor dier [...]m, Excommunicationis sententiam animo (quod absit) sustinuerint indurato, sententiam ipsam aggravantes, ex nunc pariter prout ex tunc▪ Civitatem Venetiarum et alias Civitates, Terras, Oppi­da, Castra, [...]t loca quaecunque, ac universum temporale Dominium dictae Reipublicae Ecclesiastico Interdicto supponimus, illamque et illud suppo­sita [...]s [...] nunciamus. et declaramus: quo durante, in dicta Civitate Vene­tiarum et aliis quibuscunque dicti Dominii Civitatibus, Terris, Oppidis, Castris [...]t locis, il [...]orumque Ecclesiis ac locis, piis et Oratoriis etiam privat is & Domesticis Capellis, nec publice nec privatim, Missae tam so­lemnes quam non solennes, aliaque Divina Officia celebrari possint, prae [...]rquam in Casibus a jure permissis, et tunc in Ecclesiis tantum & non alibi, et in illis etiam januis clausis, non pulsatis Campanis, ac Excommunicatis et Interdictis prorsus exclusis; neque aliter quaecun­que indulta et Privilegia Apostolica, quoad hoc quibuscumque tam Se­cularibus quam Regularibus Ecclesiis, etiam quamtumcunque exemp­tis, et Apostolic [...] Sedi immediate subjectis, etiamsi de ipsorum Ducis et Senat [...]s jure patronatus, etiam ex fundatione, et donatione, aut etiam expri [...]i [...]egio Apostolico existant, ac etiam si tales sint, quae sub generali disposi [...]ione non comprehendantur, sed de illis specialis et individua men­tio habenda sit, Monasteriis, Ordinibus etiam Mendicantium, aut in­s [...]itutis. Regularibus eorumque primiceriis, Praelatis, Superioribus, et a­ [...], cuib [...]s [...]nque etiam particularibus personis, aut piis locis et Oratoriis [...] [...]icis, ac Capellis privatis, ut praefertur, in genere vel in spe­cie s [...]b quibuseunque tenoribus, et formis hactenus concessa et in posterum conc [...]d [...]nda ullatenus suffragentur.

Ae ult [...]rius eosd [...]m Ducem et Senatum, et quemlibet eorum, non solum Reip [...]b. sed etiam privato nomine, si aliqua bona Ecclesiastica in feudum, s [...]u alias quovis modo a Romana, aut vestris, seu aliis Ecclesiis concessa obtineant, illis feudis et bonis nec non etiam omnibus quibuscunque Pri­vilegiis et indultis, in genere vel in specie, in quibusdam vidilicet casibus et delictis contra Clericos procedendi, illorumque causas, certa forma prascripta, cognoscendi a Romanis Pontificibus Praedecessoribus nostris [...]o [...]san quomodolibet, ex nunc similiter, prout ex tunc, et e contra pri­vamus, ac privatos fore et esse, nunciamus & decernimus.

Et nihilominus, si ipsi Dux & Senatus in eorum contumacia diutius perstiterint indurati, Censuras et poenas Ecclesiasticas contra illos, eisque a [...]haerentes, et in praemissis quovis modo faventes, aut auxilium, consili­um et favo [...]em praestantes, etiam iterat is vicibus aggravandi, et reaggra­vandi, ali [...]sque etiam paenas contra ipsos Ducem & Senatum declaran­di, et ad alia opportuna remedia, juxa sacrorum Canonum dispositio­n [...]m, contra eos procedendi, facultatem nobis et Romanis Pont. succes­soribus nostris nominatim et in specie reservamus. Non obstantibus qui­busvis Constitutionibus et Ordinationibus Apostolicis, nec non Privilegiis, Indul [...]i [...] [...]t literis Apostolicis eidem Duci et Senatui, aut quibusvis aliis p [...]rsonis in genere vel in specie, praesertim quod interdici, suspendi vel excommunicati non possint per literas Apostolicas, non facientes plenam [...] expressam ac de verbo ad verbum de Indulto hujusmodi mentionem, ac alias sub quibuseunque tenoribus et formis, et cum quibusvis etiam dero­ [...]atoriarum [...]rogatoriis, aliisque efficacioribus et insolitis clausulis, ac ir­ritantibus, [Page 627] et aliis decretis, ac in specie cum facultatibus absolvendi in casibus nobis et Apostolicae sedi reservatis illis quovis modo per quoscun­que Romanos Pont. ac Nos et Sedem Apostolicam in contrarium praemis­sorum concessis, confirmatis & approbatis. Quibus omnibus et singulis et aliis supra expressis, eorum tenores praesentibus pro expressis habentes, hac vice duntaxat specialiter, et expresse derogamus, caeterisque contrariis quibuscunque.

Ut autem praesentes nostrae litterae ad omnium majorem notitiam dedu­cantur, vobis et cuilibet vestrum per easdem praesentes committimus, et in virtute Sanctae Obedientiae, et sub divini interminatione judicii, nec non sub Inderdicti ingressus Ecclesiae ac suspensionis a Pontificalium exer­citio, ac fructuum Mensarum Patriarchalium Archiepiscopalium, et Epis­copalium perceptione; quoad vos Fratres Patriarchae, Archiepiscopi et Episcopi, an etiam privationis dignitatum beneficiorum ac Officiorum Ec­clesiasticorum quorumcumque quae obtinueritis, ac etiam vocis activae et passivae, ac inhabilitatis ad illa, et alia in posterum obtinendi quoad vos, filii vicarii, et alii supradicti, eo ipso incurrendis, aliisque arbitrio nostro infligendis poenis districte praecipiendo mandamus, ut per vos, vel alium seu alios praesentes litteras postquam eas receperitis, seu earum notitiam ha­bueritis, in vestris quisque Ecclesiis, dum major in eis populi multitudo ad divina convenerint, ad majorem cautelam, solemniter publicetis, et ad Christi sidelium notitiam deducatis, nec non ad earundem Ecclesiarum vestrarum valvas affigi et affixas dimitti faciatis.

Et ulterius volumus, ut praesentium transumptis etiam impressis, manu alicujus Notarii Publici subscriptis, et sigillo personae in dignitate Ecclesi­astica constitutae munitis, eadem prorsus fides ubique habeatur, quae ipsis praesentibus haberetur, si forent exhibitae vel ostensae; quodque eadem praesentes, sive illarum Exempla, etiam praefertur impressa ad Ecclesiae Le­teranensis et Basilicae Principis Apostolorum, et Cancellariae nostrae Apo­stolicae valvas et in acie Campi flore ut moris est affixae, et publicatae eos­dem Ducem et Senatum, ac alios quoscunque praedictos, vosque etiam universos et singulos, respective perinde afficiant, ac si eorum ac vestrum cuilibet personaliter directae, intimatae et praesentatae fuissent.

M. VESTRIƲS BARBIANƲS.
Anno a Nativitate D. N. Jesu Christi M. DC. VI. Indictione quarta, die vero XVII. Mensis Aprilis, Pontificatus Sanctiss. in Christo Patris, et D. N. D. Pauli divina providentia Papae Quinti, anno ejus primo, supradictae litterae earumque exempla impressa, affixa, et publicata fuerunt ad valvas Ecclesiae Lateranens. ac Basilicae Principis Apostolorum, et Cancellariae Apostolicae, nec non acie Campi flore ut moris est, per nos Christophorum Fundatum, et Joan. Domenicum de Pace, Apostolicos Cursores. Petrus Aloysius Peregrinus Cursorum Magister.

The Venetians perceiving the Popes malice and indiscretion by this Paper Interdiction, first order'd that every one should have recourse to his prayers, then to testifie their sensibleness of the wrong done them, recall'd home Duodo their extraordinary Ambassador at Rome; but, to prevent an absolute Rupture, they let Nani their Ordinary Ambassador stay. Then was command given to all Ecclesiastical Parsonis not to publish or permit to be publish'd or affix'd in any place, any Bulls or Breves: And by Proclamation it was commanded, that whoever had any Copy of the former Breve or Interdiction against the Serene Republick should bring them unto the Magistrates: all which were obey'd, and such a multi­tude of Copies brought in, that it was a wonder that so many had been printed and carefully or seditiously spread abroad.

The Pope informed of the Venetian Proclamation against his Breve, call'd home his Nuncio, and sent a dismission to Nani their Ambaffador at Rome, who accordingly return'd to Venice. In the mean time the Pope expected that his Breve or Indiction would do wonders for his cause, espe­cially he doubted not of three things.

I. That the Priests and such like Ecclesiasticks would forth depart from the Venetian Territories.

II. That the Cities and the people seeing themselves thus deprived of Church Offices and such like Duties and benefits, would run into Sedition, and so force the Senate to give the Pope sa­tisfaction.

III. That the Nobility and Senators themselves, upon this occasion might be disordered, and divided, by which he doubted not of a Conquest.

But in all these, he found himself deceived, and the Duke to prevent the worst publish'd his Manifestoes or Letters (which you may read in * Goldastus) which he caused to be affix'd in publick places. In them, Monarch. Rom. Imper. Tom. 3. he

Vindicated himself and the Senate in what they had done, and in their carriage towards his Holiness.

Declared that the Breve was against all law and equity, against Scrip­tures, Fathers, and Canons, praejudicial to Secular Authority, the liberty of the State, the peace of the people, and to the scandal of all the world: Therefore

Pronounced the said Breve unjust, void, null, and of none effect, nor to be obey'd or observed by any.

Commands all Ecclesiasticks within these Dominions, to continue the celebration of Divine Service.

Now multitude of Pen-men are imploy'd of both sides, every one writing according to his Fancy or Interest; but those of Rome were the most violent, throwing all manner of Lyes and Slaunders upon the Republick that their malice could Invent, and in this they thought themselves not culpable, because they thought the Venetians now to be the most wretched of all people, insomuch that Cardinal * Baronius looks upon them as Pagans P [...]r [...]ena [...] ad R [...] b. Ve­net. pag. 41 [...]. Id. pag. 64. and Heathens without the fold of Christianity, tumbling into manifest per­dition, and so far gone hat he cannot upon any account * wish them well.

And so great Authority had the Papal Interdict with some of the Re­ligious, That the Jesuits and Capuchins, intended to obey it, though contrary to the Command of their Prince and Senate.

As for the Jesuits, the Senate demanding their Answer, they return'd that they might continue the Divine Offices, their Sermons and Confessions according to their Custom. For upon notice of the Interdict, they had sent Achilles Gail­lardi (a Paduan noted Jesuit & the Author of some meditations) to represent unto the Pope, what good Services they might do his cause, if he would permit them to stay in the Venetian Dominions. For the Nuncio before his departure from Venice, had been very busie with the Jesuits, the chief of whom then in the City being Possevino and Bernardin Castorio noted Authors. But the Pope understanding the badness of Example, if such a famous Order submitted not to his Breve, sent them an Express to depart. Now the Term of the XXIV. days appointed in the Monitorie approaching, the Jesuits were required to give their final Resolution, who return'd an Ex­press refusal to say Masse: which being retorted upon them as a base Equi­vocation, they replyed, it was not contrary to their former promise, be­cause the Masse, for the Excellency of it, is not comprehended under the words of Divine Offices. The Senate seeing themselves thus abused by these people, commanded the Jesuits speedily to depart their Dominions; Upon this, the Jesuits suddenly collected a great summ of money from their Devoted ones, so packing up as fast as they could; in the Evening they departed the City, each one carrying the Host at his neck, intimating that Jesus Christ departed with them; as they took Bark, the people cry­ed out against them, Go with a vengeance, and come no more hither. Be­fore their departure, they had hid their richest Ornaments, burn'd great quantity of writings, and there was found in their Colledges a good num­ber of Cruses to melt metals, which left some blot upon them, though Possevino indeavour'd to vindicate them from any design of gold or silver. At their Colledg in Padua, were found many Copies, of a writing, con­taining XVIII. Rules under this Title (being drawn up and command­ed to be believed, by their Founder vid. Exer [...]i­citia Spirituá­lia. Ignatius Loyola)

Regulae aliquot servandae, ut cum Orthodoxa Ecclesia vere sentiamus.

In the Seventh whereof, there is a Prescription to take heed how men press or inculcate too much the Grace of God.

And in the Third, it is ordain'd—That men must beleeve the Hierar­chical Church, although it tell us, that that is black, which our eye judgeth to be white.

The Senate having thus wisely given an hint of their Resolutions, by their dealing with the Jesuits, Put forth an Order, that all Ec­clesiasticks who would not continue Divine Services, should retire out of their Dominions. Upon this, the Capuchins with whom the Nuncio and Je­suits, had tamper'd very much, resolved also to depart, and intended to go (according to the Jesuits Instructions to them) out in Procession with the Sacrament, thereby to stir up the people to Sedition; who have most affection to this Order, pretending to great poverty & In­nocency: But this solemnity was hindred by Authority: So in the mor­ning celebrating one Masie, eating up all the Eucharist, they concluded the Office, without giving Benediction to the people, and then depar­ted, and so did the Theatins and the reformed Franciscans. But it was observed that the Capuchins in the Territories of Brescia and Bergamo [Page 630] (where were no Jesuits to seduce them) did not depart, but remain'd Obedient to their Governours celebrating Divine Service, for which honesty and loyalty, they were bitterly persecuted by their superiors at Rome, with Excommunications and other Censures.

Now began a fierce dispute amongst them, Whether all the Sacra­ments administred by the Priests that staid contrary to the Interdict, were nullities or no? Whether it was lawful to adore the Eucharist shewn by such Priests? And Whether it was a Mortal or Venial Sin, to hear Masse cele­brated by such Priests? Of these every one judged according to his In­terest, as is usual in such cases.

In the mean time, the Jesuits by their Instruments, did what they could to stir up Sedition in the State, and so did other Ecclesiasticks ingaged on the Papal faction: but the Senate, by their prudence pre­vented all, and being perfectly united amongst themselves, kept the peo­ple in a true Obedience to them.

The Quarrel growing dayly greater and greater, each party addressed themselves to the respective Princes in Christendom, to render their cause chear and legal; the Princes desiring and perswading a Reconciliation, every one of the Romanists offering to be Mediators.

The Pope troubled that the Venetians would not stoop to his hu­mour, invented another Plot, whereby he thought to make some Divi­sions amongst them. And this it was. He publish'd a Jubilee, whither he invited all Christians, granting Indulgences, Absolutions, and Pardons to all, but those of Interdicted places. By this Strategem, he fancyed, that the Venetian people. seeing themselves thus deprived, of such bles­sing and graces, would disobey the Senate and run into Sedition. And the better to carry this on, the Jesuits gave notice, that though the peo­ple were excluded in the general, yet they had power from his Holiness, to grant it to such of them as would observe the Conditions by them propounded, amongst which were these, Not to go to Masse, Nor to ap­prove the reasons and actions of the Senate. But all these plots did the Pope little good. Nor did their orher lyes against the Republick, as if it had renounced the Roman Religion, and become Lutherans or Pro­testants, avail them any thing.

The Pope seeing the bad event of all these designs, sends to Philip III. King of Spain, to desire his Assistance: The King returns an Answer, that he had desired an Accommodation, but seeing the Honour of his Holi­ness concerned, he would assist him with his forces, which he had also signifyed to his Ministers in Italy. This Letter was received at Rome with the greatest joy and Triumph Imaginable; the Spaniards vapou­ring of their meritorious actions to the Pope. But others gave different Censures of the Letter; some thinking it procured by the Authority of the Duke of Lerma, the then great Favourite of Spain who ruled King and all things else: But others believed, that the design of it was not, as it appear'd, really for war; but thereby to render the Venetians more submiss and tractable for a peace.

However the Count de Fuentes the Catholick Kings Governour at Milan seem [...]d very forward in Preparations; upon which the Venetians thought it not s [...]tting to be behind: so that now both parties seem'd running into a War: both Pope and Duke drumming up men, and making all things ready for Offence and Defence.

Whilst these preparations went on, the better to disorder and wea­ken the Venetians, the Marquis de Santa Croce, having received the Pa­pal [Page 631] Benediction by his Nuncio, departed from Naples with XXVI. Spa­nish Gallies, and at Messina received the addition of XIV. more, thence secretly sailing along, entred the Golf of Venice, fell upon Durazzo a City in Albania belonging to the Turks, which he sack'd and returned with Plunder and Prisoners. Hoping by this means, to incense the Turk, so to make him fall out with the Venetians, and invade their Territories in Dalmatia. But the Turk, in this more Religious than the Spaniard, understanding the base design, scorn'd to break with the Ve­netian in this juncture, but offer'd the Republick his Assistance.

This wicked design thus failing, the Partisans of the Pope went ano­ther way to trouble the Republick, maintaining in Print, that The Mar­riages made within the Interdicted Territories were invalid, the Matrimo­nial Conjunction Adultery, and the Children all Bastards. This was a cunning plot to amuse the zealous and simple; but the wisdom of the Senate, and the reasons of their writers, dash'd this to pieces also: Though the Roman Inquisition was very furious in their judgments, for­bidding under pain of Excommunication any of the Venetian Papers or Reasons, to be intertain'd or read, as Schismatical and Heretical; and Cardinal Bellarmine was very active with his Pen against the Sena­tors.

In the mean time the Ambassadors of France and Spain, laboured what they could for a Reconciliation, and the Emperour and Grand Duke of Tuscany were not slack in affording their assistance to a peace. But the means seem'd difficult; for the Pope stood upon his old plea, of having the Prisoners deliver'd him, and the Decrees Cancel'd. And on the Contrary, the Duke and Senate, resolved not to betray their Temporal Authority, and renounce their Decrees, though as for the Abbot and Canon, at the earnest intreaty of the French, they were willing in a Com­plement to bestow them upon King Henry IV. and let him do with them as pleas'd him best; and when the Pope would recall his Censures, they were willing to do the same with their Letters or Protestation against them; but not before, lest they might intimate that they had been in the falt and done amiss.

Whilst the Treaty is thus earnestly carryed on by several Princes and year 1607 their Ambassadors, the Pope erects a New Councel at Rome call'd La Congregation de Guerra, or the Congregation of War, consisting of XV. Car­dinals; out of whom he cull'd IV. to be imploy'd with the Treasurer and the Commissaries of the Chamber, about the means to provide money, and most of these were of the Spanish Faction; the better to ingage that King to him, if the Tryal of the cause should once be put to the Sword.

And it was the opinion of many, that it could not end without blows, for the Pope begins the year with new Levies: and the Count de Fuentes, who long'd for mischief, caus'd the Drums to beat up at Milan for Soul­diers; sent to Switserland, to Naples, to Flanders, to Germany, and o­ther places, to raise what Souldiers he could, getting Money and Arms from Spain, so that he doubted not, presently to be at the Head of XXX. Thousand men. The hopes of these great Preparations animated the Pope so much, that, in a full Consistory, he declared, He would have war with the Republick of Venice.

In the Interim, the Venetians were not idle, hastning their Prepara­tions as much as in them lay, so that in a little while they had got together about LXXX Gallies, rais'd many Thousand foot in their own Territories, sent to the Cantons to hire more, doubted not of Assistance [Page 632] from France, was promis'd aid from Great Brittain by Sr. Henry Wotten King James his Ambassador, by which means they had hopes from Den­mark and Holland; and was promis'd supplyes from the Lorreiner, whose Son viz. the Count de Vaudemont, they hoped would be their General. But the Duke of Lorraine being aged, so superstitiously fearful of Pa­pal Censures, beside having a Son a Cardinal, who with the Pope did diswade him, would not permit his Son to go, or any Levies to be made in his Dominions, though young Count de Vandemont, was willing­enough for the Venetian.

Whilst Christendom is thus troubled with rumours of warrs, and e­very place busie with great Preparations, to fill Europe full of mischief and blood-shed, and all about an idle Humour of the Popes; The Treaty goeth on apace. And though many Embassies and Audiences had been been imploy'd to little purpose; yet the French King, will try the other pull, and so resolves to imploy Cardinal de Joyeuse, in this business; who being a Churchman might be more acceptable to the Pope, yet under the Command of the Instructions, might no way lessen the rights of the Republick.

Thus qualified, Joyeuse arrives at Venice, where he falls to work vigo­rously, and willing he was to save the Popes Reputation and Credit: but after many Hearings and Debates, he could get only this Answer from the Senate, That the Censures being taken away, they would re­call what they had done in Opposition to them, and send an Ambassa­dor to Rome; That for the Decrees, they would proceed in the use of them, with such Moderation and Piety as they and their Ancestors used to do. And that upon a Peace, the Ecclesiasticks might return, only the Jesuits excepted. And with these Answers, the Cardinal departs from Rome to see what good he could do there.

At Rome, Cardinal de Joyeuse found the Opinions divided some for a Peace upon any account, considering what a great mischief a Rupture might bring upon Christendom; others thought it not honourable for the Pope to recede from any thing he had done, till he had obtain'd what he desired and made the Republick submit. As for the Pope, though his greatest hopes lay in the Spaniard, yet he could not with reason re­ly too much on him, knowing his Coffers at that time to be empty, and if he did him any good he would expect a requital of some Priviledges, which would not be convenient for Rome to yeild to, besides he doub­ted to be over-power'd by the Venetians and their numerous Assistance; amongst whom would be many of the Reformed Religion, which ha­ving once got a footing in Italy, might, in that juncture of time, give a blow at the very Papacy.

These Considerations perswaded or forced the Pope to a Complyance, but yet was troubled that he could not come off with Honour, seeing the Venetians Answers were resolute and cunningly worded, and they would not admit of the Jesuits, upon any account whatever: and thus to for­sake them who had suffer'd for his cause, would betray his Baffle to the whole world.

At last, after several Consultations it was agreed on, that at Rome, Monsieur a' Alincourt the French Ambassador, should demand of the Pope in the Name of the Christian King and of the Republique, that the Censures might be taken away. And also that Cardinal Joyeuse and d'Alincourt should give him their words in the Name of their King, that the Decrees should remain without Execution, until the Accord [Page 633] might be effected. To this last clause the Pope would have had added, that It was with the consent of the Republick: But this was not yielded to, knowing the Venetians would never agree to such an Addition. So, as much being done at Rome as could be, de Joyeuse returns with the Papal Instructions and Authority to Venice.

At Venice, the Cardinal hoping in some thing to uphold the Popes Honour, told the Senate, that now all the Difficulties were shrunk to two, viz. To send an Ambassador to Rome, before the Censures were remo­ved, and to re-establish the Jesuits. But finding these would not be granted, he proceeds more moderately, and

Proposeth.They Answer.
That the Ecclesiasticks should be restored, and their goods redeli­vered.That they consent, provided the Pope will receive into Favour, those who had writ in defence of the State. And what ever the Pope did with the writings in behalf of his cause, they would do the same with those Papers in vindication of theirs.
That the Prisoners should be de­livered without any Protestations.The Prisoners should be deliver'd to the French Ambassador, but the Senate would make a Protestati­on.
That their Protestation against the Interdict should be revoked, as also their Letter writ unto their Cities.They will take away their Pro­testation or Manifesto, when the Monitory or Interdict, (upon which it is grounded) is taken away, but the Letter need not taking notice of.

He is also very earnest for the Restitution of the Jesuits, but the Se­nate absolutely But upon the earnest desire of Pope Alexan­der VII. and the great of­fers of the King of Po­lands Brother (a Jesuits himself) they were restored were resto­red. 1657. 20. January 30. deny's it upon any account what ever, Recounting several of their Seditions and Ingratefull actions, it having been one of the first places that foster'd them. At last, after several Reasonings, was concluded and agreed on.

That the Cardinal should declare in the Colledg without any other Cere­mony that the Censures were taken away. And that at the same time the Duke should put into his hands a Revocation of the Protestation.

That the Prisoners might be delivered to Fre [...]ne the French Ambassa­dor at Venice, as to the French King, with the Republick Pro­testation; the Pope being not supposed to be concerned in it.

That the Religious who had retired themselves, upon the Interdict should be restored, the Jesuits excepted, and XIV. others, who had fled for certain Crimes, and not in Obedience to the Pope.

That no mention should be made of any Letter, written unto Gover­nours, or Cities, but only a Manifesto publish'd for the revoca­tion [Page 634] of the Protestation, which was printed.

That after the Censures were taken away, the Republick should name and send an Ambassador to reside with his Holiness, according to the common Custom of Princes.

And if there were any other particulars, that they should not now be spoken of but should be remitted to be fairly treated of with the Pope.

Before these were fully agreed on; there had been some dispute a­bout the manner of the Ceremony, in taking off the Interdiction: for the Senate had absolutely deny'd to receive Absolution, affirming they were Innocent, and had (in what they had done) committed no falt: Then the Cardinal proposed to go to St. Mark's Church with the Duke and Senate, and there to celebrate Masse, and give a Benediction which was enough (he said) to intimate that the Censures were taken away.

But the Duke and Senate, jealous of their Reputation, would not allow of this; For though they confess'd, That the Apostolick Benediction ought not to be refused, when offer'd, yet at this time it might give oc­casion to some to believe a falsity, as if they had needed it by some falt in this Quarrel, alledging farther the Custom of the Popes, who, if Princes do some acts to them through Devotion or Humility, presently esteem it as done of Duty, or in acknowledgment of their falts. At last, to end this Obstacle, it was agreed on, as abovesaid, That the Cardinal should de­clare without any other Ceremony that the Censures were taken away.

Now nothing remain'd undecided but the form of the Manifesto, to null the Senate's Protestation against the Monitory or Interdict: but of this all was accepted, only this sentence. The Censures being taken away the Protestation in like manner was taken away. The Cardinal urged, that they ought not to use the words Taken away in the Protestation, but Revoked. The Senate, though they affirm'd they could not comprehend, what subtilty or difference, laid in the alteration; yea for some time re­fused to admit of a change. But perceiving the Cardinal would have it so, or else break all, at length yielded to the Cardinals request, and so it was concluded thus.

The Censures being taken away, the Protestation in like manner is re­voked

All Obstacles thus removed, the Agreement was compleated with these Ceremonies.

The XXI. of April in the morning, de Fresne the French Ambassador The XI. ac­cording to the English Account. being at the Cardinal de Joyeuse's Lodgings, Marc Ottobon the Venetian Secretary had the two Prisoners Marc Antony Brandolino Valdemarino Abbot of Nervese, and Scipio Sarazin Canon of Vicenza, carryed thither. He telling the Ambassador, that these were the Prisoners, which the Il­lustrious Prince the Duke of Venice, had sent to be deliver'd to his Excel­lence, in gratification of the most Christian King. But with Protestation, not to Prejudice hereby, the Authority the Republick hath to judg Ecclesiasticks. The Ambassador answer'd That so he received them. Of which a publick Instrument being drawn, de Fresne went into a Gallery where the Cardinal was, sent for the Prisoners, saying to the Cardi­nal These are the Prisoners that are to be deliver'd to the Pope; The Car­dinal pointing to one neer him, said, Give them to him, meaning Claudio Montano (a Commissary sent by the Pope to this effect) who touch'd them in token of Dominion and Possession; and pray'd the Ministers of [Page 635] Justice who conducted them that they would be pleas'd to keep them for him.

This done, the Cardinal and Ambassador, went to the Colledg, where they met the Duke and Senat, and all being set as usually, The Cardi­nal pronounced these words.

I rejoyce very much that this day, (so much desired by me) is come, where­in I declare unto your Serenitie that all the Censures are taken away, as indeed they are; and I take therein much pleasure, for the benefit, which shall redound hereby to all Christendom and particularly to Italy.

This said, the Duke put into his hand, the Decree of the Revocation of their Protestation, and after some words of Complement, they all rose and departed; an end of this Quarrel being thus made.

That afternoon, a Rumour was spred about, that that mouring, at the meeting in the Colledg, the Cardinal had given an Absolution. At this the Venetians (so jealous were they of their reputation) were some­what troubled, and made it their business to find out the Original of such a Report, which at last they found to be scatter'd by some French-men, who giving for their assertion, only this Reason, viz. That the Cardinal being enter'd into the Colledg, before any thing was done, made the sign of the Cross under his Hood. The idle story and discontent vanish'd, the Veneti­ans smiling to see, on what little things some fond people would build a Submission or Conquest.

And it may be, upon this Rumour, or some such idle Report, some Historians do say, that they did receive Absolution. But in this Histo­ry I find most reason to rely upon the Credit of Father Paul. One of the most famous Pen-Champions that the Venetians imploy'd in this Quarrel, was the said learned and judicious Fryer, of the Order of the Servi commonly known by the name of Father Paul, of whom a word or two by the by.

He was born at Venice M. D. LII. He naturally addicted himself to his book, whereby when young, he gain'd great Reputation, so that William the famous Duke of Mantoua intertain'd him as his Chaplain, in the year M. D. LXXIX. he was created Provincial of his Order, which he executed without partiality: he went and lived some time at Rome, where he got acquainted with the best, his parts making him known, to Pope and Cardinals as well as others. Being return'd to Venice he fol­lowed his studies close, and in all manner of learning was so excellent, that all Strangers that went [...]o Venice desired his acquaintance, upon which he was foolishly accused by the Court of Rome as a Company­keeper with Hereticks.

At this time, the Order of the Servi was in some trouble, by reason of their Protector, Cardinal Santa Severina, who against all right or reason, was resolved to make one Gabriel Collison General of the Order, being thereto perswaded by his Briberies: the whole Order opposed this, and herein Father Paul was a little ingaged, but carried himself with great discretion and moderation. But at last Gabriel was made General, and a seeming peace was made.

When the late Quarrel began between the Pope and the Venetians, they chose Father Paul, to be one of their chief Assistants, who by his solid reasons staggerd the Papal Pretensions: which so concern'd the Pope, that he would have had the Father brib'd from his Duty to the Com­monwealth; [Page 636] but this failing, other designs were set on foot. Gaspar Schoppius, a man well known for his railing and pernicious principles of Government, freely told Father Paul, that the Pope had long Hands, and might reach him, but wisht rather to have him alive at Rome, and the Father was by several great Personages informed, that Plots were laid against his Life: but he trusting to his Innocency neglected his Secu­rity.

But this confidence might have cost him his Life, for one Evening in the Street at Venice, he was assaulted, received two wounds in his Neck and one in his Face, entring at his right ear and passing through the Jaw bone, and out again betwixt his Nose and his Cheek, and the Stelletto was left sticking in, the Villain not having strength enough to pull it out.

The number of these Assassins were five, who having a Gondola rea­dy, got presently to the House of the Pope's Nuncio, then resident in Venice; thence in a flat Boat, with Ten Oars and well armed, prepa­red for the purpose, they departed that night, towards Ravenna. Be­ing now in the Papal Territories, they were secure, and vapour'd of the Fact, and were nobly received at every place; at last they got to Rome, where they were well also entertain'd, with assignation of En­tertainment. And here they staid some time, till the world cryed shame, that such abominable Villains should be sheltred and entertain'd from Justice, by his Holiness: upon which the Pope, was forced for Honour sake, to order their departure out of the City; yet had they some Al­lowance granted them, but so small, in respect of those Glories they expected, that they became mal-content, so that at last every one of them came to an evil end.

But to return to Father Paul, he was had home to his Monastery, the most famous Physicians and Chyrurgions in those parts imploy'd about him, so that after some time he perfectly recovered, to the joy of the whole Senat, who by publick Proclamations took order for his future Security, assigning him a Guard, increase of Stipend, with a House at St. Mark's at the publick Charge. But the Father desired to be excu­sed from all such state, cost, and trouble, resolved to continue in his Monastery amongst his Brethren of the Order. The Senate perceiving this to be his earnest desire, gratified him, but caused some building to be added to his Chamber, from whence by a little Gallery, he might have the Commodity to take Boat the better to avoid Trea­chery, in his returns sometimes by night, from the publick Service.

Seeing the Senat had thus carefully provided for his security, so that there was danger to use any more force, some other designs were set on foot, 1609. Fra. Antonio da viterbo who served as an Amanuensis to the Father, was solicited, to make him away with a Razor, which he might conveniently do, considering his intimacy, and the great trust the Father put in him, or if not this, to poyson him. Antonio refu­sed to act this wickedness himself, especially to such a good Friend and Patron, but would afford his Assistance if others would be the Actors. So at last it was concluded, that he should take the Print in Wax of his Keys, which he should deliver to another Fryar Giovar Francisco, whom Fryar Bernardo (the Favourite of Cardinal Borghese, Nephew to the Pope) had imploy'd about this thing; by which means having Counterfeit Keys, they might send in some Ruffians or Bravo's to mur­ther the Father.

But some Letters of this Plot, by chance being taken, there was enough discovered, to have Francisco and Antonio seised on. Francisco was condemn'd to be hang'd, but had his pardon by a full discovery of the whole design, and delivering unto them all the Letters concerning this black Plot; what great Personages were in this action, is not known; the Councel of Venice thinking it best to conceal them, for the Honour of Religion.

To tell all the Attempts against him would be tedious, these are e­nough; and against him it was that the Court of Rome bent all their spight, he being an Enemy to the prop of all their Greatness, viz. their Usurpations, and Authority over Temporal Princes; and his Reasons obtain'd him the greater ill-will from that Bishop, because they seem'd to be favour'd by other Potentates: The Pope fearing that in time o­ther Territories might follow the Example of the Venetians. And when his Coercive Authority is once despised, he will remain but a weak Go­vernor within the narrow Limits of his Churches Patrimony; which may render him incapable of preferring his Favourites abroad; and the Interest thus gone, the Splendor of his Seat will fail; and the Glory of his idle and wasting Courtiers, will be eaten up, by the more thrifty Citizens. Thus their Charity to themselves, made them the more vio­lent against the Fryar Paul though he acted nothing, but what became the duty of a good Subject to his Prince and Country.

The Father hoped, that the malice of his Enemies would vanish by degrees: and when Pope Paul V. dyed, he expected all heart-burning to cease, but here he found himself mistaken, and the Quarrel and En­mity intail'd as it were upon the Pontifick Chair. For Gregory XV. succeeding, 1621, bare the same ill-will, looking upon the Father as the chief-Counsellor, nay and Incendiary too of the Venetians, inso­much that he told their Ambassador, that, there would never be a peace between the Republick and the See Apostolick, but such an one as Father Paul should approve of.

The Father informed of this, was grieved beyond measure, that he should be held a Beautefeu, and so rather than any difference should arise about him, resolved peaceably to retire himself from his own Country. To live amongst the Protestants, might expose himself to Calumnies; to dwell where the Ecclesiasticks might over-power him, or where the Temporality would not trouble it self in his Protection, was to expose his Life to Poyson and Stellettoes again. Upon this difficulty he deter­min'd to reside at Constantinople, or some of the Eastern Countryes. And for this Peregrination he began to make Preparations, take advice, get safe-conducts, &c. But being informed that the Pope releas'd much of his displeasure towards him, he was the less careful in hastning.

And now he began to be ancient and feeble, and dyed in his Monastery at Venice, with great Tranquility and Settlement of mind, 1623. in the LXXI. year of his Age.

The Father was little, humble, grave, but withal chearful; of his dyet very sparing, insomuch, that every day with him, was almost a Fast: he was merciful and good to his greatest Enemies, begging Pardon for those, who designed his death.

His Learning got him renown every where, being good for the Orien­tal Languages, besides Greek, Latin, and other Europaean; was famous for his skill in Mathematicks, Physick, Anatomy, Chymistry, Astronomy: in all which he was a dayly Practitioner and Discoverer of many Ex­cellent [Page 638] Rarities: Insomuch that the chiefest Artests, thought themselves happy in his advice and acquaintance. And make honourable mention of him.

He had also carefully perused all the ancient Philosophers, out of whom he had collected their different Opinions.

For Politicks, he was held not only the greatest, but the most honest Statesman in his time, admirable vers'd in the Laws, knowing in all Histo­ries, and his skill in Geography made the world his own. Divinity was his calling, and what an excellent man he was at his Pen, may appear by his divers writings, many of which are not yet publish'd, but some remain as Rarities lockt up in the Cabinets of Princes, whilst others lurk as Secrets in the Archives of the wise Venetian Councel. But a Specimen of his great Abilities, may be gather'd from his History of the Councel of Trent. where he was pleas'd to vail himself under the Title of ‘Pietro Soave Polana.’ Which by an Anagrammatism, makes the Fathers Name, Sirname, and Country, thus ‘Paolo Sarpio, Veneto.’ his Fathers name being Francisco di Pietro Sarpio.

