ALthough it be a Work of no ſmall pains, and require the knowledge of no few things, rightly to act the part of a Phyſician: Yet not a few there be, aiming more at their own profit than their Neighbours ſafety, who, as they find it moſt Eaſie, ſo they think it moſt Safe, to acquire in ſome few Years, I had almoſt ſaid Months, ſome general Compend and univerſal Method of Curing, which they ignorantly and dangerouſly apply to all Diſtempers. Not unlike to that Medicaſter ſpoken of by the Learned Wedelius in the Preface to his Pharmacy, who ſhufling all the Phyſical Receipts he had heired from his Father in a Bag, deſired the Patient to try his own Fortune: And if the Cure chance at any time to be as ſucceſsful as his was, when called to a Counteſs lying ſick of a Squinancy, who trying her Luck, did obtain a Clyſter, which cauſing her laugh, did break the Impoſthum; immediatly they ſet up for Maſters, and are not ſatisfied to uſe the ſame Remedy in all other Diſtempers, though never ſo different, themſelves; unleſs it be alſo imployed & approven by others.

It's far from my Deſign to apply this to the perſon, againſt whom I am now engaged, at whom I have neither any Prejudice, nor of whom I know any Evil, ſave the Writing of the Vindicatory Schedule. My Intention being only to endeavour the Vindication, not only of theſe excellent Phyſicians who have gone before us; but alſo of ſuch who at this Day, do either at Home or Abroad practiſe their Method, and that, Bleſſed be God, with both Credit to themſelves and Advantage to their Patients, from thē calumnious Imputation, of either Ignorance as if they knew not the right, or wicked Maliciouſneſs and horrid Murder, that knowing the Right would yet do the wrong. From one of which, providing it be true, what the Author of the V. S. moſt falſly alledges, they cannot be abſolved.

Among all theſe Miſeries and Diſeaſes, unto which Man by his Fall was made liable, a Fever perhaps, is the moſt frequent. A Fever it is which in all Countries, and in all Seaſons, without reſpect to either Sex or Age, does daily Invade, Afflict, yea and Kill many Perſons. Neither can it other ways be, ſeing our Life ſeems no depend upon the circular and inteſtine Motion of our Blood: Which Motion can hardly be troubled, without the production of one ſort of Fever or other. So of neceſſity a Fever muſt be of all Diſtempers, the moſt frequent as well as moſt dangerous.

I am not ignorant my ſelf, far leſs I'm ſure any of theſe in whoſe Defence I write, how many and great Debates there be among Authors concerning the Definition as well as Diviſion of Fevers: However I ſhall concern my ſelf in none of them here, where I only reſolve to give a ſhort, and for what appears to me, the moſt probable Account of the Diſeaſe, in ſo far as it may ſerve for clearing its Method of Curing. For as I am very far from preſumiug (being abundantly conſcious of my own Weakneſs) to uſurp the part of a Teacher. So I • ould never much value that vain and oſtentive way of ſome, who force all they can find Rare and Learned in Authors, though never ſo remote from, and alien unto the ſubject they treat of, into their own Books, and thereby make them as Ridiculous as the Picture deſcribed by Horace, in the firſt Book of his Art. Poet. which is a thing not unfrequent in the V. S. where all that concerns Fevers and their Cure might remain; ſuppoſe the largeſt half of the Book, had got the deſert of the whole, which is either the Fire or the S—And how happily this Plagiary hath ſucceeded with the Doctor, we ſhall perhaps afterwards have occaſion to ſhow, in an inſtance of Anatomy, Phyſiology and Chymiſtry.

To me then it ſeems not improbable, that the Formalitie, Eſſence, or if you pleaſe a Term of Art, the continent Cauſe of a Fever, conſiſts in a Commotion or Exagitation of the Inteſtine as well as Circular Motion of the Blood: Whereby the Oéconomie of the Body is diſturbed, with divers and ſometimes right grievous Symptoms. Which Commotion, for the moſt part, may ariſe from ſome Heterogeneous Body conveyed into it.

That the Blood is the Subject of Fevers, I ſuppoſe will be called in queſtion by none, ſeing not only the Changes, and ſometimes Advantages, which do accrue to the Patient by its Evacuations, are very obſervable; but alſo the Crudity and Coction of the morbiſick Matter in the Urine is diſcernable: In a word, the Jaundice which ſometimes ſolves the Diſeaſe. the Alterations of the Pulſe, &c. are ſufficient to perſwade the moroſeſt of Antagoniſts.

I look upon it as needleſs, either to trouble the Reader or my ſelf here, with that more curious as uſeful Queſtion: Which of the Blood's two parts is moſt frequently affected: It being, in my Opinion, not unreaſonable to acknowledge in the ſame, a more liquorous and craſs Subſtance which is moved, beſides another more Spiritual or Aetherecal which moves. All the Arguments alledged in favours of the Aetherecal Portion, ſuch as the power of Opiats in Curing Fevers, and theſe continual as well as intermittent, the Effects of the Fancy and Apprehenſion in the ſame Caſe, the unchangableneſs of the Urin and Pulſe in malign Fevers, and the like: By any judicious and skilled Phyſician will be as ſoon Anſwered as they can be Propoſed. Yea, it ſeems to me highly probable, that ſometimes the one, ſometimes the other, but moſt frequently both, may be the Theatre of this unlucky Tragedy.

It was not unadviſedly that I preferred the word Exagitation or Commotion to that of Fermentation: For by this means I not only evite all theſe Debates and Altercations, which I have obſerved betwixt Willis, Bontekoe, and others. But alſo I am fully convinced, that Fermentation properly taken, is very improperly, either in a Natural or Praeternatural State. adſcribed to the Blood. For to let alone many other Reaſons, reiterate Experience hath taught me, that no ardent or ſulphureous Spirit, can be diſtilled from the Blood of feveriſh perſons: Which nevertheleſs the ſame Authors tell us, ſhould always be obtained from fermented Liquors. However if theſe Learned Men who delight in the word Fermentation, underſtand only an extraordinary Commotion, Ebulition, &c. I aſſent to what they ſay, and think as they write, never loving to conteſt about Words (my Humor being moſt averſe to Diſputes and Debates) when we can agree in Things.

Some there be, and theſe none of the Unlearnedſt, as particularly that excellent Anatomiſt and Phyſician, Barbette, who maintain the Eſſence of a Fever to conſiſt ſolely in the circular Motion augmented, But beſides ſome Arguments to be had from Barbette himſelf: Not only the ſlowneſs of the Pulſe in the beginning of all Fevers, and through the whole Courſe of malign ones: But alſo the very nature of a Fluid Body, conſiſting in the perpetual inteſtine Motion of its Minute or ſmall Particles (which clearly appears by the diſſolution of Sugar, Salt, &c. in any Menſtruum, the gathering together of the diſſolved Particles of Silver to the injected Copper, beſides ſeveral other Experiments, to be met with in the immortal Boyle his History of Fluid: and Firm, (does ſufficiently, in my Opinion, overturn this ingenious Hypotheſis. Howbeit, I ſhall adventure to ſay, that the inteſtine Motion of the Blood being troubled) with its Circulation ſometimes diminiſhed, but oftner augmented, does conſtitute that Diſeaſe which is known to the Vulgar, by the Name of a Fever.

From this Exagitation or Commotion, it will be no hard matter, to derive all the other Symptoms which in different Subjects do differently invade: Yea, which is no ſmall Argument to confirm the Truth of what I have ſaid, with this Exagitation they ordinarly increaſe and remit. I do not incline to treat of them all, therefore ſhall only take notice, as the moſt frequent and principal of the following Four.

And to begin with Heat, in which the Ancients either ſought the Pathognomonick Sign, or placed the Eſſence of a Fever (for betwixt theſe two there is no ſmall difference, which were eaſie to ſhow, if my intended Brevity did not forbid me) it eſpecially deſerves our Conſideration. The Opinion of the Schools placing the Formality of Fevers in Heat, albeit it prevailed long with Phyſicians, yet at length it was exploded by Helmont, Sylvius, and other: And that (1) Becauſe in the beginning of Fevers, which by all is acklowledged as one of their parts, Cold creats greater trouble as Heat, Yea (2) ſome malign Fevers there be, in which the Patients are never heard to complain of Heat, but rather at ſometimes do tremble with extream Cold. Nevertheleſs by admitting a diſtinction betwixt the Beginning and Status of Fevers, and betwixt Internal and Suppreſt, and External and Manifeſt Heat, I had far rather grant to the Ancients that the Formality of a Fever conſiſteth in Heat, as ſay with D. Brown, that Heat is the genuine Effect of ſlow Motion in the Blood. Whether it be the ſublimity of his Diſcourſe, or my ſhallow Capacity, I ſhall not raſhly determine But forced I am to confeſs. that I can hardly underſtand what he there intends, only by the Title of the 8. §. p. 111. I find he reſolves to prove Heat to be the genuine Effect of ſlow Motion in the Blood: The contrary of which I have ever been taught, and ſhall here endeavour to evince.

And First, I would have it obſerved, that the inteſtine Motion of any Fluid, or Body whatſomever, deſerves as well the denomination of Motion, as the progreſſive does; yea the Doctor himſelf, in the end of the Section, by his Inſtance of the Breath and Hand, ſeems alſo to acknowledge it: And if I thought he doubted thereof, I could ſend him to Cooks, to behold their boiling Liquors, not now to mention the Experiments afforded us by the Incomparable Boyle in his Mechanical production of Heat. Now conſequently Heat cannot be the Effect of ſlow Motion abſolutely ſpoken, ſince the Inteſtine, which is moſt properly ſo called, is with it and in it exceedingly intended. The Doctor ought at leaſt to have diſtinguiſhed betwixt the Two, and not to have attributed indefinitly to both, that which Experience denies properly to any of them, and he himſelf, as I noted before, to one.

Secondly, The Cauſe why by ſwift progreſſive Motion the Heat is abated, as I think, is not becauſe that Motion is intended, but rather that the determinate Inteſtine Motion, Surſum deorſum & ad utraque latera, is thereby diminiſhed, or at leaſt not proportionably therewith augmented: So that if the Inteſtine, can be conform to the Local, as you ſhall intend the progreſſive Motion, proportionably you ſhall increaſe the Heat.

Thirdly, I cannot enough admire, how the Doctor comes to aſſert, that Heat is the genuine Effect of groſs Blood, ſince, with all others, he himſelf will acknowledge Heat to be produced with inteſtine Motion: For ſure I am the more groſs and thick any Body is, the more unfit it is for Motion whatſomever, and conſequently rendered the more innept to procure Heat. This is a thing ſo clearly demonſtrat by Philoſophers, that it were but a conſuming of time, to inſiſt in its probation, and had it come from ſome old Peripatetick I could eaſily have pardoned it, but in the Doctor who pretends ſo much Skill to the New and Experimental Philoſophy, I can hardly forgive it. Nay I have a greater eſteem of our Author's Knowledge, than to think him ignorant of this common and perpetual Truth: But the matter is, his falſe and precarious Hypotheſis does neceſſarly extort it: For grant one Abſurdity a hundred will follow.

More excuſable had he been to have ſaid. That craſſneſs of Blood was the native product of Heat, although that be but alſo accidental. For whatſomever cauſeth Heat in the Body v. g. volatile Salts, the Sun, Commotions of the Body and Mind, do all of them immediatly and neceſſarly bring along with them Thinneſs of the Blood, and only accidentally Craſſneſs, viz. By accelerating its Motion they do augment Tranſpiration, by which the thinner Particles are exhaled, and the remainder conſequently turns thicker, and ſo much the thicker, ſo much the unfiter to produce Heat. Hereby it is clearly evinced how falſly the Doctor philoſophizeth; when he would perſwade us that Craſſneſs of the Blood is the Cauſe of Heat: When on the contrary it is rather the Effect, and that but accidentally too: For whoever can ſtop or impede the Conſumption of the thinner Particles in Tranſpiration, ſhall alſo prevent the Thickneſs of the Blood, notwithſtanding its Heat.

Fourthly, So far is it from being true what the Doctor averrs, P. 111. that Heat is cauſed by the Attrition the Muſcles make on themſelves and the adjacent Parts; that the Doctor, nor none for him, ſhall ever by rubbing or Attrition, procure Heat to a ſphacelat Member: Where nevertheleſs there be Muſcles and Bones both, but wants Blood and Spirits.

Yea Fifthly, I humbly think that not only Motion, but the Motion of Determinat, Sulphureous, Oyly, &c. Particles, is requiſite to excite Heat. Which in my Judgement may hence be proven: That not only Sulphureous Bodies are moſt ready to contract Heat, Flame, &c. and according as there is more or leſs Sulphur in the Body, ſo the Heat will be the greater, leſſer or none at all; but alſo the inteſtine and confuſed Motion of the Minute Particles, may ſometimes be intended without the increaſe of Heat, yea with the production of a ſenſible degree of Cold to the very ſame Hand, as may be learned from Boyle in his Mech. Orig. of Heat and Cold: I being at the time removed from my Books, can neither Inſtance the Experiment nor Page, but ſure I am ſeverals are there to be found, And here by the by, I would ſeriouſly adviſe to the uniting of theſe Two, (viz. The New Philoſophy and Chymiſtry) which to the great prejudice of ſolid Learning, have too long been unluckily ſeparat: For the former being mainly taken up about Motion, has almoſt intirely neglected the Matter: While the latter on the other hand, being as much concerned with the Matter, have wholly over-looked the Motion.

What is ſaid I think may ſuffice to evert our Author's Poſition: When in his 8. §. he engages to prove Heat in Fevers to be the genuine Effect of ſlow Motion in the Blood. It being rather produced, while the Motion thereof, eſpecially Inteſtine, is intended, and the ſulphureous Particles do move, as it were, from the Center to the Circumference.

