I Received yours ten days since, but could not sooner inform you of the Proceedings of this Parliament; some expected they would have examined and undone all the last had done, and that several of the Members would have refused the new Oaths, and taken the old Ones, without naming the King; but in a little time they saw their mistake, and that this truly reputed Church of England-Parliament is well pleased with their glorious Deliverer from Popery and Slavery, and secure that the Church of England, as established by Law, will flourish and be safe under his Protection.

A Noble Duke, who formerly personated a singularity of Hu­mour to preserve himself for great Services, as yet not arrived to be a Minister of State, though very active and instrumental in preserving our new Establishment, brought in a Bill to Recog­nize their Majesties the Lawful and Rightful King and Queen of these Realms, and to declare the Acts of the late Parliament, begun Feb. 23. 1688. were, are, and of right ought to be, by the Laws of this Realm; which certainly (if any thing his Grace undertakes can be so) seem'd altogether needless; for the Bill of Rights Recognized them, and the Votes of the last Parliament, having the Authority of Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons Assembled, as well as the Royal Assent, were received for Laws, and the Lives, as well as Estates and Liberties of many have been determined ac­cordingly; therefore this declaring and enacting of them now, in the Opinion of many, seemed not only needless, but dangerous, as striking at the Foundations and rendring the Authority of the late Meetings questionable, as well as the Establishment of this Government: For if the Convention, however called without what some Men stile Legal Authority, could make or Vote an Abdication and Vacancy of the Throne, dispose of the Crown, and abrogate the Oaths essential to such Meetings, they might surely, without the formality of Writs, be created or transformed [Page 2]into a Parliament, and be, de Facto, a good Parliament, otherwise their Majesties Title is founded only in Possession, or, which I dare not say, Usurpation.

In that famous President of Richard II. we find 35 Articles of Mis government charged on him, by a Parliament called by Writ in his own Name, and he by them declared unfit for Government, who like a good natured Prince submitted, and resigned his King­ship, released his Subjects from their Allegiance, and transferred his Right and Title to Henry of Lancaster, who thereupon claim'd it, was vested therein, Recognized and Crowned, held nine Par­liaments, and his Son Henry held as many, and his Grandchild lineally succeeded, was Crowned, and held nineteen Parliaments; yet as soon as Edward IV. claimed his Hereditary Right, all the confirmations of the 3 preceding Kings, amounted to no more than to be owned by the Statute Kings de Facto, in Deed, but not de Jure, of Right.

This some fancied would have puzled, or slackned proceedings, but it did not consist with the Wisdom of the House to mispend their more precious time in untying Gordian knots, or to lay much stress upon such Cobweb Laws, as were spun out of the Brains of such a Temporizing Parliament, as that of Edward IV. Our more refined Age is not to take Presidents from our doting An­cestors, but make them. There are always Maximes suited to Times, Circumstances, Convenience, and Necessity. In former times diversity of Religion gave no Byass to Revolutions of State; Faction among the Nobility, and Secular Interest, and Dubious Titles, or Ambition only disturbed the Succession of the Crown.

But the prevailing consideration now, among some moderate Men, is this, that though they did not contribute to the Revo­lution, yet they would preserve it; and though the things done cannot be justifyed according to the old Laws of the Land, yet because dangers may attend the return of the late King, they ad­here to the present Government; which reasons will justifie other things, which neither give Credit nor Authority to this; but will oblige us to persevere in the way we are in, and bid defiance to Repentance, because there may be less ease and quiet in a new course of Life.

They who have been active in the Change, and have Depen­dencies, Offices, and Expectances, must not give place to any Scruples, as others may, but must think and say, He is Lawful and Rightful King; for although according to our Modern Poli­ticks, [Page 3]a King de Facto signifies an Usurper; yet the P. of Orange's concurrence, and agreement with the 3 Estates of the Kingdom, can create a Right: Besides, when we see so many, upon this consideration, buy or take Offices, Employments, and Honours under this Government, it must be a sufficient demonstration that the Acts of the late Parliament need no Confirmation, but stand firm upon an Original Right; and that it may clearly be proved beyond doubt, that the People's Sovereign Power may fill, as well as declare the Throne Vacant; so that it is of no me­ment to insist upon Hereditary Right, or the examples of former times, or the Authority of Ancient Laws.

These matters occasioned some days debate in the House of Lords; but the Bill had an unexpected dispatch among the Com­mons, who did not scruple the Words are and were, as some pro­testing Lords had done; for the Authority of both Houses justi­fies the good Sense and English of whatever passeth with them; and there is no obligation, I know of, upon the Members to gra­tifie the Captious with an explication of their meaning, since the Nation reaps the benefit of their Wise results.

There is great reason that they who are intrusted with our Re­ligion, our Estates, our Liberties, and Lives, should Recognize Him whom so many invited, and so few resisted, whom they have enabled to recover one of the four Provinces of Ireland, and will soon Conquer the rest, and Triumph over France it seif, which assists the Rebels there. In short, the Convention represented the whole Body of the People; they declared, or created, the P. of Orange King, and he being once constituted the Head, there must result as proper a Leviathan of Government, as Mr. Hobs could describe, and I think the Authority of such a Writer should sa­tisfie all Men where the Supreme Power resides.