There is also abroad of his A History of the Inquisition; a History of the Quarrels between Pope Paul V. and the Venetians, and several other things in justification of his Country in those Troubl [...]s, which with his other writings (and Commendations of him) have faln under the lash of their vid. Ind. lib. Prohibit. edit. Alexand. VII. pag. 98. 222. 226. 227. 272 Index Expurgatorius.

The Court of Rome, whilst he lived carryed the greatest bitterness against him, dayly writing Lybels and Invectives against him, stufft up with Lyes and Forgeries, insomuch that Bellarmine, (though his Pen was ingaged against the Father in the Venetian Quarrel) told the Pope that such notorious Falsities and Calumnies would bring more Scandal than Credit to his Cause.

Amongst the rest of his Enemies was Maffeo Barbarini Nuncio in France at the time of the Quarrel, and afterwards Pope Ʋrban VIII. who in his Aiery and Romantick humour rais'd and invented many unworthy Stories of the Father, far unbefitting a Person of his Place and Dig­nity.

Nay so implacable were the Roman Favourites, that their Slaunders and Malice followed him to his Grave, publishing impudent and fabu­lous Stories concerning his death, of his dying Howling, of strange Ap­paritions of Black Dogs, of Terrible Noises heard in his Cell and Cham­bers, and several such like lying Forgeries, as those idle people used to invent upon Luther, Calvin, and others who will not truckle to the Usurpations of the Roman Court. But the people of Venice, who knew him better, accounted him a Saint, hanging up their Votive Tablets at his Spond. an 1623. § 13. Rob Johnston Rerum Brit. Hist. lib. 20. an. 1623. p. 638. Sepulchre, till the Senate, to satisfie Pope Ʋrban VIII. forbad such Ceremonies to be used to his Monument. And so much by the bie, of the Learned and Judicious Father Paolo Sarpi.

Here might I treat of some further troubles endeavour'd to be stirr'd up by Ʋrban VIII. who in affront to the Republick, caus'd an Ancient Inscription, [which had been set up in the Sala Regia in the Vatican, as [Page 639] a Monument of the Venetian honour for restoring Alexander III. when chas'd by the Emperor Frederick I.] to be defaced and razed out. He also excommunicated the Luqueses, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the Duke of Parma, and of Modena, and to maintain his Censures fell to 1642 1644 the Temporal Sword. But Parma flew about like Lightning with 3000. Horse, that his Holiness and Cardinals thought it safest to retire to the Castle S. Angelo. At last by the Intercession of the French, a Peace is concluded, the Censures are taken off, the ingaged Princes have their Temporal Authority confirm'd by the Peace. And the Ancient Inscrip­tion, in Honour and Gratitude to the Venetian, is to be renew'd and inscribed in a larger Table, and set up in the Vatican as formerly.

Here the Pope gain'd nothing by fomenting Troubles: And in truth, the Papal Authority, by the late Venetian Quarrel, received a deadly blow; Princes thereby, beginning to see their own power and Juris­diction, have the less esteem for that pretended or usurped by the Pope; and may in time acknowledg themselves Supream, within their own Do­minions.

CHAP. II. Henry the Fourth murdred by Ravaillac.

I Have formerly related divers attempts of the Romanists to take away the Authority and Life of Henry IV. of France, which Ca­talogue Hist de la Paix fol. 142. 143. &c. Laur. Bou­chel Hist. de la justice Crim Tit. 4 ch. 22. I might augment, with the wickedness of four Piedmonters, of a Lorrain Lacquey, of one Pedefer, of one Nicolle Mignon a woman poor and wicked, who designed his murther. And to these I might add the attempt of one Jean de L'Isle, who (as the King was returning from hunting) upon Pont-neusi in Paris, by taking hold of his Cloak would have pull'd him off his Horse, and endeavour'd to assassinate him with St. Lazare Hist. Tragi­ques p. 68. Hard. de Pere­fixe Hist. Hen. le Grand. his Dagger: But the King was graciously pleas'd to pardon him, the fellow being found to be a meer Enthusiastick Fool, declaring himself to be King of the whole world, to have descended from Pharamond the first King of the Francks, and affirming Henry to have Usurp'd the Kingdom of France from him. Probably somewhat related to the Whimsies or Pha­naticism of the American Doctor who believed he should be King and Dr. Mer. Ca­sa [...]bon of En­thusiasm ch. 3. p. 104. 105. 108. Edit. 2. Pope too, or the Italian Foot-boy, who fanci [...]d himself a Monarch, the Serving-man who thought himself a Pope, or the Italian Groom who held himself for Emperor, and accordingly, to his poor Capacity, would take such state upon him. Upon this foolish or madman's attempt on the Kings person, the Monsieurs M [...]tin and Malherbe, then noted Poets in France, have composed some vid. d'espi­nella le Par­nasse des Poe­tes Francoses. Tom. 1. fol. 33. &c. Tom. 2. fol. 218. &c. Verses.

But passing by these, with a latter one mentioned by the careful Duke Memoires. Tom. 3. pag 478. du Sully, and other Contrivances to involve that Kingdom in Rebel­lion, I shall hasten to the Murther of that great Monarch which in short was thus:

The King in his Coach with others going to visit his great Confident the Duke of Sully, then indisposed in the Arsenal; being come to the year 1610 Street La Ferronnerie (or Ironmongers) which was then very narrow by reason of the Shops built against the wall of St. Innocent's Church­yard, and a Stop being made to his Coach by two Carts, one laden with Wine, the other with Hay: At this Stop, one Francois Ravaillac took Laur. Bouchel Hist. de la jus­stice crim. tit. 11. ch. 14. the opportunity to thrust himself neer the Coach, and setting one foot upon the wheel and the other against a Shop-stall, so advanced himself, that with a knif prepared for the purpose, he murdred him with two or three stabs, before the mischief was perceived. Of this Murther thus discants les Tro­phees de Hen. le Grand. § 103. Pierre Matthieu the Kings Historiogapher and Coun­cellor.

Il ne plus faut nommer Henrys les Roys de France
La Mort par deux Cousteaux & un Esclat de Lance
A tue trois Henrys: L'un joustant a Cheval,
L' autre enson Cabinet, le tiers en son Carosse;
Cinq Roys du nom de Jacques ont fait croire a l'Escosse
Qu'il y a dans les noms quelque secret fatal.
Let's no more name Henrys, for Kings of France,
Since Death with two Knives and one shivered Lance
[Page 641]
Three Henrys kild; one Tilted through the Eye:
In's Chamber one, the last in's Coach did dye:
The death of * Five Scotch James may advise,
Four more truly.
That in some Names, some Fatal Secret lyes.

Who were the Contrivers of this horrid Fact, is not as yet (that I know of) fully divulged, though wisemen suspect that there was more in it, than the malicious thoughts of such a Varlot, whose obscurity was such, that the King could not have any way offended him, any way dis­ingaged, or have provoked him to such a mischief, but that the Devil and a false zeal of Religion will instigate a man to any mischief.

'Tis true, the King at this time, had an Army of above Forty Thou­sand men, ready for some grand design, and he himself within a few days was to go and head them in his Intended Exploit; but whether this great expence of men and money, was only to regain the Beautiful Princesse of Conde, who with her Husband had privately fled into Flan­ders to avoid the Kings immoderate Love, as Cardinal Hist. Relat. Fland. p. 13 [...]. &c. Bentivoglio is pleas'd to assert: Or to obtain the Division of Christendom into XV. Dominions, according to the strange Model laid down by the Duke of Mem. Tom. 4. Sully and some others from him, I shall not undertake to Determine, seeing others will not by any means allow that the Kings Intentions, Plots, and Designs are yet any way Quo Con­silio Rex bel­lum suscepe­rit, quem potissimum sinem intenderit, quam metam, quosve limites armis proposuerit, ut incertum est et in­compertum hactenus, sic inane perscribere et lucem ex fumo et umbra captare. Joan. de Bussieres Hist. Franc. vol. 4. pag. 482. known or discovered.

But 'tis certain the Spaniard was amazed at these great Preparations of the King, and thought it fitting to strengthen himself in Flanders, and the Pope and Spaniards did not use to separate Interests; besides Gregory XV. had been very earnest to perswade the King from any more Arming, but to little purpose. And it may be here, not unworth the Observa­tion, that whilst the King was raising this great Army, there was a large Mem. du Sully Tom. 3. pag. 360. and Hist. de la vie de Monay du Plessis pag. 337. Book secretly kept in France by some Considering Priests, in which many did subscribe their fidelity and Obedience to the Pope; and what else I cannot tell, but this we are assured, that the Book was half writ­ten through, and a great part of those Oaths, and Signatures, signed and subscribed in blood.

As for Ravaillac he had formerly been a Monk, then throwing off his Frock, had for some time taught a Petty-school; but it seemeth, Profit, not coming in fast enough by that Trade, he threw himself upon the Law, turning Solicitor or Petty fogger: He had formerly been a stickler in their Solemn League and Covenant, and as appears kept some of its Leven yet in his heart, and so a zealous Disciple to the Pope; and this it seem­eth was no small furtherance of him: for what ever the Kings designs were, Ravaillac was fully perswaded, that the aim of it was to ruin his Holiness and the Roman Religion, boldly alledging in his Examination, this for the cause of the Attempt.—Parceque faisant la guerre contre le Pape, c'es­toit la faire contre Dieu, d'autant que le Pape estoit Dieu & Dieu estoit le Pape—Procez. Examen, Confessions &c. du Francois Ravaillac, pag. 39. Is. Casaubon. Epist. ad Eront. Ducaum, pag. 14. Andre Favyn Hist. de Navat. pag. 1292. Because (said he) making war against the Pope, is the same as to make war against God, seeing the Pope was God, and God was the Pope.

That there were more than one Contriver of this Murther needeth no doubt, seeing the general Bruit which fore-ran it, and the great confidence or rather certainty his Enemies had of it, of both which the Words and Testimony of the present Arch-bishop of Paris are ob­servable.

His Enemies were then in a profound silence; which possibly was not cau­sed, Hist. Hen. le Grand, p. 3. only by their Consternation and fear of the Success of his Arms: but out of the Expectation they had to see succeed some great Blow in which lay all their hopes.

It must needs be, that there were many Conspiracies against the life of this good King; since from Twenty places, advice was given of it; since by a Printed Paper both in Spain and at Milan a report of his death was pub­lish'd before; since there passed a Currier eight days before he was Assassina­ted, through the City of Liege, who said that he carried news to the Princes of Germany that he was kill'd; since at Montargis, there was found a Paper upon the Altar, containing the Prediction of his approaching death, by a determinate blow; since in fine, the Report ran through all France, that he should not out-live that year, and that he should dye a Tragick death in the LVII. year of his Age, and some also said, in a Coach, which made him to dread and tremble when he was in one.

The Jesuits were accused of having some knowledg of it, and to this purpose was call'd to mind the Sermon of Father Hardy; preached at St. Severins in Paris not two Months before the Blow; in which, a­mongst other things he told his Auditors—That Kings heaped up Treasures to make themselves fear'd, but yet there needed but a Blow a or Mat­tock to kill a King: and 'tis known, that none was more gathering and hoarding up of Moneys in his latter days, to carry on his Armed design, than this King, insomuch that they talk of Mountains of Gold that he had amass'd together.

'Tis also objected, that Ravaillac declared, he had inform'd Father d'Aubigny of this intended Murther, and shew'd him the Knife, but that this was told him in Confession, and so not to be reveal'd: the cunning Jesuit, upon Examination, protesting, that God had given him that Grace or Quality, that as soon as any thing was reveal'd to him in Confession, he presently forgot it.

But however it be, the reverend Hardovin de Perefixe the present Arch bishop of Paris, doth assure us, that the Constancy, hardiness and unconcernedness of the Malefactor at his exquisite Torments in suffe­ring—strongly confirm'd the suspicion had that certain Emissaries un­der the Mask of Religion had instructed and charmed him, with false assu­rances that he should dye a Martyr, if he kil'd him; whom they made be­lieve was the sworn Enemy of the Church—The truth is, after the Villain had given the murdring blows, he neither took care to flee, to conceal his Knife, or shift for himself: but stood still by the Coach, as if he desired to be taken notice of, and glorified, and prided himself in such a noble Exploit.

And that there was some Secret more than ordinary discovered in his Examination and Confession; and that those who instigated him to that bloody action were such, that it was not thought fitting (whether for the Honour of Religion, or some other respect) that they should be publickly known, is more than hinted at, by the foresaid Prelate: [Page 643] For of these things, saith he—les juges mes [...]ue qui l'interroge­rent, n' ose­rent en ouu­rir la Bouche qui n'en per lerent jamais que des Es­paules. Hist. Hen. le grand. part 3. The Judges themselves who Examin'd him, durst not open their mouths, but with a Shrug or Covertly with excusing put offs.—And that some grand thing was here husht up, may in part be suppos'd, by the Prince of Conde and others, five years after, putting forth a Publick Complaint, amongst other things, that the discovery of Henry the Great's murther was stopt and not fully prosecuted.

However the Common Censure was apt to think worst of the Jesuits, reckning them as the chiefest Assertors and Champions of this King kil­ling Doctrine; insomuch that Pierre Coton himself fell to work, to write an Apology for his Order, which he did by way of a Declaratory Letter dedicated and directed to the Queen-Regent, where (though not long) the Reader will find more words than materials, either not down right, plain and pat to the purpose, or else drawing false and fair shadows, o­ver some black and seditions Authors: and yet those whom he mentions are but a very few.

Amongst the many others, who thought this King-killing Doctrine, most agreeable to the Jesuits, and at this time began to shew himself, both in the Pulpit and at the Press, was Jean du Boys Olivier, Abbot of Beau­lieu, born at Paris, Preacher to the King, one held a Lover of his Prince and Country, and of an honest, free, downright disposition: The stir­ring of this du Bois, did a little vex the Fathers, his Credit and Repute having the heavier hand upon them, and therefore nothing could satis­fie them but removal, upon some honourable pretence, and no place so fitting as to pack him for Italy. Of which take a piece of a Letter to Arch­bishop Abbot, as I transcribed it from the Original.

May it please your Grace,

Since the writing of my last to your Grace, &c. we have freshly receiv'd the news from Rome, that the Abbot du Bois, a man very popular here in Paris, a Town-born Child, and famous also for his freedom both of speech and wri­ting against the Exorbitancy of the Popes Authority, and the practises of the Jesuits, and in particular against Pere Coton, to whose Lettre Declaratoire publish'd presently after the Kings death, (to acquit his Order of the Imputa­tion of the Kings death) he set forth an Answer in print dedicated Aux Bons Francois being also cited by the Anti-coton as a witness But here (it may be) Anti-Coton was wrong infor­med concer­ning Father Coton. Que sentence a este donnee contre lay a Avignon pour avoir engrosse une Nonnain: That this Abbot Isay, going lately to Rome, is there clapt up in the Inqui­sition, which hath occasion'd the French here to speak according to their man­ner very frankly in Commiseration of him, who was always held a good Pa­triot. And it is thought dishonourable to the state, in regard that he is the Queens Chaplain, and was imploy'd by her, as some say, but to Florence, as others to Rome, to thank the Pope for the Cardinals Hat which he lately bestowed upon the Queens Almoner the Bishop of Beziers: but however, it is agreed by all, that he carryed Letters from hence, wherewith it is said, he was purposely gratified to bring him within the compass of the snare, wherein he is caught, &c.

Your Graces most humbly to be Commanded J. WOODFORD.

Having thus followed him to Prison, it is easie to conclude that he must end his days there, it being not agreeable to their custom and Policy, to set such at Liberty that can tell Tales, and that they might be no more fear'd or troubled with him, they forthwith sed cum sub idem tempus, Abbas Silvius ob paricidia­lem illam doctrinam es­set in Jesuitas invectus voce et scripto, paulò post Romae necatus est in carere Peter Molin. de Monarchi [...]. Tem­porali Pont. Rom. cap. 2. pag. 22. murther him in Prison at Rome, his main falt being (for any that I know) Loyalty, which thus oc­casion'd his misfortune and death, to the shame of his Persecutors.

But that Book which then made the greatest noise was call'd Anti-Coton, which was smart, and in the main spoke to the purpose, though some mi­stakes might happen in it through too much haste; however it put the whole Order of Jesuits into a flame and hurry, every one endeavouring to quell this unknown enemy: But certain it is, it had been better for their Reputation, if Father Cotton had not given occasion to such a Reply by his Letter, which did them more hurt than good.

For those Romanists who vapour with the Council of Constance, and brag that they maintain nothing contrary to it, may (like the shearing of hogs) make a great noise, but get little Wool or Reputation; for as on one hand, they may declare a Council to be above a Pope, for which his Holiness will give them little thanks, so on the other, they cannot ex­pect any Credit or Approbation from Temporal Princes, seeing one may be as great a Traytor as Clement or Chastel and yet not contradict the cry'd up Canon of this Council, The sum of all this goodly Rule being only thus much.—No Tyrant (that is a Greg. de Va­liant. Tom. 3. disp. 5. 9. 8. p. 3. lawful King ruling Tyran­nically) ought legally to be slain by any one of his Subjects or Vassals by any clancular means, being sworn to him, Non expe­ctata senten­tia vel man­dato judicis cujuscunque. without sentence or Command of some some judg or his Superiors.

And this is all the great business, that so many of them have pleaded their Loyalty with. The main of all being that they stick close to the Council of Constance, and with it will declare, That it is lawful for a private man to kill a wicked King, without command from his betters, which hath so little Pith or Sence as to the main business True Allegiance, that possibly most King-judgers or killers might think they never broke such a Canon, and so not condemned by such a Council.

As for Father Cotton a French, man he was of a subtil Head-piece, cry­ed up by his Order, both for his Sanctity and Learning, but the command of his Tongue, Courtship, and Carriage were his best Friends, by which he got to be the Kings Confessor, and thus setled in his Favour, he knew well enough how to keep himself there; yet others think his writings more to consist of words than matter, and that his real Sanctity (though some will appropriate as it were Miracles to him) was no better than his Neighbours. Anti-Coton accuseth him of betraying the Kings secrets, and the Duke of Memoires Tom. 3. ch. 29 pag. 290 &c. Sully proved to the King that in that he was guilty.

Pope S [...]nn [...]rt. l. 6. part 9. c. 8. Nicolas V. gave leave to a Friend of his so far to consult the Devil, that one witch might kill another, that thereby his acquaintance might obtain his former health: and it may be upon this Example, Cot­ton made use of the Devil or Demoniack, to enquire concerning the life of the King and several other affairs; which may be seen at large in lib. 132. Thuanus and Tom. 3. p. 56, 57. Sulley. And it was a close and biting Anagram which was made up­on this Father; and it may be reflecting upon the Order.

PIERRE COTON Anagr. PERCE TON ROI. * i. e. Stab your King.

In short, none was more intimate with the King than he, none had more power over him than he, none could make him do or undo sooner than he, whether through real love or policy I know not; insomuch that some Deputies of Rochel once presenting a Petition to the King, his Majesty was pleas'd to return them this Answer—That he could not hear them then, for his ears were stopt with Cotton—Hence it grew into a Common jest in France upon any repulse from the King or denial of access—les Oreilles du Roy sont bousches de Cotton. The Kings ears are stopt with Cotton. Upon which, and the Kings familiarity with him, using much his Company, and to take him into his Coach, as also alluding to the suspition of some that this Father kept Correspondency with Spain, revealing thither the Kings Secrets; this following Pasquin flew about Paris.

Le Roy ne scauroit faire un pas,
Que Le Pere Cotton l'accompagne;
Mais le bon Prince ne scait pas,
Que le
signifieth cunning, craf­ty, as well as fine.
fin Cotton vient d'Espagne.
The King cannot go any where
But Father Cotton sticks to his ear;
Yet the good King doth not attain,
That the pure Cotton, comes from Spain.

As concerning the Kings murther, some of the Leaguers, or his Ene­mies thus long before it hapned wish'd or foretold it.

Dum sequeris solium Regis fraudesque Navarre,
Tesequitur Regis sors violenta tui.

Since thou wilt grasp Valois his Crimes and Lands,

Thou shalt be slain, like him, by bloody Hands.

The Jesuits (as formerly hinited) upon the attempt of Chastel had been banished the Kingdom of France, nor might they probably have any real hopes of a Return, seeing the Lawyers, the Universities, especially the Sorbonne, the Common-people, most of the Nobility, the Religious of other Orders and their Parliament had declared positively against them: Nor will some think, that the King himself had really any good will or affe­ction for them, though he was willing of a Reconciliation with them, the better to secure himself, as was supposed from his Answer to his great Fa­vorite de Sully, who perswading him from their re-admission (being as a foresaid banish'd) was thus answered by the King—Give me then security for my life.

In short, be the reason what it will, the King would by his power, mau­gre all Opposition, have them restored, and had; and not only made the Arrest or Decree of Parliament against them, be recall'd, but to in­gratiate himself the more, had the Marble Pillar or Pyramide (formerly [Page 646] mentioned upon his wound by Chastel) pull'd down, permitted them (to the regret of the University of Paris) to teach again, gave them places of honour about him; and that nothing might be wanting on his part to oblige them, he built them a stately Colledg at la Flesche in Anjou, in which Town some supposed he was first conceived, and lastly to the said Colledg he bequeath'd his heart; which upon his Murther the Je­suits receive and carryed in great Pomp and State to the said Colledg (his body was buryed at St. Denys). At the carrying away of his Heart, 'tis said that one (some think the chief President de Harlay) cunningly ask'd some of the Fathers—Whether the Kings Tooth which Chastel struck out were not likewise inclos'd in the Box with the Heart and carryed too? However upon the Jesuits having the Kings Heart, this following biting Pasquin was made, and with others flew about the world.

En fin tel quel vous le tenez
Le Caeur du Roy, dont vous avez
Tant de fois la mort procuree;
Lors que less Chiens ont attrappe,
Le Cerf qu' ils ont tant galoppe,
Du Caeur on leur fait la Curee.

which another made more short, thus:

Ce n'est, qu'a vous (Trouppe Sacree)
Qu' on doit bailler le Caeur des Roys
Quand les grands Cerfs sont aux abboys
On en doit aux Chiens la Curee.
'Tis You alone (you sacred Crue)
To whom the Hearts of Kings are due;
For when Great Harts are hunted hard,
Their Entrails are the Hounds reward.

Upon this murther, the Parliament Orders, a de Rege et Regis institu­tione. Book written by Ma­riana the Spanish Jesuit to be burnt by the Hang-man, as maintaining the Lawfulness of King-killing, and Father Cotton was desired to Answer that Book; but he slipt his Neck out of the Coller, as not willing to write plain and positively against Mariana. After this the Parliament also 1614. condemned Desensio fi­dei Catholi­cae. Francisco Suarez's Book as containing many Seditious and Treasonable Principles; and after this, another Jesuit, Antonius Sanctarellus publishing the same Tenents, his Book was also 1626. burned at Paris. These things so nettled the Fathers of that Society, that they had no way to clear themselves but to have some of their Chieftains 16. March. subscribe against those Errors; here Father Coton was again commanded to put pen to Paper, and to confute Santarel, this put him to such a push, for he must either of­fend the Pope and the General of their Society, or the Parliament of Paris. If he answered them, he opposed the first two, if he did not; he of­fended the latter, and would be thought to espouse those Tenents; which might the more expose his Order in France, and make himself guilty of Treason; These Considerations did so perplex him, that (though in perfect health before) he dyed within 19. March. 1626. Three days.

To other Jesuits were also commanded to write against such Tenents, but we hear nothing of their attempt in this case. And how unwil­ling [Page 647] they were positively to give their Judgments, may somewhat ap­pear by this following Story.

Whilst the Parliament of Paris was Censuring Sanctarellus his de Haeresi, Schismate, &c. Book, being printed at Rome by the Approbation of Mutius Vitellescus, Gene­ral of their Order, as also the Master of the Sacred Palace, and others: The Parliament 13. March. sent for Father Cotton the Provincial of the Jesuits, the Rector of Clermont, and others the Chieftains of their Order; to whom they proposed these following Questions, which was thus answe­red (in the name of all the rest of their Society) by Father Cotton.

Parl.

Is this pernicious Book of Sanctarellus call'd Tractatus de Hae­resi, Schismate, &c. approved of by you?

Coton.

No, and we shall shortly publickly oppose it.

Parl.

Why do you contradict that Doctrine, which the General of your Order at Rome approveth of?

Coton.

We consess that our Society believeth so at Rome, but why should the falt of the Italians be imputed to us, seeing we in France are of an other perswasion.

Parl.

Hath not the King of France absolute power over all his Subjects?

Coton.

He hath so, as to Temporals.

Parl.

Do you believe that the Pope, hath so much authority over Kings, that by his Excommunication, he can Interdict them, absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance, depose them, and dispose of Kingdoms?

Coton.

Fy, Fy, what to Excommuniate the most Christian King? who can think that the first-born of the Church can be an enemy to his Mother, which he always protected and defended? or that he is to be Excommunicated, who hath all along endeavoured the Extirpa­pation of Heresie?

Parl.

It seems then you do not believe the same with your General at Rome.

Coton.

Our General living at Rome, it is not to be supposed that he is to contradict that which is believed at Rome.

Parl.

Well, let him believe so, but what do you believe?

Coton.

Truly, the quite contrary.

Parl.

But if you were at Rome, what would you believe then?

Coton.

We would change our minds with the Country, and would believe as they did at Rome.

Parl.

Pray Gentlemen, to the purpose, without any Equivocations, idle or frivolous put offs, what doth the body of your Society think of the Popes power over Kings?

Upon this Cotton is at stand, desireth Liberty to consult with the Society.

CHAP. III. Tir-Oen raises a Rebellion in Ireland, incouraged by a Phaenix plume sent him by the Pope. The Irish send a slanderous Letter to the Pope against Quen Elizabeth, Pope Clement the VIIIth. thanks the Irish for their Rebellion. Mount joy Lord Deputy proclaims Tyrone Traytor. Clement the VIIIth. sends another Letter to Tyrone. The Irish write to the King of Spain. Don Juan de Aquila with several Spanish forces land in Ireland; but to their own ruin. Tyrone submits and delivers himself up to the Lord Deputy. The Divines of Salamanca and Valla-dolid de­clare in behalf of the Irish.

IN the former Century, having seen part of the Rebellions of the Irish and Tir-Oen, we shall in haste run over the rest, not insisting too much upon their Warrs and Fights, but leave them to other Historians.

Upon the departure of the Earl of Essex, Tir-Oen renews his Rebel­lion being incouraged to it, both from Spain and Pope; the first send­ing * Baron. an. 1186 §. 16. Sir Jo. Davies dis [...]overy of Ir [...]land p. 19. as his Agent Don Martin de la Certa, with XXII. Thousand Crowns, to carry on the Treasonable cause; the latter, viz. the Bishop of Rome sending him his blessing by Matheo de Oviedo [by some call'd Arch-Bi­shop of Dublin] and the better to incourage the Arch-Traytor, his Holiness also sent him (as Pope Ʋrban III. sent Henry II. a Crown made of Peacocks Feathers) a Fools-bable, viz. a Osull [...]v [...]m Compend. Hist. [...] Tom. 3 l 5. cap. [...]. f [...]l. 167. Cambden A [...]l. 1599. Phaenix Plume or Feather. But I would gladly know of the Pope how he came by such a Toy. For if there be no such Bird in the world as a Phaenix (as the learned Dr. Vulg. [...]rr [...]rs lib. [...] cap. 1 [...]. Brown and others rationally assert) his Infallible Holiness must get this Romantick Rarity, from the same Store-house, that one got a Phil. Loni [...]r. Theatr. Histr. pag. 81. Feather out of the Arch-angels Wing, another, some of the Flame of Moses his Bush, and a third the Triumphant Banner wherewith Christ descended down into Hell.

Tyrone with these encouragements and hopes of farther relief from year 1600 Spain, grows bold and numerous, and having got many of the great ones to joyn with him, sends also to the Lord Barry to perswade him to the same Treasonable actions. His Letter runs thus.

My Lord Barry,

YOur impiety to God, Cruelty to your Soul and Body, Tyranny and In­gratitude both to your Followers and Country are inexcusable and in­tolerable. You separated your self from the Ʋnity of Christs mystical body, the Catholick Church. You know the sword of Extirpation hangeth over your head, as well as ours; if things fall out otherwise then well: You are the Cause why all the Nobility of the South (from the East part to the West, you being linked into each one of them, either in Affinity or Consanguinity) are not linked together to shake off the Cruel Yoak of Heresie and Tyranny, with which our Souls and Bodies are opprest.

All those aforesaid depending of your resolution, and relying to your judg­ment in this Common Cause of our Religion and Country, you might forsooth with their help (and the rest that are combined in this holy Action) not [...] defend your self from the Incursion and Invasion of the English, but [Page 649] also (by Gods Assistance) who miraculously and above all expectation gave good success to the cause principally undertaken for his Glory, exaltation of Religion, next for the restauration of the ruins and preservation of the Commonwealth) expell them and deliver them and us from most miserable and cruel Exaction and Subjection, enjoy your Religion, safety of Wife and Children, Life, Lands and Goods, which all are in hazard through your folly, and want of due Consideration.

Enter I beseech you into the Closet of your Conscience, and like a wiseman weigh seriously the end of your actions, and take advice of those, that can instruct you and inform you better, than your own private judgment can lead you unto. Consider and read with attention and setled mind, this Discourse Isend you, that it may please God to set open your eyes and grant you a better mind.

From the Camp this instant Tuesday the sixt of March according to the New Computation.

I pray you send me the Papers Isend you, assoon as your Honour shall read the same.

O Neale.

The Lord Barry answered him Nobly and Loyally, upon which they fell upon his Lands and Vassals, doing what mischief they were capable of acting. And the better to credit their wicked cause, the chief of them wrote a Letter to Pope Clement VIII. slandering the Queen and her Government, and so desired the Pope to send out a Bull or Excom­munication and deprivation against her, as Pius V. and Gregory XIII. had done before. The Paper it self runs thus.

Sanctissime Pater,

CUm superioribus annis Dei summi nutu et voluntate excitati ad re­cuperandum hoc Regnum ab Anglorum gravissimo jugo, qui et Religionem et Regionem vi et Tyrannide multis seculis occupavere, id nunc tandem post multa pericula extant lata, pro majore parte excussi­mus, sanctitati Vestrae exponimus, quod prima nobis et praecipua fuit cura perpetuoque erit, statum Ecclesiae, hic fere extinctum, in integrum restituere et collapsum redintegrare; ita apud nos judicantes nostrarum partium esse, vitam ipsam omnemque substantiam nostram in eo augendo impendere, id quod libentiori animo praestare conamur (ut non dicamus cogimur) quia nisi tempestive communi malo in utroque statu occurseri­mus, nobiscum deterius longe actum fuisset quam Turcae solent agere, cum sibi subditis Christianis adeo ut vel fuga esset consolend. vel hic mors ob­eunda.

Rebus itaque in angustias has redactis, ad quem majore spe jureque accedere cujusque opem implorare possumus ac debemus, quam ad Te Pa­ter Spirituum in Terris, ut filiis spiritualibus misere adhuc afflictis, jugo­que longe graviore & crudeliore quam Pharaonico attritis adsis. Quod nos speramus a pietate tua consecuturos exemplo omnium afflictorum, qui ad Sedem tuam in talibus aerumnis accedentes opem atque desideratiorem exi­tum fuerunt consecuti.

Ad Te igitur communem omnium afflictorum, praesertim fidei causa laborantium pium & benevolum Patrem, tanquam ad unicum nostrum Refugium & tutissimum Asylum consugimus, fusisque lachrimis humili­ter petimus, ut nostros gemitus audiat, vota suscipi [...]t, ac postulatus con­cedat, ut eorum ora obstruantur franganturque vires qui oderunt Sion, ac impediunt diruta Jerusalem denuo reaedificari moenia, ubi fi nobis cre­dere dignetur tua Sanctitas, nunquam Antecessores nostri ex tempore quo Regnum hoc in manus Anglorum devenerat, adjutores fuerant quam nos sumus ad fidem a nostro Apostolo Sancto Patricio, traditam suscipiendam ad eamque (proh dolor) in his partibus fere extinctam hactenus & pene sepultam excusso jam pro parte Anglorum jugo exsuscitandam, promo­vendam, augendam & amplificandam; quia nihil aliud in his votis habe­mus, quam videre Dei gloriam et fidei Orthodoxae propugnationem. Annuere itaque dignetur vestra Sanctitas nostris Petitionibus, qui pre­tis honoribus & commodis quibuscunque diem ulteriorem vivere non de­sideramus, quam videre Dei Ecclesiam toto Orbe florentem.

Petimus autem imprimis, ut ad majora fide incrementa illis sedibus vacantibus in hoc Regno, ii qui vita, moribus & literatura praeficiantur, quosque nobiscum Reverendissimus Corcagensis ac Cloanensis Episcopius nominavit ac commendavit tanquam Idonei Pastores ad Dei gregem ver­bo & exemplo instruendum, ne indignis qui sine Ordine & fortasse summa cum Authoritate & Ambitione sese animarum curae, nisi ingererent, nisi occurreretur, aditus pateat. Quod ut petamus move­mur propter summam animarum jacturam, quam ob Pastorum paucita­tem in utraque Monioniae Provincia qui undecem Episcopatus sub Metro­poli Cassilensi complectitur: excipimus enim Reverend. Corcagen. & Cla­oneum qui senio & labore jam pene est confectus, nostri potiuntur: & hoc eo confidentius petimus, qui quod electi, consecrati & ad nos dimissi fue­runt a vestra Sacro sancta sede ad vacuas hiis in partibus sedes occupandas a nobis pro viribus iisdem Dei gratia defendantur, ut gregibus sibi com­missis tuto invigilare queant.

Insuper desideramus ut quemadmodum felicis Recordationis Pius Quin­tus Pont. Max. contra Reginam Angliae ejusque fautores Bullam Excom­municationis ediderat; Nec non Gregorius XIII. eandem continuaverat, ac vim habere in bello Giraldinarum indicavit: similem quoque senten­tiam ad hoc bellum promovendum & ad felicem exitum deducendum, Sanctitas vestra emittere dignetur, ac generatim Sanctitati vestrae affectu quo possumus maximo Regnum hoc vestrum a te solo post Deum dependens nosque humiles tuos subditos una cum Procuratoribus praesentium latori­bus quos pro nobis & nostro nomine deputamus, quique fuse & veraci­ter omnia quae in hoc bello gessimus adjuti eorum opera & doctrina viva voce aperient plenius, Deprecantes ut sancta vestra indubiam illis fidem dignetur adhibere eidem committimus & commendamus.

Sanctitatis vestrae Obedientissimi filii & fidelissimi subditi,
  • Tir-Oen
    O Neale
  • Ja. Fite-Thomas
    James Desmond.
  • Florence Mac Car­tie.
    Mac Cartie More.
  • Dermond Mac Owen Cartie.
    Dermond Mac Cartie, alias Mac Donogh

Tyrone daily growing more powerful in Ireland; Queen Elizabeth, to stop his career, sends over Sir Charles Blunt, Lord Montjoy, as Lord De­puty of that Kingdom: and the Presidency of Munster being void by the unfortunate death of Sir Thomas Morris, who was slain by the Re­bels; She also at the same time sent over Sir George Carew, well acquaint­ed with the Countrey, to be Lord President of the Province of Munster.

Of this Sir George Carew by the way: He was Son to George Carew, Doctor in Divinity, Archdeacon of Totness in Devonshire, afterwards Dean of Windsor, &c. Sir George was by Queen Elizabeth made Lord President of Munster; by King James, Baron of Clopton; and by King Charles I. Earl of Totness, was Master of the Ordinance, and Privy-Coun­cellor to both the said Kings. He was a faithful Subject, a valiant and pru­dent Commander, an honest Councellor, a Gentile Scholar, a lover of Antiquities, and a Patron to Learning. Besides his Translations out of French, he wrote a large History of his Three years Transactions in Munster; in which other accidents of Ireland are interwoven; 'tis Print­ed under the Title of Pacata Hibernia: In which, either Mr. Stafford the Publisher, or the Printer, hath committed several gross oversights both in the Latin and English Parts. Besides thefe, he hath in four large Vo­lumes collected several Chronologies, Charters, Letters, Deeds, Monu­ments, and other Materials belonging to Ireland. To which Manuscript Collections having been much beholden in my Irish Narratives, I thought it fit in these few lines gratefully to give the World notice of it; wishing that others of the Nobility would (as they ought to do) follow his ge­nerous and industrious Example, thereby to advance the honour of their Countrey and Families; and not live like idle Heirs of their Ancestors Titles; That the credit of Nobility may once again advance, and the Honours and Titles might not be ashamed of the Persons that vainly bear them. And thus much by the By, of the gallant and honourable Earl of Totness, who dyed in the City of W [...]stminster, without Issue, in the year MDC XXIX, the XXVII. of March.