I proceed to the Second and ordinary Symptom of Fevers, vix. A frequent and hard beating Pulſe, which the experienced Slyvius, to whom the Hypotheſis of the Ancients was unſatisfying, made enter the Definition of Fevers, as the Genus. Nevertheleſs this his Opinion is lyable to the ſame Cenſures with the former. For neither the beginning of Fevers have ſtill the Pulſe augmented, nor yet can we always call it a Fever where it is accelerate: As in congrumate Blood, Commotions of the Mind, Worms contained in the Heart, &c. is eaſily demonſtrable Moreover, by the by, I cannot but obſerve, that theſe further Diſcoveries made in Anatomy about the Bile, Succus Paner, &c. do noways deſtroy this Hypotheſis, which are nevertheleſs given by the Doctor as the only Reaſons why he rejects it: For it can very well ſtand without that prope, and hath been, and ſtill is maintained by theſe, who never adopted his Triumverat. The Cauſe of this frequency of the Pulſe, I take to be nothing elſe, as the frequent and violent Contraiction of the Heart, by which the contained Blood is ſqueezed out, and ſo diſtendeth the Arteries.

Thirdly, It is alſo to be noticed, that Cold is not only a Symptom of all Intermittent Fevers: But frequently alſo it is obſervable in the beginning of Continual Ones. Which Cold, any perſon acquaint with the experimental Philoſophy, the Doctor pretends to be ſo much verſed in will think to be a more native product of the ſlowneſs of the Blood's Motion, as Heat. In a word, the Coldneſs of the Members in perſons troubled with Sounding, where the Motion of the Blood, as well Circular as Inteſtine, together with the Pulſe, is ſenſibly diminiſhed, does abundantly prove it.

The Fourth and laſt of theſe Symptoms I purpoſe to ſpeak of is a change in the Urine, (and it admits of the 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 ſame Exceptions with the former, as to malign Fevers) which in reſpect of their Conſiſtence, generally turn thicker, ſeldom thinner: As to their Colour the Natural or Citrin is often turn'd red and fiery, and ſometimes pale and watry, but eſpecially in the beginning theſe are remarkable, while in the Progreſs and Status they appear ſtill red and thick. In rendring Cauſes for theſe Phaenomena, I noways incline to follow them, who run inſtantly to Acids and Alkalies. Albeit I readily grant this Hypotheſis to be of pretty large extent, and conveniently applicable to ſeveral Caſes; yet I cannot in all acquieſce in their Sentence, for Reaſons, perhaps to be afterwards rendred.

I ſhall ſuppoſe now with the Excellent Bohn and Experience: That the elemental parts of Urine are Water, Salt, Sulphur, and Earth. So that the Urine whoſe watry and limpid portion is moſt ſaturate with theſe Saline and Sulphureous Particles, is always obſerved the thickeſt and craſſeſt: Hence I conclude the cauſe of thick and turbid Urine, to conſiſt in the confuſed Admiſtion, and unequal Diſſolution of the ſolid Particles in the aqueous Vehicle. So ſometimes we obſerve the Urine to be clear when voided, and afterwards to turn thick, craſs and turbide: Which is commonly called, Ʋrina turbata. And, in my Opinion, ariſeth hence: That theſe ſaline and earthy Particles being more cloſly and naturally inſinuate, in the Pores of the watry part when firſt voided, do permit the Rays of the Sun to penetrat, and ſo it appears Diaphanous: But if afterwards either by their own gravity and looſer Coheſion, or by the conſtriction and ſtraitning of the Pores of the Serum, by the ambient frigid Air, they chance to be turnèd out, the paſſage to the Rays is thereby intercepted, and the Urine turns turbide and opack, as I formerly ſaid. Again it is ſometimes evacuate turbide, and perſiſteth in that confuſed condition, whence it is named, Ʋrina confuſa, and this is ordinary in the Increment and Status of Fevers: Perhaps, there being many Heterogeneous and Terreous Particles, unequally mixed with the watry portion, which nevertheleſs are ſo firmly adjoined to the Serum, all being yet in a ſtate of Crudity, that neither by their proper weight, nor by the help of the external Ambient, can they be thence ſeparate. And Thirdly, the ſame Urine is ſometimes, eſpecially in the end of the Status and beginning of the Declination emitted Thick and Turbide, but does ſhortly after become Clear and Limpide: Probably the Concoction being then approaching, theſe Heterogeneous Minima, which being kept in motion in the Body, did ſtill run up and down the containing Liquor, whereby if ſeemed confuſed, do now being voided and acquiring reſt, yea ſome two or three, or more of them joining together, become heavier inſpecie as the Serum, and conſequently, of neceſſity muſt ſeek to the bottom, where they conſtitute the Sediment: But if they Hang in the midle, they are called Suſpenſio, and if they ſwime above, go under the name of Nubecula:

Upon the other hand, that Urine, which ſhould ordinarly repreſent and a Ly mid-way boiled, does ſometimes turn thinner, and this eſpecially in the beginning of acute Fevers is obſervable. For the explaining of which, it will not be impertinent, to diſtinguiſh betwixt Ʋrinam potus, and Ʋrinam Sanguinis, for the Urine of the Drink, being never digeſted in the Ventricle, nor aſſimilate to the Blood in the Veſlels, paſſeth the Reins without all alteration. But the cauſe of this thin conſiſtence in the Urine, as we ſpeak of the Blood, may be a twofold Crudity: First, That in the Stomach, where the Aliments being fruſtrate of their due, Digeſtion, cannot ſupply the Serum with its ordinary Salts. And the ſecond is that in the Reins, whoſe Tubult being thereby obſtructed, admit only the thin and Watery, excluding the groſs and terreous particles.

The Citrine or natural Colour of the Urine, as it depends in a natural ſtate (which I think none will deny) from the ſaline and ſulphureous Particle of the Chyle, in the different Digeſtions extracted, and more intimatly therewith commixed: So from the greater or leſſer quantity of theſe Minima admixed in a praeternatural ſtate, their Colour is ſometimes highned, ſometimes darkned: However I never intend to exclude other Cauſes, ſuch as congrumate Blood, the uſe of Rhubarb &c. And this ſhall ſuffice for the Changes of the Urine, upon which I have inſiſted the longer, becauſe they are wholly neglected in the Vindicatory Schedule, ſuppoſe of all others they give us the greateſt Light, both as to the Prognoſticks and Cures of Fevers. Neither was this Omiſſion of the Doctors altogether without reaſon, for not only the Signs of Crudity and Coction, which ever have, and ſtill will be obſerved by Learned Phyſicians in Fevers, and by which the New Method is intirely deſtroyed, from them, and them only are to be had; but alſo few or none of the Moderns, from whom the Doctor might expect help, have write any thing tollerably of them.

Having briefly handled ſome few of theſe Symptoms, with which a Fever is ordinarly attended, I come next to enquire after the antecedent Cauſes, which may, and ordinarly do produce this Exagitation or Commotion, in which I have been labouring to prove the continent Cauſe of Fevers to conſiſt. And theſe I think, for the moſt part (never intending to exclude all others) will be found the following Four. viz. Obstruction, too violent Motion, Natural Evacuation ſuppreſſed, and eſpecially Crua • ties tranſferred into the Maſs of Blood.

By Obſtructions I would have nothing elſe underſtood, as the Coagulation of that limpid and ſerous Humour, which being ſecerned in the Subcutaneous or Miliar Glands, is excerned through the Pores of the the whole Habit, and that in no ſmall plenty, under the Name of Inſenſible Tranſpiration. Which Excrement being condenſed and coagulate by the cold ambient Air, or any other Cauſe, does interrupt, not only the further Tranſpiration: But alſo diſturbs the whole Circulation in the capillary Veſſels, or rather muſcular Fibers. By which means the Motion of the ſubſequent Blood being intercepted, the Fibres of the Muſcles, as well as theſe of the Veſſels are irritate, and thereby urged into frequent and irregular (not unlike to Convulſions) Contractions, by which both the circular and inteſtine Motions of the Blood are notably intended, and that which we call a Fever produced. It being enough here, for brevities ſake, to ſuppoſe from Pathologie, that the Motion of Fluids is augmented, either by the Movent, Mobile, or Canals. And this account ſeems to me, and I hope will alſo to others, far more reaſonable, than with the Learned Author of the V. S. P. 106. & ſeq. to attribute Senſe and Reaſon to groſs and ſtupid Matter. Concerning Obſtructions more may perhaps be found hereafter, when I come to conſider our Author's New and Mechanical Hypotheſis: For of all other Cauſes I look upon them as the moſt ſeldom,

It is eaſie to gather, from what is immediatly ſaid, that theſe Anaſtomoſes or Inoſculations of the Arteries and Veins. which with the Ancients, ſome of the Learned Moderns do admire as very convenient, if not abſolutly neceſſary, for the Explication of the animal Functions, are not by me admitted, I deſire to move a Debate to no Man, therefore ſhall ſuffer them to abound in their own Senſe who embrace them, providing they will only allow me to give ſome Reaſons why I reject them: Without which I never have (neither I think ever ſhall) adopted or repudiat any Opinion, becauſe it was defended by this, or impugned by the other Man. And to let alone Secretion and Nutrition, which to me, theſe Inoſculations being granted, ſeem altogether unexplicable: There be two Experiments to be found in ſome place of the Learned Bohn his Cire Anat. (I not having the Book by me cannot deſign the Page, but ſure I am of them. having oftner as once ſeen them tryed) which do clearly evince the Bloods Extravaſation. As Firſt, Inject with a Syphon tepid water into an Arterie, v. g. of the Arm, of any ſubject whatſomever, a knot being caſt upon its fellow Vein: The Water will never run out at the wounded Vein (it being lanced betwixt the Ligature and the Arterie) till the whole Arm and Hand be exceedingly diſtended: i. e. The Pores of the Muſcles be all repleniſhed. Secondly, Injection being made of melted Wax into an Arterie, as alſo of the ſame, but of another colour, into its neighbour Vein: They will be found to have penetrate to the extremities of both the capillary Veſſels (but eſpecially in the Arteries, the Valves hindring much in the Veins) but we ſhall never diſcern any intermediate Canal, communicating with both.

The grand, yea only Objection, formed againſt this Opinion, is, That this Extravaſation being admitted, a continual Hemorhagie muſt of neceſſity follow, and that the Blood would rather diffuſe it ſelf through the Fleſh, as enter the ſmall capillary Veins. This Objection indeed appears to be plauſible, and to create ſome difficulty: But yet there is nothing in it what ſerious and after reflection will not eaſily remove, which were no hard matter to ſhew, if my deſign and leaſure did not hinder me now. I ſhall at this time only deſire the Objectors to conſider and ſay, whether or not there be any difficulty in the Extravaſation of the Blood, which is not in each of the following Three Obſervations I offer to their conſideration. The Firſt of which is, That ordinary way of ſeparating Waters from Oyls, commonly called, Filtratio per Elychnium, where the Water or Oyl, any of them in which the Cotton is dipped, will by means of the Wool be carried from one Glaſs to another, without the loſs of ſo much as a drop: And why pray may not the Blood be carried the very ſame way by the fleſhy Fibers from one. Veſſel to another, eſpecially ſince the Tonick Motion of the Parts, and influx of the Artereal Blood do help much: Whereas the Experiment with the Oyl, hath no other Aſſiſtant, than the gravity of the Air. Secondly, That Experiment firſt tried by Burnerus de Paner. and afterwards ſucceeding to others, as alſo to my ſelf, does, in my weak Judgement, not a litle confirm what I am ſaying: And it is this, Blow with a Tub into the Weazand of a Gooſe, whoſe Inteſtine being tyed nothing can deſcend, the Flatus will enter the open Extremities of the Meſaraick Veins, and tend to the vena porta. From which Experiment, without any conſtraint, the following Concluſion I think may be drawn: That the capillary Veins may be open, and yet no Hemorhagie or Effuſion of Blood will follow. Thirdly, This is further made probable per purgationem menctruam, where no doubt the capillary Veſſels, by which that Excretion does happen, are always patent. There being none, I think, who will affirm, that they, being otherways cloſed, ſhould at the due and ſet time get open. If that were objected, I know no other cauſe that could, with the leaſt appearance of Reaſon, be aſſigned for their ſo doing, ſave the Blood it ſelf, which being yielded, it could hardly be refuſed, that whatever gave the Cauſe the firſt being, would beyond all queſtion ſtill endeavour its perpetuation, from whence there muſt of neceſſiry ariſe a continual Hemorhagie, the contrary whereof is nevertheleſs dayly experienced, What needs more, theſe Anaſtomoſes are repuggnant to Reaſon, and they yet never appeared to the Senſes,

The Second of the antecedent Cauſes, I alledged to be too violent Motions of the Body, I may perhaps alſo add theſe of the Mind. It were needleſs to produce Obſervations, for proving this my Aſſertion, there being abundance to be had from the general Collectors, I mean Forrest, Schenkins, Hildanus, and others. I ſhall rather explain the ways by which they ſeem to produce their Effects: Which may be the following Two. Firſt, By attenuating the Blood, and accelerating its Motion, as well Circular as Inteſtine: Which is done either by rarefying it ſelf, or by opening the Pores, and admitting calorifick Atoms. Though this laſt chances very rarely, for it rather happens that the Pores being dilated, cold Particles get entry, by which theſe Obſtructions formerly mentioned are procured: And this, I think, may be the other way too violent Motions work in exciting a Fever,

In the Third place, ordinary Evacuations ſuppreſſed come under our Conſideration, whoſe concurrence, I expect, by none will be denied: Seing that not only Blood-letting prevents, yea ſometimes Cures Continual Fevers; but alſo Nature it ſelf does frequently endeavour, and ſometimes obtain its own Relief, by bleeding at the Noſe and elſewhere. But this, as a thing conceded by all, I ſhall leave, and rather conſider the Deſcription afforded us by our Author, of inſenſible Tranſpiration, (it being of all moſt frequently ſuppreſſed) in which he ſhews nothing of that knowledge and exactneſs, that might reaſonably be expected from an Author of a New Method.

It's needleſs to mention how impertinently and prolixly he inſiſts not only upon the Invention, Utility, and Greatneſs of this Secretion: But he muſt needs diſcourſe alſo of Chylification, Reſpiration, and fixed Salts, (how skilfully ſhall be afterwards ſhewn) all which are tranſcribed from Sanctorius, Majou, Etmuller, &c. and for any thing I can ſee, upon no other Deſign, ſave to enlarge the bulk of his Book: For all that can any ways concern Fevers in that large 9. §. conſiſting of 14 Pages, may be eaſily contained in ſeven Lines. Yea ſurely it muſt argue no ſmall Folly in a Man, to bring in ſuch ſtuff as neither the ſubject requires, nor he himſelf underſtands.