Yet notwithstanding what I have hitherto Writ, there were many, who thinking the King no Wiser than themselves, judged he would not have passed the Bill, since, in their Opinion, it being built upon a Republican Foundation, might be a President here­after to some popular Lord, who being Master of the Art of de­ceiving, alluring, and cajoling the People, may arive to be the Captain of the Mob, and thence be incouraged to send out his Circular Letters for Election of a Representative, which having the same fondness for him that the Choosers have, (the fittest and best Men in suh case [...] often declining the imployment,) they who were chosen might Vote an Abdication, and Vacancy, and Elect another King.

But, I think, we have little reason to fear this in our present Master's days, who is so well served by Forreigners.

Surely they are mistaken, who say, that the Act of Settlement, which entailed the Crown, is repealed by the Recognition; for it is established by the latter clause otherwise, by Recognizing that their Majesties were, are, and of Right ought to be, by the Laws of this Realm, our Sovereign Liege Lord and Lady, King and Queen, &c. Her Royal Highness the Princess of Danmark, who passed, resigned, or disclaimed her Right, by prefering her dear Sisters Husband to the Throne, may be excluded, with her hopeful Issue, from the Succession; which otherwise might devolve to the King's Heirs; especially, if our King were capable of an unjust Act; since it might be suspected, under any other Prince, that where many Foreign Troops have the Guard of a Country, they will be better affected to, and readilier aid a Foreign Prince, than any of the Princes of the Blood, who are Natives.

I dare not go any further in the account I have from the House of Lords, nor tell the censures past upon them, least I should encourage the Enemies of our Gracious King.

I forbear also to give you an account of the Heats in the House of Commons, their Zeal for the Church of England, and the rejecting the Oath of Abjuration, which was an odd project, and I wonder the King's Friends so much favoured it, which seem'd a fatal blow to our Liberties; and, in the Opinion of a most Reverend Divine, was a setting our selves against Providence, and I am sure was destructive to our Liberties, since the Monarchy is Elective, as by the chusiing a Foreign Prince is evident, it would be very hard to incapacitate a Native, for if a Toy should take the People in the Head again, to think of King JAMES, (which would not be so strange as the Abdication,) this Oath would have put the Nega­tive upon the People, who commonly are troubled with the Di­sease, called, Nitimur in vetitum, which would mad them that they could not have their Wills.

But leaving these matters, I will touch upon some things done by the House of Commons, which seems to concern you and all the Preeholders of England in their Estates, for that they have libe­rally given the King Money; but you must not think them too free in their supply; nor blame them for taking no more notice of the multitude of Strangers, who must be maintained at our charge, since so few English-Men are fit for, or to be trusted with the defence of the Government, or our Country. Indeed, the concern for Religion, and [Page 5]our obligations to the Preserver thereof, ought to make us les [...] tender, for the Prorogation of the last Parliament, the very day the Money Bill was passed, and the unexpected Dissolution, (be­fore the Act of Indemnity was finished, or several Grievances re­dressed,) meerly to draw on this Parliament to give more Taxes, and own the Authority of the last.

In King Charles the Second's time, we found several things tacked to the Money Bill, least they should give to, without taking from the Crown: But the House is now more generous, because we have a Prince we can trust with all that is most valuable, and they are abundantly satisfyed with the several ways there are to ex­pend the Treasure raised and granted: They know what Summs have passed the Texel, the Pampus, the Mosell, Elb, and the Rhine; how much is sent to Copenhagen, and Berlin, besides what Count Conningseck expected, and the Dutch yet want, the equipping of the F [...]eet, the discharge of the vast Arrears to it, and the Army, and the growing charge to both, till Ireland be reduced, and Scotland through­ly subjected to his Majesty's Obedience; so that we are not to Mur­mur at their liberal Aids, seeing some compute that no less then five Millions in a Year can defray these unavoidable Charges, which would exhaust the Revenue of Potosa, if it were not in the Hands of ex­traordinary Managers.

If we may believe the publick account, given us in the Foreign In­telligences, we may compute how great a Charge the whole must be, from that Negotiation of Mr. Cox at Zurick for the Aid of 4000 Suissers, contracted for there; which as is expressed, is, that near upon 200000 l. English must be paid, the one half down, the other in two equal portions some time after, as a cautio­nary pawn for performance of Covenants, which is to be deposited in the Treasury Chamber of their States, with many other circum­stances too tedious to relate, whereby we may learn how much must be drein'd from us by Foreign Troops, which we might fear would prolong the War extravagantly, if they were not such as our King hath chosen.

I know this galls the Country, which considers the decay of Trade, and losses at Sea, and that while our Traffick was as free and profitable as ever it had been known; yet for near 15 years by past, there were neither Subsidies, Polls, or Taxes: But to ballance this we must consider, that we have a new and better Government, which being hastily, though necessarily raised, requires extraordinary supports, to secure it from the fate other new Buildings have had, least by its [Page 6] fall it crash those who promise themselves security under it.