In the mean time the Rebellion goeth on in Ireland; and the better to encourage their Sin and Treason, the Pope sends a Letter to the Irish, commending them for their taking up Arms, or acting such villanous Ex­ploits: And to all that do any way assist the said Tir-Oen, he gives a full pardon and remission of all their sins, meriting, forsooth, as much as if they had fought against the Turk, or endeavoured the recovery of the Holy-Land. The Letter it self, being but short, take as followeth:

Clemens PP. VIII.

UNiversis & singulis Venerabilibus fratribus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, & Praelatis; nec non Dilectis filiis, Principibus, Comitibus, Baro­nibus ac populis Regni Hiberuiae, Salutem & Apostolicam Benedi­ctionem.

Cum jam diu, sicut accepimus, vos Romanorum Pont. Praedecessorum nostrorum, ac nostris & Apostolicae sedis cohortationibus adducti, ad ve­stram libertatem recuperandam, eam (que) adversus Haereticos tuendam & conservandam, bonae memoriae Jacobo Giraldino (primum qui durum ser­vitutis jugu [...] vobis ab Anglis Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae desertoribus im­positum, [Page 652] summo animi ardore depellere dum vixit pro viribus procura­vit); Deinde Johanni Giraldino ejusdem Jacobi Consobrino; E novissi­me dilecto filio nobili viro Hugoni Principi Onel dicto Comiti Tironensi, Baroni Dungenaniae & Capitaneo Generali Exercitus Catholici in Hiber­nia conjunctis animis & viribu [...] praesto fueritis, ac opem & auxilium praesti­teritis, ipsi (que) Duces & eorum milites, manu Domini Exercituum illis assi­stente, progressu temporis plurima egregia facinora contra hostes virili­ter pugnando praestiterint, & in posterum praestare parati sunt.

Nos, ut Vos, ac Dux, & Milites praedicti alacrius in expeditionem hanc contra dictos Haereticos opem imposterum etiam praestare studea­tis, spiritualibus gratiis & favoribus vos prosequi volentes, eorundem Praedecessorum nostrorum exemplo adducti, ac de Omnipotentis Dei mi­sericordia ac beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum ejus authoritate con­fisi, vobis omnibus & singulis qui praedictum Hugonem Ducem ejus (que) Exercitum Catholicae fidei assertores & propugnatores sequimini, ac il­lis vos adjunxeritis, aut Consilio, Favore, Commeatibus, Armis, aliis (que) bellicis rebus seu quacun (que) ratione eis in hac Expeditione operam dede­ritis, ipsis (que) Hugoni Duci ejus (que) exercitus militibus universis & singulis, si vere poenitentes & Confessi, ac etiam si fieri poterit, sacra Communione refecti fueritis plenariam omnium Peccatorum suorum veniam & remissi­onem, ac eandem quae proficiscentibus ad bellum contra Turcas & ad re­cuperationem Terrae Sanctae, per Romanos Pont. concedi solita est, miseri­corditer in Domino concedimus; non obstantibus, si opus sit, nostris De­cretis de non concedendis Indulgentiis ad instar ac in susceptionis Indul­gentiarum occasione anni Jubilaei aliis (que) Constitutionibus & Ordinationi­bus Apostolicis ceteris (que) contrariis quibuscunque.

Verum quia difficile foret praesentes nostras ad omnium quorum interest notititiam pervenire; volumus, ut earum exemplis etiam Impressis manu alicujus Notarii Publici subscriptis ac sigillo personae in dignitate Eccle­siastica Constitutae munitis, eadem fides ubi (que) habeatur quae eiisdem prae­sentibus haberetur.

M. Vestrius Barbianus.

The Rebels thus fortified with the Pope's Blessing, never doubted but with the fame of this Benediction so to encrease their numbers, as to be able to carry all before them, and utterly free themselves from their obedience. But herein they found themselves deceived. For Montjoy the Lord Deputy, what with the Soldiers he found in Ireland, and the new Recruits from England, so followed the Rebels in Ʋlster, and other places, that some of them were forced to submit, and Tyrone was forced to secure himself in Bogs, and such like Fastnesses. And in the Southern parts of the Kingdom in Munster, Sir George Carew the Lord President, what by his policy cherishing (by counterfeited Letters) distrust amongst the Rebels, so making divisions amongst themselves; and what by his In­dustry and Valour, taking most of their strong Holds from them, several of them were forced to lurk in corners for their security, and others con­tent to submit themselves to the Queen's Mercy and Protection.

But most of these submissions were but counterfeit and feigned, yeild­ing [Page 653] to time and necessity, for which they presently sent to Rome, cra­ving pardon for this their outward submission. Amongst the chief of these Rebellious Dissemblers, was Tyrone took upon him the Impudency and Authori­ty to create him with the Ceremonies of the Anci­ent Irish. Mac Cartie More. Florence Mac Cartie, one of the greatest note amongst them, who under-hand fomented and encoura­ged all Treasonable practises, but openly seem'd a fair complier to the Queen and her Government; all which appears plainly by his Letters and Correspondencies held with both parties.

The Lord Deputy seeing the wickedness of Tyrone, his resolution not to submit to the Queen, but rather to throw himself into the protection of her mortal Enemy the Spaniard, from whom he expected great aid; as an Earnest of which, one Spanish Ship had newly come with Arms, Mu­nition, and Moneys, to carry on the Rebellion: The Lord Deputy, I say, upon these considerations, with advice of the Council, thought fit thus to proclaim the said Tyrone Traytor.

By the Lord Deputy and Council.

Mountjoy.

WHereas Hugh Neale, of the simple and ignorant called O Neale, was from her Majesties free and gracious Disposition, not only in­nobled to the Title and Dignity of Earl of Tyrone, but also by like Grace bountifully enriched with divers large and great Authorities and Possessions, without any colour or title thereunto which by him could be made; and at no time so much as once touched for his apparent and known disloyal and undutiful misdemeanours, in hope that his amendment might have satis­fied his punishment, until above five years past: He the said Hugh forgetting not only his duty towards God, her Majesty, and Countrey, but also so many favours and great graces, did not only in person enter into most detestable and unnatural Rebellions against her Crown and Dignity, and endeavoured and in part performed the drawing into this Realm forreign Forces of her Majesties professed and known Enemies; with alluring, provoking, and vio­lently urging her Majesties ancient and dutiful Subjects to partake with him in his Confederacies and Rebellions: but also most falsly now of late suggest­ing (to cover his canker'd and long festered Treasonable disposition) that he intended a defence for them against the severity of her Majesties Laws, made against their long enjoyed Religion, Restitution of ancient Liberties by right due unto him and them, and a purpose to prevent an utter extir­pation and rooting out of them and their posterities from their Countreys, Liberties, and ancient possessions, matters by himself meerly counterfeited and invented, himself well known to be irreligious, of barbarous life, a cruel oppressor of his Countrey people, and of worse affection than may be recited.

Whereas by long experience of her Majesties mild and merciful Govern­ment, it hath appeared that such Courses never so much as by probable con­jecture did or could enter into her Majesties Princely Heart, much less to have been by her performed. But his only true and known purpose being to draw their dependency, so as by him they might be opprest with bearing Bo­nughes, yeelding of intollerable payments, executions and oppressions (under which they have long groaned and grieved) and not return to her Majesties merciful Government, but to continue and contain them under his Tyranny for ever.

All which his intentions and actions well and long known unto her Maje­sty, and yet by her tolerated; it pleased her Princely Heart out of her accu­stomed mercies, to the end the wiser might not be excused by want of re­membrance, nor the simpler to be led away by lack of knowledg, openly to proclaim the said Hugh Tr [...]ytor unto her Majesty, her Countrey and Govern­ment. And yet nevertheless to make her exceeding Mercies more manifest, was pleased in divers and sundry places, to the end to reclaim him and his Adherents (so by his before-recited means deceived) to their ancient subje­ction, to offer unto him and them her Majesties free pardon for their lives, lands, liberties, and possessions: which by him was as oftentimes obstinately refused, as graciously offered.

And now at last the said Hugh foreseeing he may no longer withstand her Majesties forces, and failing of his long hoped forreign assistance, now intendeth to leave this poor deceived people to her Majesties condign Justice by them deserved, or to her accustomed Mercy▪ which she never forgetteth, and so to retire himself as a Bush Kearne to Wolv [...]sh Dens and Desert Fast­ness, some small time to escape his deserved Judgment.

Which to prevent, and to free her subjects of their former bondage and burthens; I the now L. Deputy, with consent of her Majesties Council here present, for and in her Name and behalf, do promise to any person or persons that shall deliver the Body of the said Hugh in life, unto the said L. Deputy, 4000 Marks; and to such person or persons as shall bring in his Head for sufficient proof that he or they have procured and performed his death, the sum of 2000 Marks, together also with her Majesties most graci­ous and free pardon for his and their Lives, Lands, Liberties, Goods, and Possessions; the promise to be fully satisfied and performed in manner and form as abovesaid.

In witness whereof, I the L. Deputy, and Council aforesaid, have sub­scribed our Names.

  • Adam Dublin, C.
  • This was the Treasurer, & not Sir Geo. Car [...]w.
    George Cary.
  • Thomas Midensis.
  • Robert Gardiner.
  • Richard Wingfield.
  • Nich. Walsh.
  • George Bourchier.
  • Jeffr. Tenton.
GOD SAVE THE QUEEN.
Will. Ʋsher.

This Proclamation was but fitting, considering the rebellious heart of Tyrone, who took all manner of courses to withdraw Subjects from their obedience; and in this he was not wanting in a counterfeit Religion, pretending great zeal for the Roman-Catholick Cause, under the colour of which he solemnly took a Pilgrimage, to visit a piece of the Cross, which they say was kept in the Monastry of St. Cross, or Holy Cross, in the County of Tipperary. But his chief design was to inveigle the sim­ple people to his party, by this his religious action; nor did he quite lose his expectation.

And now the Pope Clement VIII. for a farther encouragement to their Villanies, sends a particular Letter to Tyrone, full of many fair words and commendations, but void of all honesty and religion, perswading him still to continue in his Rebellion. The Letter it self was this:

Dilecto filio, Nobili viro, Ugoni Principi Naelio, Exercitus Catholici in Hibernia Duci & Capitaneo Generali.

DIlecte fili Nobilis vir, Salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. Cog­novimus ex literis Nobilitatis tuae & ex iis quae dilectus filius Petrus Lombardus Civis vester, Praepositus Cameracensis, nobis coram exposuit Sacrum foedus quod tu & quam plures Principes et Proceres, et Nobiles Primarii Regni istius, pro Dei gloria, Patriae salute et Catholica Religio­nis Defensione in istis, Dei benignitate, charitatis glutino colligatum con­servari et augeri, quod (que) ejusdem Domini Exercituum ope et virtute prospere a vobis pluries pugnatum est adversus Anglos, Ecclesiae et fidei Desertores magnam ex his voluptatem in Domino cepimus, ipsi (que) Patri miserecordiarum Deo gratias egimus, qui adhuc in Regno isto reliquit sibi multa millia Virorum qui non curvaverint genua sua ante Baal, hoc est Impias Haereses, et prophanas novitates non sunt sequnti, imo eas de­testati fortiter pugnant, pro haereditate Majorum suorum, pro fidei sa­lute integritate et unnitate cum Ecclesia retinenda quae una est Catholi­ca et Apostolica extra quam non est salus.

Laudamus egregiam pietatem et fortitudinem tuam Fili et Principum et Coeterorum omnium qui tecum juncti ac foederati nulla pro Dei gloria pericula recusant, seque Majoribus suis qui bellicae virtutis et Catholicae Religionis studio ac laude imprimis floruerunt dignos Nepotes et justos successores ostendunt et palam profitentur. Conservate filii hanc men­tem, conservate Unionem et Consensionem vestram, et Deus Omnipo­tens, Deus Pacis et Concordiae erit vobiscum et pugnabit pro vobis, et quem admodum fecit prosternet inimicos suos ante faciem nostram.

Nos autem qui Nobilitatem tuam et vos omnes avitae fidei et gloriae Imitatores paternae, amamus et gerimus in Visceribus Jesu Christi, non cessamus Deum nostrum Orare pro vestra felicitate et salute, vestri (que) so­liciti sumus et erimus semper quantum cum Deo poterimus, at (que) ubi opus fuerit scribemus efficaciter ad Regis et Principes Catholicos filios nostros ut vobis et causae vestrae omni ope suffragentur. Cogitamus etiam pro­pediem mittere ad vos peculiarem Nuntium nostrum, et hujus sanctae Se­di [...] ( [...]n qua Deo Authore meritis licet imparibus praesidemus) virum pi­um, prudentem zelo Dei praeditum et nobis probatum, qui nostri erga vos amoris testis sit vobis (que) omnibus in rebus ubi usus venerit adjumento sit ad Salutarem et Necessariam Unionem vestram conservandam, ac [Page 656] Catholicam fidem propagandam, ac omnia denique pro sui muneris Of­ficio, officienda, quibus Dei honor et cultus in Regno isto augeatur.

Interea placuit has nostras Literas ad vos praemittere testes amoris no­stri, in vos & Regnum istud, et ut vos omnes tanquam filios nostros in Christo dilectos paterno affectu consolaremur, ipsum vero Petrum Lom­bardum quem Nobilitas sua Oratorem et Negotiorum gestorem consti­tuit apud nos, et jam libenter audivimus, & deinceps audiemus. Tibi vero et caeteris qui tibi unanimes pro fidei Catholicae propugnatione adhae­rent, nostram et Apostolicam benedictionem benigne impartimur, De­um (que) precamur ut Angelos emittat in circuitu vestro, et pios conatus ve­stros sua coelesti gratia dirigat, vos (que) dextra suae potentiae perpetuo tueatur.

Silvius Antonianus Cardinalis.

Besides this, Mateo de Oviedo, who had the confidence upon the Popes account, to call himself Arch-bishop of Dublin; being now in Ireland to carry on the Rebellion, writ to James Fitz Thomas, who call'd himself Earl of Desmond, this following encouraging Letter.

My most honourable good Lord:

HAving long desired a fit opportunity to write unto you, the same is now offered by Mr. Viz. John Fitz Thomas, Brother to James the ti­tular Earl of Desmond. John, whereof I am very glad, that by such a most sure and faithful Messenger I might open my mind to your Lordship, as also to shew, that most certain and undoubted hope of aid is shortly to come.

I would most willingly have come unto your Lordships presence, which lately I have essayed, and doubtless would have done, unless I had been hin­dred by those Lords, which told me, that present and imminent dangers were to be fear'd in my journey, unless I had an Army of Soldiers to con­duct me; and now (but that there is a necessity of my returning into Spain) I would have come to you in company of Master John: But I hope that most speedily and most fortunately I shall return unto you again.

In the mean time I have pretermitted nothing which might tend to your profit, as well to Our Catholique Master, as any other whatsoever, which now also in Spain I will perform: I would therefore entreat your Excel­lency, That you would be of good courage, together with all other of your Faction; and that you would fight constantly and valiantly for the faith and liberty of your Countrey; knowing, and firmly hoping, that the help of my Lord the Catholique King, is now coming; which when it cometh, all things shall be prosperous, and will place you in your former liberty and security, that ye may possess your designed peace and tranquillity. The Al­mighty conserve your Lordship in safety long to continue.

These Benedictions, and the assured hopes that the Rebels had of the hastning of the Spanish Succours, made them grow more bold and da­ring; insomuch that many hundreds of the Conaght and Ʋlster-Tray­tors hurried themselves into a Body, thinking to invade Munster; but Carew by his vigilancy and policy quite frustrated their design by the loss of some hundreds of such desperate Vagabonds.

Yet their plottings go on; and at the desire of Florence, Mac Cartie, Donoghe Mac Cormock (who call'd himself also Cartie) sent this Letter to the King o [...] Spain.

HAving received direction from the Earl of Clan-care, I would not omit this opportunity, at the departure of the Mate [...] de O­viedo. Arch-bishop of Dub­lin, and Don Martin de la Cerda, to make known to your Majesty how the said Earl hath written to your Majesty by two or three ways; but un­derstanding that these Letters came not to your Royal hands, he hath now again written by me to your Majesty, making offer as well of his person and lands, as of his Vassals and Subjects, to your Royal Service, humbly beseech­ing your Majesty to receive, favour, and aid him with your Power and libe­ral Hand, seeing there is no other that can and will assist us better against the Hereticks in this Holy Enterprise.

Your Majesties Loyal Vassal, to kiss your Royal Hand, Donoghe Cartie.

At Dongall was the chief Rendezvous of Tyrone, and the great ones of his Party in the North; where they made a Solemn League or Cove­nant; for the better strengthning of which, they all received the Sa­crament: and afterwards Tir-Oen wrote this Letter to Florence Mac Cartie.

OƲR Commendations to you Mac Cartie More: I send shortly to you, according to our Trust of you, that you will do a stout and hopeful thing against the Pagan Beast; and thereupon our Viz. That mentioned before, which was ruined and lost. Army is to go into Munster, and with the will of God we consent unto you, and will that you believe not any word from us for ever, before we write again unto you: For you shall see I believe he relates to the Earl of Essex his business, in which he was also con­cern'd. trouble enough in England by English-men it self; so as there shall be easiness of suffering their warrs by May next, in respect of that it is now. And since this Cause of Munster was left to you (next under God), let no weakness or imbecillity be found in you, and the time of help is near you, and all the rest.

O NEALE.

Rumors being spread abroad of divers Informations brought in, of Insurrections and Spanish Invasions, Her Majesties Governours thought it was their duty to look about them: So Sir George Carew gets James Fitz-Thomas, the Titular Earl of Desmond, to be surprised as he lurked in a filthy Cave; and also secured Florence Mac Cartie, who for all his under-hand Treasons and Conspiracies, outwardly yet carried a shew of Loyalty. Both which were sent into England, and clapt up in the Tower of London; and some others also were seised on, and kept in hold.

Whilst they were thus busie in consulting the safety of the Kingdom, the Spaniards [of which Invasion the Bishops of Clonford and Killaloe, Archer the Jesuit, and others, were great Instigators] landed with a great Fleet at Kingsale in the County of Cork in Munster; which Town they began to fortifie, and sent notice of their abode to Tyrone and O Donnel, desi [...]ing them to haste to them with all their Powers.

The Lord Deputy, informed of the Spanish arrival, sets out a Procla­mation at Cork, forbidding any to assist them; declaring also upon what unjust grounds the Pope and King of Spain had undertook that Inva­sion, and commanding all people to live in obedience to their true So­veraign Queen Elizabeth. In answer to which, Don Juan de Aquila, Ge­neral of the Spanish Forces, sets out this following Declaration; which is pat to our business, and worth the perusal, the better to discover the true Roman-Catholique Doctrine.

DON Juan de Aquila, General of the Warr, and the Catholique King This is in La­tin, MS. F. 97 Cant. in Bib. Bodl. Oxon. & thus in Eng­lish, in Pacata Hibernia, p. 200, 201, 202. of Spain's Chief Commander in Gods Warr which is made in Ire­land for the defence of the Faith. To all the Irish Catholiques living in Kingsale, the City of Cork, and in all other Villages, Cities, and Castles, wisheth health in Him who is the true Happiness.

There is come unto our ears a Proclamation, or certain Libel, made in the City of Cork, in the Name of the Deputy; which because it containeth many untruths, and such things as offend the ears of honest men, lest they may lead and seduce the minds of simple men into errors, and turn them from the truth; I am compell'd to shew their falshood, to lay open the truth, and in few words to signifie the pretence and intention of our most Excel­lent King Philip in this Warr, which is with the Apostolique Authority to be administred by us: And (to speak the truth) I could very easily retort upon them those reproaches which they object to us, and make them lose the plea­sure which they have taken in ill-speaking, by hearing the like. Notwith­standing we will not (like unto weak and unarmed women) go to re­proachings; but setting these things aside, answer to those that are objected, with sound truth, and Christian modesty.

First of all, Ye fain that we would lead away the pretended Subjects of the Queen of England from their obedience, to bring them under Our yoak, which is a very untruth: for we endeavour not to perswade any body that he should deny due obedience (according to the Word of God) to his Prince. But ye know well, that for many years since, Elizabeth was deprived of her Kingdom, and all her Subjects absolved from their fidelity, by the Pope; unto whom he that reigneth in the Heavens, the King of Kings, hath committed all power, that he should Root up, Destroy, Plant, and Build in such sort, that he may punish temporal Kings (if it should be good for the spiritual Building) even to their deposing; which thing hath been done in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, by many Popes, viz. by [Page 659] Pope Pius Quin [...]us, Gregory the Thirteenth, and now by Clement the eighth, as it is well known, whose Bulls are extant amongst us: I speak to Catholicks, not to froward Hereticks, who have fallen from the faith of the Roman Church, seeing they are blind leaders of the blind, and such as know not the grounds of the truth, it is no marvel that they do also dis­agree from us in this thing. But our Brethren the Catholiques, walking in the pureness of the faith, and yeelding to the Catholique Church (which is the very Pillar of the Truth) will easily understand all those things. There­fore it remaineth that the Irish (which adhere to us) do work with us no­thing that is against Gods Laws, or their due obedience; nay that which they do, is according to Gods word, and the obedience which they owe the Pope.

Secondly, Ye affirm, That we Spaniards go about to win the Irish with allurements and feigned flatteries (which is a thing far from our natures) and that we do it but for a while; that after we have drawn the minds of simple men unto us, we might afterwards (exercising our Cruelty towards them) shew our bloody nature.

O the Immortal God! Who doth not wonder at your bitter and unexpres­sible cruelty, and your boldness shewed in these words? For, Who is he that doth not know the great Cruelty which you English have exercised, and cease not to exercise towards the miserable Irish? You, I say, go about to take from their souls the Catholique Faith which their Fathers held, in which consists eternal life: Truly you are far more cruel than Bears and Lions, which take away the temporal life; for you would deprive them of the eternal and spiritual life. Who is it that hath demolished all the Tempo­ralities of this most flourishing Kingdom, except the English? Look upon this, and be ashamed.

Whereas on the other side, We, commiserating the condition of the Ca­tholiques here, have left our most sweet and happy Countrey, Spain, that is replenished with all good things, and being stirr'd with their Cries which pierce the Heavens, having reached the ears of the Pope, and our King Philip; They have (being moved with pity) at last resolved to send unto you, Soldi­ers, Silver, Gold, and Arms, with a most liberal hand; not to the end they might (according as they feign) exercise Cruelty towards you, O Irish Ca­tholiques; but that you may be happily reduced (being snatched out of the Jaws of the Devil, and free from their Tyranny) unto your own pristine Ingenuity, and that you may freely profess the Catholique Faith.

Therefore my most beloved, seeing that which you have so many years before desired and begged for, with prayers and tears; and that now, even now, the Pope, Christ's Vicar on Earth, doth command you to take Arms for the defence of your Faith; I admonish, exhort, and beseech you all, all I say, unto whom these Letters shall come, That as soon as possibly you can, you come to us, with your Friends and Weapons. Whosoever shall do this, shall find us prepared, and we will communicate unto them those things which we possess; and whosoever shall (despising our wholsome Coun­sel) do otherwise, and remain in the obedience of the English, we will pro­secute him as an Heretick, and a hateful Enemy of the Church, even unto Death.

Don Juan de Aguila.

The Lord Deputy laid siege to Kingsale, which continued long; in which time, both he received supplies from England, and Don Juan from Spain; both parties standing sufficiently in need of such. As for the Irish, many of them who had formerly promised obedience to the Queen, now revolted, delivering themselves and Castles up to the protection of the Dons. Amongst the rest, Donnel Osulevan Beare freely gave up to the Spaniard his strong Castle of Dunboy, which cost the English much cost and time in re-taking. Of which he writ this Letter to the King of Spain.

IT hath been ever, most Mighty and Renowned Prince, and most Gracious and Catholick King, from time to time manifestly proved by daily ex­perience among us Irish, That there is nothing worketh more forcibly in our hearts, to win and to draw our love and affection, than natural inclination to our Progeny and Off-spring, and the memorial of the Friendship which sticketh still in our minds; chiefly the same renewed, cherished, and kept in use by mutual affection, and by shewing like friendship to us also.

We the meer Irish, long sithence deriving our Root and Original from the famous and most noble Race of the Spaniards, viz. from Milecius son to Bile▪ son to Breogwin; and from Lwighe, son to Lythy, son to Breogwin, by the Testimony of our old ancient Books of Antiquities, our Pedigrees, our Histories, and our Chronicles. Though there were no other mat­ter, we came not as natural branches of the famous Tree, whereof we grew, but bear an hearty love, and a natural affection, and intire inclination of our hearts and minds, to our ancient most loving Kinsfolks, and the most noble Race, whereof we descended.

Besides this (my Soveraign) such is the abundance of your goodness, and the bounty or greatness of your liberality, now every way undeserved of our parts, as tokens of love and affection by your Majesty shewed unto us, that it is not fit nor seemly for us, but to bestow cur persons, our men, and our goods, in the service of a Prince, that dealeth so graciously with us, that send­eth Forces of men, great Treasure, Victuals, and Munition for our aid, against our Enemies, that seek to overwhelm and extinguish the Catholique Faith diabolically, put to death our Chieftains tyrannously, coveting our Lands and Livings unlawfully.

For the aforesaid Considerations, and for many other commendable causes me moving, I bequeath and offer in humbleness of mind, and with all my heart, my own person, with all my forces, perpetually to serve your Majesty, not only in Ireland, but in any other place where it shall please your Highness: I com­mit also my Wife, my Children, my Mannors, Towns, Countrey, and Lands, and my Haven of Dunboy, called Biara Haven, (next under God) to the pro­tection, keeping, and defence, or Commerick of your Majesty, to be and re­main in your hands, and at your disposition. Also at your pleasure be it (my Liege Lord) to send defence and strong keeping of the Haven of Dunboy, first for your self (my Soveraign) to receive your Ships, and for me also as your loving Servant, so that the Queen of England's Ships may not possess the same before you, while I follow the Warrs in your Highness behalf.

I pray Almighty God to give your Majesty a long life, and health of Body and Soul, with encrease of Grace and Prosperity. So I betake you to the keep­ing of God.

Your most dutiful loving Servant, Donnel Osulevan Beare.

With an intent to raise the Siege, Tyrone, O Donnel, Mac Guire, Mac Maghon, Burk, Tirrell (the best Soldier amongst the Rebels), and other Irish, hasted towards Kingsale, and in their March joined with Alonso de O Campo, and his Spanish recruits newly landed; all which joined to­gether, made up towards VII Thousand.

The Lord Deputy for all this continueth the siege; Tir-Oen and the rest of his Relief approach, come within two miles of the Town; but is fought and beat, his followers quite dispersed: Tyrone runs into his hiding-holes in Ʋlster. O-Donnell and others escape into Spain, and the rest where they thought most convenient. And this Battel may be said to confirm the Queen in Ireland, and to secure the Protestants there, who had been Dr. Nic. Ber­nards life [...] A [...]ch-bishop Ʋsher pag. 30. slaughter'd by the Irish, had the Spaniards here prevailed.

Don Juan de Aguila seeing the Irish thus routed, and his own Forces much impaired both in health and number, fell to a Capitulation, upon which he yeelded the Town: He and his Spaniards were to be sent home; and what other places they had in the Kingdom under their pro­tection, were likewise to be delivered up to the English, and amongst the rest was Dunboy.

Which place being naturally strong, and pretty well fortified, Osule­van Beare, a man given over to Mischief and Rebellion, was resolved year 1602 not to part with it so: Whereupon one night he surpriseth it, but let the Spaniards return to their own Countrey; only the Cannoniers he detain'd, the better to serve him in the defence of the place against the English and his Queen; concerning which he writes this Letter to the King of Spain.

My Lord and my King,

OƲT of his love to your Kingly Greatness, your humble stedfast Ser­vant, Donnel O Sulevan Beare, enforced through peril and con­straint, doth make bold to inform unto your Greatness, That upon the land­ing in Castle-Haven, in the West of Ireland, your General Pedro Zubiar, and Pedro Lopez de Soto, with a Fleet and Men from your Greatness, ac­cording to the inward conceit of mind I always held, which I manifested in my young years, and would have still followed, unless disability had con­strained me to the contrary; finding a happy and good Opportunity (as I ima­gined) I came to their presence, tendring my Obeysance to them in the Name of your Highness, and being with 400 men at my own cost towards your service, I yeelded out of my meer love and good will, without compulsion or composition, into their hands in the Name of your Majesty, not only my Castle and Haven called Beer Haven, but also my Wife, my Children, my [Page 662] Countrey, Lordships, and all my Possessions, for ever to be disposed of at your pleasure. They received me in that manner, and promised (as from your Highness) to keep and save the said Castle and Haven, during the service of your Grace.

Notwithstanding, my Gracious Lord, Conclusions of Peace were assuredly agreed upon betwixt Don Juan de Aguila, and the English; a fact pi­tiful, and (according to my judgment) against all Right, and Humane Con­science. Among other places, whereof your Greatness was dispossest in that manner (which were neither yeelded nor taken, to the end they should be delivered to the English) Don Juan tied himself to deliver my Castle and Haven (the only Key of mine Inheritance, whereupon the living of ma­ny thousand persons doth rest, that live some twenty Leagues upon the Sea­coasts) into the hands of my Cruel, Cursed, Mis-believing Enemies; a thing I fear, in respect of the execrableness, inhumanity, and ingratefulness of the Fact, if it take effect as it was plotted, that will give cause to other men not to trust any Spaniard hereafter with their Bodies or Goods, upon these Causes.

My Lord, in that I judg this dishonourable act to be against your Honour and Pleasure (as I understand by your last Letters that came into Ireland) considering the harm that might ensue to the service of your Majesty, and the everlasting Overthrow that might happen to me and poor people, such as might escape the Sword of our Enemy (if any should) I have taken upon me (with the help of God) to offer to keep my Castle and Haven from the hands of mine Enemies, until further News and Order come from your High­nesse.

I have sent my Son and Heir (being of the age of five years) as a pledg for accomplishing your will in this behalf, and for the performing of my promise past unto your Greatness. I would not omit my self in person to come and visit your Highness, but that I fear our Warrs here would grow weak in respect of my absence; for which cause my self, and the rest of our men of worth, have sent in haste with Intelligence unto your Greatness our loving Friend Dermond Odrischall (in respect of our confidence in him, our knowledg of him, and the continual endeavour we see in him towards this Catholick Warr) as from us all.

And for as much as we could not conveniently write all that we wish unto you, we humbly beseech, That he may be heard as from us all, as if our selves were present, and to hasten helping-News, that shall rejoice us and our peo­ple; and afterwards to speed your gracious help unto us: for the sooner the better, whilst our Enemies are not in readiness. And until the coming of News from your Grace unto us, I will have in a readiness, where the Service shall require, the number of One thousand men; and I will upon my knees pray the merciful God, to give unto your Grace long life, with health of Body and Soul, and all happiness; and so do commit you to the safeguard of the Omnipotent:

Donnell Osulevan Beare.

Other two Letters he wrote also to the same purpose, one to the Earl of Carazena, Governour of Gallicia; and the other to Don Pedro Zu­biar; in which he gave this notable boast, viz. That his Ancestors main­tained the Credit and Calling of good Gentlemen these Two thousand and six hundred years sithence their first coming out of Spain.

And to keep Dunboy he resolves; nor did he want encouragements, the Spaniard sending to the Irish relief Twelve thousand pounds, and Ammunition and other Necessaries; and O-Donnel writes this Letter to O Connor Kerry.

WHat News are here, the Doctor, and Dermond Odrischal, may largely report unto you: but of this one thing you may be fully assured, That the King will not omit the winning of Ire­land, if it cost him the most part of Spain. His Majesty doth send you Money and Munition. I pray let our information of you be found true, and your service encourage Our King to further merit you.

I pray you send me the relation of the News of our Countrey, in such sort, as if there be any bad, it be concealed from the Spaniards, and known to me; Where the Deputy with the Queen's Forces are occupied, or where they are in Garrison.

Your loving Friend, Hugh O-Donnel.

And Owen Mac Eggan, the Popes Apostolical Vicar in Ireland, thus writes to Richard Mac Goghagan, in Dunboy. This Mac Eggan was newly return'd out of Spain, and came along with the Spanish Supplies. He was by the Pope made now Bishop of Rosse.

Master Richard,

I Commend me unto you, being very glad of the good report I hear of you, whereby I cannot but expect much (with God his assistance) in that lawful and godly Cause, of you. I am sorry, but it was not my luck to conferr with you, and with the rest of your Company, and in­form you of all the state of the matters of Spain. But upon my Credit and Conscience, there is no greater piece of Service now in hand in all Christendome for the King of Spain, than the same that ye have. How great it is to God, and necessary for our Countrey-affairs, ye know.

Moreover, within few days you shall have relief of men come to help you thither out of Spain. The great Army of Fourteen thousand men, are forth-coming; you shall all be as well recompenced both by God, and by the King's Majesty, as any Ward that is in all the World again. Have me, I pray, commended to all, and especially to Father Dominick, and bid him be of good Courage. There comes with the Army a Father of the Company, an Italian, for the Pope his Nuncius, in whose company I came from Rome to the Court of Spain, and there [Page 664] he expects the Army's coming hither. He shall give all a Benediction, yea, I hope within your Castle there, spite of all the Devils in Hell.

Your assured Friend, Owen Hegaine.

In my Sacrifice and poor Prayers, I will not fail, but commend you and your good Cause to God Our Ship did arrive three days agon, and our Letters are come to the King by this time. Nisi Dominus custodierit Civitatem, &c.

In the mean time, Sir George Carew layeth siege to Dunboy, which was held out very desperately; yet at last it was stormed, and all kill'd or executed, except Sixteen, Twelve of which were chief followers of Tirrell, and for whom he bare a great respect, upon which account they were saved some days.

For Tirrell offered to do any service that lay in his power to purchase their Lives and Liberties. 'Tis accepted; a stratagem is propounded, in effecting of which, he also should be pardoned. But this he refused, offering to redeem them with Money: But to be false to his Master the King of Spain, or to betray the Catholique Cause, he never would, as he said. Upon which, seeing no good to be done on him, his Twelve men were also executed.

Yet for all these great and noble Successes of the Loyallists, the Re­bels would not absolutely give over their wickedness, though their main security were some beggarly lurking-places in Boggs and Woods. But that which render'd them so stubborn, was the great confidence they had in the Spanish Army, which indeed had come to their relief, if the loss of Dunboy had not so much discouraged the Catholique King, who upon notice of its taking, sent into Gallicia to Carrazena Governour of Co­runna, to stop the Army and other Necessaries for Ireland, considering the place where he expected to land them, was taken.

One of the chief Incendiaries among them at this time, was their Bi­shop of Ross, Owen Mac Eggan, or as some call him, Eugenius O-Hegan, who by his pretended Dignity, as Vicarius Apostolicus, his favour and credit with the King of Spain, his Interest with their Clergy, being im­power'd by the Pope to dispose of all the Ecclesiastical Livings in Mun­ster, and other Favours he enjoyed, carryed a great stroke amongst the people, commanding and ruling all as he pleased: and such was his ma­lice against obedient Subjects (were they Irish or Romanists) that all that he could any ways seize on, he would in piety (as he pretended) first have them confessed and absolved, and then presently in his own sight murdered; and this he esteemed a notable sign of Catholique Sanctity.

At last it was the fortune of the Loyallists to meet with a Party of the Rebels, in which Conflict this furious Mac Hegan commanded an hundred Horse, himself leading them on with his Sword drawn in one January 1602/ [...] hand, and his Breviary and Beads in the other, where he was slain, and the Rebels routed.

In short, such was the prosperity of the Loyallists, that the Traytors seeing no safety for them either in Rebellion, or Spaniard, began by de­grees to crave pardon, and submit; and Tir-Oen himself sent several Let­ters to the Queen, acknowledging his offence, and begging her mercy; and at last thus submitted himself to Montjoy.