First, How he makes the Air the principal efficient of Tranſpiration, I cannot underſtand, for to any conſidering Man it is evident, that the Ambient, by its Gravity and Elaſticity, will rather impede as promove it. But that I may ſhew him all the Favour I can, I ſuppoſe it is rather that, which according to him, is mixed with the Blood in Inſpiration, he here intends: Yet in the mean time it is no ſmall Debate, whether the Air be mixed with the Blood in Reſpiration or not? as he may ſee in Harvey de Circ. San. Higemore Diſq. Anat. Needham de Form. Fort. &c. And really it muſt be confeſſed, there want not Reaſons on both ſides. However grant it were ſo, none who hath the leaſt knowledge in Phyſiology, will call it the efficient Cauſe of Tranſpiration: That being acknowledged by all, to be nothing elſe, as the circular Motion of the Blood, which nevertheleſs noways depends upon Reſpiration, as Maurocordatus would have it. The Doctor may make the Experiment in himſelf, it being in his power, to ſtop his Breathing, though not the Bloods Circulation. Ay there is no School Boy in the Kingdom but knows, that by Runing the Circulation is accelerate, the Pulſe augmented, and inſenſible Tranſpiration intended to Sweat.

Secondly, By what Figure our Author comes to call that no natural Excretion in the 128 Page, which in the 119, he ſays, and that truly, does twiſe exceed all other Evacuations whatſomever, perhaps he himſelf hardly does know: Unleſs it be for the Reaſon immediatly after Page 128 ſubjoined, viz. That Sweat is only profitable in ſo far as it ſhuns a greater Evil, was ever ſuch Reaſoning heard? For what pray are all other Evacuations natural! or are any whatſomever natural. Nay, really by this New Method of Reaſoning they are not.

Thirdly, Who will ever believe, that inſenſible Tranſpiration ſuppreſſed, condenſeth and thickneth the Blood, while in the mean time, except what goes to the Spirits, its thinneſt and ſubtileſt Portion is thereby retained, and ſo by its abode does rather render it thin and aqueous, than craſs and viſcid. Yea all Practitioners whatſomever adviſe Sweating as a fit and proper Expedient to render the Blood thick, and conſequently its ſuppreſſion (inſenſible Tranſpiration and Sweating differing only ſecundum majus & minus) muſt have the contrary effect in making it thin, Will the Doctor anſwer. Theſe condenſed Particles being abſorbed and carried back, do of neceſſity render the other more viſcid. But to this I reply, Theſe by their being ſuppreſſed, do not only impede the Excretion of Twenty times as many thinner and watry ones, and thereby abundantly compenſe their own thickneſs; but alſo it will appear no great Paradox to ſay, that theſe craſs and abſorbed ones, are by the far greater quantity of the Blood and its continual Motion, reduced to their former and limpid condition. By all which it is clear, that inſenſible Tranſpiration ſuppreſſed, rather attenuates as thickens the Blood, contrary to the mind of the Author of the V. S. P. 126. And hence I conclude, that all or moſt part, the ſtoping of inſenſible Tranſpiration does in procuring Fevers, is only, by creating Obſtructions, and ſo diſturbing the Blood in its Motion.

The Last, and by far the moſt frequent, of the Four named antecedent Cauſes of Fevers, viz. Crudities conveyed into the Maſs of the Blood, do as yet remain. To inſiſt in proving of this, which is univerſally acknowledged, were a meer conſumption of Time and Paper. Yea, from hence it is, that the generality of the Moderns have perſwaded themſelves, that the Formality of a Fever conſiſted in a Fermentation: Conceiving this Heterogeneous Body under the Notion of a Ferment, which, when it could not be aſſimilate to the Maſs of Blood, did therein raiſe an Efferveſſence. I gave my Reaſons before, why I could not fight under their Banner, who delight in the Terms of Ferment and Fermentation, therefore ſhall not repeat them here.

I think then, in few words, a Fever may not be ineptly conceived, as a Wreſtling or Strugling betwixt Nature and what is Heterogeneous thereto, under which it does either ſuccumb or expel whatever is offenſive and injurious to it.

There are Two Things here to be noticed ere I further proceed: Firſt, When I ſpeak of Crudities transferred to the Blood, I underſtand not only Crudities proceeding from the firſt ways (though I eaſily grant theſe to be the moſt ordinary, which may be inferred not only from the great efficacy we find in Emeticks in the Cure of Continual as well as Intermittent Fevers; but alſo from the great Hurt daily obſerved in them both, by Errors committed in the firſt Digeſtion) but admits alſo morbiſick Atoms or Effluvia, which may enter either by the Pores or Reſpiration, from the ambient Air: As likeways Raments from Ulcerous, Scirrous and Gypſeous (pardon theſe uncouth Terms, for I can give none more plain) Viſcera.

Secondly, I muſt own my diſſent from theſe, otherways Learned Men, who are pleaſed to call this Ferment, as they ſpeak, always Acide. For as I could never forgive them, who endeavour to build all upon no ſurer Fundation, as an Acid and Alcali; ſo I can hardly either pardon theſe, who trouble us ſo much with them in Phyſick. And that for many Reaſons, (without which I'le deny no Mans Hypotheſis) but eſpecially the following Three. 1. Their Expeperiments and Arguments prove noways what they are brought for. 2. In their Explication of both Acid and Alcali, they are ſtill very obſcure, and could never ſatisfy me, yea I believe hardly themſelves. And 3. A great many Phaenomena, ex. gr. Gravity, Levity, Colours, &c. Are by them unaccountable.

But beſides theſe Reaſons againſt the Hypotheſis in general, I ſhall endeavour to obviate the Arguments produced for it here in particular. The chief of which I take to be the following Two: Firſt, According to the different degree and increaſe of the Fever, the Urine is alſo obſerved to intend and heighten its Colour, and that not unlike to thoſe who are impregnat with Acids, v. g. Vinegar, Spirit of Salt, &c. To which I anſwer, by granting the whole, though not always, yet frequently to be ſo; as alſo that it may perhaps be, that this Ferment may ſometimes prove Acide: Yet that this change of Colour is always, and only the Effects of Acids, I poſitively deny, ſeing by Saline and Sulphureous Agents the ſame may be wrought, and dayly is in statu ſano, in which, nevertheleſs no Acid has ever yet been obſe • ved. In a word, they commit that general Error in Phyſick, as well as in Philoſophy, of forming from particular Experiments general Hypotheſes. So obſerving Acids and Alcalies to Ferment, they have laid it down as an univerſal Axiom, that wherever Fermentation is found, there muſt of neceſſity an Acid and Alcalie exiſt; while yet ſucceeding Experiments inform us, that very high Acids. v. g. Oyl of Vitriol, Butter of Antimony, beſides many others, which can be inſtanced by ſuch as are aquaint with Chymiſtry, will efferveſce together.

Their other Argument, which is of the ſame force, is taken from the great and good Effect of Salts, (Salia ſalſa I mean, which are compoſed of Acids and Alcalies, and conſtitute a Third very different from both) Teſtaceous and Alcalick Powders in Curing of Fevers: Which being contrary to Acids, makes them conclude (dum contraria contrarus curantur) the morbifick Cauſe to be always ſoure: To this it may be replyed, That they fall into the ſame Fault, which was reprehended in the former: viz. Of drawing univerſal Concluſions from particular Premiſes. For I can ſafely ſay, that Acids themſelves, v. g. Spir. ſalis, Elyxir Vitrioli Mynſichti, &c. are frequently, and that not without deſirable ſucceſs imployed in Fevers.

It were very eaſie yet further to move a great many Arguments againſt this Hypotheſis: Such as an artificial Fever excited by the Inunction of the Oyl of Beetls, Fevers not unfrequently owing their ariſe to Fear, Anger, &c. but I ſuppoſe it needleſs. Having already inſiſted longer on this as I deſigned, I proceed to the Diviſion, after I have told, what every perſon, at leaſt Phyſician, knows, that the Procatartick Cauſes, which give occaſion to the Antecedent, and ſet them a working, be the ſex res non naturales.

I ſhall neither trouble my ſelf nor my Reader, with that infinite Diviſion of Fevers, to be had in Sylvius and others, thinking it enough to conſider the following Four, under which all others may be eaſily comprehended.

And Firſt, They are diviſible into Continual and Intermittent: Which Continual may again be divided into theſe called Continentes, which from the beginning to the end, without all exacerbation, obſerve the ſame Schem: And into theſe called Continuas, which never leave the Body without a Fever, but yet have Exacerbations, ſometimes once a day, and then they are called, Continuae Quotidianae, ſometimes once in two days, when they go under the Name of Continuae Tertianae, &c. And to me they appear nothing elſe, as a Continent and Intermittent Fever joined together. Secondly, Fevers are devided into Benign and Malign. Thirdly, Into Acute and Lent. And Fourthly, Into Primary and Secundary or Symptomatick.

All that hath already been ſaid is concerning Continual Fevers, and applicable to them: So I proceed to conſider theſe called Intermittent, which have created as great Trouble to Phyſicians in this Age, in aſſigning them a true and congrous Cauſe, as they did to theſe in the former, in finding a proper and ſucceſsful Cure. I cannot now ſtay to cribrate the various Sentiments of different Authors, but ſhall propoſe what to me ſeems moſt probable, which in few words is this: Every Paroxiſm of an Intermittent Fever, is Analogous to an intire Continual one, and hath its ariſe from Crudities carried through the firſt Ways and Vaſa lactea into the Maſs of Blood, in which, they being thereto hardly aſſimilable, raiſe and excite theſe Tumults before deſcribed. And do now conſtitute a Quotidian, now a Tertian, now a Quartan, &c. at one time an Erratick, at another time a Periodical Fever. Firſt, Becauſe of the Matter, which is now more copious, now more ſcant, now craſſer, and thicker, now thinner and fluider, in one perſon at certain, in another perſon at uncertain times, thither transferred. Secondly, Becauſe of the diverſity of the ſubject, the Blood of one being eaſilier ſet a working as that of another. In a word, when ever there comes ſo much Matter to the Blood, as can raiſe a ſtrugling therein, a Paroxiſm is produced. But after all, I think no ſhame to confeſs, that there occurrs to me ſomewhat here which ſeems unaccountable, and therefore I ſhall never obtrude upon others, what I do not enough underſtand my ſelf.

Benign Fevers are theſe called Continual, but not accompanied with theſe horrid Symptoms, which being preſent, do give them the Name of Malign. And ſuch are great Anxieties, Inquietude, ſudden Proſtration of the Strength, Spots, cold Sweats, Tumors about the Glands, called Parotides, &c. In enquiring after the Cauſe of theſe Malign Fevers, I can find nothing ſave obſcurity in the different Opinions of Authors: While ſome, with Willis, fancy to themſelves a great Coagulation of the Blood: Again others who follow Sylvius, ſtrive as much for a lixivious and urinous Acrimony of the ſame. De la Font pleads hard for an Arſenical and Corroſive Poyſon inſpired with the Air. For me, in ſuch ambiguity, I willingly profeſs my Ignorance: But ſtill enclines to look upon their Cauſe as always Epidemick, coming either from the Air, Meat or Drink: And whenever it effects, ſeazeth eſpecially upon the Head; we ordinarly obſerving Symptoms of the Brain to inſult, whilſt Pulſe and Urine ſuffer ſmall or no change. And hence I ſuppoſe is the Proverb, Good Pulſe, good Urine, and the Patient Dies.

Acute Fevers are ſuch, as terminate againſt the 9, 14, 20, or 21. day: But continuing no longer as the 7, they are called Peracute: Yea, ſometimes they Kill in the Third and Fourth Day, and ſo get the Name, (and that deſervedly) of Peracutiſſimae: While theſe, who extend themſelves to the 40 day, are termed Acutae ex Decidentiâ. And all that exceed this Term whether Fevers or other Diſtempers, have obtained the general Denomination of Lent or Chronick Diſeaſes. It is certainly beyond all queſtion, that this Diverſity ariſeth from the weakneſs or ſtrongneſs of the morbifick Matter, which in Lent Diſeaſes, at the beginning, brings litle or no alteration to the Humane Body, but through proceſs of time, partly by defatigating the Body, partly by rendring more of the Blood like unto it ſelf, proves exitial to the Patient: Which is too frequently ſeen in a Hectick, it being of all Lent Fevers the moſt formidable.

Laſtly, Fevers were divided into Primary and Secundary or Symptomatick. The firſt are ſuch as have their Cauſe within themſelves, and own their Being to no other Diſeaſe, as do the others called Secundary or Symptomatick. Which be ſometimes excited by pain, as in the Gout, Gravel, &c. ſometimes they accompany Wounds, Inflammations, Ulcers, and many other Maladies: By all which the Motion of the Blood, as well Circular as Inteſtine may be augmented, and that which we call a Fever produced.

In the Page 185 of the V. S. the Doctor's Exactneſs, and great Skill in Phyſick is very conſpicous: For there he aſſerts Fevers and Tumors (I ſuppoſe he means Inflammations, Tumors being of a large extent) to be perpetual Companions: So that according to his Pathology, the one cannot exiſt without the other. Whereas all the World knows, yea dayly finds it, that Fevers can exiſt without his Tumors, yea not one of ten Thouſand, without all Hyperbole, hath them. True it is indeed, that Inflammations are ordinarly (yet not always) followed by Fevers, and they are among the number of theſe I called Secondary or Symptomatick.

Many Things appertaining to Fevers and their Theory: as Symptoms, Prognoſticks, &c. do as yet remain. But I being far from preſuming to give a particular Account or Deſcription of that Diſeaſe, knowing it to be a Load too heavy for my young and tender Shoulders, finds my ſelf nowayes obliged to mention them here: My purpoſe being only to give a general, and for what appears to me, the eaſieſt and beſt Deſcription of the Malady, into whoſe Method of Curing I reſolve to inquire. Neither will I labour (it being more my deſire to do well my ſelf, than to diſcover that others have done ill) in refuting the Opinions of others, as the Doctor doth, though with Arguments I confeſs. ſometimes againſt, but as often for them.