Upon these Considerations, and for the sake of those brave Pa­triots, who were the Contrivers and Architects of this great Structure, we must not think Taxes any Charge. The success of this Summer may recompense all, especially, if according to his Promise, and de­clared Resolution, our Godly Sovereign will adventure to Ireland, no doubt, but, according to the example of England, it will submit, or be easily reduced; from whence he may pass to the Conquest of France, and become the Emperor of the West, or the first Prince in the fifth Monarchy, and the destroyer of Antichrist; which the Great Great Grandchild of the old Brittish Merlin, the Reverend Bishop of St. As. can make out, by his own Dreams, Daniel's Vision, or the Re­velations.

But if these Glorious Things should not happen in our Times, we have our Religion secured, so that none can hurt or destroy it but our selves; for indeed we have so drest and made it our own, that if some Reverend Fathers were not Sponsors, we should think it changed; for the old fashioned Church of England-Men say, it is not that which was at the first Reformation, nor what our Forefathers or Primitive Christians professed.

But so long as we have our Religion as it is, let our Ships, our Trade, our Estates, Lives, and Liberties go which way they will, we cannot be unhappy, having the same evidence and assurance for our Country, some good Men haue had for their own Salvation: And if Hurricanes wreck our Ships, pestilential Diseases destroy our Forces by Sea and Land, our Powder-Mills be blown up, whereby, besides the loss of so great a proportion of that so necessary Commodity, and some lives, (at which our Religious Q. was so affrighted:) If the French take our Ships, and the Dutch our Trade, they are to be thought ac­dents, and misfortunes, or any thing besides marks of the Divine displeasure, whose favour we have Ensured by taking so great care, and doing such extraordinary things for his Honour, and the preservation of his Truth.

Let not pressing Men be compared to spiriting, and kidnapping, nor imprisoning Men so Prest in the Round-houses or Goals, nor forcing Women to attend the Camp, as Laundresses, Nurses, &c. be thought any breach of our English Liberties. We know Necessity hath no. Law; Old Forms must not hinder our Safety. It is our our comfort that our necessity was our choice, and we cannot reasonably complain of any but our selves; which for good Reasons we ought not to do, least it should look like discontent, or inconstancy, though if the [Page 7]half of our present Burthens had been Imposed, or threatned, by the Abdicated King, it would have been intollerable.

I cannot forbear condemning some, who studying the Improve­ment of their Country, made the increase of Inhabitants necessary there­to, and yet complain of Foreigners coming in; for though we want many thousand Mouths to spend the product of our Country, which were sent to Scotland, Ireland, and our Plantations; yet this defect is supplyed with the better, and more numerous supply of Danes, Dutch, and Strangers of other Nations, with their Wives and Children; so that we are in hopes, though we may want Natives, yet we shall not want numbers of Inhabitants, even such as will ease us of our cares, and hazards of Trade and War. Our courteous and civilized Neighbours will Fight for, and defend us, will Trade for, and supply us; and those Commodities which, with danger of crosing the Seas, we fetch from all parts of the World, may be brought us from Holland, and our Country-Men may be trained to Husbandry; and when our running Cash is gone, we may supply our want of Mony by the old way of Trade, and Traffick by exchange of Com­modities.

And indeed more Foreign Forces will be necessary to keep us poor, till we are better accustomed to, and prepared to relinquish that too long, yet Factious Pride, whereby we have been so un­easie to our Kings, and we are not like to quit that Vice, which Peace and Plenty hath Nursed us in, till we are brought to some degree of Slavery. Poverty will keep of Envy, and Popish Emissaries will no more trouble us, when we are well settled, than Bees do the Mustard Pot.

So long as our Religious King and Queen encourage long Praeyers before Sermons, and like Preaching so well, as to have Afternoon-Sermons at White-Hall, though he be forced to keep many Papists in pay, and hath been reconciled to, and communicated, as some confidently affirm, with the Church of Rome; we must not doubt but he hath cleared himself of all his Engagements of that kind to the late Pope, and is wholly in the true Protestant Interest, having allowed the deprivation of the Bishops, and wilful Clergy in Scotland, abolished Episcopacy it self, and we may reasonably expect the like Settlement and Reformation here, after he hath re­duced Ireland, and expelled his Rebellious FATHER out of that part of his Dominions: And if we supply him with Money enough, he will be Victorious over the French, and extinguish all hopes of his Enemies.

Our late Kings have been so unfortunate with that ancient Motto, Dieu & mon Droit, as they claimed the Government from God and their Right, that our Wise King had no reason to keep it; but being resolved to support us by his own Arm and Interest, he hath not only covered some of the Royal Arms of England with his Eschucheon of Pretence; but, as a Motto of better Proof, has substituted his, instead of the other, and the Waggons carry upon them these Words, Je meinteindra: I will maintain it. And this Fami­ly, which from a small Principality, attained to the Dignity of Stad­holder. is in him advanced to possess a Title to 4 Crowns, which he and his Posterity will maintain; and we have great cause to think our selves happy under his Government, who adventured his Life and Fertunes to deliver us from Popery and Slavery, and will again hazard his Sacred Person, an Infirm Body, and Great Soul, for our Preservation.