The said Lord Deputy being at Mellifont, not far from Drogheda, thi­ther March 30. 1603. comes Tyrone only with one or two in company. Being admitted to the Presence Chamber (the L. Deputy sitting in the Chair of State) he fell on his knees at the very Threshold. Having laid prostrate a while, the Lord Deputy beckon'd unto him to come nearer. Then approach­ing Speed. some steps, he prostrated himself again on his knees, saying,

‘In the Royal Clemency of my dread Soveraign, and most gracious Queen, I do only lay the hope and rest of my remaining Estate, unto whose pleasure I absolutely remit my Life, and whole Revenues; and do most submissively deplore mine own misery; Beseeching again her Mercy, whose bountiful Favours I have heretofore, and mighty Pow­ers now of late both felt and found; and well hope, that the Foun­tain of her everlasting Graces are not drawn dry. Let me, I pray, be the Subject whereon her Mercy may work; and an ensample for ever of her mild Clemency, both to divulge her Princely Lenity, and to redeem in some part the Honour I have lost.’

‘For Age I am not so unserviceable, nor of Body so unable, neither in Courage so dejected, but that my faithful Service in her behalf may expiate and make some measure of satisfaction for these my many and disloyal Rebellions.’

‘And yet I may justly complain, That through the malicious Envy of some, I have been hardly and unfriendly dealt with, which may somewhat extenuate my Crime and Offence: For—’

He was proceeding to offer some Excuses for his faults; but the Lord Deputy interrupted him, saying, That so great a Crime was not to be co­lour'd March 31. The. Bown's Appendix to his Translati­on of Camb­den's Elizab. with any excnse. Then after some few words pronounced Maje­steriously Conqueror-like, he commanded him to depart aside. And the next day Tir-Oen signed this following submission with his own hand, and delivered it up to the Lord Deputy.

‘I Hugh O-Neale, by the Queen of England, France, and Ireland, her most gracious favour created Earl of Tir-Oen, do with all true and humble Penitency prostrate my self at her Royal Feet, and absolutely submit my self unto her Mercy, most sorrowfully imploring her graci­ous Commiseration, and appealing only to her Princely Clemency, without presuming to justifie my unloyal proceedings against her Sacred Majesty; only most sorrowfully and earnestly desiring, that it may please her Majesty rather in some measure to mitigate her just Indignation against me, in that I do religiously vow, That the first Motives of my most unnatural Rebellion, were neither Practice, Malice, or Ambition; but that I was induced first by fear of my Life (which I conceived was sought by mine Enemies practise) to stand upon my guard, and after­wards most unhappily led to make good that Fault with more hainous offences, which in themselves I do acknowledg deserve no forgiveness; and that it is impossible for me, in respect of their greatness, in any pro­portion, even with my Life to make satisfaction. I do most humbly de­sire [Page 666] her Majesty to pardon them; that as I have already been a suffici­ent Argument of her Royal Power, having little left but my Life to preserve it self; so that it may now please her Majesty to make me an Example of her Princely Clemency, the chiefest Ornament of her High Dignity.’

‘And that I may be the better able hereafter, with the uttermost service of my Life, to redeem the foulness of my Faults; I do most humbly sue unto her Majesty, That she will vouchsafe to restore me to my former Dignity and Living; in which estate of a Subject, I do most religiously vow to continue for ever hereafter Loyal in all true obedience to her Royal Person, Crown, Prerogative, and Laws; and to be in all things as far and as dutiful conformable thereunto, as I or any other Noble-man of this Realm is bound by the duty of a Sub­ject to his Soveraign, or by the Laws of this Realm. Utterly renoun­cing and abjuring the Name and Title of O Neale, or any other Au­thority or Claim which hath not been granted or confirmed unto me by her Majesty, and that otherwise by the Laws of this Realm I may not pretend just interest unto. And I do religiously swear to perform so much as is above-mentioned, and the rest of these Articles sub­scribed by mine own hand, as far as shall any way be in my power; and to deliver such Pledges for the performance thereof, as shall be nominated unto me by the Lord Deputy.’

‘I do renounce and abjure all Forreign Power whatsoever, and all kind of dependency upon any other Potentate but her Majesty the Queen of England, France, and Ireland; and do vow to serve her faithfully against any Forreign Power invading her Kingdoms; and to discover truly any Practises that I do or shall know against her Royal Person or Crowns. And namely and especially, I do abjure and renounce all manner of dependency upon the King or State of Spain, or treaty with him, or any of his Forces or Confederates; and shall be ready with the uttermost of my ability to serve her Majesty against him, or any of his Forces or Confederates.’

‘I do absolutely renounce all Challenge or Intermedling with the Ʋriaghts, or Fostering with them, or other Neighbour-Lords or Gen­tlemen out of my Countrey, or exacting any Black-rents of any Ʋ ­riaghts, or bordering-Lords.’

‘I do resign all Claim and Title to any Lands, but such as shall now be granted unto me by her Majesties Letter Patents.’

‘Lastly, As the only being a Subject doth include all the Duties of a Subject; so will I be content to be informed here, and advised by her Magistrates, and will be conformable and assisting unto them in any thing that may tend to the advancement of her Service, and the peaceable Government of this Kingdom; as namely, for the abo­lishing of all barbarous Customs, contrary to the Laws, being the Seeds of all Incivility; and for the clearing of all difficult Passages and Places which are the Nurseries of Rebellion; wherein I will em­ploy the labours of the people of my Countrey in such sort, and in such places as I shall be directed by her Majesty, or the Lord Deputy, or Council in her Name: and will endeavour for my self, and the peo­ple of my Countrey, to erect civil Habitations, and such as shall be of great effect to preserve us against Thieves and any Force but the Power of the State, by which we must rest assured to be preserved as long as we continue in our Duty.’

And now, to see whether these Rebellions agree or no with the Ro­man-Catholique Doctrine, I shall afford you the Opinions and Commen­dations of some of their Ʋniversities, of these very Treasonable Actions.

In Dei Nomine Amen.

ILlustrissimus Princeps Hugo O­nellus, bellum gerit cum Angliae Regina & Anglis, ob Catholicam Religionem tuendam, ut scilicet li­ceat illi & Ibernis libere Catholi­cam Religionem profiteri; quam li­bertatem vi & armis Angliae Regina conatur eripere.

Duo nunc circa hoc bellum in dubium revocantur.

I. Alterum est, An liceat Catho­licis Ibernis praedicto Principi Hugoni in eo bello favere armis & quibuscunque aliis modis?

II. Alterum, An iisdem Catho­licis liceat pugnare contra praefatum Principem citra mor­tale peccatum, & Anglis in eo bello favere armis aut alia quavis ratione?

Praesertinm, cum si Anglis hoc auxilii genus negant, manifesto vitae periculo aut amittendi bona temporalia sese exponunt. Et praeterea, cum ipsis Catholicis Iber­niae a summo Pont. sit permis­sum, ut possint praedictae Reginae Angliae obedire, ac ut legitimam Reginam, Tributa illi solvendo, recognoscere, videtur enim id praestare posse, quod Subditorum est, pugnare scilicet adversus Regi­nae Rebelles, qui debitam ei Obe­dientiam negant, & terram illius ditioni subjectam usurpare viden­tur.

Ut utrique Questioni satisfiat, Tanquam certum est accipiendum Posse Romanum Pont. Fidei deser­tores, & eos qui Catholicam Reli­gionem oppugnant, Armis compel­lere ac coercere, cum alia Ratio non suppetat tanto malo occur­rendi.

Est praeterea ut firmum consti­tuendum Angliae Reginam Catho­licam Religionem oppugnare, nec permittere Ibernos Catholicam fi­dem, publice colere, eadem (que) de Causa praedictum Principem, & ante eum alios (quos Apostolicae literae Clementis VIII. commemo­rant) bellum adversus illam susce­pisle. His ita constitutis facile pri­ma Quaestio expeditur.

Citra quaestionem nam (que) est, Posse quoscun (que) Catholicos dicto Principi Hugoni O-Neil in praedicto bello favere, idque magno cum me­rito & spe maxima Retributionis aeternae: Cum enim praedictus Prin­ceps bellum gerit authoritate Sum­mi Pont. ob tuendam Religionem Catholicam, ad id (que) eum & omnes Christi fideles, Pontifex per suas literas adhortetur (ut ex ejus lite­ris constat). At (que) Principi in eo bello faventes multis gratiis pro­sequatur, ac si bellum contra Turcas gererent; nemo jure dubitaverit, & susceptum bellum justum esse & magni esse meriti pro Catholica Re­ligione (quae omnium maximum bonum est) tuenda pugnare.

Est etiam de secunda Quaestione omnino certum, Eos omnes Catho­licos peccare mortaliter, qui Anglo­rum Castra contra praedictum Prin­cipem O-Neil sequuntur: nec posse illos aeternam salutem consequi, nec ab ullo Sacerdote a suis pecca­tis absolvi, nisi prius resipiscant, ac Castra Anglorum deserant. Idem (que) de illis censendum est, qui Armis [Page 669] & Commeatibus in eo bello An­glis favent, vel quod simile tri­buunt praeter ea Tributa Consue­ta, quae (ex sum­mi Pont. Indul­gentia & permis­sione) eis licet So some Copies have it; but O­sullevan reads it thus:— [...]is licet Reginae Angliae aut ejus Exactori­bus solvere An­gli [...] Regibus▪ floren­te in ea Religionae Catholica, aut eorum Exactoribus solvere.

Haec Assertio hac apertissima Ratione confirmatur.

Quoniam per liter as summi Pont. satis est compertum Angliae Regi­nam & ejus Duces Bellum gerere injustum contra praedictum Prin­cipem O-Neil & eos qui illi favent.

Cum enim Pontifex declarat An­glos adversus Catholicam Religio­nem pugnare, eos (que) non minus ac Turcas oppugnari debere, eisdem­que Gratiis eos oppugnantes pro­sequatur, quibus contra Turcas pugnantes prosequitur: Quis dubi­tet, bellum ab Anglis adversus Ex­ercitum Catholicum omnino ini­quum geri? At nemini licet ini­quo bello favere, aut i'li adesse, sub poena aeternae Damnationis.

Peccant ergo gravissime Catho­lici, qui in Castris Haereticorum contra praedictum Principem pug­nant in bello aperte iniquo & in­justo, & omnes qui eidem bello favent Armis aut Commeatibus, aut quacun (que) alia ratione, quae per se belli progressum juvent, nec possint rationem inire indifferen­tis obsequii.

Nec eos quicquam juvat Aposto­licas Literas Surreptionis notare: Surreptio enim intervenire non potest, ubi nulla narratur Petitio eorum, in quorum favorem expe­ditur. [Page 670] At summus Pont. aperte in illis Literis docet, Se & Antecesso­res suos sponte exhortatos fuisse ad illud bellum gerendum Hiber­nos Principes ac Fideles omnes: & ad eos magis provocandos, magnis eos Gratiis ac Indulgentiis donat. Qui ergo fieri potest ut Surreptitiae sint literae, quae solam Exhortationem gratiis erga assi­stentes cumulatam continent?

Nec possunt ergo Catholici An­glis faventes, rationibus in secun­da Quaestione adductis se tueri: Nullum enim peccatum mortale committendum est, etiam si vita aut res familiaris amittenda sit: ea vero quae bellum injustum per se promovent ac juvant exercere, aperte peccatum est mortale.

Permissum est etiam Catholicis Haereticae Reginae id genus obse­quii praestare, quod Catholicam Religionem non oppugnat. Non fuit unquam nec potuit esse Ponti­ficis mens, ea Obsequia circa Re­ginam eis permittere, quae aperte cum fine & scopo ipsius Pont. de promovenda in Hibernia Catholica fide ac Religione pugnant. Hanc autem ejus esse mentem & sco­pum, Literae ipsae apertissime de­clarant.

Ex quibus omnibus satis mani­festum relinquitur, illustrissimum Principem Hugonem O-Nellum, & alios Catholicos Hiberniae bellum gerentes adversus Reginam Hae­reticam, Orthodoxam Fidem op­pugnantem, nullo modo Rebelles esse, ne (que) debitam Obedientiam ne­gare aut Terras Reginae injuste usurpare, quin potius illos justissi­mo bello se terram (que) suam ab iniqua [Page 671] & impia Tyrannide vindicare, sa­cram (que) Orthodoxam fidem (ut Christianos & Catholicos decet) pro viribus tueri at (que) defendere.

Quae omnia & singula, nos in­fra-scripti, ut certissima ac verissi­ma judicamus & approbamus.

  • Sic ego Johannez de Seguensa, Pro­fessor Theologiae in Collegio Socie­tatis Jesu, hujus Almae Salmanti­censis censeo.
  • Idem Censeo ego, Emanuel de Royas, Professor Theologiae in eodem Col­legio Societatis Jesu.
  • Horum Patrum Sententiae tanquam omnino certae assentior et ego Gas­par de Mena, Theologiae & S. Scripturae in eodem Coll. Pro­fessor.
  • In eadem sum prorsum cum Praedi­dictis Pp. Sententia Petrus Osorio in eodem Coll. Societatis Jesu pro Sacris Canonibus.
[Page 667]

In the Name of God Amen.

THE most Renowned Prince Hugh O Neil, doth make warr for the defence of the Catholique Faith with the Queen of England, and the English people, viz. That it may be lawful for him and the Irish freely to profess the Catho­lique Religion; which liberty the Queen of England doth endeavour to take from them by force and arms.

There are two matters now in question a [...]ut this Warr.

I. The one is, Whether it be law­ful for the Irish Catholiques to favour the foresaid Prince Hugh with Arms and all other means in this Warr?

II. The other is, Whether it be lawful for the same Catholiques to fight against the foresaid Prince, without deadly sin, and to favour the English in this Warr, by Arms, or by any other means whatsoever?

Especially, when the case so stands, that if they deny this kind of help unto the English, they ex­pose themselves to a manifest dan­ger of their lives, or the losing of their Temporal goods. And fur­thermore, since it is permitted by the Pope, that they may obey the foresaid Queen of England, and acknowledg her as their lawful Queen, by paying Tribute unto her: for it seemeth that, that may be performed what belongeth un­to Subjects to do, viz. To fight a­gainst the Queen's Rebels, who de­ny their due obedience to her, and seem to usurp the Land which is subject to her dominion.

That both these Questions may be decided, we must hold as for certain, That the Pope hath pow­er to bridle and suppress those who forsake the Faith, and those who fight against the Catholick Faith; when by no other means so great a mischief can be hindred.

And furthermore, it must be po­sitively concluded, That the Queen of England doth oppugn the Ca­tholique Religion, and doth hin­der the Irish from the publick en­joyment of the Catholique Faith; And that for this cause, the fore­said Prince O-Neal, and others be­fore him (mentioned in the Apo­stolical Letters of Clement VIII.) undertook the Warr against her. These things thus laid down, the first Question is easily resolved.

For without doubt, any Catho­lick whatsoever may favour the said Prince Hugh O-Neil in the fore­said warr, and this with great me­rit, and certain hopes of an Eter­nal Reward: For seeing that the said Prince doth make Warr by the Pope's Authority for the de­fence of Catholique Religion, and that the Pope doth exhort all the faithful by his Letters thereunto (as is manifest by his Letters), and that he will extend his graces upon the favourers of the Prince in that Warr, in as ample manner as if they make warr against the Turks. No man in justice can doubt, but that the present Warr is lawful, and also that to fight for the Catho­lique Religion (which is the greatest good of all others) is a matter of great merit.

And concerning the second que­stion, it is most certain, that all those Catholiques do sin mortally, that take part with the English a­gainst the foresaid Prince O-Neil, Neither can they obtain Eternal Salvation, nor be absolved from their sins by any Priest, unless they first repent and forsake the English Army. And the same is to be cen­sured [Page 669] of those, who in this War favour the English either by Arms, or any other means; or shall give them any thing of like Conditi­on, besides those accustomed Tri­butes, which is lawful for them (by virtue of the Pope's Indulgence and Permission) to pay unto the Kings of England, or their Offi­cers, the Catholick Religion flou­rishing and being amongst them.

This Assertion is confirm'd by this most manifest Reason.

Because it is sufficiently proved by the Pope's Letters, That the Queen of England and her Forces, make unjust Warr against the said Prince O-Neal, and those who fa­vour him.

For seeing that the Pope doth declare, That the English do fight against the Catholique Religion, and that therefore the said English should be resisted as much as if they were Turks; and that he doth bestow the same Graces and Bles­sings upon those who resist the said English, as he doth upon those who fight against the Turks: Who doubteth but that the Warr waged by the English against the Catho­lique Army, is altogether unjust? But it is not lawful for any to fa­vour an unjust Warr, or to be pre­sent thereat, under the pain of E­ternal Damnation.

Those Catholiques do there­fore most grievously offend, who bear Arms with the Hereticks a­gainst the foresaid Prince, in a Warr so apparently impious and unjust. And so do all those who assist them in the said Warr with Arms, Victuals, or by any other means, which of themselves do further the proceedings of the Warr, and cannot give account of their indifferent obedience.

Neither doth it any thing avail them to scandal the Apostolical Let­ters of Surreption, or of some un­derhand procuring. For Surreption cannot happen, where no Petition [Page 670] of them is declared, in whose fa­vour they were dispatched. But the Pope doth plainly declare in those Letters, that he and his Pre­decessors had voluntarily exhort­ed the Irish Princes, and all others of the Faithful, to undertake this Warr. And, the better to incite them to it, doth enrich them with great Favours, Blessings, and In­dulgences. How can it then be sup­posed, that these Letters were sur­reptitious, which only contain an Exhortation strengthned with ma­ny Favours for such as did ful­fil them.

Neither therefore can the Ca­tholiques who assist the English, defend themselves by the Reasons alledged in the second Question: For no mortal sin is to be commit­ted, although thereby Life or Goods might be saved: but these things which further and help to execute an unjust Warr, are mani­festly deadly sins.

It is permitted likewise to the Catholiques, to perform such kind of Obedience to this Haeretical Queen, as doth not oppugn the Catholique Religion. Neither e­ver was it, or could it be the meaning of the Pope, to allow them to use that Obedience to­wards the Queen, which doth manifestly contradict and oppose the end and scope which he had to promote the Catholick Faith and Religion in Ireland. But that this was his meaning and scope, his own Letters or Breves do mani­festly declare.

From all which it remaineth suf­ficiently apparent, that the most famous Prince Hugh O-Neil, and o­ther Catholiques in Ireland, ma­king warr against an Heretical Queen (who opposeth her self against the True Faith) are by no means Rebels, neither do they deny due obedience, or unjustly usurp any of the Queens Domini­ons. But on the contrary, they do [Page 671] rather vindicate themselves and their Countrey from an impious and wicked Tyranny, by a most just Warr; and do defend and maintain the holy and Orthodox Faith with all their power, as becometh all Christians and Catholicks so to do.

All and every of which, we whose Names are under-written, do judg and approve as most certain and true.

  • I Juan de Ziguenza Professor of Divinity of the Colledg of the Society of Jesus of this famous City of Salamanca, do so judg.
  • I Manuel de Rojas, Professor of Divinity of the said Colledg, do agree in the same.
  • I Gaspar de Mena, Professor of Divinity and Holy Scripture in the said Colledg, do assent to the said Opinions of these Fa­thers as altogether true.
  • I Piedro Osorio, Expounder of the Sacred Canons in the same Col­ledg of the Society of Jesus, am altogether of the same Opinions with the foresaid Fathers.

The same Censure or Declaration I find the very next year after, thus dated and subscribed:

Datum Salmanticae, secundo Februarii, Anno Domini Millesimo Sexcentesimo Tertio.

Doctores Salmanticenses.
  • Fra. Franciscus Zumel Decanus Salmant.
  • Mag. Alphonsus de Curiel Sacrae Theologiae Primatius Professor.
  • Fr. Petrus de Herrera.
  • Mag. Doctor Franciscus Sancius.
  • Fr. Dionysius Juberus.
  • Mag. Andreas de Leon.
  • Fr. Petrus de Ledesma.
  • Fr. Martinus de Paraza.
Doctores Theologi Vallisoselani.
  • [Page 672]D. Franciscus Sobrino Decanus.
  • D. Alfonsus Vacc [...] de Santiago.
  • D. Johannes Garcia de Coronel.
  • Mag. Fr. Johannes Nigron.
  • D. Torre.
  • Fr. Josephus de Luxan.

Vallisoleti, Octavo Martii, Anno Millesimo sex­centesimo tertio.

Philip Osullevan thinks this Declaration enough to convert all good Hist. Cathol. Ibern. Com­pend. Tom. 3. lib. 8. cap. 7. fol. 204. Romanists to Rebellion, and is not a little proud of its Authority; and thus cockered up in his usual vanity, he accuseth all of folly and igno­rance, who sided with the Queen and her Loyallists; and to think otherwise, he saith is a mad and poysonous Doctrine.

Tir-Oen (as aforesaid) having submitted himself, the Lord Deputy carried him the next day to Dublin, intending to convey him into Eng­land; and thither he carried him, King James being proclaimed and received as the undoubted King, who also pardoned Tir-Oen, received him honourably at Court, and by Proclamation forbidding any to shew him the least disrespect.

But the Romanists in Ireland shew themselves of another temper: for hearing of Queen Elizabeth's death (a great comfort to Three Con­vers. of Eng. part 1. an Ad­dition to the Epist. Dedicat Parsons) and that James was King of England, they rejoyce at the one, and despise the other. The Citizens of Lymrick, with their Priests, seized upon all the Churches in the City, erecting their Altars, resolving to re-settle their Religion again. At Wexford they gave out, that King James was Fynes. Morysont Itinerary, p. 285, 286, &c. a Romanist, the better to embolden their Associates. Those of Water­ford secured the Cathedral Church to themselves, defaced the Session-House at Black-Fryers, by breaking the Doors, pulling down the Ben­ches and Seats of Justice, ordering Masses to be celebrated publikely.

But those of Cork went farther, refusing to proclaim the King, ran to their Arms, forbad the Commissioners to proclaim him; upon which the Loyallists and the said Commissioners were forced to proclaim him upon an Hill near the Town. They entertained one amongst them, who call'd himself a Legat from the Pope, went with them in Solemn Pro­cession, new hallowed their Churches, kept strong Guards, took the Sacrament to spend their Lives and Goods in the defence of the Roman Religion; fell upon the Kings Forces, encouraged a Priest to hearten the people on, by preaching to them, That James could not be a lawful King, because he was not appointed by the Pope, and sworn to main­tain the Roman Religion. They write also to all Towns and Cities, to assist them in defence of the Catholick Faith; and the better to carry on their Designs, seized upon the King's Munition.

And as for Tir-Oen, having staid a little time in England, with leave and Reward he return'd for Ireland; where after so many Promises [Page 673] and Obligations, it was expected he would have lived civilly and obe­dient. But here, according to his old wont, he falleth a plotting and contriving mischief again, but with a great deal of secresie. In the mean time Montgomery Lord Bishop of Derry (and afterwards of Meath) en­ters Bp. Carlton's Thankful Remem­brance, cap. 14. p. 168. into suit against Tir Oen, for wrongfully keeping some of his Episco­pal Lands (a great sin, but too much in fashion to cheat the Church); upon this Tir Oen is summon'd to appear at an appointed time, to ex­pect the issue of the Tryal. The Earl, conscious of his late designs against the State. and fearing that his Plots had been discovered, prompt­ed by his guilty Conscience, he and his Family slipt privately into 1607. Nor­mandy, thence to Flanders (where he was entertain'd by Father Jo. Gee's Foot out of the Snare, p. 103. Mus­ket with a Panegyrick Oration): upon which King James puts forth a Proclamation against him, not a little to the disgust of zealous An. 1608. § de Sponde. From Flanders he goeth to Rome, where he lived upon the Pope's Allowance, became blind for some years, and so 1616. dyed. And his Son ended his days miserably in Bruxels, being found strangled in his own Chamber; but whether by himself or others, as it is not cer­tainly known, so is it nothing to my purpose.

And thus much concerning these Troubles in Ireland, whose effects were so lamentable, that besides the Miseries and Depopulations by Warr, the extremity of Famine grew so great, that the very Arch-bishop Ʋshers Speech at Dublin, A­pril 30. 1627. Vid. his life by Dr. Bernard, p. 67. Women in some places, by the way-side, would surprise the men riding by, to feed themselves with the flesh of their Horses. And sooner might these Troubles have had an end, if it had not been by the instigation of their zealous Priests and Jesuits, though born Subjects; such as were Father Archer, White, Ractor, Mulrony, Leinagh, &c. Mahonne O Dullany a Priest, Edward Raghter a Dominican.

A Continuation OF THE HISTORY OF THE Romish Treasons AND USURPATIONS.
BOOK X.

CHAP. I. Divers Plots against Queen Elizabeth and King James. Rawleigh's Designs against King James. The Life of Father Parsons.

THIS Century might afford us several dismall Contrivances against the Crown and Prosperity of Great Britain; but of some I shall but slightly touch, as being commonly known; and in others I must not be too critical and open, lest I should offend against Sir Walter Rawleigh's Prudential Rule, Not to fol­low Truth too near the heels, lest she should kick back, and strike out my Teeth.

And here I might speak at large of the several Designs as well of Pu­ritan as Papist, to hinder King James from his true succession to the Crown of England; as sometimes endeavouring to make him odious to Queen Elizabeth, to prevent her declaring for him; as by telling her of the King's intimacy with Clement VIII. which they endeavoured to year 1599 make out to her by a Letter of his to the said Bishop; a thing, had it been true, might not have deserved such a Censure as Deprivation, see­ing the Pope may be as civilly treated with, as other Potentates; a thing not to be denied by any but an Impertinent Puritan, or an Irrational Enthusiastick: But they hoped, that her Jealousie of Religion, augment­ed by her Age, and some Expressions in the Letter, might perswade her to make Mountains of Mole-hills, and in such a pet to declare some other to the Crown; which, as some hoped, might have brought such troubles upon the Kingdom, that in the hurry a Romanist might have slipt himself into the Throne, to which so many pretended.

But she was too wise to be cheated by such Toys; presently she per­ceiving the drift, she suspected the cheat. And a meer forgery it was in respect of King James; though his knavish Secretary, Balmerinoch, Propende­ret animo ad Religionem Romanam Rob. Johnston Hist. Rerum Brit. p. 448. one warping towards Popery, had given some ground for such a story: For he, by the Instigation of his Kinsman, Sir Edward Drummond, a Romanist, had penn'd a Letter to the said Clement VIII. in favour of the Bishop of Vaison, a Scotch-man, for his preferment to a Cardinal­ship, which by shuffling in among other Letters to be signed, the King had hastily (a dangerous oversight, where are knavish Secretaries) set his hand to; the other sealing it with the Royal Signet, entrusted to him by his Office.

Queen Elizabeth by the by challenged King James with this. But he protested his Innocency, by denying any such thing; so did James El­phingston Lord Balmerinoch, who also got Drummond to forswear it. Ra­leigh, and other Enemies to the Scotch Title, could then proceed no farther, though they had used such Interest at Rome, as to get a Copy of it, which they shew'd to the Queen as the Original, and she to Mr. Da­vid Foulis the King's Agent; who satisfied her Majesty, by proving to her, by the Testimony of her Stationers, that the Date of the Letter was older than the stamp or mark of the Paper; whereby it could not be the Original, and so might be a Cheat as well as a Copy. But after­wards Mat. Tort. pag. 47. 1608, 1609. Bellarmine retorting this Letter to the King, Balmerinoch was farther examined and tried, who confest all, was condemned of Trea­son, and as a Traytor to be beheaded; but by Queen Ann's Intercession was pardoned. A man he was of good Parts; but especially knew how to filch, pilfer, and embezel Church-Lands; and if it should be possible for a covetous man (as he was) to be honest, yet 'tis certain, that he who robs God and the Church, can never be a Friend to the King, but for his own Interest.

Queen Elizabeth is now old and weak, cannot live long; so 'tis need­less to attempt any more against her Person, whose death they daily ex­pected, and it might anticipate their quickest Designs. No man's right and succession to the Crown is so much fear'd as that of King James; and therefore to prevent Him, must be the main Care and Contri­vance.

There was one Francis Mawbray, Son to the Laird of Barnebowgall, who had lived some while in the Infanta's Court at Bruxels; he, they year 1601 say, undertook to take this rub out out of the way, by killing the King; [Page 677] to which purpose he intends for Scotland, but taketh England in his way. At London one Daniel an Italian Fencing-Master, discovers the Plot to the Queen; she for a further trial hath them both seiz'd on and sent into Scotland: Mawbry, supposed guilty, is cast into Edenburgh Ca­stle, whence thinking one night to escape out of a Window, by his Bed-sheets, which proving too short, he fell upon the Rocks, and so dyed; his Body was hang'd for some time, then quartered, and fixt upon the Gates, and several places of the City.

This failing, another Design is in hand: In Italy, Ferdinando I. the Grand Duke of Tuscany, by the intercepting of some Letters, discover­eth a Plot to take away King James his Life by Poyson. The Duke, who had formerly been a Cardinal, moved with the Fame of the King's Learning and Virtue, and it may be had some hopes of his Conversion, upon the former false Letters, resolved to discover and prevent it. At this time Mr. Henry Wotton sojourned in Florence, and was well acquaint­ed year 1602 with Signior Vietta, the Duke's Secretary; upon whose Commenda­tions Wotton is pitched on to be the Messenger. The Letters and excel­lent Antidotes against Poyson (such as were not then known in Scotland) were delivered to him, who disguised under an Italian Garb and Name of Octavio Baldi, hasteth to Scotland, cometh to the King, discovereth himself and the Conspiracy, and after some stay returneth to Florence. He was afterwards Knighted by King James, and famous for his Learn­ing, Languages, and Embassies.

In these Designs against the King's right to the Throne, Pope Clement VIII. was not wanting, who intended the Crown for some of his Friends. Card. D'Ossat Let. 191. 268. 272. And perceiving that some in England were tampering to promote the Interest of the Lady Arabella, in this case he thought it best to deal warily: He had a mind that the Duke of Parma should enjoy the Crown; but this upon better thoughts he supposed would not be feasi­ble, by reason that Arabella's Interest might be too strong. And there­fore Parma being married, he casts another way about, and thinks upon Cardinal Farnese, younger Brother to Parma; who being unmarried, might be wedded to Arabella, and so did not question by their joint Forces and Interests to carry the Crown. To carry on this business, no­thing was thought more convenient, than to unite all the Romanists in England, that their Cause might not suffer by any dissentions amongst themselves about this Succession. And seeing Experience had told them, That their Clergy had a great awe and authority over the Laity, so it was best then to have all their Clergy to be of the same mind, and to prosecute the same Ends, and they hoped that their Laity would not then be divided. To which purpose they conclude of an Arch-Priest, who should have a Jurisdiction over the rest, who were to act accor­ding to his Rules and Instructions. And in these Designs, Father Par­sons was a main Stickler and Contriver; the Pope also had drawn up some Bulls, and sent to his Nuncio in the Netherlands to divulge and spread them abroad at convenient time; wherein he declared, That not any, though never so near in —Quantum cun (que) propin­quitate san­guinis nite­rentur, nisi ejusmodi es­sent qui fidem Catholicam non modo to­lerarent, sed omni ope ac studio promo­verent, & mo­re Majorum jurejurando se id praestitu­ros suscipe­rent, &c. Bull. Clement VIII. blood, should after Q. Elizabeths death be admitted to the Crown, but such an one as would not only tolerate the Roman Religion, but would swear to promote and resettle it; and, that in the mean time Cardinal Farnese might in this Island have the greater Vogue, the Pope made him Protector of England, as he was of other Countreys: Nay, rather than fail, the same Pope had 1597. D'Os­sat Let. 87. formerly exhorted the French and Spaniard to unite, invade England, and divide [Page 678] it between them: Nor did they neglect to instigate the Family of the Pools to have a right.

Yet for all these Attempts, and other Endeavours of the Jesuits, Win­ter, Desmond, and such like, who plotted His Exclusion; upon the death of the Virgin Queen Elizabeth, he was proclaimed and received as the undoubted King James I. of England, but of Scotland VI. However, no sooner is he set in the Throne, but an odd medley-Plot is agitated against him, composed of such variety of Religions and Interests, that it seemed to puzzel the World that such a wise man as Raleigh should be in it; but that they knew, Discontent would thrust a daring Spirit upon any thing to satisfie it self.

The main Ingredients of this Conspiracy were,

  • Henry Brook Lord Cobham
    • seem'd to be Protestants.
  • George Brook his Brother
  • Thomas Lord Gray of Wilton, a Rank Puritan.
  • William Watson, the Author of the Quodlibets, where he rants dap­perly against the Jesuits for their Treasons and Plots.
    • Romish Priests.
  • William Clark, who had writ against Father Parsons for the same Crimes.
  • Sir Griffin Markham, a Zealous Romanist.
  • Sir Walter Raleigh, a States-man and Soldier, and troubled with no more Religion than would serve his Interest and turn.
  • Count Arembergh, Ambassador from the Arch-Duke of Austria.
    • Zealous Romanists.
  • Matthew de Lawrencie, a Merchant, but an Instrument employed by Arembergh.

And some other such like. Their Designs were,

  • To set the Crown on the Lady Arabella, or to seize on the King, and make him grant their desires, and a Pardon.
  • To have a Toleration of Religion.
  • To procure Aid and Assistance from Forreign Princes.
  • To turn out of the Court such as they disliked, and place themselves in Offices.
  • Watson to be Lord Chancellor.
  • George Brook, Lord Treasurer.
  • Sir Griffin Markham, Secretary of State.
  • Lord Gray, Master of the Horse, and Earl-Marshal of England.

For more security, Watson draweth up an Oath of Secrecy. But all is discovered; they are seiz'd on, examined and tryed. The two Priests [Page 679] plead James is not King, because not then Crown'd. But that excuse is declared idle: most of them are found guilty, and condemned. Watson? Clark, and George Brook, were executed; the rest reprieved. Gray dyed in the Tower the last of his Line. Raleigh was beheaded 1618. the rest discharged of Imprisonment, but dyed miserably poor. Markham and some others abroad; but Cobham (as we are Oshorn's Traditional Memoires of K. James, p. 12 told) in a Room ascended by a Ladder at a poor Womans House in the Minories (for­merly his Landress) dyed rather of Hunger, than a natural Dis­ease.

I need not here speak how their Respons. ad Edictum Reg. § [...]6. Card. Allen's Answer to the Execut. of Justice, p. 185. Priests endeavoured to amuse the people with what Troubles there would be at the death of Elizabeth; nor how, to alienate the Crown, they published (to stir up many Ti­tles and Pretenders) divers Pamphlets, as Lesley, Heghington, Creswell, Crag (a Scotch Jesuit, but his Book was burnt, and never printed). And we are told, That the Jesuits were entreated to Is. Casaubon Epist. ad Front Ducaum. assist in this Plot; but they desired to be excused, as having another Design in their thoughts, which some think was meant of the Gun-powder-Treason. And to all these Contrivances Father Parsons was no bad wisher.

OF this Parsons, seeing he then made such a noise in the world (and § 11. § is by those of his Order commended as one of the most holy men of his time, whilst others, though Romanists, will look upon him no otherwise than the greatest Villain then living in the world) I shall say something here, the better to inform Posterity.

'Tis true, the Industrious Dr. Thomas James, almost LX. years ago, un­dertook to write his Life, and therein to set down nothing but what the Priests and Romanists themselves writ of him; which accordingly he did: but it containing more of Satyre than History, I shall make little or no use of that Collection, now so rarely to be met with, for they were all bought up by the Jesuits themselves; it is call'd, THE JESƲITS DOWNF ALL.

Some Romanists have boldly asserted Parsons to have been a Bastard, begotten by the Parson of the Town Stockgursee in Somersetshire, and therefore call'd Parsons, though they say his right name was Or Cubhuck A. P. A Re­ply to a Libel call'd A brief Apol. p. 324. Cowback; and this hath been in a manner generally believed. But to do him what right I can, I shall not be unwilling to allow here some mistakes as to the place; and though, upon enquiry, I am informed, that those Pa­rish-Records are now lost, whereby I cannot satisfie my self as well as Manifestation of folly, f. 89 I would; yet I shall in part be guided herein by himself, and other Enquiries.

He was born at Nether-Stowey in Somersetshire, a Vicarage, in the year 1546. His Father (a Blacksmith) was once an Enemy to Rome; but was (as they say) reconciled to that Church by Alexander Briant, who was executed; and his Mother dyed at London in the same perswasion. They had XI. Children, this Father Parsons being the middlemost. He was Dr. Sutclyf's Blessing on Mount Geriz­zin, p. 220, 288. instructed in the Latin Tongue by John Hayward, or Haywood, once a Monk or Canon-Regular of the Abbey of Torr, who came out of De­vonshire to be Vicar of Stowey; he was held a notable Twinger, and suspected as kind enough with Parsons Mother, lying at her House.