Yet I muſt paſs ſome Reflections upon the Doctor's New and Mechanical Hypotheſis, left my paſſing it by ſhould offend its Author. And to ſpeak ingenuouſly, his deſcription of the Diſeaſe is as obſcure, as his Method of Curing is dangerous. Have then the Scheme of the New and Mechanical Hypotheſis in the Author's own words, P. 104. Seing then (for the five Pages which go before, contain only the Fundation, though very unproportionable to the Noble Building afterwards erected in little more as one) the returns of Repararation to the parts and functions ought to be made, both in time and quantity in proportion to the waſte, by the efflux of the arterial Blood from the Heart as the Vehicle, and thorow the Arteries, as the Conduites of theſe Recruites: When this is done Vegetly, Integrally, without any ſtop or delay, then redounds Felicity Eaſe, and Integrity, of the Functions and Life: But when that Efflux is retarded or ſtopt, either by reaſon of the Blood it ſelf, or ſome ſtopage in the Extremities and ſmall Channels of the Veſſels; or by reaſon of immoderate and unuſual waſte, beyond the proportion of the ordinary ſupply, (as falls out in immoderate Exerciſe and Motion) And, ſo I ſay, when by reaſon of any of theſe Cauſes, the Heart cannot convey and lay in the deſired Supplement in due proportion and timouſly, by Stroaks repeated at the uſual Intervals, then it does, by precipitating the Stroaks, and ſtraitning the Intervals of the Pulſations, endeavour, what in it lyes, to overcome the ſlowneſs of the Motion of the Blood, and to come ſo near as it can to the due and proportionable diſtribution of Nutriment, in reſpect of the waſte: But if, notwithſtanding of theſe ſedulous Endeavours of the Heart by redoubling of the Pulſations, that ſlowneſs of the Blood, ſhall by a gradual encreaſe of the thickneſs, and of Obſtructions in the Capillary Veſsels, prove yet ſo obſtinate as ſtill to be augmented, then this leads ſtraight to the Porch and Gate of Death; Death being nothing elſe but a total and permanent Ceſſation, and defect of this diſtribution.

Behold the Deſcription of a Diſeaſe, and it never once named! Is this Doctor becauſe it is ſo clear, that who runs may read it? ſurely then my Capacity is very ſhallow: For had not the Title of that 7. Sect. promiſed a New and Mechanical Hypotheſis, I ſhould from this Deſcription never have inferred it, and had not the very next Paragraph propoſed an Objection, I ſhould further have looked back for it. Yea I believe it would puzle your ſelf, were it not for theſe Marks, to find it. For my part, I ſee nothing here deſcribed ſave Death, and that perhaps not undeſervedly, for by means of the New Method Death and Fevers are become Synonima, and ſo the one with you, may ſafely go for the other. But Thanks be to God, it is otherways with us, who walk in the Good, Old and Experienced Path, where it becomes but ſometimes a paſſage unto it.

But why, pray, a New Hypothefis? it being as old as ſince Bontekoe write de Febribus. It is indeed very hard to know that Author's proper Opinion, he being more taken up in refuting others, as in explaining himſelf: And what he hath ſaid is ſo harſh and obſcure, that he can ſcarcely be underſtood, yet, if I be not deceived, he endeavours to evince a thickneſs of Blood in Continual Fevers.

Leaving this I go to things more ſerious, where it ſeems to me not improbable, that one of the fundamental Errors into which the Doctor himſelf hath ſlipped, is that which I have noticed before, viz. The drawing of univerſal Concluſions from particular Propoſitions: For by what I can learn from this Deſcription, it being indeed very hard, at leaſt for me to draw any thing therefrom, he would gladly perſwade us that Obſtructions and only they, are the Antecedent (and for what I can ſee the Conjunct to) Cauſe of Fevers. The contrary of which, not only innumerable Authors with infinite Examples have evinced: But I my ſelf have ſhewn above, that there can be, and frequently are other Three, beſides many moe by me over looked. This is indeed a Rock upon which many excellent Men have ſplit, therefore to be pardoned in our Author, and to diſſwade him therefrom, to the Obſervation I gave before, I ſhall now join other Two.

And Firſt, There was nothing more ordinary, as upon the ſeeing Acids coagulate, to aſſert, that wherever Coagulation hapned, there muſt of neceſſity exiſt an Acid: While yet after Experience did teach us, that Alcalies can crudle Milk, and Spirit of Wine coagulate Humane Blood. In the like manner, Practitioners having found the good ſucceſs of Acids at ſome occaſions (for they do it not always, as Poterius obſerves) in quickning the Digeſtion, precariouſly they conclude an Acid Humor the principal Agent in Chylification: Yea, as Moebius obſerves, it was received with ſo general Applauſe and Conſent, that it became almoſt Hereſie to call it in queſtion: Albeit later Anatomiſts have not only demonſtrate, that Alcalies and Urinous Bodies may have the ſame, yea greater Effect, but have intirely baniſhed the famed Acid its fictitious Office. To ſhut up all, it is this, that hath given occaſion to a great many Errors in Phyſick as well as Philoſophy, viz. That Phoenomena peculiar to this or the other ſubject, have been generally applied to all kinds, and ſo from particular Experiments and Obſervations, we have formed univerſal Hypotheſes.

Secondly, I cannot conceive how Obſtructions can be either ſo efficacious or ſo frequent as the Doctor inſinuates. I ſhall not make uſe of the ordinary Objection, which nevertheleſs of no ſmall force: That there can be no Obſtruction without a ſubſequent Tumor. However I wiſh the Doctor had told us, in which of the Veſſels, I mean Arteries or Veins, theſe Obſtructions fall out. For firſt it is to me unconceivable how they can be in the Arteries; ſeing nothing enters them, that hath not firſt run through the ſmall milky Veſſels, from thence to the Ductus Thoracicus, which empties it ſelf in the ſubclavial Vein, and that again by the Vena Cava, into the right Ventricle of the Heart, out of which it is conveyed to the Lungs by the Pulmonal Artery, and from thence to the Hearts left Ventricle by the Vein of the ſame Name, from which, as from a Fountain, it is diſpenſed to the whole Body, by the great Artery and its Branches.

All which being conſidered, may not I reaſonably argue: That ſurely, whatſomever hath paſſed theſe ſmall Lymphaticks, commonly called the milky Veſſels, and the capillary Branches of the Pulmonal Vein; will never ſtick in any part of the great Artery, eſpecially when its ſtrong and frequent Vibrations, do afford great aſſiſtance to this its Motion. Yea without ſtopping the Courſe of the Blood in the whole Branch, it is altogether impoſſible, that any Obſtruction can happen in the minuteſt Artery.

The ſame Difficulties, if not greater, will meet us in the Veins, which are the other kind of Veſſels: For if we conſider their Figure, we find it a Cone inverted; now no Man of Senſe will alledge, that what hath entered the ſmall end of a Cone, as the Blood does in the Veins, will ſtop in the great: Ergo, the Doctor's Obſtructions muſt be denied.

Several other Obſervations might ſafely be made on this Paradoxical, as he himſelf, P. 109, juſtly calls it, Hypotheſis: But I ſhall detain the Reader no longer. Only I cannot omit, that in the beginning of the 8 Sect. he perſwades himſelf, that the rapid Circula • ion of the Blood, is wholly overturned, and yet P. 105▪ where he is giving that which he would have us digeſt for a New Scheme of Fevers, he boldly, and as I think, contradictorly, affirms the Heart to redouble its Pulſations. Which how it can happen, ingenuouſly I, nor I ſuppoſe none elſe, can conceive: Yea it is clearly repugnant to Reaſon and the Circulation. Nevertheleſs I ſee by the 27 P, of Philanders ſecond Letter, that the Doctor will needs defend it.

What D. Black, or any who carries that Name, may have ſaid againſt it, I am wholly ignorant, theſe Books having never come to my Hands. But what I ſhall do, ſhall be only this, to give a brief Account of the Hearts Motion and its Cauſe, and ſo leave the Doctor and others to judge, how reconcilable theſe Two are: For the Heart to double its Pulſations, and yet not to accelerate the Bloods Circulation.

The Blood that enters the right and left Ventricles of the Heart from the Vena Cava, but eſpecially Pulmoners, does ſtimulate its Fibers: By which ſtipulation the Animal Spirits are brought from the Brain by the Eight, or wandring pair of Nerves, and being depoſed in its lax Fibers, do contract the ſamen, and ſtraiten its Ventricles with ſo great a force, that whatever is contained therein, is expelled, and thruſt into the Arteries in this its Systole, by which they are diſtended and acquire a Diaſtole: After which the ſame Fibers are laxed, and theſe of the Auricles contracted, whereby the Blood, theſe Auricles had immediatly received from the Veins, is diſmiſſed to the Heart, which now, by the Relaxation of its Fibers, is in the Diastole: Which Blood does a new ſtimulate as formerly, and ſo procures to the Heart a new Syſtole, under which the Blood is again thruſt forth into the Arteries, and occaſioneth in them a Diastole or Beating. So that the Arteries will never be diſtended, except the Blood be admitted, for they can be the cauſe of their own Syſtole, but never of their Diaſtole.

Now how can a Man averr, that the Heart can double its Pulſations, and yet not render the Circulation more rapid: Seing except it emit what Blood it had received in its laſt Diastole, it can never obtain a new Systole. The Syſtole being nothing, ſave the contraction of the Fibers, and expulſion of that Blood, it had received in the former Diastole. In a word, it is as impoſſible for the Heart to be contracted in the Syſtole, without expelling the contained Blood, which muſt of neceſſity go into the Arteries and cauſe their Dilatation; as it would be for the Doctor to preſs together the two ſides of a Bladder filled with Water, without expelling the contained Liquor.

By which brief and true Account of the Hearts Motion, it may excellently appear, how fitly it is compared by our Learned Doctor, in the 27 P. of Philand: ſecond Letter, to the aſcenſion of Water in Pumps. The true Cauſe of which Phoenomenon, adſcribed to the Ancients to a Fug • vacus, being only this: That by the retraction of the Embolus or Sucket, the place which it deſerts is left void, or at leaſt the Air therein contained, is noways proportionable to the external, and ſo not able to reſiſt its preſſure. In the mean time the Air having no acceſs to the Cavity of the Pump, does neceſſarly gravitat upon the Water in which it ſtands, whereby it is forced to aſcend in the Pump, in which, by the retraction of the Sucker, it meets with no oppoſition, till ſuch a height, as is able (and beyond which it will by no means go) to keep an Equilibrium with an equal Column of the external Air, which hath the ſame ſuperfice, wherein the Pump ſtands for its Baſis, and the Atmoſphaere for its height. In a word, there needs no more to make Water aſcend in Pumps, ſave to free it from the Impediment if found by the Suckers leaning upon it. How bravely this grees with the Hearts 〈…〉 ation, Doctor Brown himſelf may be Judge: However it quadrates as well as the moſt of his Simile's.

And now while I'm yet upon his Theory, it may be a fit time to give a Specimen of his exactneſs in Anatomy, Phyſiologie, and Chymiſtry. To begin then with Anatomy, his great Skill herein is excellently ſhewn P. 178, where he pretends to give a Reaſon, why hurtful to lye with the Head low: Which is, that then, the groſſer Blood does aſcend, whereas it being higher, the more ſpiritous only gets up, while the more craſs ſeceeds at the (N. B.) Axillary branches Excellent indeed! From whom I wonder did D. Brown learn, but that whatever enters the Branches of Arteries, is carried foreward to their end, yea how can it otherways be, ſeing continually, by the help of their ſecond Coat, which is tendinous, they are conſtringed, and ſo at every place and in every moment, give a new Impetus to the contained Blood. But yet better Anatomy, for ay till D. Brown did write, we have been in a general Error, when we uſed to ſay, That the ſubclavial Arteries, after they had demitted from themſelves, three ſuperiour Intercoſtals, the Mammariae Vertibrales, Cervicales & Muſculae, did go out of the Thorax or Trunck, and tend to the Artus or Arms, where they got the new Name of Axillares But now D. Brown hath diſcovered our Ignorance, by ſhewing, that they have their ariſe from the Carotides (otherways it were Folly and Nonſenſe to ſay, that the groſſer Blood ſeceeds by them, for except they ariſe from the Carotides, how ſhall it enter them?) Had the Doctor ſaid inſtead of the Axiliars, that it ſeceeds to the Larynx and Pharynx, they indeed receiving a ſhare of that Blood, which tends to the Head; he might have concealed his Ignorance, though not given any great proof of his Knowledge.

For ſo far is it from being true, what the Doctor ſays: That the great Artery is not at all, according to the Ancients, divided into the Trunck aſcending and deſcending; but rather according to the Learned and Excellent Anatomiſt D. Highmore, it is immediatly upon its egrefs from the left Ventricle of the Heart, divided into the two ſubclavial Branches. Nevertheleſs it is not all true, what he alledgeth, when he affirmeth that from the right Subclavial both the Carotides do ariſe: For frequent Experience hath taught me, and no doubt will alſo do any, who will be at the pains to try it, that from the right Subclavial does only ariſe the right Carotis, and the left (which, to my knowledge, was never noticed by any) comes neither from the right Subclavial, nor yet from the left; but is a third Branch ariſing from the Heart it ſelf, and hath no communication with any of the Subclavials, but far leſs with the Axillary Branches. I know the Doctor hath this from Des Cartes, but really it is too well known, that this great Wit and ſubtile Man, was none of the beſt Anatomiſts, and perhaps it was his greateſt Fault, to aſſert things he thought conſonant to Reaſon, never much careing or conſidering how they might be favoured by Experience, nevertheleſs the Doctor when citing him, ſhould have known to diſcover his Error.

Good Phyſiology is ſtill the Companion of accurate Anatomy, as is alſo to be ſeen in the Doctors New and Ingenious Hypotheſsis of Chylification, which P. 131. is moſt dextrouſly explained, by a Grinding and attenuating the Aliments, their parts one againſt another by the contraction of the Ventricle whereby it ſeems the Doctor would grate them to Chyle. But I would willingly know, if ever he, or any Man elſe obſerved a ſolid Body turned into a Fluid, except it were Ice, Butter and and ſuch like, which have been Fluid before, by meet attrition: When ever the Doctor affoords me one inſtance (for that of a Plume looks likeer expreſſion as Attrition) then, and never till then, I'le grant his whole Hypotheſis. Moreover for what end is all that Apparatus of Glands in the Stomach, and why do Phyſicians adviſe the ſwallowing of the Spitle with large drinking at Meat, as great helps to the digeſtion, if it happen by meer Attrition: For certainly the harder any thing is, it is ſo much the ſitter for Grinding; or elſe the Authors Idea thereof, muſt be quite different from the Vulgar▪ And really what is brought from the Ingenious Papins Digeſter does rather refute as confirm, what it is brought for: The Gelly being produced, not by the Bones mutual Attrition, but by the Waters diſſolving and extracting. Yea if I remembor right (it being now a good time ſince I read that Book, and not being at Home I cannot conſult it) the Ingenious Author himſelf calls it Extraction, which all the World knows is quite different from Attrition.