Thus fitted for the University, thither was he sent, and entred into Baliol Colledg in Oxford; but in what year, I cannot tell. In 1564, I meet Lihb. Matri [...] Antiq. Oxon. with three Parsons in that Colledg, two of them Batchelors of [Page 680] Arts, and one an Ʋndergraduat, who (comparing the time with the Customs of that Colledg) must be this same Parsons. In the year 1568, he was admitted Socius Sacerdos, commonly call'd Chaplain-Fellow; and so went into Holy Orders, though but Batchelor of Arts. In the year 1573, he took his Degree of Master of Arts; and in the next year, viz. the 13 of February, 1573/4 he resigned or quitted the Colledg.

But the manner how he left that place, hath not hitherto been agreed to on all hands; A brief A­pology, fol. 193, 194, &c. himself, to keep up his credit, will tell a fair Tale, and endeavour to lay some blots upon Dr. Bagshaw: on the other side the Answer to the brief Apol. p. 32, 33, &c. Doctor, though a great Romanist, undertakes to clear himself, to confute Parsons his story, and to render him faulty enough. Seeing these were both then Fellows of that Colledg, and both af­terwards turn'd zealous Romanists, yet Enemies, and could understand this story best; yet finding them in different Tales, and so not willing more to believe than to dis-believe either; I shall take the story from a third hand, who was also Fellow of this Colledg, and afterwards Arch-bishop of Canterbury; but when he wrote this following Letter (which I transcrib'd from the Original) was Master or Head of Uni­versity Colledg.

To my worshipful loving Friend, Mr. Dr. Hussye, at Mr. Haiden's House, who dwelleth at the Sign of the Tunn in Watling-Street; Give these.

YOƲ write unto me to know what is in record any way against Mr. Parsons; and I return you here inclosed word for word so much as is in the Register of Baliol Colledg. In the Resignation, as you may see, he had written Sponte & coactus; but now it is Sponte non coactus, [&] be­ing blotted out, and [non] being set Thus non et over. Which I am deceived if it be be not alter'd by some body else of late, in as much as I am verily perswa­ded, that since my coming to the Colledg I have seen it Sponte & coa­ctus; which although it carry a contradiction, yet intimateth that he re­signed against his will. The particular reasons whereof, no man can tell bet­ter than Dr. Turner, now dwelling in Fetter-lane; or Dr. In the Pro­ctor's Book I find one Tho. Hyde procee­ded Master of Arts the same year with Rob. Parsons, viz. 1573. Hide of Sa­rum; for as I take it, they were both present at his Removing.

The causes and manner of his giving over, as far as I could ever com­prehend, were these: Christopher Bagshaw ad­mitted Fel­low 1572, let the Colledg 1582, was made Priest in France, li­ved a while in the English Colledg at Rome; pro­ceeded Do­ctor, some say, at Padoa [A. P. Reply, p. 1 [...]6.]; others at Paris; and was one of the Faculty at Sorboune. He was active against the Arch. Priest in the stirrs at Wishich: He lived to be very old. Bagshaw, being a smart young man, and one who thought his penny good Silver, after that he had his Grace to be Batchelor of Arts; was with some despight swindged by Parsons, being Dean of the Colledg; Hoc manet alt [...] mente repostum: And Bagshaw afterward coming to be Fellow, was most hot in prosecution against Parsons. It was the more forwarded by Dr. Squire's displeasure, who was then Master of Baliol Colledg, and thought himself to have been much bitten by vile Libels, the Author whereof he conceived Parsons to be; who in truth was a man at that time wonderfully given to scoffing, and that with bitterness, which also was the cause that none of the Company loved him.

Now Dr. Squire and Bagshaw being desirous of some occasion to trim him, this fell out: In the year 1572. Parsons had been Bourser; and being joyn'd in Office with one Stanclit, a very simple Fellow, he took the ad­vantage of the weakness of his Colleague, and falsified the Reckonings much to the damage of the Colledg; as also deeply polling the Commoners Names, whereof there was store in the Colledg; and withall, not sparing his own Scholars: By all which means it was thought, that he had pur­loin'd One hundred Marks.

His Office expiring at St. Luke's Tide, there were some that between that and February 1573. scanned over the Books, being moved thereto by the secret Complaints of some of the Commoners their Scholars; and find­ing it apparent, as also being now certified, that he was a Bastard; whereas it is the first quality there required by Statute, That every Fellow should be Legitimo Thoro natus; they proceeded to have his Expulsion solemnly. Where by the way you may add, that Parsons was not of the best fame concerning Dr. Sutclyf's Blessings on Mount Geriz­zim, pag. 288. Incontinency, as I have heard some say who lived in Oxon at that time: but whether that were then objected against him, I have not heard.

Parsons being put to this push in the Colledg Chappel, and ways suffici­ent concurring to expel him, and in truth no man standing for him, ma­keth humble request, That he might be suffered to resign; which with some a-do was yeelded to him; and then he wrote as you have here inclosed.

Afterwards, before the Assembly broke up, he entreated that his giving over might he conceal'd, by reason that it would be disgraceful unto him with all men, but especially with his Scholars and their Friends; and for these causes humbly prayed, That he might keep his Scholars, Chamber, &c. and be reputed as a Fellow in the House, the matter being concealed from all the Boys and the younger sort in the House; which then in words was yeelded unto, and that other Decree which now you see razed, was enact­ed for the time, but afterward was soon crossed, as you may behold.

And soon after their coming out of the Chappel, by Bagshaw's means a Peal of Bells was rung at Magdalen Parish-Church, being the Parish where­in Balliol Colledg standeth; the reason of which ringing, as it was impart­ed to some few, to be to ring out Mr. Parsons, so generally it was not known to the world, or in the Colledg, which gave occasion to this farther jest:

When Parsons was expell'd, he was one of the Deans of the Colledg, and so by his Place was to keep Corrections in the Hall on the Saturdays. The next time therefore of Corrections, which was the day of Parsons his Expulsion, or soon after, Dr. Squire causeth Parsons to go into the Hall as Dean, and to call the Book and Roll, &c. and then cometh Dr. Squire himself in, and as if it had been in kindness to countenance him (but in truth more profoundly to deride him) he calleth him at every word Mr. Dean, and desireth him often to have a strict care to the good government of the Youth; and not only for a fit, but all the time of his year that he was to continue in Office.

Some of the Commoners knew all this Pageant, and laught the more sweetly; and Parsons in the end spying how he was scorned, and nothing concealed; nay, understanding all his Knell which was rung out for him, for very shame got him away to London; and there not knowing what course at first to take, at length resolved to try his fortune beyond Sea, pur­posing, as it should seem at his departure, to study Physick; but after­ward when he came into Italy, resolving rather to study the Civil Law; which he did for a time at Bononia, as himself in that place told Mr. Da­vers, [Page 682] Brother to the late Sir John Davers, as the said Mr. Davers hath himself told me; but afterwards be-like wanting means of Continuance, he turn'd to be a Jesuit.

Presently upon his departure out of England, he sent a Letter, or rather a notable Libel to Dr. Squire; and he had so ordered the matter, that ma­ny Copies of the Letter were taken and abroad in the hands of others, be­fore the Letter came to the Doctor; which was the true cause that many very lewd things were falsly reported of Dr. Squire, although in truth he was such a man as wanted no faults, &c.

Your very loving Friend, GEORGE ABBOT.

The inclosed Resignation mentioned in the Letter, runs thus:

Ego Robertus Parsons Socius Collegii de Balliolo, Resigno omne meum jus & clameum, quem habeo vel habere potero Societatis meae in dicto Col­legio, quod quidem facio sponte Here & is dash'd out, and non writ­ten over it. no• coactus, die decimo tertio mensis Februarii Anno Dom. 1573.

Per me Rob. Parsons.

The inclosed Decree mentioned in the Letter, take thus:

Eodem tempore Decretum est unanimi consensu Mri & Reliquorum Soci [...] ­rum, ut Magister Robertus Parsons nuperrime Socius retineat sibi sua Cu­bicula & Scholares quos (que) voluerit, & Communia sua de Collegio habeat us (que) ad Festum Paschatis immediate sequentis.

But this last Decree was presently after cancell'd or cross'd, and so remains in their Register-Book.

Being in Italy, he went to Rome, and there turned Jesuit; thence came again into England with Campian, but made what haste he could out again: sometimes living in Spain, instigating that King to invade Eng­land; other times living at Rome, where he was Rector of the English Colledg; was, as they say, in some probability of a Cardinal's Cap.

We have formerly told you of his pernicious Principles, taken out of his own Writings; maintaining, That the See back­ward, l. 2. c. 1. p. 76, 77. Pope hath power and au­thority to depose Kings: That L. 2. c. 3. p. 93 Subjects of themselves may depose their Kings: Nor will he deny, but that Kings may lawfully be, L. 2. c. 4. p. 101. kill'd by their people, and such like. And now the better to understand the man, take a few Instances of his behaviour towards his Queen and Countrey; as they are delivered to us by the Romanists themselves: and here I shall only set down that which carrieth the greatest probability. William Clark the Priest saith thus of him:

‘As touching the Colledges and Pensions that are maintain'd and gi­ven by the Spaniard (which he so often inculcateth) we no whit thank him for them, as things are handled, and occasions thereby mi­nistred, of our greater persecution at home, by reason of Fa. Parsons treacherous practises, thereby to promote the Spanish Title to our Countrey, and his hateful Stratagems with such Scholars as are there brought up, enforcing them to subscribe to Blanks, and by publick Orations to fortifie the said wrested Title of the Infanta, meaning Isa­bella Clara Eugenia, Daughter to Philip II. of Spain, whose Right to the English Crown was maintain'd in a Book by this Parsons made, but published by him under the false Name of Dolman: 'Twas call'd, A Conference about the next Succession of the Crown of England. Of this Book thus saith the former Priest.’

‘—Concerning his proposing the Book of Titles to be read in Id: fol. 69. the Refectory in Rome, instead of a Spiritual Lecture used to be read at such times: There be divets yet that will depose the same against him; and Mr. Lawbery, now a Reverend Priest, was the man should have read the same; but he rejected it.’

Another tells us thus of Father Parsons:

‘—It is well known, that Fa. Parsons in Spain caused many, as well A. P. Reply to a Libel. pag. 81, 82. others as Priests, to subscribe (as Priests) to the Title of the Infanta, now Duchess of Burgundy. Fa. Fancard also hath made many to set their hands to three Blanks, although some refused to do it, as they have themselves reported at their coming into England.

‘I have moreover understood, that Fa. Parsons was a chief dealer in sending of those Armado's which the Spaniards have set out for the Invasion of our Countrey; and them of England with whom he dealt most earnestly to go into the Navy which was set out in the year 1596, who refusing to be employed in any action against their Countrey, were for that cause sent away from the Colledg, and told that it was not convenient that they should stay in the Colledg, where they had given example of such repugnance.’

‘There is moreover sufficient proof, that after the evil success of the Spanish attempts, Fa. Parsons carried a Youth to the King of Spain, who pronounced a certain Speech for the purpose; which being end­ed, Fa. Parsons began to urge the King to give one attempt more; af­firming, that he would write his Letters into England; and nothing doubted to effect what should be the great furtherance of such a jour­ney, &c.

‘Certain other Letters also have been seen of Fa. Parsons to his fel­low-Jesuits in England, wherein he hath wished that the Catholicks would unite themselves together, and set up a King of England. And in his Letters of the xxiv. of January 1600, to the Earl of Angusse, he confesseth that he dealt in such matters for eight or ten years.’

Watson the Priest tells us thus: ‘—Did he not earnestly move our W. W. a Dia­logue, p. 92. young Students in Spain to set their hands to a Schedule, That they would accept the Lady Infanta for Queen of England, after the de­cease of her Q. Eli [...]. Majesty that now is; yea, and finding them altogether unwilling to intermeddle with these State-Affairs, belonging nothing unto them, and most hurtful to both their Cause and Persons: used [Page 684] he not this cunning shift to draw on the innocent and simple youths, to pretend (forsooth) to them of Valladolid, that the Students in Sevil had done it already; no remedy then but they must follow. And having thus craftily gotten their Names, he shew'd them to the Stu­dents in Sevil for an example of their fact and forwardness, which he required them to imitate; that it would be well taken that they all did thus shew themselves desirous of the Lady Infanta for their Queen.’

'Tis known well enough, that there hath been an old Saying or Pro­phecy (the English People doting most on such whimsies) running thus:

There shall be seen upon a day
Between the Baugh, and the May,
The black Fleet of Norway.
When that is come and gone,
England build Houses of Lime and Stone;
For after, Warrs shall you have none.

And this, as the Lord Essayes, Ess. 35. of Pro­phecies. Bacon saith, was commonly understood of the Spanish Invasion in 1588, the King of Spain's Sirname being (as they say) Norway. But Dr. Challenge, chap. 6. pag 177, 178. Sutclyff, the Dean of Exeter, tells us, That Parsons made another Interpretation of it, to wit, some after-Invasion, yet by the Spaniards; though the words of the Prophesies do some­what differ, yet of these Toys are we told that Parsons made use of, to instigate the King of Spain to another Invasion, in which his Majesty need not doubt of Success, and a Conquest, as he said, seeing his Maje­sties Name was Philip Norway, of whom the English had an old Pro­phecy:

Between Bostons Bay
And the Pile of Foudray,
Shall be seen the black Navy of Norway.

And that nothing might be left undone to advantage the Spanish Cause and Title, the chiefest about the Queen were sollicited to assist that Interest; Watson the Priest telling us—Quodlibets pag. 150. 189. 51. 126. 132. That Father Parsons sent a Jesuit-Priest to the Earl of Essex, to have had him to take a Pension of the King of Spain privately, for the advancement of his designments. and with others also they were not wanting.

And of this the Learned Eliz. An. 8598. Cambden will give us some farther light, telling us, That the Earl of Essex affirmed, that Anthony Rolston an Eng­lish Fugitive, was by the Spanish Agitators sent into England, Creswell the Jesuit assisting in it, as if the business were only to get a peace be­twixt the two Crowns, but in truth (as Rolston himself confessed) to discover what preparations the English had for warr; to animate and confirm the Romanists, and by bribes and large promises to corrupt some great Lords about the Queen; in particular, the Earl of Essex.

Neither was Parsons less active and zealous (when he saw that ill success had render'd the Spaniard more cold in the business) for the Pope's Designs upon England, whether it were for the Duke of Parma, or his younger Brother Cardinal Fernese, as the wise Cardinal D' Ossat doth in several places discover, and for which Pasquin at Rome gave [Page 685] him a rub; for proof of this, we need go no further than his own Countrey-man John Colleton, born in Somersetshire, of Lincoln Colledg in Oxford, and (as Pits thinks) once Fellow of it; a great Romanist, for which for some years he under-went imprisonment, was one of the greatest esteem amongst them, having been not only an Assistant to two of their Arch-Priests, but in the vacancy supplied the place it self, and by them called Arch-Deacon of London: This man, of such credit and repute, tells us thus of Father Parsons.

Just De­fence, pag. 240, 241. The Magistrates have in their hands, and de facto have shewed to some Prisoners at the time of their Examinations (for proof, and to exaggerate the Disloyalties and Treasons objected), one or more Letters, which they affirm to be Father Parsons, wherein his concurrence and furtherance to an Inva­sion were expressed. Then the man's restless tampering in State-matters, be­ing reported to have proffered and re-proffered the Crown of our Countrey to several Princes, now to one, now to another, as the meeting of matters and opportunities could most recommend and credit his words, and enter­tain the Personage with hopes thereof, &c.

Neither is Father Parsons holden only of our Magistrates for a Statist or Merchandizer of the Crown and Diadem (though this were enough to estrange and divorce us from having any connexion or partaking in ought with him): but his Travels and Negotiations this way, are become so notoriously known, that even Pasquine in Rome (as Intelligence is sent us) speaketh in this manner of him:

If there be any man that will buy the Kingdom of England, let him repair to a Merchant in a black square Cap in the City, and he shall have a very good Penniworth thereof.

That this is the true Copy word for word, I cannot say; but rather the substance of it, or else only a Translation, the Original of it being either in Italian or Latin, because hung upon Pasquin's Buttock in the night time, by a Roman Gentleman, as A. C. a Let­ter to his dis-Jesuited Kins­man, pag. 43. one telleth us, who giveth us another rendring of it, thus:

If there be any Citizen here in Rome, that is minded to purchase the Realm of England, let him repair to the Rector of the English Colledg here within the City, and he in Jesus Name will afford him a good Penni­worth.

Which of these two is the truest Translation, I cannot tell; 'tis cer­tain the sense is the same: and it cannot be denied but that he was the most active man in carrying on the designs against England, for which he was in great repute and authority both with Pope and Spaniard; whereupon there were some thoughts of a Cardinal's Cap for him: To which purpose they tell us, that his Friends, Holt the Jesuit, and Quodlibets, p. 120, 121. The Discove­ry, pag. 61. A Copy of certain Dis­courses, p. 127 Dr. Thomas Worthington (who also became a Jesuit), drew up a formal Letter supplicative in the Name of the people of England, to the King of Spain, humbly beseeching his Majesty, that for the good of Eng­land he would earnestly deal with the Pope that Father Parsons might be a Cardinal; affirming that to be the only means to unite the English hearts to his Majesties Service and Interest. A little after, 1597, Par­sons gets from Spain to Rome; where he is no sooner arrived, but Car­dinal Baronius, and another Spanish Cardinal, visit him; and it is talk­ed about, that Parsons is to be a Cardinal too. Of which they tell one story: how he being advised by his Physicians to keep his stomach warm, sent his Brother George for some Scarlet, intending to make it a Sto­macher; his Brother's head being possest with Robert's advancement, went to the Merchants, and had carried into the Colledg a great deal of divers pieces of Scarlet, for the making of his Brothers Cardinals Robes; for so he gave out to all his acquaintants he met. Father Par­sons wondring at the reason of so much Scarlet, but understanding the mistake, was not a little vext and troubled, knowing what sport would be made with it; so the better to conceal it, he dismist the Merchants secretly out at a Back-door.

Many more Stories might be told of Father Parsons, some accusing Dr. James his Jesuits down­fall. him of Forgery, Cheating, Cozenage, Corrupting of Registers and Records, Robbing of Libraries, and many other such like Crimes, which may be found in the Writings of the Romish Priests themselves.

Besides those Books mentioned by Pits, Ribadeneira, or Alegambae, he hath writ several others; as,

Leicester's Commonwealth, which was then by some jeeringly call'd Green-Coat, because it was then commonly spread abroad in Green Co­vers. It was a Book full of railing: yet the Earl was bad enough.

A Memorial for Reformation; or a Memorial or Remembrance for them that shall live when Catholique Religion shall be restored into Eng­land. And this is its true Title, though some do commonly call it The High Council of Reformation for England, &c. It is a Book that Par­sons Manifestati­on of folly, cap. 5. saith he was almost twenty years in compiling. It was never print­ed, Parsons being very cautious of having of it seen; the design of it was, to find fault with former Laws and Governments, all which he un­dertook to alter and mend. Some Romanists have found fault with him, as if in it he designed to run down all other Orders, and to ad­vance the Jesuits. But Parsons undertakes to vindicate himself. In short, somewhat to understand the Design, take the Division of the Book thus:

This Book had Three Parts:
  • 1. The whole Body of the Realm jointly, which consisteth of Ten Chapters.
  • 2. The Clergy: containing
    • The Clergy in gene­ral. Then Bishops, Priests, Religious men, Churches, Schools, and Uni­versities particular­ly: having Seven Chapters.
  • 3. The Temporality, or Laity, containing
    • Prince, with his Council.
    • Nobility and Gen­try.
    • Commons, all of in­ferior rank, as Husbandmen, Ser­vants, &c.
    • Inns of Court, Law: containing Five Chapters.

He wrote it in the Lor, di Ban­co Bizzarrie Politiche, pag. 27. 28. English Tongue, as one saith; and if any where to be seen, probably in the English Colledg at Rome. And I suppose it is the same which Parson's Three Con­versions of Eugl. Part [...] Vol. 2. pag. 396. himself once quoteth with his Latin Title—De Re­formatione Ecclesiae Anglicanae per aliquot Capita. He Id. Part. 3. Vol. 1. pag. 321, 351, 369 several times men­tions his Writings in Certamen Ecclesiae Anglicanae; by which Book is meant Concertatio Ecclesiae Catholicae in Anglia: in which he concludes the First Part: The Second Part was for the most part writ by Gib­bons and Fenn, which was gathered together and published by John Bridgman a Jesuit.

There is in Baliol Colledg-Library a thick Quarto Manuscript, call'd,

Controversiae nostri Temporis in Epitomen reductae.

It was given to that Colledg by John Bayly, Doctor in Divinity, formerly Fellow of Exeter Colledg. There was also one John Bayly who succeeded Christopher Bagshaw, in his Fellowship of Baliol Colledg, 1582: but whether related to the former Bayly, I know not.

This Dr. Bayly was eldest Son to Lewis Bayly, Lord Bishop of Bangor; the Book, as much as I can gather by comparing, is all writ with Par­ons his own hand; and the Learned Censura lib. Apocryp. Praelect. 2, Coll. 22. Dr. John Reynolds saith Parsons was the Author of it.

I have heard it also said, that he wrote a little Book De Sacra Scrip­tura; and that it was in the foresaid Library; but upon search I find no such thing there, and may suppose it a mistake, the former Ma­nuscript at the beginning treating of that Subject.

He scarce put his Name to any of his Books, but for the most part insignificant and impertinent Letters; sometimes false Names, as

John Howlet, W. C. Reply fol. 73. a. Perneus, Doleman, and such like. And thus much for Parsons, whom (as good Rob. Abb [...]t Antilog. fol. 14. [...]. Authority tells us) Pope Clement VIII. call'd Knave; the Jesuit Fitzherbert, looked upon as an Exact Hypo­crite; the Secular Priests as the worst of Villains; and whose Do­ctrine and Actions against his own Soveraign and Countrey, were notoriously bad. In short,

He was born1546 or 1547
Admitted Fellow of Baliol Colledg1568
Was Master of Arts1573
Left the Colledg1571/4
Studied Law and Physick in Italy1574
Admitted Jesuit at Rome1575
Return'd into England with Campion but made haste out again1580
Made Rector of the English Colledg at Rome1587
Return'd from Spain to Rome, some say in hopes of a Cardinal's Cap1597
Dyed at Rome, and is honour'd in the Cell with a long and noble Epitaph1610

CHAP. II.

I. The Gunpowder-Treason.

II. The Life of Father Garnet; with the story of his Straw.

THE Narrative of this Conspiracy, commonly call'd the Gun­powder-Treason, being generally known, and related at large, as well by Forreigners, as Natives; I shall be the shorter in it. year 1605 The sum of it take thus:

A Club of Romanists, vext that a Toleration was not granted, re­solved to resettle their Religion by the ruin of the King and King­dom. To this end many Plots had been contrived against Queen Eliza­beth and King James. But they failing, a more desperate is pitch'd on, and this was, With one Blow to destroy King, Queen, Princes, Bishops, Nobles, and Commons, who were not of their Perswasion.

This is concluded feasible, by blowing up the Parliament-House, where they or their Representees meet. To this purpose Piercy hireth an House adjoining, intending by that means to undermine it; which Mine being stuft with Gunpowder and other Materials, would not fail of Execution. But first, they take an Oath of Secrecy in an House be­hind St. Clements Church without Temple-Barr.

The OATH.

You shall swear by the Blessed Trinity, and by the Sacrament you now purpose to receive, Never to disclose directly or indirectly, by word or cir­cumstance, the matter that shall be proposed to you to keep secret, nor de­sist from the Execution thereof, until the rest shall give you leave.

This done, they went into a more private Chamber, heard Mass, and received the Sacrament from one William Gerard.

In short, To work they fall, and in some time had wrought under a little Entry to the Wall of the Parliament-House, under-propping it with Wood as they proceeded. But at last, occasion offering it self, they hi­red a Convenient Cellar just under the House, into which they conveyed Thirty six Barrels of Powder, over which they laid a Thousand Billets, and Five hundred Fagots, with some Stones and Iron Barrs.

Things thus fitted, they expect the day of the Parliaments sitting, which from time to time had been put off till the Fifth of November: In the mean time they consult how to seise on the Prince (Henry) if he should not be at the House. As for Charles Duke of York (after King Charles the Martyr) Piercy undertook to surprise him, whom with his Brother Henry they resolve to dispatch out of the World; yet the better to bring their Ends about, they thought good to center their [Page 690] hopes in one of the Royal Blood; and this must be the Lady Elizabeth (afterwards married to the Palsgrave), whom they would bring up, and marry according to their Interests; thinking thereby also to oblige many of the Nobility to their Cause, upon hopes of having her to Wife, and with her the Crown. She was now at Comb, the Lord Har­rington's House in Warwich-shire; where to secure her, they contrived a great Hunting-Match to be the Sixth of November on Dunsmore-Heath; under which pretence many Romanists would meet well Ap­pointed, and surprise her by force.

As for a present supply of Moneys, Sir Everard Digby promised Fif­teen hundred pounds, Mr. Francis Tresham Two thousand pounds, and Piercy all that he could get of the Earl of Northumberland (his Kins­man) his Rents, which was about Four thousand pounds. They also contrived how to keep the Slander of such a Villany from themselves and Religion; so determined to throw the Crime upon the Puritans (a sort of people bad enough of themselves, that we need not load them with other mens Faults) by declaring them to be the Traytors who blew up the Parliament.

To carry on which false report, they had framed a Proclamation, which they had got printed, and ready for publishing upon the Sign given, which they supprest, and burnt upon the discovery, though some of them by chance came to view, and were seen and read by Dr. Par­ker Dean of Lincoln, Sir W. Ellis Recorder of the said City, and other persons. And the better also to get the same Credit with the people, Keys (Brother-in-law to Mr. Pickering) had a few days before either borrowed or bought the swift Horse (well known in London, and thereabouts) of Mr. Pickering of Tichmarch-grove in Northampton­shire (a noted Puritan, whom they also designed to kill), upon which Faux (having fired the Match and Touchwood leading to the Train) was to escape, as they bore him in hand; but their design was to kill him at his taking Horse, for Pickering's Man; which the people would easily believe, seeing the Horse, so well known to them; and the mul­titude once perswaded of this, would be more facil to joyn with them, under notion of doing Justice upon such supposed Traytors and Wretches.

They also consult how to keep the Romish Lords from going that day to Parliament, the better to strengthen their Cause by their preservati­on. But in the height of all their hopes and expectations, a discovery is made thus:

Some of them (supposed by Monteagle to be Piercy, but Bishop Ans. to Sir Ant. Weldons Court of K. James, pag. 73 M. S. Good­man saith it was Tresham who wrote the Letter) having a great affection to the said Lord Monteagle (Son and Heir to the Lord Morley) had a mind to preserve him also from the intended slaughter. So one Evening a Letter sealed is delivered in the Street (the Strand) by an unknown Fellow, to one of the Lord's Foot-men, charging him to deliver it with care to his Lord. Monteagle opens it, finds it without Date or Subscrip­tion, writ with a very bad hand, and in a stile he knew not what to make of, thus:

My Lord,

OƲT of the love I bear to some of your Friends, I have a care of your Preservation; therefore I would advise you, as you tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance this Parliament. For God and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this time.

And think not slightly of this Advertisement, but retire your self into your Countrey, where you may expect the Event in safety: For though there be no appearance of any stir, yet, I say, they shall receive a Terri­ble blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurts them.

This Counsel is not to be contemned, because it may do you good, and can do you no harm; for the Danger is past, as soon as you have burn'd this Letter; and I hope God will give you the Grace to make good use of it: To whose holy Protection I commend you.

Monteagle wondred at the Letter and its delivery; and thinking it might relate to some mischief, thought it his duty to make it known: so away he goeth to White-Hall, shews it to the Earl of Salisbury, then Se­cretary of State, who tells some other of the Privy-Council of it; and the King being returned from his Hunting at Royston, they deliver it to Him.

His Majesty, having seriously considered it, and all other circumstan­ces; concluded, that it might relate to some Design to blow up the Parliament; and in this jealousie ordered the Rooms and Vaults about the House to be searched; which was done the night before the Sessi­ons; when in the foresaid Cellar under the Lords-House, were found the Barrels of Powder, and at the door standing Guido Faux booted and spurr'd, with a large Dark-Lanthorn (now to be seen in Oxford Library) with Matches, Tinder-Box, and other Materials for his Design.

Faux was presently carried to Court and examined, where he appear­ed sturdy and scornful, maintaining the Design to be lawful, That James was not his King, because an Heretick; was sorry that the Plot fail'd, and that he had not blown up the House, with himself, and those who were sent to search; affirming, That God would have had the Plot conceal'd, but it was the Devil who reveal'd it. At last, Faux himself confest all that he knew of the Treason. Thus far discovered, the King suspecting some Commotions or Risings, sent with all speed to prevent them by timely notice by Lepton and others. This was that Mr. John Lepton of York-shire, who rid so often betwixt London and York in one Week, viz. in May 1606; who though he won his Wager, yet was a Loser, never getting his winnings.

Piercy, Wright. &c. who now lurked about London to expect the fa­tal Blow, informed of the discovery, take Horse, making what haste they can to their Companions, appointed to be at the Rendezvous on Duns­more. In brief, according to their abilities they run into open Rebel­lion, but to their own Destruction. The High-Sheriffs, with other Ma­gistrates and Loyal Subjects, so hunting them, that they were either all dispersed, slain, or taken, and the chief of them afterwards condemned and executed.

Mr. Osborn (whose Observations and Principles are not always ap­provable) Memoires of K. James, pag. 38. tells us, that his Catholique Majesty sent an Agent on purpose [Page 692] to congratulate King James his great preservation: A flattery so palpable, as the Pope could not refrain laughing in the face of Cardinal D'Ossat, when he first told it him. Thus he.

This Agent was Don Juan de Mendoza, who brought very rich Pre­sents with him. Whether it was Flattery, or Hypocrisie, or no, is no great matter; it being the custom of Princes, though Enemies, to use such Ceremonies. And I can tell him farther, That a little after the Plot, a sudden report being spread that King James was kill'd; and Sir Lewis Lewkenor, then Master of the Ceremonies, being sent by the Council to certifie the Forreign Minister, of the King's safety and health, Don Pedro de Cunigo, the Spanish Ambassador at London, seem­ed almost mad for joy; and for the good News, presented Sir Lewis with a great Gold Chain.

The Legendiaries will tell us of several men speaking after their heads were cut off; and Turrianus the Jesuit will make Clemens, several years after he knew that St James was dead, yet to write an Epistle of In­structions to the said St. James: And Osborn here doth much follow the same wonders, by telling us that this story is testified by Cardinal D' Os­sat, whereas that Cardinal was dead above a year before the Powder-Plot hapned. Another mistake he hath, saying, That the Pope laught at the Flattery; whereas Cardinal Les Ambas­sades & Ne­gotiations, par Caesar Lig­ny, l. 3. p. 450 Perron (who was the man that told the Pope of the Spanish Ambassy for England) saith, his Holiness was displeased at the Hypocrisie.

But to return: What was the extent of this Treason, and how ma­ny were assistants to it, is difficult to discover. Certain it is, that some of the Nobility were suspected, imprisoned, or fined, or call'd in questi­on for not coming up at that time to Parliament.

About this time they sent over Sir Edmond Baynham to Pope Pius V. And Father Parsons Rector of the English Colledg there, orders the Stu­dents to pray—For the Intention of their Father Rector; which made some of them wonder what could be the meaning of such an unusual Prayer, not knowing what his Intention was. But being afterwards in­formed of the discovery of the Plot, Sixteen of them (abhorring such jugling and bloody Designs) forsook the Colledg, slipt into France, some of them turning to the Church of England, whither they came.

Guido Faux himself had been also with the Pope, and consulted with the aforesaid Parsons; and it is affirmed by the voluntary Confession of Vid. Bp. Au­drows Re­spons. ad A­pol. Bellar­mini, c. 5. pag. 113. a Jesuit, That at this time there were three Bulls procured from the Pope, and ready upon this occasion; and should have been published, had the Powder done the intended Execution; but that failing, they were supprest.

In the Netherlands, Hugh Owen (an English Traitor) was made ac­quainted with it, highly commending the Contrivance; and so did Wil­liam Baldwin, the Legier Jesuit in Flanders, who some years afterwards was apprehended at Basil, in Switzerland, as he was in disguise stealing into Italy. He was sent into England, where he laid some years in the Tower, and at last was delivered at the desire of Gondemar the Spanish Ambassador, whose Cunning did sometimes out-master the Court-Po­licy. As for Baldwin, he dyed at Omers in September, 1632.

About this time in Spain, lived as Legier for their Cause, Arthur Cres­well; who after his turning Jesuit, call'd himself Joseph Creswell, the only man, as Sir Edward Coke said, he ever heard of to change his [Page 693] Christian Name: he was informed of the Powder-Plot, and liked it so well, that he came into Tho. Spon­cer's Hist. of the Gun­powder Trea­son, p. 72, 73. England at this time to act (as 'tis said) his part in this glorious Action; but he was so wise as to haste back again for his own safety; and dyed afterwards in grief and discontent, at Gant, 1623; having for many years endeavoured the disturbance of the Kingdom.

As for Portugal, Thomas Robinson (who belonged to the English Co­vent at Lisbon) affords us this Observation.—Henry Flood, a Je­suit, Anatomy of the Eng. Nun. at Lisb. p. 3. Margin. who afterwards lurked in England as chief Agent for the tran­sporting of Nunns to Bruxels, Graveling, Lisbon, or any other place—This Flood caused the Jesuits at Lisbon to spend a great deal of Money on Powder on a Festival-day, a little before the Powder-Treason in Eng­land should have been effected, thereby to make experience of the force thereof; and also perswaded one John Haw (a Merchant, whom he had perverted) and divers other Catholicks, to go over into England, and to ex­pect their Redemption there (as he calls it) a while.

How long this Conspiracy had been on the Anvil, is hard to say. Mr. Cambden layeth the foundation of it on the Popes Breves (1600) that were sent over to exclude King James, or any other that should not maintain the Roman Religion. And Catesby himself laid the great­est force and confirmation upon them. For when in conference Father Garnet seem'd to desire that the Pope's consent might be obtain'd; Catesby answered, That he took that as granted by the Pope in his Bulls or Breves before: for (said he) if it were not lawful to receive or repell him, the said Bulls or Breves do import; then is it lawful also to expel or cast him out.

And it appears by the Confessions of Faux and Thomas Winter, that in the first year of King James, 1603, the Plot was more fully agreed on, and the blowing up of the Parliament-House by Powder, conclu­ded; from which time, till its discovery, they continually had their A­gitators and Councils to promote the Cause, and carry on the Work, with all vigour and secresie.

What number of them were engaged in it in England, I know not; nor did there appear above an hundred in a Body: but that others had some hints or notice of it, is more than probable. And it was obser­ved, that that very morning (viz. November V.) the Romanists at Rowington went to Warwick and rang the Bells. And the same Night Grant, with some others, went to the Stable of Warwick-Castle, took away the Horses thence, rid two miles off to Norbrook (Grant's House) where Rockwood's Wife, Morgan's Wife, with some others of the same stamp met, to rejoyce with them for the downfall of Heresie; encou­raging their Husbands to go on, encrease their Forces, and fight it out to the last.

Nor need we suppose, that their Priests and Jesuits in England were idle in this grand Affair, which had been so long in hammering amongst them. We meet with Hammond the Jesuit very active, not only encou­raging them to Cruelty, but also after it was discovered to confess and absolve at one time about Twenty of the Rebels at Robert Win­ter's Honse.

Greenwell (alias Tesmond) another Jesuit, was so zealous in this holy Cause, that when he knew the Plot was known, he call'd Father Hall a Flegmatick Fellow, because he thought him not active enough to advance the Rebellion; and in this fury hurried himself down into [Page 694] Lancashire, to see what troubles he would raise there, by falsly decla­ing as he went along, That there was a design to cut all the throats of the Romanists.

Yet was the said Father Hall (alias Oldcorne) a Jesuit eager enough for the Plot, encouraging Mr. Littleton with the justness of the Design, however the Event was: Instancing, how the Turks sometimes beat the Christians; and that the Eleven Tribes of Israel were twice overcome, though God himself had commanded them to go and fight against Ben­jamin. Rich. Carpen­ter's Sermon, Novemb. 5. 1662, pag. 11 What need we trouble our selves with Father Thomson the Je­suit, who used to vapour to his Scholars at Rome, how oft his shirt had been wet with digging under the Parliament-House; and other such like stories, which might be endless?

However, there are some Romanists would gladly have the world believe all this to be but a meer cheat, only to be a Trick of Salisbury the then Secretary; and for proof, I have had the patience and plea­sure to hear a story very gravely told, How one lurking under the Council-Table, (and upon what jealousie came he there?) conceal'd by the long Carpet, heard much of the Contrivance. A Tale so ridi­culous, that to endeavour its confutation, would argue one more im­pertinent than the Tale-teller.

But, though this story might be false, yet will they have Cecyl to be the Plotter, and to draw these Romanists into it; as if (supposing this were true) they were not guilty, and Traytors. Can you deny but that they themselves thought the Plot lawful and just? That accordingly they really intended it? And would have done it, if not prevented? If Cecyl occasioned it, he must use some Means and Instruments; and who and what they were, is a wonder that they were not discovered and known before now: Those who were Executed, accused no body; and as the Poet saith well,

—He that hangs, or beats out's Brains,
Hudibras, part 2. Cant. 1.
The Devil's in him if he feigns.

If this were a Cheat, and known so to be, would not Father Parsons and others have vapoured with it all the World over? Would they have been silent in the matter? Or would they have concealed any thing that would have vindicated themselves, and exposed and shamed the Church of England? Were they such Friends to us, and such Ene­mies to their own Credit, Cause, and Reputation?

But on the contrary, Why doth Judgment of a Cath. concerning the Oath of Alleg. Parag. 1. §: 10. Parsons, as if ashamed at it, seem troubled at the very naming of it, as it were, desiring to hear no more of it? Why doth Will. Warmington, an honest Priest, confess, That A Moderate Defence, p. 7. none therein were culpable, but only Jesuits and Ca­tholicks.

If the Plot was laid and known before, Why doth Spondanus say, That the King's Preservation was An. 1605, §. 8. Divini­tus evasit. miraculous? And why doth a great Jesuit now confess, That the discovery of the Plot was very Patefactis mirabeliter eo­rum Consiliis. Bried. An. 1605. won­derful.

But lastly, Why do several of them justifie the Powder-Plot? b Co quaeus is so favourable to the Plotters, that he alloweth them a good place in Heaven; and yet we must not question but that King James is tormented in Hell? Hath there not been publikely printed Apologies for the Fact, and those who suffered in it, declared Examen. Praefat. p. 43. Martyrs? Did d Is. Casaubon Epist. 619. [Page 695] not Id. Epist. 624. Front. Ducao. John Grant, one of the Traytors, declare at his Execution, That he thought the Fact was so far from being sinful, that he rather judged it to be meritorious, and enough to blot out or satisfie for all his for­mer offences?

But enough of this; only by the by we are told, That the Heads of Catesby and Piercy were set over the House of Lords, but were after­ward Osborn's Mem. of K. James, p. 31. (as 'tis said) removed, and others set in their places. And a Learned and Honest Pen tells us thus—Peter du Moulin, Vin­dication of the sincerity of the Prote­stant Relig. pag. 64. I cannot leave unobser­ved, That in the height of the late Tyranny, two Heads of the Gunpow­der-Traytors that were set up upon the House of Lords, were taken down, not by the high Winds, but by the same Zeal which plotted that Treason, and with the leave of Traytors of another Feather. We may hear in time, that those holy Reliques are shrined up in Gold, and are work­ing Miracles. To this may be added, That the Their Pro­testants Plea and Petition for Priests and Papists, p. 58. Romanists confess themselves, that Catesby, Tresham, T. Winter, the two Wrights, and Grant, were in Essex his Rebellion. That Piercy gave the Pistol to his Master the old Earl of Northumberland in the Tower; as also, that when they drew up a Petition to the Parliament for Favour, or a Toleration, Who should be the Id. pag. 70. Presenters of it, but Sir Francis Hastings, and Sir Richard Knightly, two noted Puritans? Whereby it seems, that these two Enemies can joyn together against the Church of England. But now it is not amiss to say something concerning Fa­ther Garnet, who made the greatest noise in this Plot.

SECT. II. The Life of Father Garnet; with the story of his Straw.

HENRY GARNET was born in Nottinghamshire, 1555, of Gentile Parents; was sent to Winchester School, where he was under the Tuition of the Learned Thomas Bilson, then School-Master there, and afterwards Bishop of Winchester.

In his Youth he was as bad as his Neighbours, yet not behind in Learning; was one of the chief Praepositors of the School; in which place he began to be a young Conspirator, having framed a cruel Plot to fall upon the School-Master, and cut off his right hand. To which might be added his filthy Sodomy, with which he basely abused five or Vid. Rob. Ab­bot (Bishop of Salisbury) Antilog. in Epist. ad Le­ctorem. six of the handsomest Scholars. And perceiving that these his Crimes would hinder his promotion to New-Colledg in Oxford (from which School that Noble Foundation is supplied) he went to London, and obtained to be Corrector of the Common-Law Press, under Mr. Tottle the Printer.

Here he staid not long, going to Rome, where he turn'd Jesuit 1575. In this having employed himself some years, he return'd to England 1586, where he was very active against his Queen and Countrey, as in the Spanish Invasion, and other such like Conspiracies; and the better to secure himself, alter'd his Name as opportunity served, sometimes lurking under these several Names:

Wall [...]y. Darcy. Roberts. Farmer. Philips.

Very zealous he was in hindring the coming of King James to the Ehglish Crown; and his Example was a great encouragement to the Romanists, he being the Provincial or Head of the Jesuits in England. The better to prevent King James his Succession, he had two Bulls or Breves lying by him from the Pope, to publish as occasion served. And for a farther assistance, he sent Thomas Winter into Spain, 1601; with whom went also Greenwell, alias Tesmond the Jesuit. These, according to their Instructions, resort to Father Creswell, the Legier Jesuit there, who conducted them to Don Pedro Francese, Secretary of State; and also to the Duke of Lerma, the chief Favourite; where they desire, that a Spanish Army might presently be sent into England, and they should not want aid from the Romanists in that Island. The Request is con­sented to, the King promising to employ in it 100000 Crowns; wishing them in the mean time to give him notice of the Queen's death whenit should happen.

Whilst these Designs are carrying on, Queen Elizabeth dyed, and King James succeeded in the Throne, who granted a general and full pardon for all former Treasons, to all who would take them out under [Page 697] the Great Seal; and amongst the rest Garnet also took out one under the Name of

Henry Garnet of London, Gentleman.

He, Catesby, and Tresham, had a little before employed Christopher Wright into Spain, to give advertisement of the Queen's death, and to continue their former Negotiation with Winter. But now perceiving the Spanish King cold in the business [he well considering the peaceable en­trance of King James, how firmly he was setled in the Throne, how often he had undertaken against England, but without success; and now how his Treasures were much exhausted] Catesby therefore thinks no­thing like some lusty Plot at home; and at last this Gunpowder-Trea­son is concluded on, which if it took effect, might raise such Troubles and Garboils in England, that amongst the several Interests, the Roma­nists, (who would stick together) might play their own Games well, and by assistance from beyond Seas, secure their Cause, if not command the Crown.

In this, one scruple seem'd to stick by Catesby; for considering that at this general blowing up, some Romanists could not be kept from that slaughter; it being impossible to keep all they wish'd well to, from go­ing to the Parliament-House, without probability of a discovery. Upon this doubt, Catesby repaireth to Garnet, propounds unto him the case, asking, Whether for the good and promotion of the Catholique Cause against Hereticks (the necessity of time, and occasion so requiring it) it be lawful or no amongst many Nocents to destroy and take away some In­nocents also?

To this Garnet answers affirmatively; declaring, That if the advan­tage were greater to the Catholick part, by taking away some Innocents together with many Nocents, then doubtless it should be lawful to kill and destroy them all; as we must not forbear the storming of a Town, though some Friends be in it, who with the Enemy might be slain.

Now they are os opinion, That the Design is so secret, that there is no probability of its discovery; yet Garnet seem'd to wish, that the Pope's Consent were had; but Catesby is of opinion, that the will of the Pope is sufficiently manifest by his former Bulls positively against King James his Government or Rule.

In May 1605, fell out certain Broils in Wales by the Romanists.

In June doth Greenwell the Jesuit consult at large with Garnet about the Treason; but this, as he pleaded, was under the disguise of Confes­sion. Now also was held a great Consultation or Conference between Garnet, Catesby, and Tresham, concerning the strength of the Romanists in England, that they might inform the Pope of it.

In August, Garnet sent Sir Edmund Baynam to the Pope (whom he Abbot Anti­log. fol. 176. b acquainted with the Powder-Plot) under the vizard of desiring his Holiness to command all English Romanists (as they say) to cease from any farther Commotions (as they Cambden E­liz. An. 1586. gave out in Babington's Trea­son), knowing that such little troubles or endeavours would but hinder their Design, now wholly trusting to the Powder-Blow, which would be past before Baynham could end his business at Rome, and return the Pope's Answer; and if discovered, this might bespeak Garnet of a a peaceable humour.

In September, Pilgrimages and Devotions are appointed to be at Saint Winifrides Well in Flintshire in Wales; under which pretence their Prayers, Meetings, and Consultations, might advance the Cause.

In October doth Garnet meet the rest of the Plotters in Warwick-shire at Coughton, bordering upon Worcester-shire; to which place they re­sorted from all Counties.

In November the first, Garnet prayed openly for good success; and, amongst other Expressions, used this part of an Hymn:

Gentem auferte perfidam
Credentium de finibus;
Ʋt Christo laudes debitas
Persolvamus alacriter.
From us, this Faithless people, Lord, destroy;
That we due praise may give to Thee with joy.

Speed L. 10. §. 55., and from him Pag. 13. Spencer, tell us, That these Verses were made by Garnet; but by a great mistake; for they are part of an old Hymn formerly used sometimes in the Church on All-Saints day; but then especially aiming at the Jud. Clich­ton, Elucida­torium, Eccles. l. 1. fol. 72, 73. Turks and Saracens; but here we need not question, strongly designed against the Church of England; which it may be was the occasion that Garnet did afterwards upon more se­rious thoughts fear, that this Hymn would be objected against him. But of this I make no great matter, seeing he prayed but according to his Church, and may carry a good, as well as a bad sense; yet besides this, he exhorted them to, and pray'd for a good success.

Others of them were taught thus to pray for the downfall of Heresie, and the prosperity of their Designs, alluding to the working in the Myne, and the blowing up of the House:

Prosper, Lord, their pains that labour in thy Cause day and night; Let Heresie vanish like smoak: Let the memory of it perish with a Crack, like the ruin and fall of a broken House.

On the sixth of November, early in the morning, Catesby and his Confederates being met together, and perceiving all discovered, re­solved to make the best of a bad Market, sent a Letter to Garnet, (then ready at Coulton near unto them) earnestly entreating his help and assistance for the rising of Wales, and the perswading as many as he could into Arms. Greenwell the Jesuit was with him; and so valiant for the Cause, that he posted down into Lancashire, to stir up as many as he could. But Garnet seeing all discovered, his heart now fail'd him, and so consults his own security.

But a little after, Garnet, and Oldcorn the Jesuit, were apprehended in Mr. Abington's House at Henlip in Worcester-shire, being immured and closed up in a stack of Chimneys: the way or passage into the Cave or Vault where they lay, was an upper Room, by taking up the half-pace before the Hearth, whose wooden border was made like a Trap-door, to pluck up and down, and then the Bricks were laid in their Courses and Order again.

Garnet was 28. Mar [...]ch, 1606. Tryed, Condemned at Guild-Hall in London, and execu­ted 3. of May [...] at the west end of St. Paul's Church-yard; where he appeared [Page 699] in a Troubled and an Amazed Condition, still prying and peeping about for a Pardon; though Henry Mountague, Recorder of the City, pitying his perplexedness, assured him there would be none granted. And thus dyed Henry Garnet, Provincial of the Jesuits; for whose Life Gualt. Chro nico­rum. Vol. 4. pag. 1190. one tells us, that the Spanish Embassador offered Thirty thousand Florences.

The Jesuits have taken a great deal of pains and confidence in be­half of this their Brother Garnet, whom they will have to dye a Saint and Martyr, what ever come of it; for they will not allow of one bad man to have been of their Order: I think Alegambe commendeth all his Bead-Roll (but Interest hath made it a duty for such Catalogue-Makers to flatter and applaud the most wicked); but be as bad as they will, they tell us, that it is impossible for a —Jungan­tur in unum, dies cum no­cte, tenebrae cum Luce, calidum cum frigido, sanitas cum morbo, vita cum morte & erit tum spes aliqua, posse in caput Je­suitae Haeresin cadere. Vid. Epist. Is. Casaubon, viz. Epist. 624. ad Front. Duc. Jesuit to be an He­retick.

Amongst the rest of the Learned Pen-men who undertook to testifie to the world the Treasons of Garnet and his Accomplices, was the fa­med French-man, Isaac Casaubon, more especially in an Epist. 624. Epistle, or rather Book, to Fronton Le Duc, a Jesuit, and his old Friend; for the better accomplishing his Design, he had delivered to him all the Epist. 620. Ori­ginal Writing, Tryals, and Letters of Garnet. This action of Casaubon so netled that Order, that they drew their whole force of Invention and Malice against him; endeavouring by their lyes and slanders not only to render him odious to the whole world, but his Father and whole Family (we may except his Son John, because he turn'd a Capu­chin): nay, so zealously indiscreet were some against him, that they Epist. 64 [...], 679. de­clared him to be no Scholar, a Fellow of no Judgment; that he could not write Latin, or scarce understand it; which was enough to testifie the truth of all the rest: yet with such Indignities Isaac would some­times be forced to a passion.

Those who have undertaken the justification of this Garnet, have thought to arm themselves, and secure him with the power and virtue of these following Arguments:

  • 1. His Denials.
  • 2. The Honesty of Aequivocation.
  • 3. The Bond of Auricular Confession.
  • 4. His Sanctity, or Saintship, which is confirm'd by
  • 5. His Miracle of the Straw.

As for his Denials, they are so far from quitting him from the crime, that they rather render him the greater Malefactor, if profest Lyes and Perjury can advance a man's guilt. 'Tis true, he was bold to a wonder, in protesting and calling Heaven and Earth to witness his Innocency; but at last when he saw such exact Proof and Testimony against him, he confest his Dissimulation; pleading, That he thought they could not have produced such clear proofs against him.

The Jesuits being not a little offended that he should any way confess himself guilty, which with some might be a blot both to himself, and their Order; Garnet, to vindicate himself to them, and to shew the folly of denying any longer, thus writes to them— [Page 700] —What should I do? First, all the rest of the Confederates have accused me. Secondly, Catesby always made use of my Authority amongst them, whereby most of them were perswaded to have a good opinion of the In­terprise; so that all knew I was in it. Thirdly, Two (set on purpose) heard me discourse the whole business with Oldcorn and to tell him how I thought to answer to all Objections. Fourthly, My Letters writ with the Juyce of Oranges to Anne Vaux. Mrs. Ann, are (I know not how) faln into their hands, whereby I plainly enough discovered my knowledg of it.

For all his strong denials at first, this is enough to prove him guilty: Tort. Torti, pag. 286. And besides, if he were not so, Why did he himself confess—That he had often vowed, both by words and writing, to the Lay-Conspirators, That he would never discover or betray any of them? To this might be added, how he did acknowledg his offence, wishing it were in his power to un­do that which was done; and that if the whole world were his, he would willingly give it to quit himself from the guilt of Treason, which now trou­bled his Conscience. He also writ to his Favourite, Mrs. Vaux, his sorrow that he could not dye for Religion, but for Treason. And many more Instances might be collected out of his Tryal; but this is enough to sa­tisfie an honest man.

Yet he was very willing and earnest to vindicate and clear himself from this Treason; in which he made a great deal of work with the Trick of Equivocation, of which he was a cunning and exquisite Ma­ster, and as confident as ever man was: for this, one instance or two may serve.

Being asked, Whether he had any discourse with the Jesuit Old­corn since his Imprisonment? Garnet swearing upon his Salvation, with Epist. Is. Ca­saub. ad Front Duc. many other horrid Imprecations, denied again and again that he had any discourse. Which being presently proved against him, he confest it, begg'd pardon, affirming that his former Denial was by virtue of Equi­vocation.

Another time being asked, Whether he did well to swear upon the Holy Evangelist, That he had neither writ or sent to the Jesuit Tes­mond, which he knew to be false? He replied, That he sware so law­fully enough, because then he did not think that his Letters were inter­cepted, and so they could not have disproved him.

A little before the Queen's death, when they were busie in their Plots to keep out King James; in vindication of this Jugling Faculty, there was composed a little Book entituled,

A TREATISE of EQƲIVOCATION.

But this Title it seems not pleasing Father Garnet, he with his own MS. in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. hand had dash'd it out, and bestowed upon it this Name, writ also with his own hand:

A Treatise against Lying, and Fraudulent Dissimulation.

Yet for all this goodly and specious shew of honesty, it alloweth all manner of Dissimulation, and to swear positive untruths, by their Law of Directing the Intention. As for example; In time of Plague a man cometh to Coventry; at the Gates, by the Officers is examined upon his Cap. 8. pag. 43, 44. [...]. Oath, Whether he came from London, or no? The Traveller, though he did directly come from London, yet may swear positively, That he did [Page 701] not come from London. His reason is, Because he knoweth himself not infected to endanger Coventry by his entrance, which he supposed an­swer'd to the final intent of the Demand; although their immediate Intention were to know from him upon his Oath, only whether he came from London or no. And this man (saith the Book) the very Light of Nature would clear from Perjury. And he tells us of one Pag. 39. Mr. Southwell who taught a young Gentlewoman, that if she were examin'd, If the said Southwell were at her Father's House? She might swear, No; with this intention to her self, That he was not there, so that she was bound to tell them. At the end of this Book I find Blackwell their Arch-Priest of England, thus commend and allow it under his own hand:

Tractatus iste valde Doctus & vere Pius & Catholicus est. Certe Sa Scripturarum, Patrum, Doctorum, Scholasticorum, Canonistarum, & Optimarum Rationum praesidiis plenissime firmat aequitatem Equivocationis. Ideo (que) dignissimus est qui typis propagetur ad Consolationem afflictorum Catholicorum, & om­nium piorum Instructionem.

Ita Censeo GEORGIƲS BLACKWELLƲS Archipresbyter Angliae, & Protonotarius Apostolicus.

By this it seemeth it was intended for the Press; but, it may be, prevented by its seisure; which was thus, as appears by the Testimo­ny of Sir Edward Coke, under his own hand.

This Book, containing Sixty one Pages, I found in a Chamber in the Inner-Temple, wherein Sir Thomas Tresham used to lye, and which he obtain'd for his two younger Sons.

EDW. COKE.

I have been the more punctual in transcribing these Testimonies from the Original Manuscript, because it hath been said that there was never any such Book. The Author of it is supposed to be Mr. Francis Tresham of Northamptonshire, one very active in this Powder-Treason; but he Novemb. 20. died of the Stranguary in the Tower of London, before his Tryal; yet his Head cut off, was set with the rest on London-Bridg. This Tresham also composed another Book (not yet printed) which was also seiz'd on; it was call'd,

De Officio Principis Christiani.

In which he maintains the lawfulness of Si Princeps Haereticus sit, & obstinate ac pertinaciter intolerabilis, summi Pastoris divina potestate deponatur & aliud caput constituatur, cui subditi se jungant, & le­gitimo Ordine & Authoritate Tyrannidem amoveant. Princeps indulgendo Haereticis non solum Deum offendit, sed perdit & Regnum & gentem. De Officio Principis, Cap. 5. deposing Kings, an obstinate Heretick having no right to Dominion.

As for this knack of Equivocation, and how boldly they will allow themselves to swear positive Untruths and Falshoods, I shall refer you to Dr. Antilog. fol. 12. Abbot, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury.

But the Jesuits, in Garnet's Vindication, go a little farther, and will grant that he knew of the Treason; yet it being only told him in Con­fession, he could not with a safe Conscience discover it.

As for the Antiquity and Convenience of Confession, I am no way concerned in at this time. And though I have a reverend esteem both for it and its secresie; yet I may think it had been more prudence for some rather to have spared than divulged some of their lofty and tow'ring Expressions, which might occasion as much ill as good; as those who are so positive to affirm, That it is not to be Vid. Rob. Abbot, Anti­log, cap. 3. Is. Casaub. E­pist. ad Front. Ducaum, Barth. Fum. summa aurea, v. Confessor. 9. 5. Tho. Lans, Consult. Germ. p. 375. discovered or reveal'd, though it were for the preservation of the whole Kingdom or Countrey; though it were concerning the killing of the King. Nay, that it were better to have all the Kings murdered, than the Confessi­on reveal'd; which should not be done, though it were to preserve Je­sus Christ himself.

Delrio the Jesuit hath a passage so pat to the business, that I could al­most be perswaded that he was acquainted with the Treason, and so make the Plot a year or two older than some will grant; for he hath put the Case and Story so exactly, as if he published it before to give them the greater encouragement under the virtue and protection of Confes­sion. For, saith he, Suppose one in Confession to a Priest, should declare,Disquisit. Ma­gic. Tom. 3. l. 6. c. 1. §. 3. p. 131. That he or some other had so laid Gunpowder under such a place, that (if not prevented) the House would be blown up, the King destroyed, and the rest in like danger; yet, saith Delrio, the Priest is not obliged to discover this.

Garnet himself declared, That if one confest to him, That the next His Trial. day he intended to stab the King, yet he should conceal it: And upon this ground it is, that Mat. Tort. pag. 65. Bellarmine complaineth that Garnet was execu­ted because he would not reveal that, which with a safe Conscience he could not do; which he saith a little Id. pag. 94. after, is never to be revealed upon what account soever.

And Emanuel Sa hath a Trick to clear the Priest, if the Magistrates or any other should press him hard to reveal what he knew, and that is this: The Potest Con­fessor jurare se nihil scire, imo nihil se audisle tale in Confessione, subintelli­gendo sie, Ut dicere teneatur: eodem modo potest Poenitens jurare, se nihil aut nihil tale dixisse in Confessione Em. Sa. Aphorism. V. Confessor §. 23. Confessor (saith he) may swear that he knew nothing of it, nor heard any such thing in the Confession—Understanding, That he did not so hear it, as to tell it—And upon the same mental Reserva­tion may the Penitent also swear, That he mentioned no such thing in his Confession.

As for Garnet, what hath formerly been said, doth sufficiently testi­fie, That he knew of it, not by Auricular Confession, but that he was also a stirring and active Agent in it; and Garnet did afterwards de­clare, That he was sorry that he did not Abbot. An­ [...]log. fol. 110, 106. reveal it.

But if we should grant (though an untruth), that Garnet knew no­thing of it, but what was discovered to him by way of Confession; yet will he not preserve his Credit, nor save himself from being a Traytor. Their Decret. Greg [...]e Poenit. & Remis. [...]. Om­ [...], ut [...] Canon-Law saith, that if any reveal a Confession, he shall be degraded from his Priesthood, and to live all his life after close up in a Monastery. Now whether is better, for one man to undergo this [Page 703] punishment, or a Kingdom to be ruined, and the King, Princes, Bishops, Nobles, and Commons, to be destroyed?

But again, the Romanists themselves declare, That sometimes a Con­fession may be Vid. Rob. Abbot, Anti­log. fol. 186, 187. revealed. And their great Cardinal Republique 6 Perron, though he will not have the Confessor to name the Party or Penitent, yet up­on such eminent dangers he would have him, by some means or other, to give notice of the intended Villany, thereby to prevent the mis­chief; and if Garnet had done this, he might have shewed himself a good Subject, which is a great part of a good Christian.

And lastly, That Confessions have been revealed upon such great dangers, History will afford us some Examples: Lib. 43. Thuanus tells us, That Charles, Son to Philip II. King of Spain, confessing to a Priest, that he had a mind to kill a certain man; the Priest reveal'd it to the King; and Philip supposing himself to be the man, secur'd his Son. The Sieur de Haulte Ville, in his Hist. de la paix entre les Roys de France & D' Espagne, pag. 307. Confession told a Priest, That he once intended to kill King Henry II. of France. Which the Priest disco­vering, Hault-Ville was beheaded. Pierre Barriere confest to Seraphino Banchi, his intent to kill Henry IV. of France, which the Dominican discovered, whereby the Fellow was taken and executed. A Gentle­man of Normandy in Jean Bodin de la Repub­lique, l. 2. c. 5. p. 387. Confession told a Franciscan, That he formerly had a design to kill Francois I. of France, for which he was now sorry; yet did the Confessor divulge this, and the Norman was executed. And one Radulphus having designed to murther Pope Innocent IV. he in Mat. Paris, An. 1247. p. 724. Confession told it to a Priest, who informed the Pope of it; and we need not doubt but that the Pope liked it well enough. Nor do we hear that any of these Priests were punish'd or check'd for their Revealings; and —Papae fi­ducialiter in­timavit. Matthew Paris doth rather commend the latter, in­timating as if he were bound to do it, or did the part of an honest man in discovering it.

But we need trouble our selves no more about this matter, seeing 'tis impossible that all the cunning or wit of the whole Order of the Jesuits, can quit Father Garnet from having been a Traytor against his Soveraign or Countrey.

Having of old been a great stickler to procure Troubles in this King­dom.

Having been very active in the Invasion of Eighty-Eight.

Receiving Bulls from Rome (to dispose of the Crown) against the Laws of the Land.

Very earnest to hinder King James (right Heir to the Crown) to ob­tain it.

One of the Grand Agitators in this Powder-Treason, to destroy the King and Kingdom, he himself at last confessing it.

That Catesby had told him of the Plot, not by way of Confession.

That Greenwell had told him of this, not as a Fault (for how could they do so, that approved of it as Meritorious?) but as a thing which he had Intelligence of, and told it him by way of Consul­tation.

That Catesby and Greenwell came together to him to be resolved.

That Tesmond and he had Conference of the particulars of the Pow­der-Treason in Essex.

That Greenwell asked him, Who should be Protector? Garnet said, That was to be referred till the Blow was past.

[Page 704]

That he confest, That he ought to have revealed it to the King.

That nothing deterred him from the discovery, so much, as his unwil­lingness to betray Catesby.

That he had greatly sinn'd against God, the King, and the Kingdom, in not revealing it; of whom he heartily begg'd pardon and forgive­ness.

And that the Sentence of Judgment and Death was justly past on him.

Yet will they tell great things of his Holiness and Saintship, which may sufficiently be confuted without any great trouble, if we do but consider the Bloodiness and Sodomy of his youth, the Seditions and Treasons of his after-years, with his proneness to Perjury and Lying, all which are no signs of Holiness. To which might be added, his no­ted familiarity (even in his later days) with Mrs. Ann Vaux, who sel­dom Vid Bishop Abbot's Anti­log. cap. 9. fol. 135. parted from his side, which occasioned some (who knew not that he was in Orders) to think that he was married to her. Certain it is, that sometimes she went under the Name of Anne Garnet; and in her Letters writ to him, even when in Prison for this last Treason, she still subscribed her self,

Yours, and not mine own, A. G.

And we have it from good Authority, that Robert Winter of Hooding­ton in Warwickshire (one of the Traytors) did freely and openly te­stifie, That the said Garnet did lye with her in Mr. Abington's House at Henlip in Worcester-shire.

And yet, rather than fail in his Sanctity, they can invent a pretty Mi­racle to witness it: As, how one John Wilkinson earnestly desiring to be a Spectator of Garnet's Martyrdom, not doubting but that God would shew some Miracle or other to demonstrate he Father's Inno­cency: Accordingly he went to the place of Execution (Saint Paul's Church-yard) setled himself as conveniently as he could, staid till all was done, got nothing but an ear of Corn (tainted with a little of Gar­net's blood) belonging to the Straw of the Hurdle or Scaffold: This he carrieth with him as an holy Relique; and after some time Gar­net's Face miraculously appeareth as painted on it, a Crown on his Head, and a Starr and a Cross on the Forehead, with a Cherubim hanging over his Chin, and Beams about all.

In short, the truth of the story was thus: Wilkinson a zealous Ro­manist, and affected to the Jesuits, might get a piece of a Straw taint­ed with Garnet's Blood; a Straw, or Ear of Corn, with some Blood on it, he carrieth to the Wife of Hugh Griffith, a Traytor, and Romanist by Profession. This she puts into a Crystal Case, and we need not doubt but that it was look'd upon with a great deal of Devotion, but as yet nothing of a Face could be seen by any eye.

At last, about the Eighteenth day of September, 1606, (viz. above six Months after Garnet was executed) some of the zealous Romanists looking upon it, saw that which they call'd the Face of a man. Thus is a Miracle found out, and Wilkinson hastes beyond Seas to the Jesuits at St. Omers, telling them what a pretty wonder he had discovered for the honour of their Society, into which he was presently enter'd.

But here we may observe, that they confess, that Wilkinson came from the said St. Omers into England, a little before Garnet's Execution; and it may be sent upon the cheat. Again, how cometh the Wonder to be above Four Months, or about Nineteen Weeks in doing? Or, Might it not be done by Art, since Francis Bowen (to whom it was shewn by Garnet's Friend, Mrs. Ann Vaux) who had some skill in Painting, con­fest, an Artist might make one neater; and presently upon the place, for a trial, one of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's Gentlemen (whose Profession was not Painting) drew one, which Bowen confest was like that of the Straw, but a little better proportion'd; and Practise daily teacheth us, that Faces may be done in a less Compass.

As for the thing it self, 'twas only a few Lines drawn like a Face up­on the outward Husk of a Grain of Wheat; but without any such Beams or Glories about it, as the Jesuits would make simple people believe; nor any more like Garnet (as Hugh Griffith the Taylor himself confest) than any other man that had a Beard.

They tell us, that St. Luke was an excellent Painter, and drew Pet. de Nata­libus, l. 9. c. 79 se­veral Pictures of the B. Virgin Mary; one of which, 'tis said, Pope Gregory the Great Nonius c. 61 Jo. Eus. Nie­remb. de Mirac l. 1. c. 39. carried in his hand in the Procession he made about Rome, to stop the Plague then raging there; which very Picture he sent to St. Leander Bishop of Sevil in Spain; which is yet kept to work wonders in the Monastery of Santa Mariae, or Nuestra Sennora at Guadalupa in Estremadura: Yet every Boy at Rome will tell us, that this Picture is in a little Chappel built on purpose for it on late days by Pope Paul V. within the great Church St. Maria Maggiore; and the Guadalupians will assure us, That there is a great wooden Statue, with a Mart. Z [...]ile­rus, Itiner. Hispan. p. 198 black Face, Hands, &c. with white Raiment.

Thus here is Miracle upon Miracle, the very same thing at the same time, both at Rome, and Guadalupa, and a curious painted Picture turn'd to a Wooden Statue, dawb'd over with black and white, which requi­reth no great skill. And something like this, is the Straw-Miracle of Father Garnet, which at first was but a common Ear of Wheat, with a few Lines drawn upon one of the Grains; but is since wonderfully en­creased by the Industry of the Jesuits, for the honour of their Society, and Trayterous Martyr.

And to this might be added another Miracle: for though at first there was but one Straw and Face, yet it seemeth that they had afterwards an ambition to multiply them; and, for ought that I know, would make every Straw at his Execution, bear his Picture▪ for Osborn's Mem. of K. James, pag. 35 one tells us, that he hath had several of them in his hands, but could observe no great matter in them, unless ruled by his Fancy; and these they sold about for holy Reliques Thus they encrease and multiply, as Falstaff did at Gads-hill in Shakespeer; and Miracles which are made a Trade and Gain, may well be suspected, if not held palpable Cheats.

Thus this Straw amongst that Society, got such a Fame, that Ho­mer's Frogs, Passeratus his Asse, Virgil's Flye, Ovid's Flea, Hiensius his Lowse, were not able to stand in competition with it; that methinks it was a great oversight in an Ingenious Romish Knight, not to remember it in his late Song in the Commendation of Straw.

Of this Straw-Miracle, Gualterus Paulus, a German Jesuit, would perswade the world to allow of this Anagram:

[Page 706]
PATER HENRICƲS GARNETƲS.
Anagram:
Pingere cruentus arista.

Which for all his pains will not hold, unless he will make an I stand for an H; a liberty that must not be allowed of: yet, as if it were Authentick, thus doth he gloss upon it.

Quid petit hic vultus sicca redivivus Arista?
Quid frons? Quid sacris ora locuta notis?
Nominis augurio PINGERE CRƲENTƲS ARISTA,
Garnete; agnosco vultum, Opus, Artificem.
Spica, Tabella; Deus, Pictor; Color, unda Cruoris;
Spica Crucem; vultum dat Deus; astra cru [...]r.

But enough of this Straw, which * Cornelius à Lapide thinks worthy Com. in Apo­calyps. cap. 7. ver. 3. to illustrate and explain the Revelations. But possibly he thought Gar­net happy, because he dyed on the Gallows; such a great esteem did a Lapide seem to have for violent Deaths; still pueling and lamenting that he could not dye a Martyr, still sighing and wishing that he might burn at the Stake; still grieved and troubled that he should dye in his Bed; now begging of the Prophets, then beseeching the Virgin Mary, and anon desiring Christ, that he might dye a Martyr, and not in his Bed, after the common way of Mankind: But for all these fond and idle thoughts, the little Jesuit would secure himself, leaving it to the Hereticks or Pagans to fetch, take, and kill him; as for his part, he would neither go to them nor their Countreys; whereby (for all his seeming desire of Martyrdom) he would make sure of one.

As for Father Garnet, I should scorn to have been so unworthy or uncivil, to have objected some of the former Crimes to him, or up­braided him with them; but that I perceive they will yet tax the King and Kingdom with Cruelty and Murther, by enrolling Garnet in their Catalogue of Martyrs, and proclaiming him the most Virtuous, Holy, and Innocent of men. A Lapide (as aforesaid) must magnifie his mira­culous Straw; Casaub. E­pist. ad Front. Duc. Martinus Delrio must compare him with Dionysius the Areopagit; his Pictures must be hung up in Churches; and at Lovain it was once publikely pray'd—Sancte Henrice, intercede pro nobis—O Holy Henry intercede for us. And Opus Chro­nolog. Tom. 2. An. 1606. Gordon the Jesuit having placed Garnet in Heaven, desires him to intercede there for the Conversion of England. But if such people may obtain a Beatitude, we may have some cause to suspect many of their Old Saints.

A Catalogue of Good Works. Dr. Andrew Willet tells us thus—To Baliol Colledg William Ham­mond gave Fifteen thousand pounds, though the greatest part thereof, the Colledg was defrauded, by one Anthony Garnet a Popish Priest, sometime Steward to the old Lord Montague; which Garnet notwithstanding had been sometime Master of the Colledg, and so stood by Oath perpetually bound unto it.

What this Anthony Garnet was related to our Henry, I know not; but by the by this Anthony was Fellow of Baliol Colledg, 1550. was [Page 707] Master of it, 1560. October 27, and 1563, Richard Hooper succeeded him in the Headship. There was also of the same Colledg one Richard Garnet, Fellow 1567; who was turn'd out by their Visitor, 1570, Octo­ber 8. But this only by the way.

CHAP. III. The Romanists threaten the Earl of Salisbury. King James, seeing them thus high, thought it best to bind them strictly to him by the Oath of Allegiance. The Pope sends forth two Breves. Constitutes Mr. Bir­ket to be Arch-Priest, and orders the Oath shall not be taken. Birket accordingly sending forth his Let­ters. Newton's Miracle to prove the Oath of Alle­giance not to be taken. Pope Urban the Eighth, his Breve against the Oath of Allegiance.

THE abominable Treachery and Villany of this Gun-powder Plot, undertaken under the pretence of maintaining and resto­ring the Roman Religion; engaged the Governours to consult the preservation of themselves and the Kingdom. And considering the furious Zeal and wicked Principles of some men, in affirming the law­fulness of deposing and killing Heretical Kings; That the Pope had power to deprive Temporal Princes, absolve Subjects from their obe­dience, and such like Villanous Positions, with the many wicked Pra­ctises yet fresh in memory, against the Crown and Life of Queen Eliza­beth and King James.