Of the ſame kind is that account of Sanguification, which in the 18 • Page of his V. S. he is pleaſed to communicate with us. We are indeed extreamly obliged to him, at leaſt for his good Intentions, for labouring in a few Lines to accomodate that Difference, which hath cauſed almoſt bloody Conteſts for ſo many Ages. I cannot enough admire the Policy of the Doctor, who prudently (knowing moſt Debates to be about Words) conceals theſe invidious Terms of Organical and Similar Functions, they having given occaſion to no ſmall ſtrife: Whilſt ſome with the Ancients, plead hard for the former, others, after Gliſſon, cry as loud for the latter. However, albeit our Author hath not been ſo ingenuous as to confeſs it, the Aetiology he gives, makes it purely Organical, only what ſome adſcribed to the Heart, others to the Liver, the Doctor attributes allennerly to the Lungs. But pray, what does the Duty in the Foetus, where during Nine Months, the Lungs lye intirely idle: For I doubt nothing, but the Doctor knows the Foramenovale (which does not go from the Vena Cava to the Vena Pulmonalis, as is generally affirmed, but rather terminates in the left Auricle it ſelf) and Canalem Arterioſum. Now I hope the Doctor will never ſay, that Sanguification is the work of the Lungs, when the Blood is made for Nine Months in the Foetus, and they never once concurr. After the Doctor hath conſidered and ſoundly anſwered this Objection, if I can raiſe no other againſt it, I ſhall adopt his New Hypotheſis. But till ſuch time, I expect he'll not be offended, if I ſhall aſſert Sanguification to be a Function partly Organical, and partly Similar. i. e. in the Liver, Reins, Pancreas, &c. Such Particles as could not turn into Blood, are depoſed, and ſo its Organical: Alſo by the continual Motion thereof, the ſulphureous and nobler Particles of the Chyle, are aſſimilate to the Blood, for which it is called Similar.

Yet I am ſo ingenuous as to grant to the Doctor, that Sanguification hath more help from the Lungs (the Blood deſcending always more florid and brisk by the Vena Pulmonalis, as it did aſcend by the Artery) as from any other part whatſomever: Nevertheleſs they concurr only as an Inſtrument with many others, albeit they may perhaps be the principal.

As for that Argument ſo much inſiſted on, by the Learned Gliſſon, it creates me no great difficulty: For albeit I cannot but grant, ocular Inſpection having demonſtrat it to me, that the Blood appears in the Embryo, before any Organ, and ſo conſequently cannot be made by that, which is poſterior to it ſelf. Yet I ſtill think, there is great difference betwixt Sanguification in the Foctus and in an Adult Perſon: For in the former, it is not ſimple Chyle that is converted into Blood, but that which already circulating in the Mothers Body, hath demitted its Bile in her Liver, its Urine in her Reins, &c. by which it is diſpoſed to turn into Blood. So that if it had not experienced already the organical part from the Mother, the ſimilar action in the Foetus ſhould hardly have produced the effect. For, which I hope none will deny, as the ſame Subject may be differently affected by diverſe Agents, ſo the ſame Agent will produce divers effects upon various Subjects.

As expert ſeems the Doctor to be in Chymiſtry, as either Anatomy or Phyſiology. In all his Book there occurs nothing, that ſavours of that Noble Art, ſave one paſſage from Helmont and Tackenius, which without any prejudice to either Author or Book might have been omitted, it being beyond all debate now, that alcalizate or fixed ſalts, are not formerly preexiſtent in any Body, being only produced by the acting of the Fire, ſo cannot as the Doctor would have it, be diſſolved and extracted by the Aire, before they exiſt. He ought rather to have ſaid, That the Saline (there being a great difference amongſt Salts) and Sulphureous Atoms, which by joining together, do conſtitute fixed (they not being Natural but Factitious) or alcalizat Salts, while the Herbs are a drying, exhale and fly away.

After having dwelt ſo long upon the Theory of Fevers, it's time to proceed to their Method of Curing. Which indeed is the principal Thing, it being no great Matter how wild a Mans Opinions be in Speculations, providing he do not apply them to practice. No Man muſt expect here a Deſcription of all the various Indications, which may, and ordinarly do require Attention in a dogmatick and methodical Cure. My deſign being only (as I often ſaid) to propoſe the Good, Old, Rational and Succeſsful Method, and to vindicate it from D. Brown's Objections: who hath not himſelf, albeit the Author of a New One, noticed the half, of what deſerves conſideration in a Rational Cure.

Which nevertheleſs I'le readily grant in ſome Epidemick Conſtitutions or Seaſons, and in certain Subjects, eſpecially where the Critical Motions of Nature happen per ſeciſſum, which is not once in a hundred times, to prove unſucceſsful. This only I would ſay, that it is the moſt frequent, and therefore deſerves the Name of the beſt Method: And where nothing happens about the Patient that is ſingular; it ought always to be practiſed.

Before I go further it will not be impertinent to lay down ſome general Axioms, which being founded upon ſound Reaſon, and frequent Experience, have extorted Aſſent from, and Credit with Phyſicians of all Ages: Nevertheleſs they are not underſtood, or rather not much regarded by our Learned Author.

I. Cures are threefold 1. Cura Curatoria, which reſpect the Continent Cauſe, as in Fevers and all acute Diſeaſes. 2. Praeſervatoria, which eſpecially regards the Antecedent Cauſe; ex. gr. in a perſon troubled with Gout, Gravel, &c. after the removal of the Paroxiſm, we Purge, Bleed, &c. to prevent the Acceſſion of another. And 3. Cura Paltativa, v. g. in a Patient troubled with incontinency of Urine, which cannot be Cured, the Sphincter of the Bladder being lacerate, we apply ſuch an Apparatus, as Van Heer in his Obſervations provides for ſuch a Strait.

II. Indications ordinarly (ſometimes they be moe, but they are only particular) are Three. 1. Indicatio Curatoria, which levels at the Diſeaſe and its Continent Cauſe. 2. Conſervatoria, preſerving the Strength, that being by all means to be cheriſhed. And 3. Mitigatoria, for it is principally occupied againſt the urgent Symptoms: Such as Thirſt, Pains, Watching, &c. which being ſometimes more troubleſome as the Diſtemper it ſelf, do require Attention, even with the neglect of the primary Diſeaſe.

Some indeed there be, who have denied this any room among Indications, alledging that the one being removed, the other will neceſſarly ceaſe, Symptoms following only the Diſeaſe, as a ſhadow does the Body. But to this moment, I never heard of any, who refuſed an Indication to the Continent Cauſe and Diſeaſe it ſelf, as Dr. Brown in the 71 Page of the V. S. hath precariouſly done. Where leaving the Eſſence of the Diſeaſe, he proſecutes the Antecedent cauſe. Can any Perſon that knows or hath a reſpect for Phyſick and Phyſicians, read or hear this, without offence? And this really is the Fountain, from which many of his Errors do flow.

But conſider Doctor, and I intreat you, as you love your Neighbours Safety and your own Quiet do: Continual Fevers are not Intermittent, in which the Antecedent Cauſe continues in the firſt ways, and from thence is gradually and ſucceſſively carried in to the Blood; ſo that whoever can take away the Fomes, may expect in all reaſon, to prevent the acceſſion of a new Paroxiſm, though never hinder the preſent. Whereas in Continual Fevers, the whole Antecedent Cauſe is Semel & Simul carried into the Blood, and excites the Fever: Which we muſt eſpecially regard, and not the Antecedent Cauſe, which now is not, it being turned into the Continent. Further when the Doctor is called to a Patient, is it to Cure the preſent Fever, or to prevent a future? If it be to prevent a future, then he does well, to look to the Antecedent Cauſe, which ſtill reſpects the future; and ſo he inſtitutes that Cure, in the firſt Axiom, called Praeſervatoria: But if it be to Cure the preſent, then Senſe and Reaſon require that he ſhould level at its Continent Cauſe and Eſſence. Whereas according to the New Method, the preſent Diſtemper is committed to Nature, while the Doctor only labours to prevent a future Evil, which really, as I am informed, he does ſometimes very ſucceſsfully, by putting them beyond all fear of Miſery, as well as Happineſs, except what's Eternal.

III. The Third of our Axioms is: That Contraries are Cured by Contraries, and the like preſerved by the like. By ſome a Controverſie is here again moved, as if Diſeaſes were ſometimes Cured by the like. v. g. an Hemorhagie by Bleeding, a Flux by Purging, &c. But it ought to be conſidered, the queſtion is not about the Diſeaſe and its Remedy, which may indeed ſometimes prove alike: but betwixt the Indicans and the Indicanus, or that which indicates, and that which is in dicated, they ſtill being oppoſitite: Looſneſs ever indicating binding, it matters not much, by what mean it be done.

IV. Whatever is natural ought to be preſerved, and that which is preternatural muſt be removed.

V. Of two Evils the leaſt is to be choſen.

VI. Critical Evacuations are wiſely to be diſcerned from Symptomatical. The not diſtinguiſhing of which, is a mater of great Moment, and of bad conſequence, while it brings the Phyſician into the greateſt of difficulties and errors, as well as the Patient into the greateſt of Hazards. Out of which nevertheleſs both the Phyſician and Patient may be eaſily extricate, by rightly ponderating the following four 1. The times of the Diſeaſe are prudently to be noticed, the Coction and Crudity of the Humours, diſcernable eſpecially in the Urin, muſt exactly be obſerved: the Evacuation which happens in the beginning of a Diſtemper, with the ſigns of Crudity being ſtill Symptomatick. 2. The place where the Evacuation happens ſignifies much, for if it chance in a place, whither Nature in that Malady uſeth to tend, other things concurring, it is ſtill convenient. So a looſe Belly is alwayes more ſuſpected in a Feaver as, ſweat, this being natures ordinary path in that Diſtemper, whereas a Flux is ſtill looked on as dangerous: And if there were no more as this: Natures own Courſe, it is ſufficient to evert the whole new Method. 3. The quality of the Humour voided, if ſuch as it ought, is to be noticed: And 4, Neither ſhould the quantity be neglected, for larger Evacuations make us ſtill affraid.

VII. Whatever is to be evacuat, drive it to the way it moſt tends, according to the 21. of the first Section of Hippocrat's Aphoriſms.

VIII. Concocted, not crude Humours are to be expelled by the 22. Aphoriſm of the ſame first Section.

IX. The Times of Diſeaſes are preciſely to be noticed, it being ſafe to do at one time that, which is perfect Death at another. Which times are four the Beginning, the Increment, the Status and Declination.

X. The vaſt difference betwixt Purges, is alſo worth the conſidering. Some being ſo Gentle that they only evacuat the Ventricle and firſt ways, never reaching the Maſs of the Blood, and are ordinarly deſigned by Laxantia. Others tend farther in the Body, precipitat the Serum, and properly are called Purges or Catharticks. Which diviſion of Purges, acknowledged and admitted by all, Will, I hope, ſtand us in no ſmall ſtead.

At length I come to the Method of Curing, wherein, to keep cloſe to the matter, according to the ſecond Axiome, a skilful Phyſician propoſeth to himſelf theſe three Indications. 1. To remove and expell the Diſeaſe and its continent cauſe, as preternatural. 2, To preſerve as much as he can, the Strength, it being natural: And 3. To mitigat the urgent Symptoms if any ſuch appear. I am abundantly ſenſible, that there occure many other things in a Feveriſh perſon, which require attention: But, as I ſaid before, theſe are the ordinary and general Indications, and under them moſt others may come, therefore can only be treated of in a general Method▪

For the Removal of the Diſeaſe and its cauſe, it will be convenient to remember, what was formerly ſaid concerning the Nature of Fevers in general: When I aſſerted their Formality to conſiſt in a preternatural Exagitation of the Blood, being moſt frequently thereto excited, by Heterogeneous Atomes transferred into it. Therefore to ende vour the Removal of the Diſeaſe, is to lay this commotion, and to expell the cauſe, is to baniſh the Body, whatever it is that ſets the Blood thus a working.

And this we labour to accompliſh by ſeveral means and Medicaments, as well Alterants as Evacuants, but concerning the laſt, I am now eſpecially engaged. As to the ſecond Indicant, of preſerving the ſtrength, and the third of mitigating the Symptoms, the Doctor and I do agree, at leaſt his Book contains nothing of them. Therefore I, whoſe only purpoſe it is, to defend as much of the Old Method, as D. Brown does moleſt, and to refute his, wherein it goes oppoſite thereto, am no ways engaged to treat of all, that in an accurate and exact Method, ought to be practiſed.

Eſpecially I ſaid by Evacuants we remove the Diſeaſe and expels it's cauſe. Among which the firſt that offers its ſelf to our conſideration, is that Noble and excellent Remedy, if duely and skilfully applied, of Bleeding. Which as the Doctor obſerves P. 143. is granted by all as very beneficial. And if this be true, as certainly it is, the Doctor hath given us no new Method as to this part, and ſo might have ſpared his Labour in Writting a Book, to convince the World of that, of which never Nan doubted. When and how often the Doctor uſeth this Remedy, which was abſolutly neceſſary in an accurate Method (there being four very different times as the 9th. Axiome obſerveth) he does not inform us, and therefore I can ſay nothing againſt him.

However I muſt not omit, to reprehend that Vulgar as well as pernicious Error, of Bleeding all perſons and in all Fevers. For ſo long as a Plethory is the only Indicant of Bleeding (of Revulſion, Derivation and Exploration, which do frequently call for and allow of the ſame, I am not now ſpeaking) it can never ſafely, and with advantage to the Patient be Adminiſtrat, but where that Plethory is. So that if a Fever fall out in a Young and robuſt perſon, where any natural Evacuation is ſuppreſſed in one uſing a good and laudable Dyet, in a word, where the way of Living, or any other circumſtance may perſwade us of abundance of Blood, no doubt the Phyſician does wiſely, who adviſeth it's Eventilation, if he cannot ſet a working the natural Evacuation it ſelf: Providing it be in the beginning and Increment of the Malady, otherways when Nature is endeavouring her own Liberation, he may be apt to diſturb her Motions.