Upon these and such like Considerations, after several serious Con­sultations to prevent the like mischiefs; They thought fit to draw up a solemn Oath, whereby every one should abjure such Treasonable Do­ctrines, and swear for the future to behave themselves as became good Subjects.

The Romanists fancied Robert Cecyl (Earl of Salisbury, and Secre­tary of State) to be their greatest Enemy, and the chief promoter of this Oath against them: Whereupon some of them thought, if they could any way deterr him from prosecuting them (as they call'd it) the King and others would trouble their thoughts the less with them; and so these Parliamentary Proposals would fall of themselves. Upon this fancy, this Threatning Letter was sent to the said Earl of Salis­bury.

My Lord,

WHereas the late unapprovable and most wicked Design, for destroying of his Majesty, the Prince, and Nobility, with many other of Worth and Quality (attempted through the Undertaking spirits of some more fiery and turbulent, than zea­lous a [...]d dis-passionate Catholicks) hath made the general state of our Catholique Cause so scandalous in the eye of such, whose corrup­ted Judgments are not able to fan away and sever the fault of the Professor, from the Profession it self; as that who now is found to be of that Religion, is perswaded, at least in mind, to allow (though God knoweth, as much abhorring as any Puritan whatsoever) the said former most inhuman and barbarous Project.

And whereas some of his Majesties Council (but especially your Lordship, as being known to be, as the Philosopher termeth it, a Pri­mus Motor in such uncharitable proceedings) are determined (as it is feared) by taking advantage of so foul a scandal, to root out all the Memory of Catholique Religion, either by sudden Banishment, Massacre, Imprisonment, or some such unsupportable Vexations and Pressures; and perhaps by decreeing, in this next Parliament, some more cruel and horrible Laws against Catholiques, than already are made.

In regard of these Premises, there are some good men, who through Good men and Roman Catholiques, their earnest desire for the continuing the Catholique Religion, and for saving many souls both of this present, and of all future poste­rity, are resolved to prevent so great a mischief, though with a full assurance aforehand of the loss of their dearest lives.

You are therefore hereby to be admonished, that at this present may [...] murther Privy-Coun­cellors, there are Five which have severally undertaken your Death, and have vowed the performance thereof, by taking already the Blessed Sacra­ment, if you continue your daily plotting of so Tragical Strata­gems aginst Recusants.

It is so ordered, that none of these Five knoweth who the other Four be, for the better preventing the discovery of the rest, if so any one by attempting and not performing, should be apprehended.

It is also already agreed who shall first attempt it by shot, and so who in order shall follow.

In accomplishing of it, there is expected no other than assurance of death; yet it will willingly be embraced, for the preventing of those general Calamities which by this your transcendant Authority and grace with his Majesty, are threatned unto us.

And indeed the Difficulties herein are more easily to be digested, since two of the intended Attempters are in that weak state of body, that they cannot live above three or four Months.

The other Three are so distressed in themselves and their Friends, as that their present Griefs (for being only Recusants) do much dull all apprehension of Death.

None is to be blamed (in the true censuring of Matters) for the Nor are they to be blamed for it. undertaking hereof: For we protest before God, We know no other means left us in the World, since it is manifest, that you serve but as a Match to give fire unto his Majesty (to whom the worst that we wish, is, That he may be as great a Saint in Heaven, as he is [Page 709] King on Earth) for intending all Mischiefs against the poor distres­sed Catholicks.

Thus giving your Lordship this Charitable Admonition, the which may perhaps be necessary hereafter for some others your Inferiors (at least in Grace and Favour) if so they run on in their former In­human and Unchristian Rage against us; I cease: putting you in mind, That where once True and Spiritual Resolution is, there (not­withstanding For 'tis a True and Spiritual Resolution. all dangers whatsoever) the Weak may take sufficient Revenge of the Great.

Your Lordship's well-admonishing Friends, &c. A. B. C [...] &c.

It may be your Lordship will take this but as some forged Letter of some Puritans, thereby to incense you more against Recusants.

But we protest upon our Salvation, It is not so: Neither can any thing in human likelihood prevent the effecting thereof, but the change of your course towards Recusants.

This Letter at the beginning offers fair, seeming to detest the Gun­powder-Plot: but little of truth and sincerity may be expected from it, when we consider, that the design of it is to Apologize for Mur­ther; to which it appears there is a Club or number of them consent­ing and attempting: and they are not ashamed to assert, That though they murther Privy-Councellors, yet the Murtherers may be good men; nor are they to be blamed for it, for 'tis a True and Spiritual Resoluti­on. But enough of this Letter, to which the Earl himself was pleased to give an Answer.

The Oath of Allegiance was prudently drawn up, and confirmed by Act of Parliament; which Oath being the Foundation and Sum of this Treatise, take as followeth word for word; and, for distinction sake, divided into several Branches or Articles.

The Oath of Allegiance. Anno Tertio Jacobi.

I A. B. do truly and sincerely Acknowledg, Profess, Testifie, and De­clare in my Conscience before God and the World, That our Soveraign Lord King—is Lawful and Rightful King of this Realm, and of all other his Majesty's Dominions and Countreys.

And that the Pope, neither of himself, nor by any Authority of the Church or See of Rome, or by any other means, with any other, hath any Power or Authority to Depose the King:

Or to dispose any of his Majesties Kingdoms or Dominions:

Or to Authorize any Forreign Prince to Invade or Annoy him or his Countreys.

Or to Discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to his Majesty.

Or to give License or Leave to any of them to bear Arms, raise Tu­mults, &c.

Or to offer any violence or hurt to his Majesties Royal Person, State, or Government; or to any of his Majesties Subjects within his Majesties Dominions.

Also I do swear from my heart, That notwithstanding any Declarati­on, or Sentence of Excommunication or Deprivation made or granted, or to be made or granted by the Pope, or his Successors; or by any Au­thority derived, or pretended to be derived from him or his See, against the said King, his Heirs or Successors; or any Absolution of the said Sub­jects from their Obedience: I will bear Faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors.

And him and them will defend to the uttermost of my Power, against all Conspiracies and Attempts whatsoever, which shall be made against his or their Persons, their Crown and Dignity, by reason or colour of any such Sentence or Declaration, or otherwise:

And will do my best endeavour to disclose and make known unto his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, all Treasons and Trayterous Conspiracies which I shall know or hear of to be against him, or any of them.

And I do further swear, That I do from my heart Abhor, Detest, and Abjure, as Impious and Heretical, this Damnable Doctrine and Position, That Princes which be Excommunicated or Deprived by the Pope, may be Deposed or Murthered by their Subjects, or any other whatsoever.

And I do believe, and in Conscience am resolved, That neither the Pope, nor any Person whatsoever, hath power to absolve me of this Oath, or any part thereof,

Which I acknowledg by good and full Authority to be lawfully mini­stred unto me.

And do renounce all Pardons and Dispensations to the contrary.

And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledg and swear according by these express words by me spoken, and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words, without any equivocation, or mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever.

And I do make this Recognition and Acknowledgment heartily, wil­lingly, and truly, upon the true Faith of a Christian. So help me God.

A. B.

Unto which Oath so taken, the said person shall subscribe his or her Name or Mark.

King James doubted not but that all honest and good Subjects would Apol. for the Oath of Al­legiance, pag. 49, 50, 51. submit to this Oath, Because, as he said, that he that shall refuse to take this Oath, must of necessity [...]old all, or some of these Propositions following:

I. That I, King James, am not the lawful King of this Kingdom, and of all other my Dominions.

II. That the Pope by his own Authority may depose me; if not by his own Authority, yet by some other Authority of the Church, or of the See of Rome. If not by some other Authority of the Church and See of Rome, yet by other means, with others help, he may Depose me.

[Page 711]III. That the Pope may dispose of my Kingdoms and Domi­nions.

IV. That the Pope may give Authority to some Forreign Prince to invade my Dominions.

V. That the Pope may discharge my Subjects of their Allegi­ance and Obedience to me.

VI. That the Pope may give license to one or more of my Sub­jects, to bear Arms against me.

VII. That the Pope may give leave to my Subjects to offer vio­lence to my Person, or to my Government, or to some of my Subjects.

VIII. That if the Pope shall by Sentence excommunicate or de­pose me, my Subjects are not to bear Faith and Allegiance to me.

IX. If the Pope shall by Sentence Excommunicate or Depose me, my Subjects are not bound to defend with all their power my Person and Crown.

X. If the Pope shall give out any Sentence of Excommunication or Deprivation against me, my Subjects by reason of that Sentence are not bound to reveal all Conspiracies and Treasons against me, which shall come to their hearing and knowledg.

XI. That it is not Heretical and Diabolical, to hold, That Prin­ees being Excommunicated by the Pope, may be either De­posed or Killed by their Subjects, or any other.

XII. That the Pope hath Power to absolve my Subjects from this Oath, or from some part thereof.

XIII. That this Oath is not administred to my Subjects by a full and lawful Authority.

XIV. That this Oath is to be taken with Equivocation, Mental Evasion, or secret Reservation; and not with the Heart and good will, sincerely, in the true Faith of a Christian man.

Now whether there was just cause for drawing up and imposing of such an Oath, King James can tell you best himself. And first, that the Romanists had no reason to contrive his ruin, he declares at large in these words:

But now having sacrificed (if I may so say) to the Manes of my late Apol. for the Oath of Al­legiance, pag. 18, 19, 20. Predecessor [Q. Elizabeth, whose Government and Moderation he vindicates], I may next with St. Paul justly vindicate my own Fame from those innumerable Calumnies spread against me, in testifying the truth of my Behaviour toward the Papists: Wherein I may truly affirm, That whatsoever was her just and merciful Government over the Papists in her time, my Government over them since, hath so far exceeded hers, in Mercy and Clemency, as not only the Papists themselves grew to that height of pride, in confidence of my mildness, as they did directly expect, and assuredly promise to themselves Liberty of Conscience, and equality with others of my Subjects, in all things; but even a number of the best and faithfullest of my said Subjects, were cast in great fear and amaze­ment of my Course and Proceedings, ever prognosticating, and justly su­specting, [Page 712] that sowr fruit to come of it, which shew'd it self clearly in the Powder-Treason.

How many did I honour with Knighthood, of known and open Recu­sants? How indifferently did I give Audience and Access to both sides, bestowing equally all Favours and Honours on both Professions? How free and continual Access had all Ranks and Degrees of Papists in my Court and Company? And above all, How frankly and freely did I free Recu­sants of their ordinary Payments?

Besides, it is evident what strait Order was given out of my own mouth to the Judg, to spare the execution of all Priests (notwithstanding their conviction) joining thereunto a gracious Proclamation, whereby all Priests that were at liberty, and not taken, might go out of the Countrey by such a day my General Pardon having been extended to all Convicted Priests in Prison, whereupon they were set at liberty as good Subjects; and all Priests that were taken after, sent over, and set at liberty there.

But time and paper will fail me to make enumeration of all the benefits and favours that I bestowed in general and particular upon Papists; in recounting whereof, every scrape of my Pen would serve but for a blot of the Pope's Ingratitude and Injustice, in meteing me with so hard a measure for the same.

Yet for all these Favours, His Majesty in another place tells us, That,

The never-enough wondred at, and abhorred POWDER-TREASON Monitory Preface to all Christian Monarchs, p. 6, 7, 8, 9. (though the Repetition thereef grieveth, I know, the gentle-hearted Je­suit His Majesty alludes to Parsons Let­ter (against his Book) call'd, The judgment of a Catholick Eng­lish man, p. 6. §. 10. Parsons), This Treason, I say, being not only intended against me and my Posterity, but even against the whole House of Parliament, plotted only by Papists, and they only led thereto by a preposterous zeal for the advancement of their Religion; some of them continuing so obstinate, that even at their death they would not acknowledg their Fault; but in their last words, immediately before the expiring of their breath, refused to condemn themselves, and crave Pardon for their Deed, except the Romish Church should first condemn it.

And soon after, it being discovered that a great number of my Popish Subjects of all Ranks and Sexes, both Men and Women, as well within as without the Countrey, had a confused Notion, and an obscure Knowledg, that some great thing was to be done in that Parliament for the Weal of the Church; although, for Secrecy's cause, they were not acquainted with the Particulars: certain Forms of Prayer having likewise been set down and used for the good success of that Great Errand.

Adding hereunto, That divers times, and from divers Priests, the Arch-Traytors themselves received the Sacrament for confirmation of their Heart, and observation of Secresie.

Some of the principal Jesuits likewise being found guilty of the fore­knowledg of the Treason it self, of which number, some fled from their Trial, others were apprehended (as Holy Garnet himself, and Oldcorn were) and justly executed upon their own plain Confession of Guilt.

If this Treason now clad with these Circumstances, did not minister a just occasion to that Parliament House, whom they thought to have de­stroyed, couragiously and zealously at their next sitting down, to use all means of Trial, Whether any more of that Mind were yet left in the Coun­trey; I leave it to you [i. e. the Emperors, Kings, and Princes] to judg, [Page 713] whom God hath appointed his highest Deputy-Judges upon Earth. And amongst other things for this purpose, this Oath of Allegiance, so un­justly impugned, was then devised and enacted.

And in case any sharper Laws were then made against the Papists, that were not obedient to the former Laws of the Countrey; if ye will consider the Time, Place, and Persons, it will be thought no wonder, seeing that Occasion did so justly exasperate them to make severer Laws than other­wise they would have done.

The Time, I say, being the very next sitting of the Parliament after the Discovery of that Abominable Treason.

The Place, being the same where they should all have been blown up, and so bringing it freshly to their memory again.

The Persons, being those very Parliament-men whom they thought to have destroyed.

And yet so far hath both my Heart and Government been from any bitterness, as almost never one of those sharp Additions to the former Laws have ever yet been put in execution.

And that ye may yet know further, for the more convincing these Libel­lers of wilful Malice, who impudently affirm, That this Oath of Allegi­ance was devised for deciving and intrapping of Papists in points of Con­science.

The truth is, That the Lower-House of Parliament at the first fra­ming of this Oath, made it contain, That the Pope had no power to excommunicate Me; which I caused them to reform, only making it to con­clude, That no Excommunication of the Pope's, can warrant my Sub­jects to practise against My Person or State; Denying the Deposition of Kings to be in the Pope's Lawful Power. As indeed I take any such Tem­poral Violence to be far without the limits of such a Spiritual Censure as Excommunication is.

So careful was I that nothing should be contain'd in this Oath except the Profession of Natural Allegiance, and Civil and Temporal Obedi­ence, with a Promise to resist all contrary Ʋncivil Violence.

This Oath now grounded upon so great and just occasion, set forth in so reasonable Terms, and ordain'd only for making of a true distinction be­tween Papists of Quiet disposition, and in all other things good Subjects; and such other Papists as in their hearts maintained the like violent bloody Maximes that the Powder-Traytors did.

And in another place His Majesty tells us to the same purpose, viz. That this Oath

‘Was framed to be taken by my Subjects, whereby they should make Apol. for the Oath of Al­legiance, pag. 3, 4. clear Profession of their Resolution faithfully to persist in Obedience unto me, according to their Natural Allegiance.

‘To this end, that I might hereby make a separation, not only be­tween all my good Subjects in general, and unfaithful Traytors, that intended to withdraw themselves from my obedience; but especially, to make a separation between so many of my Subjects, who although they were otherwise Popishly affected, yet retain'd in their hearts the print of their natural Duty to their Soveraign: And those who being carried away with the like Fanatick Zeal that the Powder-Traytors were, could not contain themselves within the bounds of their Natu­ral Allegiance, but thought diversity of Religion a safe pretext for [Page 714] all kind of Treasons and Rebellions against their Soveraign.’

‘Which godly and wise intent, God did bless with success accor­dingly: For many of my Subjects that were Popishly affected, as well Priests as Layicks, did freely take the same Oath; whereby they gave me occasion to think the better of their fidelity; and likewise freed themselves of that heavy slander, that although they were fellow-Professors of one Religion with the Powder-Traytors, yet were not joined with them in Treasonable Courses against their Soveraign.’

‘Whereby all quietly-minded Papists were put out of despair; and I gave a good proof that I intended no Persecution against them for Conscience Cause, but only desired to be secured of them for Civil Obedience, which for Conscience Cause they were bound to per­form.’

‘But the Devil could not have devised a more malicious trick for in­tetrupting this so Calm and Clement a course, than fell out by the sending hither, and publishing a Breve of the Popes, countermand­ing all them of his Profession to take this Oath; thereby sowing new seeds of Jealousie between me and my Popish Subjects, by stirring them up to disobey that Lawful Commandment of their Sove­raign, which was ordain'd to be taken of them as a pledg of their fidelity.’

His Majesty here alludes to Pope Paul V. who upon the coming out of this Oath, sends out a Bull or Breve against it, forbidding any of the Romanists to take the said Oath. The manner of their procuring, and how the English-Romanists in this juncture behaved themselves, take as followeth:

No sooner was the Oath and Act of Parliament published, but there Vid. Rog. Wid­drington's Theological Disputation, Epist. Dedi­cat. to Pope Paul V. §. 6. was a great and long Consultation held at London by the Priests, as­sisted by Mr. Whose Ti­tle ran thus—George Black­well, by the grace of God, and the Ordi­nance of the Sea Apostolick, Arch. Priest of England. George Blackwell their Arch-Priest, what they and their Friends ought to do in this case. At last Blackwell did conclude, that this Oath (according to the plain and common understanding of the words) might with a safe Conscience be taken by the Romanists; and with him agreed a greater part of the Priests, who went then to Lon­don to assist at this Consultation.

But this Compliance was opposed by certain Jesuits, and some other Priests, from whence arose all the stir and controversie which after­wards made Divisions amongst them, concerning the taking of this Oath: Nor is the Dispute yet ended.

The Jesuits and their Faction resolving not to be bafled, would carry the business with a high hand; to which purpose they threatned to procure a Breve from the Pope to hinder the taking of the said Oath.

Blackwell and his party fearing the worst, with all haste dispatched a Letter to Mr. Nicholas Fitzherbert, an English Priest then flourishing in Rome; fully relating to him how the case stood amongst them, earnestly desiring him to deal effectually with some Cardinals, that the Pope might be perswaded not to send over any Breves against the taking of the said Oath, which would but encrease their Trouble, and render the Divisions wider.

But it seems the Jesuits were too quick and powerful for the other Priests; for their Letter came too late, and to no purpose; it being de­termined [Page 715] at Rome, that a Breve should be drawn up and sent; the main Procurers of which, were supposed to be Cardinal Bellarmine and Fa­ther Parsons; the later of whom (as a fore-runner of the Breves) sent a Letter into England; part of which, take as followeth:

About some four or five Months ago it was consulted by seven or eight Id. cap. 10. Sect. 2. §. 53. 54, 55, 56. of the Learned'st Divines that could be chosen to give their judgment of it (i. e. the Oath): Their Reasons are many; but all reduced to this, That the Pope's Authority in chastising Princes upon a just Cause, is de fide, and consequently cannot be denied when it is call'd into controversie, without de­nying of our Faith; nor that the Pope or any other Authority can dispence in this.

For if the Question were de facto, and not de jure, to wit, Whether the Pope might justly in this or that occasion Excommunicate or Depose this or that Prince upon these or these causes; or whether precedent Popes have done well therein, or no? Then might some of these Reasons, which you say your Friends do alledg, be admitted into Consideration; to wit, Whether it could be in aedificationem, or destructionem, do hurt or good, be profitable or improfitable? or, Whether the Causes be sufficient or no? for without cause none holdeth that the Pope may depose: Or, Whether the due form of Admonition, touched in your Letters, were observed? But forasmuch as the Question is de Potestate of the See-Apostolick Power, What it may do upon any Cause, or against any Catholick Prince whatsoever; these Considerations of temporal hurt cannot enter.

Besides these, I have conferred the matter with Cardinal Bellarmine, and sundry others of great Learning and Conscience; and all are of one opi­nion in this case, That the form of the Oath, as it lieth, is Heretical, and no way may be admitted by him that will not deny the Catholick Faith.

I had occasion twice to speak with his Holiness; the first, in company of Mr. Kinsmanto the former Nic. Fitzher­bert. Thomas Fitzherbert, where we proposed certain manners of Miti­gation suggested by Friends, &c.

Whereto his Holiness answered, That as for any Actual using Censures against his Majesty, he meant not, but rather all Courtesie. But as for the Authority of the See-Apostolick (to wit, using of Censures) he was re­solved, and would rather lose his Head, than yeeld one jot.

The second; He being informed that some Priests did seem to incline to the taking of the Oath. He answered, He could not hold them for Ca­tholicks, &c.

Thus we see how the Plot was carried, and how zealous the Pope and his Assistants were against the taking of this Oath, as if it were enough to overthrow their whole Religion: Though King James did assure them and the World, That no decision of any one point of Re­ligion, was intended in this Oath.

For (saith he) as for the Catholick Faith, Can there be one word found Apol. for the Oath, pag. 63 in all that Oath, tending or sounding to matter of Religion? Doth he that takoth it, promise there to believe or not to believe any Article of Religion? Or doth he so much as name a true or a false Church there? And as for St. Peter's Primacy, I know no Apostle's Name that is therein named, except the Name of JAMES, it being my Christian Name—Neither is there any mention at all made therein, either disertis verbis, or by any [Page 716] other indirect means, either of the Hierarchy of the Church, of St. Pe­ter's Succession, of the See Apostolick, or of any such matter.

But however, as if this Oath quite overthrew the Roman Religion, and rendred the Pope no more powerful than his Predecessors were in the first Three hundred years, out comes a Breve from his Holiness, right or wrong, expresly commanding the English not to take the said Oath upon any means whatever. Part of which, take as followeth.

Dilecti filii, Salutem & Aposto­licam Benedictionem.

MAgno animi moerore Nos sem­per affecerunt Tribulatio­nes & Calamitates, quas pro reti­nenda Catholica fide jugiter susti­nuistis. Sed cum intelligamus om­nia hoc tempore magis exacerbari, Afflictio nostra mirum in modum aucta est, &c.

—Non potestis, abs (que) evidentis­sima gravissima (que) Divini honoris injuria, obligare vos Juramento, quod similiter maximo cum Cordis nostri dolore audivimus proposi­tum vobis fuisse praestandum, in­fra scripti tenoris, viz.

Ego A. B. &c.
Here was in­serted the Oath it self.

Quae cum ita sint, vobis, ex ver­bis ipsis perspicuum esse debet, quod hujusmodi Juramentum, salva fide Catholica, & salute animarum ve­stiarum prastari non potest, cum mul [...]a contineat, quae fidei & saluti aperte adversantur.

Propterea admonemus vos, ut ab hoc at (que) similibus Juramentis praestandis omnino Caveatis. Quod quidem eo acrius exigimus a vobis, quia experti vestrae fidei Constan­tiam, quae tanquam aurum in for­nace, perpetuae Tribulationis igne probata est. Pro comperto habe­mus, vos alacri animo subituros [Page 717] esse quaecun (que) atrociora Tormenta, ac mortem deni (que) ipsam constan­ter oppetituros, potius quam Dei Majestatem ulla in re laedatis, &c.

—Praecipimus vobis ut illarum Literarum verba ad amussim ser­vetis, & simpliciter prout sonant & jacent, accipiatis & intelligatis, sub­lata omni facultate aliter illa in­terpretandi, &c.

[Page 716]
Dearly beloved Sons, Greeting, and Aposiolical Benediction.

THE Tribulations and Calami­ties which you have continu­ally sustained for the keeping of the Catholique Faith, hath always afflicted us with great grief of mind. But for as much as we understand, that at this time all things are more grievous; our Affliction hereby is wonderfully encrea­sed, &c.

—You cannot without most evi­dent and grievous wronging of God's Honour, bind your selves by the Oath, which in like manner we have heard with very great grief of Heart, is administred un­to you, of the tenor following, viz.

I A. B. &c.

Which things since they are thus, it must evidently appear to you, that such an Oath cannot be ta­ken without wrong to the Catho­lick Faith, and the salvation of your souls, seeing it contains many things plainly contrary to Faith and Salvation.

Wherefore we admonish you, That you do utterly abstain from taking this, and the like Oaths. Which thing we do the more ear­nestly require of you, because we have experience of the constancy of your Faith, which is tried like Gold in the fire of perpetual Tri­bulation. We do well know, that [Page 717] you will cheerfully undergo all kind of cruel Torments whatsoe­ver, yea and constantly endure Death it self, rather than you will in any thing offend the Majesty of God, &c.

We command you, That you do exactly observe the words of those Letters, and that you take and understand them simply as they sound, and as they lye; all power to interpret them otherwise, being taken away, &c.

This Breve being presently sent into England, was not instantly sub­mitted to by all the Romanists, some of them having taken the Oath of Allegiance, and thought they ought as good Subjects to stand to it; others of them who wish'd well to their own security, betwixt the two opposite Commands of the King and the Pope, were willing to think the former Breve to be but a Cheat, and surreptitiously procured without the Pope's knowledg [such things hapning oft at Rome, the Pope (as well as other Princes) being several times abused both by their Secre­taries and the Datarii]: And to this opinion were some of the wisest and best of the English Romanists drawn, upon consideration that the Pope [who ought to be Holy, Charitable, Merciful, a lover of Peace, a promoter of Obedience, not a busie-body, nor a medler in other Princes Affairs] would not undertake to disquiet the Romanists, raise divisions in the Church, and thrust his Friends into the danger of vio­lating the Laws of their King and Countrey, to whom they owed all Obedience, and not upon any account whatsoever Trayterously to oppose and violate.

But the Pope, who thought his Kingdom, his Authority, his Supre­macy, his Vicarship, his Infallibility, and all his other pretty pretend­ed Trophies struck at, was resolved to have his Humour, let what mis­chief so ever come of it; and so, as if to satisfie those who doubted of the Reality of the former Breve, he forthwith sent this other into England.

[Page 718]
Dilecti Filii, Salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem.

REnuntiatum est nobis, reperiri nonnullos apud vos, qui, cum satis declaraverimus per lite­ras nostras Anno superiore x Ka­lend, Octob. in forma Brevis datas, vos tuta Conscientia praestare non posse Juramentum, quod a vobis tunc exigebatur; & praeterea stricte praeceperimus, ne ullo modo illud praestaretis:

Nunc dicere audent, hujusmodi Literas de prohibitione Juramenti, non ex animi nostri sententia, no­stra (que) propria voluntate scriptas fuisse; sed potius aliorum intuitu at (que) industria: ea (que) de causa iidem persuadere nituntur, mandata no­stra dictis literis non esse atten­denda.

Perturbavit sane nos hic Nun­cius, eo (que) magis, quia experti Obe­dientiam vestram (filii nostri unice dilecti) qui, ut huic sancta [...] Sedi obediretis, opes, facultates, dig­nitatem, libertatem, vitam deni (que) ipsam, pie & generose nihili fecistis; nunquam suspicati essemus, potuisse vocari apud vos in dubium fidem literarum nostrarum Apostolica­rum, ut hoc praetextu, vos ex man­datis nostris eximeretis.

Verum agnoscimus versutiem at (que) fraudem Adversarii humanae salutis, eis (que) potius, quam vestrae voluntati tribuimus hanc reni­tentiam.

Ea proter iterum ad vos scribere decrevimus, ac denuo vobis signi­ficare, Literas nostras Apostolicas Anno praeterito x Kalend. Octob. [Page 719] datas de prohibitione juramenti, non solum motu proprio, & ex cer­ta nostra scientia; verum etiam post longam & gravem delibera­tionem de omnibus quae in illis continentur adhibitam, fuisse scrip­tas, & ob id teneri vos, illas om­nino observare, omni interpreta­tione secus suadente rejecta.

Haec autem est mera, pura, inte­gra (que) voluntas nostra, qui de ve­stra salute soliciti, semper co­gitamus ea, quae magis vobis expediunt.

Et ut cogitationes & consilia no­stra illuminet is, a quo Christiano gregi custodiendo nostra fuit prae­posita Humilitas, indesinenter Ora­mus: Quem etiam jugiter preca­mur ut in vobis filiis nostris sum­mopere dilectis, fidem, constanti­am, mutuam (que) inter vos Charita­tem & Pacem augeat. Quibus om­nibus cum omni Charitatis affectu, peramanter benedicimus.

Petrus Stroza.
[Page 718]
Dearly beloved Sons, Greeting and Apostolical Benediction.

It is reported unto us, That there are found certain amongst you, (who) when as we have sufficiently declared by our Letters, dated the last year, on the xxij of September, in the form of a Breve, that ye cannot with safe Conscience take the Oath which was then required of you; and when as we have fur­ther straitly commanded you, that by no means you should take it.

Yet there are some (I say) a­mong you, who dare now affirm, that such Letters concerning the forbidding of the Oath, were not written of our own accord, or of our own proper will, but rather for the respect, and at the instiga­tion of other men: and for that cause the same men go about to perswade you, that our Commands in the said Letters are not to be regarded.

Truly this News did trouble us; and that so much the more, because having had experience of your o­bedience (most dearly beloved Sons), who to the end you might obey this Holy See, have godlily and valiantly contemned your Ri­ches, Wealth, Honour, Liberty, yea and Life it self: We should never have suspected that the truth of our Apostolical Letters could once be call'd into question a­mongst you, that by this pretence you might exempt your selves from our Commandments.

But we do perceive herein the subtilty and craft of the Enemy of man's salvation; and we do attri­bute this your backwardness ra­ther to him, than to your own will.

And for this cause we have thought good to write the second time unto you, and to signifie unto you again, that our Apostolical [Page 719] Letters, dated the last year, on the xxij of Sept. concerning the prohi­bition of the Oath, were written not only upon our proper motion, and of our certain knowledg; but also after long and weighty deli­beration used concerning all those things which are contain'd in them: and that for that cause you are bound fully to observe them, reje­cting all Interpretation perswading to the contrary.

And this is our meer, pure and perfect will, who being always careful of your salvation, do al­ways mind those things which are most profitable unto you.

And we do pray without cea­sing, That he who hath appoint­ed to our Lowliness the keeping of the Flock of Christ, would en­lighten our Thoughts and Coun­sels: whom we do also continually beseech, that he would encrease in you (our most beloved Sons) Faith, Constancy, with mutual Charity and Peace one to another. All whom we most lovingly Bless with all Charitable affection.

Peter Stroza.

Some Months after the publishing of the first Breve, Mr. George Blackwell [constituted the Arch-Priest 1598, by Henry Cardinal Caje­tane, call'd Protector of the English Nation by the Appointment of Pope Clement VIII.] was seiz'd on, examined and imprisoned, and the Oath offer'd him, which he freely took.

Cardinal Bellarmine upon notice of this, writes a long Letter to Blackwell, telling him how joyous the news (of the Imprisonment) seem'd to him, because (forsooth) now you draw near unto the glory of Mar­tyrdom; than the which, there cannot be a gift of God more happy; and therefore bids him for the comfort of the Church, be valiant and stout. 'Tis easie giving advice afar off; but the Cardinal did not care to put himself into the danger of Hereticks, ever since he assisted the Rebel­lious League against the French King.

But there is one thing that clouds all this Rejoycing, viz. that Black­well should take the Oath: This troubles the Cardinal, who tells the [Page 720] Arch-Priest, That the Oath is so craftily composed, that no man can de­test Treason against the King, and make profession of his Civil subjection, but he must be constrained perfidiously to deny the Primacy of the Apo­stolick See. But the Servants of Christ, and especially the Chief Priests of the Lord, ought to be so far from taking an unlawful Oath, where they may endamage the Faith, that they ought to beware that they give not the least suspition of Dissimulation that they have taken it—For if you will diligently weigh the whole matter with your self, truly you shall see it is no small matter that is called in question by this Oath, but one of the principal Heads of our Faith, and Foundations of Catholique Religion. And for proof of this, he produceth little scraps out of Gregory the Great, Pope Leo, and such like Instances, nothing at all God wot to the Business in hand, as Blackwell himself in his Answer to Bellarmines Let­ter, may testifie.

The Pope considering Father Blackwell's Humour, and it may be his Confinement, appointed (1608) Mr. George Birket to be Arch-Priest, and sent him a Breve to forbid the taking of the Oath, and to deprive all Priests of their Faculties that should take it. Part of which, take as followeth.

—Tibi (que) injungimus & Mandamus, ac specialem faculta­tem ad hoc tribuimus, ut Authori­tate nostra omnes & singulos Sa­cerdotes Anglos, qui quoddam Ju­ramentum (in quo multa continen­tur, quae fidei at (que) saluti animarum aperte adversantur) praestiterunt: vel ad loca ad quae Haeretici ad eo­rum superstitiosa Ministeria pera­genda convenire solent, consulto accesserunt, aut qui talia licite fieri posse docuerunt, & docent, ad­monere cures, ut ab hujusmodi er­roribus resipiscant & abstineant.

Quod si intra tempus (extra­judicialiter tamen) arbitrio tuo illis praefigendum hoc facere distu­lerint, seu aliquis illorum distu­lerit, illos seu illum facultatibus & Privilegiis omnibus ab Apo­stolica sede seu illius Authoritate a quocun (que) alio, illis vel cuivis illorum concessis, eadem Authori­tate prives ac privatos, esse declares &c.

—And we enjoyn and com­mand you, and for this we give you special Faculty, that by our Au­thority you take care to admonish all and every English Priest, who have taken a certain Oath (where­in many things are contained which are manifestly against Faith and the salvation of souls) or do willingly repair to such places where the Hereticks use to meet to celebrate their superstitious Ser­vices or Worship; or have taught and do teach that such things may lawfully be done; that they may repent and abstain from such Er­rors.

And if within the time [extraju­dicialiter notwithstanding] by you as you think fit to be appointed un­to them, they or any one of them shall defer to obey this; That then you by the same Authority do de­prive and declare them or him to be deprived of all Faculties and Priviledges granted them or any of them from the See-Apostolick, or by her Authority from any other whatsoever, &c.

Birket upon the receit of this Breve, draws up and sends abroad this Admonishing-Letter.

To all the Reverend Secular Priests of England.

Most dearly beloved Brethren,

WHereas I have always desired to live without Molesting or Of­fending others, it cannot be but a wonderful Corsive, Sorrow and Grief unto me, that against mine own inclination I am forced (as you have seen by the Breve it self) to prescribe a certain time for such as do find themselves to have been contrary to the points which are touched in the said Breve, concerning the Oath, and going to Church, that they may thereby return and conform themselves to the Doctrine declared by his Holiness, both in this and the other former Breves.

And therefore now by this Present do give notice unto you all, That the time which I prefix and prescribe for that purpose, is the space of two Months next ensuing after the knowledg of this my Admonition. Within which time, such as shall forbear to take or allow any more the Oath, or going to Church, I shall most willingly accept their doing therein.

Yet signifying unto you withall, That such as do not within the time prescribed, give this satisfaction, I must (though much against my will) for fulfilling his Holiness commandment, Deprive them, and Denounce them to be Deprived of all their Faculties and Priviledges granted by the See-Apostolique, or by any other by Authority thereof unto them, or to any of them; and so by this present do Denounce, hoping that there is no man will be so wilful or disobedient to his Holiness Order, but will conform himself as becometh an Obedient Child of the Catholique Church.

And so most heartily wishing this Conformity in us all, and that we may live and labour together Unanimes in Domo Domini, I pray God give us the Grace to effect that in our Actions, whereunto we are by our Order and Profession obliged.

Your Servant in Christ, GEORGE BIRKET, Arch-Priest of England, and Protonotary Apostolical.

Now were Pens employed on both sides, the Romanists cuffing one another bravely about the Oath; Voluminous Coquaeus comes railing from France against it; Getser opposeth it in Germany; Andraeus Eu­daemonioannes of Greece, declares it Abominable; In Italy, Cardinal Bellarmine is very busie against it; sometimes under his own, other times masked under false Names, as Tortus, and some think Schulckenius was one and the same person with the Cardinal.

In Spain now flourish'd Franciscus Suarez; he also, by order from [Page 722] the Pope and Conclave, is commanded to undertake it; which he doth: But the good old man thought he was hardly dealt withall by the Inqui­sitors, to whom having sent his Book for Approbation, they alter'd Vid Bishop of Chichester (Dr. King) his Let­ter to Is. Walton, before Hook [...]r's Ec­cles. Poliy, Edit. 1666. and added according to their own humours, as was * confest by Mr. John Salikill, then Suarez his Amanuensis, but afterwards reconciled to the Church of England.