But that raſh and inconſiderat Courſe of Bleeding, without any difference, ſubjects of all Ages, Conſtitutions and Sexes; is a practice which neither Reaſon perſwades to, nor Experience allows of. We all acknowledge, and not without Cauſe, that our Life and Strength conſiſts in our Blood. It's alſo confeſſed, that Nature and Strength do Cure Diſeaſes: The Phyſician only aſſiſting where Nature is weak, and directing when ſhe's wrong. Why then do we evacuate that Blood, which we expect ſhould Cure the Diſeaſe and relieve the Patient? Ay but ſay ſome, with the Doctor: The ill Blood comes away and leaves the good behind. I anſwer, this is a Reaſon ſo ridiculous in its ſelf, and ſo repuguant to the Laws of the Circulation, that hardly any ſave Gardners, Old-wives, &c. to whom that Noble Invention is a Myſtery, will ever pretend it: For whatever comes to the Vein, good or evil, is alſo evacuate. Yea the Evil is ſo intermixed with the Good, that till it ſelf have made a ſeparation, no Art can disjoin them, For Example, ſuppoſe a ſick Man having in his Body Twelve Pounds of Blood, Eight of which are Good, and Four Evil: Now being all circulate through the Heart, at leaſt twiſe every quarter of an Hour, is there any Man ſo abſurd as to affirm, that only the Evil, and only at that time, will come to the Vein which is wounded, while the Good, being ſtrangely ſagacious, and deſirous to ſtay in the ſick perſons Body to reſtore him his Health, will go to the other and remoter places? Is there, I ſay, any Man ſo abſurd as to maintain this prodigious Fancy? Nay I think it is far more credible, that of the whole Twelve, one Pound being evacuate, two parts will be Good, and one Evil, juſt as it was in the Body. And all the Advantage, which the Patient by Bleeding does reap, is only this: That before he had Twelve Pounds of Blood, Eight whereof were Good and Four Evil, but now he hath only Eleven in all, whereof Seven Pound with Four Ounces are Good, and Three Pound with Eight Ounces are Evil.

However, the Doctor for his timous aſſiſtance to this decaying Opinion, deſerves to be liſted with, if not to get the precedence among the forenamed Medicaſters. For, ſays he, P. 151, As in a River we obſerve the heterogeneous Body still to tend towards the Brink, ſo in the Veins, the feculent and ill Blood runs to their ſides, and runs first out, while the finer returns to the Heart. A notable Invention indeed, to preſerve this feculent and exploded Figment! What way, pray, can the fine Blood return? not by the Arteries, that being abſolutely impoſſible, for grant their Motion ſhould invert, which yet no Man of common Senſe will imagine, the three Semilunar Valves do ſtill hinder. Neither by the Vein, for your Band put betwixt the Orifice and the Heart ſtops the paſſage: So that of neceſſity, whatever enters the Vein, good as well as bad, runs out at the Wound: For do we not ſee, that the Ligature being removed, and paſſage being granted, neither good nor bad appears, a ſure Evidence, that it being preſent, both of them evacuates. When Doctor Brown finds the third way, he hath gained the point. If the Doctor had only given this, as an Anſwer to ſome of the impertinent Queſtions of a Patient, I could have forgiven him and applauded his Wit; but ſeriouſly to propoſe it in a printed Book, is abſolutly inexcuſable.

The Chirurgical Fountain, does further ſupply us with Veſicator Platsters, from which, in Fevers whatſomever, we obtain no ſmall Advantage: But eſpecially in Malign, and where the Head is affected, yea in all Cephalick Diſtempers, their uſe, by reiterated Experience is approven. But there being no debate about them and their uſe, I proceed to Pharmacie, which aſſiſts us with moe Weapons, to ſtrugle againſt this deſtructive Enemy.

The Firſt whereof ſhall be Vomiters, which, providing they be timouſly and warily adminiſtrate, do oftentimesnip the Evil in the very Bud, and by ſtricking at the Root, do with one blow diſlodge this unkind Gueſt.

From what hath been ſaid, I ſuppoſe, that for the moſt part, the Antecedent Cauſe of a Fever, comes from the Ventricle. If then in the beginning of the Malady, before the Antecedent Cauſe, be all transferred to the Maſs of the Blood, and there become the Continent, we uſe this Remedy; we do thereby purge the Stomach, withdraw the Matter, and either extinguiſh, or at leaſt ſo notably aſſwage the Fury of the Fever, that after it is hardly ever able to make great diſturbance. Nevertheleſs they are not to be given indiſcriminatly, but with great warineſs, as all other Remedies whatſomever: Albeit the D. in his whole Book, hardly ever mentions one Caution.

And Firſt, We are to conſider where the Matter does lodge: For if the Antecedent Cauſe ſhould be any Evacuation ſuppreſt, great Motion and the like: There could be nothing more ridiculous than to adviſe Vomiting. but if it be in the Stomach, which is eaſily known, by the Hypocondria Swelling, frequent Rifting, Nauſeating, &c. they can hardly be neglected, but with the Patients eminent danger. Providing his Conſtitution, Age, ſhape of Body, and other Diſtempers, v. g. Hemorhagy adjoined, do not diſſwade it. All which being carefully obſerved, they are moſt innocent, as well as powerful Remedies, in the beginning of Fevers. It is likeways to be noticed, that if the Circumſtances require Bleeding, it ought to preceed Vomiting. leſt by the ſhaking of the Body, ſome ſmall Veſſel burſt.

Next I come to Diaphoreticks, which I may truly call the univerſal Cure of Fevers. Nature pointing with its Finger to their uſe, while in the univerſal Declination of Continual, and in the parricular Declination of Intermittent Fevers, Sweat breaks forth in a very great plenty.

This nevertheleſs is the Method which our Author rejects, wherefore I ſhall take the more pains to confirm it: Which I'le endeavour to do by the following Three. Firſt, By declaring how they work. Secondly, By giving ſome Reaſons why we uſe them. And Thirdly, By anſwering the ſeeming Objections inſtanced by D. Brown againſt them.

About the First, I need not be very prolix, for if we conſider what Conditions are requiſite to inſenſible Tranſpiration and Sweating in a ſtate natural: Betwixt which there is no greater difference, as that in the former, the Matter is excerned in a leſſer quantity, and ſo abſorbed by the Cloaths or ambient Air, under the name of Vapour; whereas in the latter, or Sweat, it chances in a greater abundance, and ſo cannot be ſweept up, but rather conſtitutes Drops called Sweat. I ſay, whoever will be at the pains to conſider the Conditions requiſite for this inſenſible Tranſpiration and Sweating, while they are natural: Which are Fluxibility in the Liquor, a due Amplitude in the Pores, and a Briskneſs in the circular Motion; will eaſily underſtand how Diaphoreticks work, when given according to Art. Whatever can either attenuat the Blood in its Conſiſtence, quicken it in its Motion, or dilate and amplify the Miliar Glands and Pores, will certainly procure Sweat.

And ſuch are either Heterogeneous Bodies mixed with the Blood, which by ſtimulating the Ventricles of the Heart, the interiour Coats of the Veſſels, and muſcular Fibers of the Parts, cauſe frequent Contraction, and conſequently ſwiftneſs of Motion: or inciding and volatile Medicaments, which partly attenuating and inciding the Maſs of Blood, partly amplifying and inlarging the Pores and Paſſages, produce the ſame effect with the former

When I ſpeak here of intending the circular Motion, I mean only that of the Arteries, for both Reaſon and Experience teach us that the acceleration of the returning Motion by the Veins, would rather prove a hinderance as a help to this, as well as to all other Secretions. Firſt, It is clear from Reaſon, for if the Blood were as readily taken up by the Capillary Veins, as its is brought in by the Arteries, it muſt neceſſarly return again to the Heart from whence it came: Whereas admittance being denied by the Veins, it ſeeks another way or paſſage, which is that of Secretion. Neither does Experience deny its aſſent to this perpetual Truth: For if you will tye the ſocial Vein of any Artery, by which Blood is carried to the ſecerning Organ, v. g. the Vena emulgens, you ſhall quickly obſerve the Secretion to be far more copious, than when the regreſſive Motion was allowed. So that I may reaſonably affirm, The ſlowneſs of the refluent Motion of the Blood by the Veins, to be none of the leaſt among the efficient Cauſes of Secretion. And this much for the Firſt.

Secondly, I come to give ſome Reaſons, why in the Cure of Continual Fevers, Phyſicians of all Ages, have adopted and practiſed this Method of Sweating: As alſo why we at this day, eſpecially while D. Brown offers a Surer and Better, do imitate them in that, which, to ſpeak in his Language, is pernicious and deſtructive to Mankind. Indeed if without Reaſons, and theſe weighty ones too, we ſhould do that, which according to the V. S, can be nothing but horrid Murder, and deviliſh Malice. In ſtead of being Cheriſhed, Honoured and Entertained, as in all Ages, and among all civilized People, Phyſicians have been; we ought to be taken and Hanged, for Villains and publick Murderers. But if I can prove our Method to be right, which I'le endeavour now, and his to be wrong, which is to be done hereafter, when diſcourſing of Purging: Then let him judge, upon whom the Puniſhment ought to be inflicted.

It were eaſy to accumulate Arguments in Favours of Diaphoreticks, but I ſhall ſatisfy my ſelf, and I hope my Reader to, with the following three,

Let us then Firſt, According to the ſeventh Axiome, conſider the motion of Nature, I mean the courſe it takes when left to its ſelf, as in many mean and Indigent People it ordinarly is: And this is continually to ſeek its own Relief by Sweating, ſo that not one Fever of a hundred and that of all ſorts, is Cured another way. Is there any Country Clown ſo fooliſh, but in a Fever, he'll cry for a Sweat, and if either by Art or Nature he can procure it, he will promiſe himſelf ſpeedy Relief and certain ſafety. Now this being granted the Dr. himſelf not darring deny it, ſhould not the Phyſicitians, who have taken to themſelves that modeſt, Denomination of Natur's Servants, and whoſe duty it is to aſſiſt her when doing right, and to Correct her when doing wrong (as by all ſhe is looked upon to do when endeavouring to eaſe her ſelf by Seige in a Fever, except perhaps once in a hundred times, when it comes critically) ſhould not they I ſay, imitate her, in Curing Fevers by Diaphoreticks, the ordinary, yea I I may ſay, the only way by which ſhe removes that Diſtemper, yea certainly they ſhould, and that according to good Old Hippocrats excellent Aphoriſme: Whetherſoever Nature enclineth to go, thither lead her and it conduceth.

Beſides this, it becomes us Secondly, to conſider the Seat of the Morbifick matter in Fevers, which none will deny to be in the Arteries & veins▪ Likeways the conformation of theſe Veſſels deſerves our attention: Their Roots being in the Heart, while their Branches tend to all parts of the Body (that I may ſhun all occaſions of Objections, I know that properly ſpeaking, the Origine of the Veins is in the parts, and they terminate with one Root in the Heart) Now let us conſider by what way, that which is contained in theſe Veſſels may be beſt and eaſilieſt expelled: Surely any Man of ſenſe and Reaſon, will freely confeſs, by their Extremities or ends (of Anastomoſes or Inoſculations I have ſaid what I thought neceſſary before) which acknowledged, we can not but alſo grant, that whatſomever part of the Body, manyeſt of theſe Extremitie • run to, or where moſt of the Arteries end in, there will be the readieſ • and moſt natural way, providing i • be as patent as others, to diſcharge whatſomever is contained therein: But moſt of theſe Extremities do terminate by far in the habit, and that this way is as patent, as any other inſenſible Tranſpiration, which by the Doctors own conceſſion, exceeds all other Evacuations of the Body, no leſs as three times, does clearly evince: Therefore from theſe premiſes, I may lawfully conclude, the habit to be the readieſt and beſt way, to expell whatſomever is contained Heterogeneous in the Blood,

It was not unadviſedly that I ſaid, where moſt Arteries end, there will be the readieſt way to expell, the Morbifick matter. For whoſoever is not altogether ignorant of Anatomy, will eaſily allow, that whatever once enters the Veins, can never be eliminate, till ſuch time as it again run through the Arteries. At their ſmall end it cannot be, ſeing what once enters there, can by no means return, Firſt, becauſe of their valves Secondly, Becauſe of the tonick motion of the parts. And Thirdly, becauſe of the continual Influx of the Arterial Blood. And as it cannot happen at their ſmall ends ariſing from the parts, ſo far leſs can it be at the great end, which terminats in the Heart: Nothing entring its Ventricles in the Diaſtole, but what is again thruſt out into the Pulmonal and great Artery, in the Systole: from all which it is clear, that neither Secretion nor Excretion can be of the Venal Blood

Yet here, I'll preſent the Doctor, with a ſtronger argument for Purging in Fevers, as his whole Book hath done to his Readers. And it is this, being I aſſert, what no Phyſician, if he be not deſtitute of Anatomy and Phyſiology (the want of which bring inexpreſſible Damage to Phyſick) will deny, that, wherever Arteries end, and depoſitate what is in them contained, there muſt needs happen the Expulſion of the Morbiſick matter: But the Arteries, ſome of them at leaſt end in the inteſtines, Ergo, there in theſe inteſtinal Glands muſt happen the ſecretion of the Morbifick matter. All which I grant and acknowledge, yea farther confirms, by avowing the faces Ani to be not only Excrements of the firſt, but alſo of the third and ſecond Digeſtion, which may be proven by ſeveral Obſervations, one of which at this time ſhall ſuffice. viz. in the Foetus the Meconium is ſtill obſerved to have its beginning, and greateſt quantity in the craſs inteſtines. Nevertheleſs all this concludes nothing againſt what either hath already, or ſhall hereafter be ſaid: Becauſe First the Arteries are but very few (in reſpect of that infinit number which direct their courſe to the habite) from the Coeliack and two Meſenterick Branches, which tend to the Inteſtines. Secondly, Neither do we altogether, for as little as it is, neglect it, but partly by applying Clyſters, partly by giving theſe Medicaments, in the 10 and laſt Axiom, called Laxantia, drive away what may be lurking in the firſt ways. But we never give Purges, properly ſo called, which by entring the Maſs of the Blood, do play therein their unlucky Tragedy, except we intend (which God forbid ſo wicked a Thought ſhould ever enter a Phyſicians Heart) to ſend the Patient to the Houſe of all Living. Yea farther, it is with reſpect to this, that after the Recovery we ordinarly adviſe Purging.

My Third and laſt Argument ſhall be, the general Practice and conſtant Obſervation of Phyſicians in all Ages, in all Countries, and of all Perſwaſions; yea of the Excellent Sydenham himſelf, as ſhall afterwards be ſhewn. Who as one Man, acknowledge not only the great Advantage of Diaphoreticks, but exclaim againſt the conſtant uſe of Catarticks, in the Curing of Fevers. What, would the Doctor have all theſe ſo ignorant, as that they ſhould not know how to Cure the moſt ordinary of Diſtempers? or ſo malicious and wicked, as when they knew it, yet neither to practiſe it themſelves, nor communicat it to others? or were they ſo ſtupid, as not to have known what they uſed, neither from whence the Cure did proceed? Were there never Phyſicians ſo conſcientious in the World, before D. Brown came to it, as to confeſs the damage of Diaphoreticks? or were they ſo blind that they could not ſee it? Was Hippocrat, was Galen, Fernelous, Sennert, Harvey, and all the reſt of theſe brave Souls, who have enriched the noble and uſeful Art, with their curious Obſervations, excellent Inventions, and judicious Reaſonings, were all theſe, I ſay, beſides many others, who practiſed this Method themſelves, and recommended it to their Succeſſors, Fools or Ignorants? Nay, nay, it is far better to ſay that D. Brown is both. But of Experience more hereafter: Therefore I go on to the Examination of the Arguments urged by the Doctor againſt this Old and long Practiſed Method: Which we find in the 71 Page of the V. S. where the Common and Diaphoretick Method is conſidered and rejected forſooth; and they be neither moe nor ſtronger as the following Two.

First. We have no Speciſick in Continuat Fevers, therefore must not level at the Continent Cauſe, which is truly the Diſeaſe. According to which way of Reaſoning I will go on and conclude: We have no Specifick in any Diſeaſe, ſave Intermutent Fevers; therefore except them. none muſt be Cured. The conſequent of the one is as native as that of the other, and truly in both it is none at all. Phyſick and Phyſician are obliged to the Doctor, for bringing the Imployment to this weak paſs. Is not this a ſtrong Argument, to deſtroy a Theory of ſome Thouſand Years ſtanding? Yet it is as ſtrong as the other to be found in the ſame 71 Page, where he farther inveighs againſt this our approved Method, in theſe words: This indeed were no unfit Deſign, &c.

I look upon it as needleſs to reſume, what is formerly ſaid anent: Fevers and their Cauſes, which I hope do ſufficiently prove the Doctor's Hypotheſis to be none of the beſt. I ſhall rather here obſerve, that the force of this ſham Argument drives at theſe Two. Firſt, That Sudorificks tranſlate the morbiſick Matter or antetecedent Cauſe, from the Ventricle, Meſentery and Inteſtines, into the Muſs of Blood, and by that means turns the Antecedent Cauſe into the Continent. And Secondly, That by the ſame we drive it to the Head, whereby we produce theſe terrible Symptoms, under which, Nature not being able to overcome, muſt of neceſſity ſuccumb.

To which I anſwer theſe Three: 1. All, ſave D. Brown, do know and confeſs, that in Continual Fevers, the morbiſick Matter is in the beginning tranſlated to the Blood, and ſo does procure the Diſeaſe, which otherways we ſhould never have, but only an Apparatus to it. Yea in this ſeems to me, to conſiſt the difference betwixt Continual and Intermittent Fevers: That in the former the morbiſick Matter is tranſlated all at once and ſo produces one great and Continual Fever; whereas in the latter or Intermittent Fevers, it is conveyed at ſeveral times and ſo conſtitutes ſeveral Paroxiſms, which may be ſaid to be as many Continual, but ſhorter Fevers. By which we may clearly diſcern, how falſely the Doctor alledges, that by Diaphoreticks we carry the Matter from the firſt Ways to the Blood, that being a thing already done, elſe there could be no Fever. And really all along it appears, that it is not a Fever, but an Apparatus thereto, the Doctor would Cure. So that inſtead of intituling his Book, A new Method of Curing Fevers, he ſhould rather have named it, A new Method for preventing them.

Secondly, How any thing can be more urged on the Head by the uſe of Sudorificks, I ſuppoſe if the Doctor were asked, he could not well tell, it being a meer precarious Aſſertion, grounded upon no Foundation, and he might with as good Reaſon, have ſaid the ſame, of the Hands, Feet, or any other part of the Body. For, as they were only the Artertae Carotides and Vertebrales, which furniſhed the Brain with Blood before; So, for ought I know, by the uſe of Sudorificks no other are added: Neither is there any other way, by which any thing whatſomever can be carried to the Head, ſave by the forenamed Arteries. I hope the Doctor is not come to that Pitch of lgnorance to averr, that Diaphoreticks by ſome occult quality are offenſive to the Brain. True it is indeed, that Sudorificks, by intending the Motion, as well Circular as Inteſtine, put all the Humours, and perhaps the Spirits too, in a little confuſion: But this carries nothing to the Head, rather as to other places, which went not before.

But Thirdly, Where learned the Doctor, that Sudorifick Medicines, had their operation in the Ventricle, Meſentery and Inteſtines: Can any Man read this without Laughing. Surely this is another Errour, in which Phyſians till this time have been in, for they ſtill taught, that Diaphoreticks did work in the Blood, and not in the firſt Ways. So then to grant, what the Doctor deſires, which nevertheleſs ſo long as Phyſicians are Maſters of Reaſon will never be: That the Continent Cauſe (for the Antecedent is no more, it being converted into the Continent) lodges about the forenamed places; it will profit him nothing, ſince Diaphoreticks will never awake it, they working only in the Blood, not in the firſt Ways.

In the 165 Page, the Doctor inculcates a new the damage of meer Diaphoreticks (for I ſhall do him the Juſtice to conceal none of his Arguments) and the Reaſon is this: Becauſe thereby the Vaſcous matter is impelled to the Pores in great abundance, and ſo begetteth new Obstructions. And, which is wonderful, to prevent this Inconveniency, he adviſeth the uſe of Paregoricks, which, as all the World knows, do incraſſate extremely, and ſo inſtead of weakning the Malady he ſtrengthneth its Hands.

However I would have the Doctor to know, this Fear of his to be vain and groundleſs, we never forcing the Matter till once incided, and till we obſerve the Signs of Coction in the Urine, as ſhall afterwards (God willing) be ſaid. Neither is the Philoſophick Compariſon which he brings to illuſtrate this his Argument, beyond all exception: For the greatest Fool in the Kingdom does know, that the Church Doors can be no way dilated or widned; whereas we know certainly, that occaſion requiring, the Pores of the Body may be double enlarged and diſtended.

It is in the 167 Page, where the Doctor runs to that pitch of Boldneſs, as to exclaim againſt a Method direct to a Criſis, Boldneſs I muſt call it, and the Reader will perhaps judge worſe of it, when he conſiders with me, that there be only Four Ways by which Diſeaſes are terminate • whereof a Criſis is ever deſired as the beſt. Which happens, when after • wreſtling betwixt the Diſeaſe and Nature, the laſt at length obtains the Victory, and with one blow ejects this its hoſtile Enemy. Which is done ſometimes by Bleeding at the Noſe, ſometimes by Purging, ſometimes by Vomiting, but an hundred times for one, by Sweating. The ſecond Solution of Diſeaſes, is that by Phyſicians called Lyſis: When there comes no critical Motion (which is ſtill deſired by all, it being beyond all queſtion the beſt) but rather the Malady decays ſlowly and gradually, and this is moſt frequent in thir our Cold Countries. Thirdly the morbifick Matter, is ſometimes diſcuſſed or tranſlated from one place to another per Metastaſin, which if it happen to be from a nobler to a meanner, it is good (although it were better to have it altogether expelled the Body by a Criſis) but if it chance contrary, is moſt dangerous. The Fourth and laſt way of Diſeaſes terminating, is by Death, when the morbiſick Matter ſubduing Nature, renders the organical Body uncapable of obeying the Inclinations of the reaſonable Soul, ſo that it muſt needs forſake its Manſion, and leave it a dead Cadaver. If there be any other way of Diſeaſes terminating, they do not to me now occurr, yea after ſometimes thinking, I cannot conceive them. Now let my Reader, yea D. Brown himſelf judge, how good reaſon he hath to cry out againſt that Method which aims at a Criſis.

Before I leave Diaphoreticks, it will be neceſſary to inform the Reader, that neither in the Beginning nor Increment of the Fever, we imploy them; yea never, till we have once incided and attenuate the Matter with proper and convenient Medicaments, do we uſe them. And then, when we behold the Signs of Coction in the Urine, we haſten away the Malady, ſometimes with weaker, ſometimes with ſtronger Medicines, juſt as the Circumſtances allow and adviſe.

It is alſo worth noticing, that there is no material Difference, betwixt Inciders and Diaphoreticks: For every Incider, providing its Doſe be augmented, will prove Diaphoretick: And whatſomever provokes▪ Sweat, given more ſparingly does, only incide. Wherefore, whatever hath been ſaid▪ in defence of Sudoriſicks, may alſo be applyed to Inciders: Eſpecially ſince they are repudiate by the Doctor, for one and the ſame Cauſe, which to ſpeak the Truth, is none at all.

Purging comes next to be diſcourſed of, for neither can the Cure of Fevers, always want their Aſſiſtance, which nevertheleſs are not to be adviſed, as D. Brown does, at all times, and of all kinds. Wherefore▪ I ſhall here ſhew First, When and how they are and have been imployed▪ by Phyſicians, in all Ages. Secondly, Bring ſome Arguments againſt the perpetual uſe of ſuch of them, as properly go under the Name of Purges. And Thirdly, endeavour to obviate any Arguments afforded by the Doctor in their behalf.

Before I go farther, I am neceſſitate to obſerve and complain: that the Author ſhould have Printed a new Method, and yet never ſo much as once inform us, when, and to what Patients it is, and ſafely may be applyed: Nor yet does he mention the Medicaments he then imployeth, none of which, beſides many other things ought to have been neglected by him, who preſumed to Write an intire Method, but far leſs by the Author of a New One. For whoever hath the leaſt knowledge in Phyſick, cannot but be ſufficiently acquaint with the difficulty of purging, where a few hours, ſome few grains, or ſome conttrary Indicants, may readily bring Death to the Patient. And really for my part, ſuppoſe I were ſufficiently convinced both of the Reaſonableneſs and Succeſs of D. Brown's New Method (which nevertheleſs without other Arguments as I have yet ſeen, I never will be) yet I durſt not upon that trivial and ſuperficial account he gives of it, adventure to uſe it.

But to return to the things propoſed, in preſcribing of Purges to perſons in Fevers, we are to conſider 1. The Diviſion of Purges, as it in the 10 and laſt Axiome, in Laxantia & propriè purgantia. 2. The different times of the Diſeaſe, alſo above in the 9 Axiome ſpecified, are carefully to be obſerved. And 3. The Malignity ſometimes adjoined, is by no means to be neglected; for at certain times to give a Purge when it is preſent, it is not without great and imminent danger. So that by Phyſitians of all ages not only the Begninnig but alſo in the Increment and ſtatus of the Diſeaſe, where there is no Malignity preſent (in which condition the very giving of a Clyſter was ſtill ſuſpected) theſe Purges called Laxantia, which go no farther, as the firſt ways have over been adviſed▪ Which Laxantia are ſometimes given at the Mouth, and ſo reſpect the Ventricle with the reſt of the Inteſtines: but oftner they are applyed in the form of a Clyſter, which reaches no farther as the valves of the Inteſtine Colon, nevertheleſs by there ſtimulating, augment the periſtaltick motion of the whole, and help the Excretion of the Faeces, contained therein.

Yet ſometimes in the beginning and before the antecedent cauſe be turned into the continent, by its going from the Ventricle and firſt ways to the Maſs of the Blood, it may not be improper to adviſe a Purge: However were I the Phyſician, I had rather (if all circumſtances allowed thereof) and for the moſt part, make uſe of Emeticks, which do ordinarly cauſe alſo three or four Stools. But the uſe of Purges properly ſo called, is frequently delayed till the ſolution of the whole Diſtemper, if critical Motions adviſe not the contrary, when (concluding ſome of the Morbifick matter to be deſpoſed in the Iteſtines, and adhering to, or in their Glands) ſtrength being ſomewhat recovered, we uſe firſt the help of that Medicine which we could not ſafely imploy before: For which our Reaſons are the following five.

First, In obedience to the eight Axiome, Concocted not Crude Humours are to be Evacuat: where again, Nature her Courſe is worth the noticing, which being left to its ſelf, never expels Humours till once digeſted, unleſs with great Hazard to the Patient. and then it becomes the skilful Phyſician, to ſtop and hinder her wrong & Symptomatick proceedings▪ It is not meerly Hypocrates his Authority that makes us decline them in this Condition, but becauſe we ſee it confirmed with ſtrong Reaſon and ſad Experience: For while the Humours are Crude and indigeſted, the Heterogenities are ſo wrought in with the good and laudable matter, that the one cannot be extruded, without the Expulſion of the other: wherefore we rather expect, yea helps their Digeſtion, that ſo we may have the Evil ſeparat from the Good.

Neither is this all the evil, that redounds to the Sick, by adviſing Purging in a ſtate of Crudity, But Secondly, When given, they either operate none, or by their working extremly, do intend the Fever. This is not ſaid Gratis, for daily experience confirms it, and that not only in perſons troubled with Intermittent Fevers, where Purges being given ſhortly after the ceaſing of the Diſeaſe, do infallibly make the Paroxiſm return: But even in ſound perſons, in whom Catarticks never do their Duty, without raiſing a great commotion and Exagitation in the Blood. Yea by injecting Gummi, or rather Succus Go ••• a muſt ordinary and common Purge, into the Veins of a Living Animal, we can procure an artificial Fever.

Thirdly, By theſe ſtrong and frequent Purges, the Serum which is the vehicle of the Blood, and by which the Morbifick matter ſhould be diluted, that ſo it may be the better and eaſilier excluded, is altogether ſpent and conſumed.