But above all the opposers of this Oath, none like Father Parsons; who to have the better pretence of Reviling, will father King James his Apology upon Thomas Montague, and (through that supposed Name) bespatter his Majesty. He tells us, that all the The Judg­me [...]t o [...] a Ca­tholick Eng­lish-man, §. 14. pag. 9. Learned men beyond Seas cry it down as unlawful, as opposing matters of Faith; and he himself assures us, That none can take it Id. pag. 14. § 22. without peril of everlasting Damnation.

At last, Parsons coming to argue against it, is driven to the Fanatical Argument, Liberty of Conscience; and thus boldly asserts it. For (saith he) Pag. 38. §. 20. neither Breathing, nor the use of common Air, is more due unto them [i. e. good Subjects] or common to all, than ought to be Liberty of Conscience to Christian men whereby each one liveth to God and to him­self, and without which he strugleth with the torment of a continual lin­gring death. And then a little after, thus boasts—Id pag. 51. §. 37. Let them shew but one only Authority Sentence. Example, or Testimony out of any of these three kind of Witnesses, Scriptures, Fathers, or Councils, that we must obey Prin­ces against our Conscience or Religion, and I will grant he saith somewhat to the purpose.

Thus will they have all their Religion or Faith to hang upon the ta­king or not taking of this Oath. But in this zeal for liberty he meets with a Rub, and that is this: Why then do the Romanists force Prote­stants by their Inquisitions to abjure their Opinions; and if they re­fuse, Id. pag. 23. §. 36. punish them with Death, or as the Crime requireth?

To this Objection, Parsons thinks he saith enough, by telling you, that the case is not the same; because (forsooth) the Roman Church hath jus acquisitum, ancient right over Hereticks; but the Protestant Church of England hath no such thing upon Catholicks. As Treasona­ble an Assertion as could be imagined, seeing according to his Conse­quence, and the thing in hand, A Protestant King can have no right over Romanists; and so Protestanism must ipso facto deprive Kings, and render them uncapable of Dominion, where the people are of the Ro­man Religion; so that Henry IV. was not, nor could be King of France till he was reconciled to Rome.

The truth is, all of them who write against the Oath, ground all their Exceptions upon this, That they think it takes away the Pope's power of depriving Kings, and absolving Subjects from their Allegi­ance; so that we may see what it is that pincheth them, and how much they look upon Loyalty and true Obedience to be an Enemy to their Interest and Church.

But to render this Oath more odious and terrible, they amaze the simple people with strange stories of God's Judgments against the ta­kers of it; and this, with the Vulgar, they make one of their best Ar­guments.

They alledg, That the Captain of them, viz. Father Blackwell, dy­ed Vid. Rog. Widdrington's Theolog. Di­sput. cap. 10. Sect. 4. suddenly: To which the other Party reply, That 'tis granted, that Blackwell on Saturday in the afternoon [viz. 25 of January, 1612] fell into a swoun (being well before), upon which he was had [Page 723] to bed, whither some Priests came to him; to whom he affirmed, he had done nothing contrary to his Conscience in taking the said Oath, and that it was a lawful Oath; and so dyed a little after; but his death was five years after he had taken the Oath.

That if sudden-deaths be Arguments, they could retort, and tell them of some Priests, Enemies of the Oath, who dyed by the same Judgments; as of one in the North, who (otherwise very healthy) was so suddenly strucken with a deadly Disease, that he dyed within sixteen hours. Of another that fell down a pair of Stairs, whereby he was so bruised, that he lived not long after. Of a third, who leaping hastily over an Hedg, fell into a pit on the other side of the Hedg, and so was cast away. To all these might be added, that one of the greatest Champions the Oath had, was Mr. Thomas (or Rowland) Preston, a learned Benedictan Monk, who lived many a fair year after his taking and de­fending the said Oath; though the Pope and his Party might have wish'd that he had dyed sooner, or writ less. Yet he disguised his Writings under the Name of Roger Widdrington [who indeed was another Ro­manist, living in the North]; under which Name he opposed Suarez, baffled Bellarmine, confuted Gretzer, Becanus, and the rest of their Party; whereupon some began to call it Widdrington's Doctrine, i. e. to defend the lawfulness of the Oath of Allegiance. The Jesuits had se­veral designs against him; once they plotted to seize upon him in a Boat upon the River Thames, and so to hurry him beyond Seas, where they would have claw'd him for his defending Loyalty and Allegiance: but he suspected that the beyond-sea Air would hasten his death; therefore for some years he secured himself in the Clink, where he lived with free­dom, followed his Studies, and had an excellent Library of his own.

Again the other Party object, That Mr. Jackson who took the Oath, dyed of the Plague. But this is nothing to the unwarrantable­ness of the Oath, unless we will argue, that it was unlawful to regain the Holy-land from the Saracens, because S. Lewis ix, King of France, and one that is Canonized, is said to dye of the Plague in that Expedi­tion; or that we must not read Sanders his Book de Schismate, because Edward Rishton, a rebellious ungrateful Priest, published it, and made Continuations to it, and dyed of the Plague in Lorrain.

Nay, the Anti-Loyalists flye so low, that rather than have nothing to say, they would object as a fault the living or breathing at a Bishops House; and all this a-do, because Mr. William Warmington lived in the Bishop of Winchester's House; whereas the Objection was occasioned by their own uncharitableness: For Warmington having taken and en­gaged himself as a Champion of the Oath, his own Roman Friends and Kindred became his Enemies, withdrawing from him all the Benevo­lence they used to allow him.

Warmington put to this stress of Livelihood only for his Loyalty and Obedience, petitions the King for some Allowance. The King graci­ously accepts it, commends him to Dr. Bilson the Bishop of Winchester, with order to take him to himself to his own House, there to provide for him. The Bishop obeys, Warmington lives with him, wants nothing, hath liberty at pleasure, and freedom of his Religion. And is not this a notable Argument to prove the Oath of Allegiance unlawful.

But if these should fail, they can flye to their old trick of Miracles, and bring Heaven it self to confute the Oath; and this they doubt not but will work much with the honest Romanist. One of their Stories take as followeth.

Mr. Thomas Newton of Pickworth in Lincolnshire; a Roman Catholick, meeting at Standford with one Mr. Edward Sutton of Kellam in Noting­hamshire, a disorderly pretended Protestant, were there apprehended, and committed to the Town-Hall; at last were carried to Thomas Cecyl Earl of Exeter, who proffer'd them the Oath of Allegiance; Sutton af­ter some excuses took it, but Newton desired time to consider of it. Up­on which, for want of Bail, and at the Constables desire, they were re­turn'd to the Town-Hall.

Here these two discoursed about the Oath; Newton assuring to his Companion its unlawfulness. To bed they go together. About midnight September 4. 1612. Sutton cryeth out, That he was damned only for taking the Oath, and declareth Newton happy for refusing it. Newton bids him make the sign of the Cross; Sutton doth so; then creeps down into the bed, saying, he durst not look up to behold the Vision.

Newton looks up, sees the Room full of light and brightness, the My­stery of the Trinity represented to him; then there appears the Virgin Mary in a shining white Robe, with an infinite company of Angels a­bout her, holding a Crown over her head, singing in honour of the Tri­nity, Alleluia, Gloria in Excelsis Deo. &c. Then Newton thought that the Virgin thus spake to him—Behold, see and believe my Assumption in Body. Take not the Oath, but rather endure all Torments; for I will be with thee, and assist thee in all, and will strengthen and preserve thee from all pains and torments, with such Consolations as thou now feelest.

This Vision continued about half an hour; and a little before they vanished, there appeared also a multitude of Saints and Martyrs, offer­ing up (as it were) Incense unto Almighty God, and saying to him—Double thy Devotion unto Saints; for nothing is more acceptable unto Al­mighty God. Thus was Newton confirmed in two points, which before (as he said) he somewhat doubted of, viz. the Virgins Assumption, and Prayers to Saints.

The Vision ended, Newton and Sutton roar out as loud as they could, Alleluia, Gloria, &c. and thus they continued balling for three or four hours, Sutton saying, that now he had learned how to pray.

In short, Sutton turns stark mad, and becomes distracted. The Bishop of Peterborough administers the Oath of Allegiance to Newton, who for all the contrary Commands in the Vision, took it, and so was set at li­berty. And this is the sum of the pretty Tale which Father Preston, an honest Romanist, thinks ought to be ascribed either Theolog. Disput. cap. 10. Sect. 5. § 23. to the vehement I­maginations of a troubled Brain, or else to be accounted a meer Illusion of the Devil. And so I leave it to the discretion of the Reader, with liberty to approve or disprove these doughty Arguments against the Oath of Alle­giance.

But lest these Illusions, Inventions, and idle Stories, should not do the good or mischief intended, the Pope must ever now and anon hurry over his Bulls into England, to rowse up the Romanists, and put them in a po­sture of Defence against the said Oath.

In King James his time, there were several such Papers; nor were they discontinued in King Charles 1. his days. In the beginning of whose Reign Pope Ʋrban viii, one said to have some affection to the English Nation, sent over a Bull of Comfort to the Romanists; part of which, relating to the Oath, take as followeth.

[Page 725]

ƲRBANƲS Pp VIII. Dilectis Filiis Catholicis Angliae.

Dilecti Filii, Salutem & Apostoli­licam Benedictionem.

NON semper terraena faelicitas est beneficium Coeli & Patri­monium Pietatis; pacem enim pec­catorum videns Ecclesia non raro experta est potentiam mortalium esse stipendium sceleris. Quare, Ca­tenas Martyrum anteferimus exu­viis Triumphantium, & Rex sempi­ternus. Principatus Coelestes polli­cetur, non iis qui superbo pede jura proterunt, sed qui persecutionem patiuntur propter justitiam, &c.

Quod si eous (que) vis progrediatur, ut vos ad noxium illud, & illicitum Anglicanae fidelitatis jura mentum adigat, mementote Orationem ve­stram ab universo Angelorum spe­ctantium consessu audiri. Et adhae­reat lingua vestra faucibus [...]estris, priusquam Authoritatem B. Petri ea jurisjurandi formula imminu­tam detis. Non enim ibi id solum agitur, ut fides Regi servetur, sed at sacrum Universae Ecclesiae scep­trum eripiatur Vicariis Dei Omni­potentis.

Quod soeliciis Recordationis Paulus V. Praedecessor noster in tam gravi deliberatione decrevit, id omnino tanquam Decretum Ve­ritatis servare debeatis. Dilecti Fi­lii, Tributum hoc Principi Aposto­lorum debitum nulla [...] hominum mi­nae aut blanditiae a vobis unquam extorqueant; qui secus suadent, ij visionem mendacem & divinatio­nem fraudulentam prophetant vo­bis: Citius enim viro Christiano [Page 726] debet potentium gladius vitam eri­pere quam fidem. Quod si Angelus etiam e Coelo descendens vos aliter, quam veritas Apostolica, doceat, Anathema sit, &c.

[Page 725]

Pope ƲRBAN VIII. To his beloved Sons the Catho­licks of England.

Beloved Sons, Greeting and Aposto­lical Benediction.

TErrene foelicity is not always the benefit of Heaven, and the Patrimony of Piety: For the Church, seeing the prosperity of sinners, hath often found by expe­rience, that the greatness of Mor­tals is the stipend of Impiety. Wherefore we prefer the Chains of Martyrs before the spoils of the Triumphant; and the Eternal King promiseth Heavenly Principalities, not to them who proudly trample the Laws under their feet, but to those who suffer Persecution for Righteousness sake, &c.

And if Violence proceed so far, as to compel you to that pernicious and unlawful Oath of Allegiance of England; Remember, that your Prayers are heard in the whole As­sembly of the Angels beholding you: And let your Tongue cleave to the roof of your mouth, rather than you permit the Authority of St. Peter to be diminished with that form of Oath: For that is not all, that Fidelity be kept unto the King; but that the Sacred Scepter of the Catholique Church be wrung from the Vicar of God Al­mighty.

That which our Predecessor Paul V. of blessed memory, with so great deliberation decreed, that ought ye altogether to observe as a Decree of Truth. Beloved Sons, this Tribute due to the Prince of the Apostles, no threats or flatte­ries of men ought at any time to extort from you; and they who perswade you otherwise, prophesie unto you a lying Vision, and a fraudulent divination: for sooner [Page 726] ought the Sword of the Mighty take from a Christian his life, than his Faith; yea if an Angel from Heaven teach you otherwise than the Apostolique Truth, let him be Accursed, &c.

FINIS.

THE TABLE.

A
  • A Drian II commands the murther of Mi­chael the Empe­rour 182
  • Albert. Emperour murther'd 301
  • The Oath of Allegiance, vid. Oath.
  • Cardinal Allens bad Princi­ples 70, 71
  • His actions against Queen E­lizabeth 454, 455, 456
  • Francis Duke of Anjou, his death 502
  • Suspected by poyson Ibid.
  • Causes the Guisard to re­joyce Ibid.
  • Don Juan d'Aquila lands in Ireland with Spanish forces 658, &c.
  • L'Auspespine the French Am­bassador in England, plots the murder of Queen Eliza­beth 450
B
  • BAbington's treasons against Queen Elizabeth 445, 446
  • Baldwin II Emperour of Constan­tinople deposed 279
  • Fran. Baroncello his pranks at Rome 306
  • Cardinal Baronius bad Princi­ples 78
  • The Barricadoes 523
  • Pierre Barriere his plots against the King 589
  • Becket, vid. Thomas
  • Cardinal Bellarmines bad Prin­ciples 68, 69
  • Berengarius murther'd 192
  • John of Bilboa, his imposture 360, 361
  • Birket constituted Archpriest of England 720
  • Blois, the Assembly of the States-General meet there 527
  • The D. of Guise rules all there ibid.
  • Boniface VIII Pope, his life and actions 282, &c.
  • Cardinal Bourbon declar'd King 562
  • Bow at the name of the Pope and Virgin Mary 40
  • Richard Bristow's bad Principles 62, 66
C
  • CAelestine V Pope 282, 283
  • Alphonso Carillo Arch­bishop of Toledo, chief of the Rebels against Henry IV King of Castile and Leon 337, 338, &c.
  • Catherine Queen of Navar de­prived 343, 344
  • Robert Cecil threatned in a Letter from the Romanists 707, 708
  • [Page]Charles III le Gross, Emperour depos'd 185
  • First dated his Letters from the year of Christ 186
  • Charles III le simple King of France deposed 203, 204
  • Carlos I King of Spain chose Em­peror, & called Charles V 353
  • His going from Spain into Ger­many opposed by the Spani­ards 353, 354
  • Chastel stabs the King 596
  • Childerick II King of France and his Queen murdred 160
  • Childerick III, King of France, deposed 165, 166
  • His Subjects absolv'd from their Oaths of Allegiance by Pope Zachary Ibid.
  • Clement VIII thanks the Irish for their Rebellion 651
  • Sends a Letter to Tyrone the Rebel 655
  • Fryar Clement kills Henry III of France 547
  • The Prince of Conde poysoned 521
  • Conradino King of Naples be­headed 281
  • Constantines Donation a meer cheat 117, 118, &c.
  • Constantine V Emperour of Con­stantinople murdred 169, 170
  • The Covenant, vid. League
  • Council of Sixteen, vid. Paris
  • Culene King of Scotland mur­ther'd 211
D
  • DAndalo in a Chain under the Popes Table 307
  • Deodato Duke of Venice his eyes put out 183
  • Desmond's Plots against Ire­land, and Articles with Francis I. King of France 385, 386
  • Proclaim'd Traitour 390
  • His death 392
  • Devils abused 27, 28
  • The Devil confess'd his sins, and loved the Mass 28
  • Pray'd for that his sins might be forgiven 136
  • S. Dominick his lying stories 5
  • Donald V King of Scotland im­prison'd 183
  • Duffe King of Scotland mur­der'd 208, 209, 210
  • Duncan King of Scotland mur­der'd 215
E
  • EDict, vid. Ʋnion Edmund King of England murther'd 205
  • Edmund Ironside King of Eng­land murder'd 214
  • Edward King of England, sir­named the Martyr 206, 207
  • Edward II King of England, his deposing and murther 309, 310
  • Edward VI, insurrections in the North and West against him 408, 409
  • Queen Elizabeth leaves out the word HEAD, and is stiled onely Supreme Governour 400
  • Her Vindication 410, 411, &c. to 423
  • Her commendations by For­raigners 411
  • Defended from cruelty in put­ting some Romish Priests to death 413, 414, 416
  • Declared in a Bull of Pope Pius V, Excommunicated, Deprived and Deposed 419
  • Her mildeness and mercy to­wards Romish Priests 419, 420, 421, 422, 423
  • Who were put to death for Trea­sons, not for Religion Ibid.
  • Deposed by Pope Paul IV
  • Her murder designed by Pius V 426
  • Her Subjects absolv'd from their Oath of Allegiance by his Bull 427 to 431
  • Insurrections in the North a­gainst her Government 432
  • Attempts to kill her 445, 446
  • Several plots against her 675, 676, &c.
  • Empire, its troubles by the Papal arrogancie 303
  • England not subject to the Papal Power 233, 234
  • Equivocation 190
  • [Page]Exorcisms used by the Roma­nists to inveigle the ignorant people 446, 447, 448, 449
  • St. Ericus IX King of Swedland kill'd 252
  • Erick VI King of Denmark be­headed 279
  • Erick VII murdred ibid.
  • Ethus King of Scotland impri­son'd 183
  • Exorcisms cheating 27
F
  • FAbritio, Duke of Venice his eyes put out 183
  • Felton condemned for Treason, not for Religion 419
  • Esteemed as a Martyr by the Romanists 433
  • Florence, wicked designs against it by the Pope 331, 332, &c.
  • Folly of Heathens 1, 2
  • Formosus Pope his troubles 196, 197
  • His body drag'd out of the grave, and his fingers cut off 197, 198
  • France, the holy League and Co­venant there 483
  • More stirs there upon the deaths of the Guises 529
  • The people's Declaration 530
  • S. Francis his childish stories 2, 3, 4
  • Frederick I Barbarossa his trou­bles 254, &c.
  • Frederick II Emperour troubled and depos'd 266
G
  • GAlla, Duke of Venice, his eyes put out 183
  • Father Garnet his life 696 to 707
  • The story of his straw 704, 705
  • Gerberg a Nun drown'd in a Wine-vessel 178
  • Gibbelines their Story 270
  • Giovanni, Duke of Venice, ba­nish'd 183
  • Men held for Gods 1, 2
  • God abused and blasphemed 29, 30
  • Gradenico, Duke of Venice, murder'd 183
  • Gregory I against a Ʋniversal Bishop 154
  • Commendeth the murther of Mauricius 155, 156
  • Calls himself servant of ser­vants 156
  • Delivers Trajans soul out of Hell 157
  • Gregory VII his power 218, 219, &c.
  • Deposed by a Synod at Worms 220
  • By another at Brixen 226
  • Dyeth, and is Sainted 227
  • Gregory XIII his explication of Pius V his Bull against Queen Elizabeth 435, 436
  • Jac. Gretser his bad Principles 69
  • Guelfs their story 270
  • Guisards several designes against the House of Navar, as the chief of that of Bourbon 488, 489, 490
  • Their under-plottings against Henry III of France 494, 495, 496 to 502
  • Their designes against the House of Bourbon 502
  • And to make themselves next Heirs of the Kingdom 502, 503, &c.
  • Look upon Cardinal Bourbon as first Prince of the Bloud, rather then the King of Navar 507
  • Duke of Guise holds a Treaty or Conventicle with some Spanish Commissioners and others, and the agreement at that Cabal 505
  • Has a meeting of the Chieftains of the House of Lorrain at Nancy 520
  • Presents several propositions to the King ibid.
  • Comes to Paris, has the acclama­tions of the people 522
  • The Queen-Mother sent to treat with him 524
  • His insolent demands 524
  • Refuses to swear Allegiance to the King, and plots to take a­way his life 528
  • Is kill'd at Blois ibid.
  • Cardinal of Guise kill'd by the [Page] Kings order ibid.
  • Gunpowder-Treason, vid. Trea­son
H
  • LOng Hair of great value 167
  • Hare, occasion'd the taking of Rome 187
  • Harenscaran punishment, what 256, 257
  • Heaven abused with lyes 29, 30
  • Henry II King of England, his troubles by Thomas a Becket 235, 236, &c.
  • His grief and penance for Beckets murther 247, 248
  • Henry IV King of Castile and Leon, his miseries by his proud & rebellious Nobility 337, &c.
  • They make a League against him ibid.
  • Designe to kill him 340
  • Henry IV Emperour his troubles and deposition 218, 219, &c.
  • Deprived 220, 224, 225
  • His strange Humility and Sub­mission 222
  • Crown'd at Rome 226
  • Depos'd by his son 228, 229
  • His poverty and death 229
  • His body denyed burial 229, 230
  • Henrician Heresie, what 230
  • Henry V Emperour kisseth the Popes Toe ibid.
  • Henry VI Emperour how Crown'd 262
  • Henry VII Emperour his death 301, 302
  • Henry, Son to John d'Albret King of Navar, Excommuni­cated and declared Deprived by Pope Leo X 346
  • Henry King of Navar protests against the Declaration and Excommunication of Pope Six­tus V 512, 513
  • Hen. VIII King of England, Su­preme Head of the Church, de­clar'd deprived of his Domi­nions 399, 400, 401, 402, &c.
  • Paul III's Bull against him 404, 405
  • Rebellions in the North against him 406
  • His Apology undertook by Wil­liam Thomas 407
  • Hen. III K. of France, his troubles from the Leaguers, Book the 8th
  • He steals privately out of Paris 524
  • Submits to the D. of Guise 525
  • Closes in with the King of Na­var 540
  • His Name dash'd out of all Pray­er books ibid.
  • A Monitory Bull sent out against him by Sixtus V 540, 541, 542, 543
  • Is murdred by Fryar Clem. 547
  • The Action rejoyced at and vin­dicated by the Covenanters 548 and the Chieftains of Rome 549, 550, 551, &c.
  • Henry IV King of France his troubles lib. 8. cap. 7.
  • Declared Heretick, and de­prived of his Dominions, by Gregory XIV 577
  • Murdred by Ravaillac 640 to 648
  • Hildebrand, vid. Gregory VII
  • Hugonots, the Grandees of them massacred in one day 416
  • The action commended and ap­plauded publickly 416, 417
  • Hungary, bloudy actions there 308
  • Ors. Hypato, Duke of Venice slain 183
I
  • JAmes VI K of Scotland, plots against him by the Romanists 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, &c.
  • Designes against his taking the Crown of England 676, 677, 678
  • Imposes the Oath of Allegiance, & defends it 709, 710, 711, &c.
  • Jesuits foolish stories of their Founder and Order 5, 6
  • They have two Consciences 45
  • Jesus Christ, childish stories of him 16, &c. 29
  • Marryed to several 16, 22
  • Not so much worship'd as were others 17
  • Ignatius Loyola, his lying sto­ries 5, 6
  • Images, troubles about them 163, 164
  • Ingratitude 229
  • The Spanish Invasion 451 to 459
  • [Page]The Spanish Royal Standard blest 453, 454
  • Joane Pope 180
  • John King of England his trou­bles 274
  • Joh. K. of Navar deprived 343, 344
  • Ireland, troubles there against Q. Elizabeth 384, 385, 386, 387 to 397
  • Articles between Francis I K. of France, & the Earl of Desmond for the conquering it 385, 386
  • A Rebellion raised there by Tir-Oen 648, 649
  • The Irish send a slanderous Let­ter to the Pope against Queen Elizabeth 649
  • They are thanked for their Re­bellion by the Pope 651
  • Defended by the Divines of Sa­lamanca and Valladolid 667, 668, &c.
  • Irene murthers her son Constan­tine 169
  • Donna Isabella, Sister to Hen. IV K. of Castile invited to accept the Government, refuses, de­clared Princess of the Asturias, and lawful Heir to the King­dom of Castile and Leon 341
  • Succeeds in the Kingdom 342
  • Julio II Pope, deprives John d'Albret, K. of Navar, and gives his Kingdom and Dominions to Ferdinand II K. of Arragon 344
  • Of a Warlike disposition 347, 348
  • Interdicts Lewis XII, absolves his Subjects; gives his King­dom to any that will take it: takes away the Title of MOST CHRISTIAN from the French, and confers it on the King of England: ibid. the first Pope that wore a long beard 350
  • Holy Junta of Spain against Charles V 357, 358, 361, &c.
  • Justinian II Emperor of Constan­tinople, his troubles 161, 162
  • His Nose 162
K
  • Kennith III King of Scotland murder'd 211
  • Kings are but Asses 38
  • Must kiss the Popes Feet ibid.
  • Lead the Popes Horse ibid.
  • Hold his Stirrop ibid.
  • Carry up water for the Popes hands ibid.
  • Carry up his meat ibid.
  • Carry the Pope on their shoul­ders ibid.
  • May be deposed by the Pope 41, 42, &c.
  • May be deposed by Bishops, though poor 53
  • Compar'd to Asses 38 to Dogs 43
  • May be deposed by their Subjects 86, 87, &c.
  • May be kill'd by their Subjects 95, 96, &c.
  • For how many Causes Kings may be depos'd 107, 108, &c.
  • Their murder defended by a B. D. of the Sorbonne 503
L
  • Lambert Emperour slain 190
  • Holy League and Covenant in France, the introduction to it 483, 484, 485, 486 to 494
  • The Articles of the Holy League 494, 495, 496, 497
  • The Leaguers sollicite their cause at Rome with Pope Gregory XIII 506
  • Their Declaration drawn up in the name of Cardinal Bourbon, whom they call first Prince of the Bloud 507, 508
  • Their Council of Sixteen at Pa­ris, vid. Paris
  • Some Preachers set on work by them to bespatter the King and his actions 518, 519
  • Their insolences against King Henry III after the death of the Guises 529, 534
  • Their Holy Ʋnion 535
  • They send Messengers to the Pope with private instructions to act 536
  • Card. Bourbon declared King by the Leaguers 562, 563, &c.
  • Leo III Emperour troubled about images 163, 264
  • L. Lessius bad Principles 74, 75
  • Lewis le Debonnaire Emperour depos'd 170, 171, &c. 177
  • Lewis IV his eyespull'd out 189
  • Lewis VII of France Interdicted 254
  • [Page]Lewis IV Emperour, his troubles 303, 304
  • Lewis XII of France Interdicted 347
  • Calls a Council at Pisa to depose Pope Julio 349
  • Roderigo Lopez his treasons a­gainst Queen Elizabeth 461, 462, 463
  • Designes to poyson her ibid.
  • Loretto's Chappel and flying story 23
  • Luidolph his humble submission 194
  • Those of Lyons joyn with the Leaguers 537
  • Their Declaration ibid.
  • The form of their Oath 533
M
  • THe Office of Majordom [Maire du Palais] first set up by Clotaire the I 165
  • One Landregesile first chosen to that Office ibid.
  • Ebroin the first that advanc'd that Office ibid.
  • Malcolme King of Scotland mur­dred 208
  • Malcolme II King of Scotland murdred 214
  • Gregory Martin's Pamphlet a­gainst Queen Elizabeth 437
  • Virgin Mary abused with lying stories 4, 5, 7, 8, &c. 21, 29
  • Her kissing and marrying 8, 9
  • Her kindness to whores 9
  • Equal to Christ himself 11, 12
  • Her bloud better then Christs bloud 13
  • How hurried into Heaven 14
  • We must bow at the Name of the Virgin Mary 40
  • Queen Mary of England in her 5 years Raign put above 260 to death for Religion 418
  • Mauritius Emp. murther'd 153, &c.
  • The D. of Mayenne goes to Paris, is made Head of the Leaguers 538, 539
  • Refuses peace, is proclaimed Traitor & all his adherents 539
  • Medici, the wicked designs of the Pope upon that Family 331
  • Giuliano murdred by Bandini & de Pazzi 332
  • Lorenzo wounded, but escapes ibid.
  • Michael Emperour of Constan­tinople murdred 182
  • Miracles lying and forged 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, &c. 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, &c. 134, 135, 184, 199, 207, 247, 266
  • Monegario, Duke of Venice, his eyes put out 183
  • Cardinal Montalto his Letter to the General Council of the holy Ʋnion about the murther of Hen. III 549, 550, 551, &c.
N
  • NAples its troubles 330
  • John Nichols, an account of him 434
O
  • OAths of Allegiance 60
  • Endeavour'd to be in France 57, 58, 59
  • Opposed in England 73, 74, 75, 76, 77
  • First framed 709, 710
  • The Pope sends out two Breves against the taking this Oath 716, 717, 718
  • Pope Urban VIII's Breve against it 725
  • Obelerio Duke of Venice cut in pieces 183
  • Orders in Religion, & the stories of their Founders 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  • Oxford, a Priest pretends to cure diseases there in 1663. p. 447
  • Otho IV Emperor deposed 265
P
  • Paris, a Council of Sixteen ap­pointed there to act for the League 515
  • Their designe of surprizal of Bo­logne discovered to the King by Poulain 516
  • Their designes to seize on the K. and kill him, discovered by Poulain 516, 517, 518, 521, 522
  • They break the Kings Great Seal and make another 539
  • A new Oath injoyned ibid.
  • Is besieged by Henry IV 565
  • Its Famine relieved by the Duke of Parma 575
  • [Page]Yeilded to the King 590
  • William Parry Dr. of Laws, his several attempts and treasons against Q. Elizabeth 437, &c.
  • Incouraged to kill the the Queen 439, 440
  • Executed in the Palace-yard 442
  • Father Parsons, vid. Persons
  • Partitiato Duke of Venice thrust into a Monastery 183
  • Pope Paul V, his quarrels with the Venetians 619 to 639
  • Pepin made King 165, 166
  • The first Christian King that was Anoynted 168
  • Cardinal Perron his bad Princi­ples 57, 59, 84, 85
  • Fa. Parsons bad Principles 75, 76, 77, 90, 91, 93, 94, 101
  • His life 679 to 688
  • Philip the Emperor murther'd 263
  • Philip I King of France Excom­municated 232
  • Philip IV le Bell King of France his troubles by Pope Boniface VIII 282, &c.
  • Pius V, his Bull against Q. Eli­zabeth 427 to 436
  • Its interpretation granted by Pope Gregory XIII 435, 436
  • Pope, his Power and Authority 31, 32, &c.
  • Extravagant Titles given him 33
  • The Pope is God 34
  • Can create something out of no­thing ibid.
  • Above all power in Heaven or Earth 35
  • We must bow at the name of the Pope 40
  • Pope to be obeyed rather then Christ or God ibid.
  • Pope can depose Emperors and Kings, and dispose of their Dominions 41, 42, &c.
  • Can absolve Subjects from their Allegiance to their Kings 82, 83, &c.
  • Great strivings to be Pope 131, 132, &c.
  • The manner of their Elections ibid. 141
  • Formerly chose by Emperors 139, 179, 180, 198, 201, 202, 216, 217
  • Whether there be really a true Pope? 142, 143, &c.
  • Their Toes kist 38, 162, 167, 230, 260
  • Ʋs'd to adore the Emperors 170
  • Their horses led by Kings and Emperors 38, 181, 252, 253, 259
  • Their succession not agreed on 195, 196, 197, &c. 116, 117
  • Of 18 years old 200
  • Of 10 or 12 years old 216
  • The changing of their names 201
  • Popes stirrop held 227, 252, 253, 255, 259, 260, 299
  • Despise the Imperial Power 253
  • Schism amongst them, and re­flections upon some of their a­ctions 323, 324, &c.
  • Declares it lawful for Subjects to fight against their King, if an Heretick 507
  • Nicholas Poulain taken into the Council of Sixteen 516
  • Discovers all their designes to the King 516, 517, 518, &c.
  • Flees from Paris to the King 525
R
  • THe Reformation (of the Church of England) de­fended 412, 413
  • Reliques false and spurious 14, 15, 24, 25
  • Nicol. de Renzo his pranks at Rome 305, 306
  • William Reynolds, an account of him 560
  • Richard II King of England, his deposing & death 312, 113, 314
  • Charles Ridicove, a Fryar sent to kill the King 597
  • Rodolph declared Emperour a­gainst Henry IV 223 slain 226
  • Robert Rodolpho sent into Eng­land by Pope Pius V, to stir up rebellions against Q. Eliza­beth 426, 427
  • Roger King of Naples shot to death 252
  • Rome taken by the occasion of an Hare 187
  • Swears Allegiance to the Empe­rour 188
  • Odd Tumults there 305, 306
S
  • [Page]SAints, sottish, beastly and un­christian 18, 19, 20
  • Counterfeit, that never were 20, 21
  • Sanders bad Principles 62, 66, 67, 83
  • Scotland, plots there by the Ro­manists against King James VI 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, &c.
  • Scripture basely abused 3, 5, 6, 32, 33, 35, 39
  • Segovia, tumults there begun up­on the Emperour Charles V's leaving Spain 355
  • Simony 143, 144, 151
  • The Council of Sixteen, vid. Paris
  • Sixtus V Pope, his Bull against K. of Navar, and Prince of Conde Very furious against Queen Eli­zabeth 454
  • Deprives the Queen of her Domi­nions, and absolves her Sub­jects from Allegiance ibid.
  • So [...]z, vid. Sua [...]ez.
  • S [...]rbonne-Colledge their bad Pr [...]nciples 73
  • When built 99
  • They make a secret Decree that Princes may be deposed, &c. 519
  • They decree that the people of France are freed from the Oath of Allegiance and Obedience to Hen. III, and may fight against him 530, 531
  • They send to Sixtus V for a ra­tification of this Decree 532, 533, 534
  • They conclude that Prayers are not to be made for the King, and the word Henry to be dash­ed out of their Prayer-books 537
  • Spain's rebellious League against Charles V 351
  • Or the holy Junta or Assembly 357
  • Or Co [...]unalty 355
  • Tumults there upon Charles V's departure for Germany 355, 356, 357
  • The Spanish Invasion, vid. Invasion
  • Squire's designe to kill Q. Elizabeth
  • Stapletons bad Principles 44
  • Stephanus P [...]pe strangled 197
  • Thomas Stukely his ambition for a Kingdom 387
  • His designes against Ireland 388
  • Fran. Suarez bad Principles 61
  • Subjects of themselves may depose Kings 86, 87, &c.
  • May kill their King 95, 96, &c.
  • Suercherus II King of Swedland mur­dred 252
  • Suercherus III kill'd Ibid.
  • Suintila K. of Spain deposed 158, 159
  • Supremacie, an interpretation of the Oath 400, 401
T
  • THomas à Becket his troubling Hen­ry II 235, &c.
  • Declar'd perjured and a Traytor 238
  • Further accus'd 244
  • The Bishops complain against him 240, 241
  • His Horse-bridle held by the King 246
  • He is murther'd Ibid.
  • William Thomas defends King Henry VIII 407
  • Tir-Oen rebel to Q. Elizabeth in Ire­land 393
  • Pardon'd, and rebels again 394
  • Raises a Rebellion in Ireland, lib. 9. c. 3.
  • Proclaim'd Traytor by Mount-joy Lord Deputy 653
  • Submits, and delivers himself up 665
  • Tradenico D. of Venice murder'd 183
  • Trajans soul deliver'd out of Hell 157
  • Traytors, how punish'd 256, 261, 262
  • Gunpowder-Treason 689 to 695
  • The Council of Trent not free 425
V
  • VAlentia, troubles in that Kingdom 359, 360
  • Venetians, their insolences to their Dukes 183
  • Dog-trick to get off their Interdict 307
  • Quarrels between them and Pope Paul V 619 to 639
  • Verstegan his life 415
  • Vitalis Michele II D. of Venice kill'd 253
  • Virgin Mary, vid. Mary
  • Edict of Union (or July) a peace made by it 525
  • The Heads of it 525
  • Pope Urban VIII sends a Breve against taking the Oath of Allegiance 725
W
  • WIlliam I K. of Naples imprison'd 252
  • Willan's designe to kill Q. Eliz. 463, 464
  • Witches 208, 209, 215
X
  • XImenes Cardinal, his life, actions 251, 252
Y
  • YOrk designes to kill Q. Elizabeth 463, 464
Z
  • ZAchary Pope absolves subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance 166
FINIS.
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. Searching, reading, printing, or downloading EEBO-TCP texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. Permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this EEBO-TCP Phase II text, in whole or in part.