Fourthly, by theſe ſame reiterat Purges, Nature is extremly weakned and the ſtrength mightily dejected, which nevertheleſs as a thing Natural, the fourth Axiome tells us ought to be preſerved.

And Fifthly, Hereby again are the Motions of Nature diſturbed, ſhe ſeldom or never tending this way, except when perverſely and Symptomatically, in which caſe, Art, as it is in the Sixth Axiome, adviſeth rather to ſtop as encourage her.

May other Arguments, ſuch as the Hazard of Superpurgation, the inconveniencie of Purging when affixed to Bed &c. Could eaſily be urged againſt this prepoſterous Method: But they being of leſs moment, I leave them, till I ſee the Doctors Anſwers to the five inſiſted on. Which being rightly conſidered and pondered, I think it will be no hard matter to gueſs, with what advantage to the Patient, Purges properly ſo called, in Fevers are uſed If the Doctor meant only ſuch as I have called Laxantia, then he hath given us no New Method: Their uſe under the Cautions, I gave, being as old as ſince Hippocrats days.

Laſtly, I come to the Arguments, by which he endeavours to confirm this his Method: Which I find P. 76. to be the Diaphoreticks are not ſucceſsful, ergo we muſt Purge: But the conſequent of this, Doctor, eſpecially its Antecedent being truer, is as good: Purges are offenſive, ergo ſudorificks are neceſſar. None of them follow, there being no Reaſon, why, ſuppoſing them both unſucceſsful, a third may not be choſen. But, proceeds the Doctor, without the help of ſpecificks we cannot level at the continent cauſe: Therefore we muſt endeavour the extirpating the Antecedent, that thereby we may ſtarve that enemy we are not able to attack. All which is moſt falſe, Ridiculous and Diſhonourable to Phyſick and Phyſicians, as is formerly proved, therefore needs not be here again repeated.

His other Motives (to be found in the firſt Sect.) adviſing to the embracing of this his precarious Hypotheſis, are as deſtitute of good and real Concluſions, as any of the two Arguments juſt now conſidered.

Doctor Sydenhame was no doubt, a Man of great Ingenuity, Candor and Experience and if I thought an Encomium from ſo mean and deſpiſed an Author as I am, could contribute any way to his Praiſe, I would as willingly confer it, as the Doctor himſelf. For I think that both this and future ages, are, and will be extremely obliged to his Candor and great Sagacity, which he hath all along manifeſted in his excellent Writtings, but eſpecially for his Historia Morbi & Regimen Aegri. And I would to God that D. Brown had been more of his temper, who, without all Reflections on other Phyſicians, wrote what he had obſerved in the Latin Tongue. Not that I envy the knowledge of any, for as Moſes wiſhed all the people of the Lord to be Prophets, ſo I am much indifferent, ſuppoſe all Patients (which in a ſhort time I think may be) were Phyſicians. Yet ſure I am, the publiſhing of Phyſick Books in our Mother Tongue, does much hurt but no good: For thereby Gardners, Old wifes &c. acquire as much knowledge as to Kill, but ſeldom as much as to Heal. In a word, as our Proverb ſpeaks, it is the putting a Weapon in a Mad-mans hand. However I being no more concerned as others, wiſhes them ſucceſs in their laudable attempts.

But how D. Brown comes to make D. Sydenhame his Defender, or rather how he comes to writ a Book, to vindicat D. Sydenham in that, which he ſeems never to have practiſed, is that which I cannot conceive. The Schedula Monitoria is not in my hands, neither am I in a place where I can procure it: Yet his Method of Curing Continual Fevers, Printed at Amsterdam An. 1666. is; Wherein all along he practiſeth the good Old and approven Method: For in the page 27. he adviſeth the uſe of a Clyſter only every other day, P. 29. he expreſly affirms, that the more bound he can make the Patients Belly, the more he puts him beyond Hazard: His words are ſo expreſs they deſerve to be here inſerted, and they are, quanto magis obſtructam illi alvum praeſtitero, tanto magis eum extra periculi aleam colloco: P. 36. at length upon the 15 and ſometimes 17. day, for the firſt time he preſcribes a Purge, and that none of the Strongeſt.

Now was not D. Sydenhame as Candid, as ingenuous and skilled, when he wrote this as when he wrote the Sched. Monitoria: If he was, then what reaſon can there be for prefering this New Method to the old, ſeing both are commended. If he was not, then no man can blame me, for denying aſſent and Credit to him, who did once ſo egregiouſly Cheat me. Nay I doubt nothing, but he was ingenuous in both: the matter being only this, in this Schedula Monitoria (to my beſt remembrance it being ſome years ſince I read it) he gives only a deſcription of an Epidemick conſtitution, which beyond all queſtion, ſometime may extremely alter the Scene, and may require a Method contrary to what is ordinary, and which he in his Treatiſe de Curand. Febr: Con. had both practiſed himſelf and commended to others. And by this time I think it is clear, how little reaſon D. Brown hath to boaſt of Sydenhams Authority: No it is a meer Fiction of D. Browns to apply to all occaſions, what D. Sydenham meaned only of particular Conſtitutions.

How can D. Brown think to impoſe upon us at this rate, he muſt thinke us all very negligent, and ſo we do not read, or elſe very ignorant, and ſo cannot underſtand what we do Read: Truly it ſeems we muſt be both according to his Calculation.

But grant D. Sydenham were of this mind, as it is clear he is not, what then does follow: For we all know and believe, that no honeſt nor ingegenuous Man, will wittingly and wilingly cheat or deceive, yet we count it no Hereſy to think and ſay both, that out of ignorance and uncircumſpectneſs he may.

What concerns the unparalelled danger he was ſaved from: I fear leaſt in uſing that as a cogent Argument, the Doctor prove himſelf as ill a Divine, as all along in his Book he he appears to be a Phyſician. There being no doubt, but that Gods good Providence is ſtill Exerciſed about all things, good as well as bad (permiting and ſuffering them to his own wiſe and good ends) and ſmall as well as great. Yet that ſpecial acts of preſervation, will either prove the perſon himſelf, or the end for which he is preſerved, to be good in its ſelf (for I know and believe that God does nothing, but what ſome way or other, tends to his own Glory, as alſo to His Peoples Good eventually, as the permitting of an Impoſtor, &c.) and intentionally; is a thing which I very much doubt: For we know they are the Wicked who proſper in their way, while the Righteous are chastened every Morning: And ſuppoſe he, and all the Epiſcopal Clergy in the Kingdom ſhould Swear, that the French King's Deliverance from his Fiſtula, was for ſome good end and great benefit to Mankind; yet I ſhall ever look on him as the Scourge of the True Reformed Religion, which God at length will, I hope, caſt into the Fire. And by this way of Reaſoning the Doctor will anſwer Epicmus his Objection againſt Providence: Cur males benè & bonis malè, by granting the whole.

It is no ſmall Evidence of the Doctor's deſperate Cauſe, when he flies to ſuch Arguments for the maintenance thereof, as the Commendations beſtowed by Learned Men upon the perſon, whom he would perſwade us, though falſely, to be the Author thereof: But eſpecially conſidering that theſe Encomiums were given before the Hypotheſis was known. For Etmuller died at Lypſick, Anno 1683. Sponius write his Epiſtle An: 1681. Dalaeus his Encyclopaedia. An: 1685. Whereas the Schedula Monitoria, never ſaw Light till the Year 1687. If then there be any ſtrength in that Argument, as I think there is none, it militates intirely againſt the New Method: Their Commendations being given upon account of the old, profeſſed and practiſed in his Book de Meth: Curand: Febr: the Schedula Monitoria not being at that time publiſhed.

Doctor Morton is indeed a Great Man, and deſervedly eſteemed by our Author, for his excellent Treatiſe written formerly de Pihiſi: as alſo for his late Book de Febribus, wherein, as I am informed (I not having indeed peruſed it as yet, which I am almoſt aſhamed to profeſs) he does noways follow our Doctor's New Method, which is no great proof of his overvaluing it: Nevertheleſs upon other Scores he might, and that deſervedly too, applaude D. Sydenhame.

Concerning theſe Excellent Men, Goodall, Harris, &c. I have nothing to ſay, but perhaps it might be, that in ſome Epidemick and Anomalous Fever, they did find that Method ſucceſsful, and ſo did imploy it: But ſurely therefore it muſt not be applyed to all.

And now I think, I have ſufficiently Anſwered our Doctor's Arguments, as alſo confirmed the contrary Hypotheſis. Yet there remains one, which both in his Books, but eſpecially among his Admirers and Patients, he principally inſiſts on: viz. His great and ſucceſsful Experience. This is a thing the greateſt Empericks boaſt moſt of; yea they will hardly grant a Patient ever to have died in their Hands. I have nothing to ſay againſt Experience it ſelf, it being, with Reaſon, the Foundation of Phyſick. Neither will I here in an Engliſh Book, diſcover the Fraud of ſome Mens Experience, but I will offer to the Reader's and the Doctor's Conſideration, the Five following Things. 1. I wiſh the Doctor were as ingenuous to tell us how many Died, as he is careful to publiſh how many Recovered, by this his New Method. 2. To one, I can oppoſe a hundred, not only of ſuch as were Cured by Old and Antiquated Phyſicians; but of ſuch as live and practiſe in this very Age. 3. As, bleſſed be God, all our Patients do not Die, ſo neither, I ſuppoſe, do all the Doctor's Recover: And ſurely if any of theſe two were, it would be a far more effectual mean to gain the Doctor Imployment, as his writing of the Vindicatory Schedule. No, Thanks be to the Phyſician of Souls, we have no reaſon to complain. 4, How many perſons Recover, not only when no Mean is uſed, but even when that which is certainly Evil is applyed: So that a litle ſucceſs in a few Patients, deſerves not the Name of ſound Experience in Phyſick. Eſpecially when 5. we are ſometimes right uncertain, whether the Apothecary hath rightly diſpenſed, or the Patient rightly uſed, that which the Phyſician preſcribed: None of which Doubts are without all ground, as too frequent Experience tells us, and I could eaſily evince: But I have no Inclination to diſcover my Father's Nakedneſs.

As for what he brings in the 14 Sect. for corroborating his Theory of Fevers from the Helpers and Hurters, &c. as things of ſmall Moment, and ſavouring nothing, ſave Ignorance in Anatomy and Phyſiology, I paſs them. As alſo the Solutions he gives of Difficulties moved againſt it, are of the ſame Mettal, as hath clearly been ſhewn, in his Account of Sanguification, Chylification, &c.

Only, it deſerves the Reader's Attentation, that Page 77. where he propoſeth that true and moſt probable Method, as he is pleaſed to call it: I find mention, and only mention, of Paregoricks, without any Advertiſement, how and when they ought to be uſed, albeit of all Medicaments whatſomever, they ſhould be adviſed with the greateſt Cautions. I ſhall neither inſiſt on them nor their uſe: They be theſe unto which both he and we are forced to flie, when other Refuges fail. And they be of two ſorts: First, Such as either by obtunding the Acrimony of the Humours, or laxing the Tone of the Fibers, do really mitigate the Pain, by removing ſomewhat the Cauſe, and they are commonly called Auodyns. And the others are theſe, who do not remove the Cauſe, but lay it a ſleep, and renders it quiet by ſtupefying the Senſes, and they go under the Name of Narcoticks. Concerning the firſt, or Anodyns, there is here no queſtion, they being frequently applied outwardly: But for Narcoticks, I cannot conceive, upon what account he adviſeth them in Fevers, (except when Symptoms grievouſly urge) unleſs it be to ſtop critical Evacuations, there being hardly any thing, which does it more happily. And if this be a good Deſign, whatever the Doctor may pretend, let the World judge.

Now to ſhut up all, I ſhall lay down a brief Scheme of that Method, which we dayly, and, Bleſſed be God, with good Succeſs practiſe, and I have been here labouring to defend. I ſay a brief one, for I noways pretend to play the Dictator, but only to ſhew in few words, what it is I have been wreſtling for. Yea there are ſo many Circumſtances and Accidents, which both may and frequently do occurr and fall out about feveriſh Perſons, that they make it abſolutly impoſſible, to commit all to Paper, what a skilled and judicious. Phyſician will find expedient.

When then called to a Patient, in the Firſt, Second or Third Day, after he hath found a Coldneſs and Grewing through his whole▪Body, which is ordinarly accompanied with, or at leaſt is ſhortly after followed, with a Pain, in the Head and Laſſitude of the whole, together with a frequent Pulſe, red and thick Urine, great Thirſt, dejection of Appetite, Watching, Heat, &c. By which we eaſily conjecture a Fever to infeſt. I ſay when called to ſuch a Patient, immediatly, if his Age, Sex, Evacuations ſuppreſſed, kind of Life, &c. do allow, we adviſe Bleeding, more or leſs as the ſeveral Circumſtances permit, however, if need ſo require, we think it ſtill ſafer to evacuate at different times as all at once: But the Prohibents exceeding the Permittents, it ought to be totally neglected. After that, if the Patient hath been, or is yet troubled, with Nauſeating, Rifting, &c. a Vomiter, providing nothing diſſwading the ſame be preſent, is next adviſed. And then through the whole Courſe of the Cure, our principal aim is levelled at the Continent or Conjunct, Cauſe of the Diſeaſe, which, by giving Inciders and Aperients, ever till we obſerve the Signs of Coction in the Urine, we labour to Incide and Digeſt; Which Signs appearing, with ſtronger Sudorificks we aſſiſt Nature endeavouring its own Liberation, and ſo we bring the Malady to a Criſis, or rather Lyſis. In the mean time we neither neglect the conſideration of the Strength according to the ſecond Axiom: Nor yet do we forget the Antecedent Cauſe, as is in the firſt; but partly by Clyſters, partly by Laxants given at the Mouth, we abſorbe and cleanſe the firſt Ways, and ſo prevent the further accumulating of Crudities, which by running into the Maſs of the Blood, might increaſe the Fever. And while theſe are a doing, with proper and fit Medicaments, we provide (yet even ſometimes, as it is in the fifth Axiom, with the neglect of the primary Diſeaſe) againſt the urgent Symptoms, ſuch as Thirſt, Watching, &c. After this Method, God aſſiſting, we Cure Tutò, Citò, & Jucunde.