I Am inforced to complain of your impetu­ous commands, and the taxe you impose on me (above all the rest of your vassals) but especially of this of my Lord of Straffords; as though I alone were inspired with an illumi­nation beyond the wisdome of the Parliament, which on so long consultation hath not yet de­termined the articulate point of your question, yet thus much I shall possitively deliver as a part of my belief: That howsoever my Lord of Strafford be cryed up for a most incompara­ble and accomplished instrument of State, yet he is humane, and subject to such infirmities as were incident to our first Progenitors, and this is a particular of my faith, not of my opinion.

But if it may satisfie your curiosity to be in­formed of the generall conceptions, I shall [Page 4] then present you with as various a collection of votes and censures, as there are fancies in the severall fuctions daily raised by the work of Art and Time which qualifieth poyson, mo­lifieth flints, and changeth the fuce of all things from their first beings and appearances which have much befriended my Lord of Strafford.

But whether his Lordship be guilty of high treason, I cannot determine.

Sure it is many foule things stick upon him by manifest proofs, which neither his finenesse of wit, nor all the fig-leaves in Paradise can cover.

True it is the House of Commons stand stiffe to make good their first charges, which are now inforced and prosecuted to the last Ar­ticle this very day, which should it not prove Treason on joynt rehearsall of the House, and so adjudged by the Lords, it would then seem to me to be a strain of popular furie, rather than the legitimate issue of a Court of Parlia­ment.

True it is, that before the quarter-part of the accusations were charged on him, he was by way of prejudication acquitted by many of both Sexes, and favoured not of a few of both Houses, and some of his Majesties Councell, and the Papisticall party his friends and fol­lowers, and generally by Ladies.

The first reasons are best known unto them­selves.

By the second, for respects due to their Pa­tron.

By the third, for interests and obligations of dependancie.

By the fourth, (if well considered) for many feminine and affected considerations. As the naturall pitie and consideration of women sim­pathizing with his afflictions, with sadnesse of his aspect, their facilitie with his complacen­ces, their lenity with his patheticall oratorie.

On the other side, there is a rigid strong and inflexible partie, that say if he be not found a Traytor, the Parliament must make him so for the Interest of the Publique.

And so I shall present you with the inclina­tions of ano [...]her party, and of no despicable number of Accompt, which pretend to have a more soliditie of judgement then to be carried away with private interest, partiall respects which seem to be touched with the Kings and the Commons safety, and to be sensible of the Commons sufferance.

And these commonly rip up his life and con­versation together, with the progresse of his e­state and fortunes, and all concluding for hs discent and Family to be of the noblest and highest ranke of Gentry under the degree of Barronage, his Patromy so plentifull, as that it equalizes, most of the Barons of the Land, his education noble, and to these of his own acquisition of strong and able naturall parts.

And (if the addage be true that multa ex vultu dinoscuntur,) and though they marke him for a wise and promising face, yet they unhappily observe in him a dark and promiscuous coun­tenance, clouded, unlovely, and presaging an envious and cruell disposition. And this gene­rall Quaere is made of him.

What was that which he would have had who (suspition excepted) might have beene a King at home, hand not restlesse ambition (ha­bituated in his nature) interrupted the course of his repose, and disordered the many helpes he had to have lived in plenty, and dyed in fe­licitie.

But disquited (as all ambition is turbulent) in his cogitations and in his first exposition (a­gitated by the blasts of his own aspirings) it is sayd of him that in his own Countrey he was transported by the violence of his will to car­rie all before him (and come what would of it) to overthrow all that withstood him.

Of such predominant a pitch he was in his own Constellation and propension which could not rest there, but must break out into a wider extent, for his thoughts soared so high; (as men who knew him well affirm'd) that he held himself injuried by the State, that he came no sooner to the Helm.

Whither to come, he journyed thorow a Wildernesse of popular acclamations, and af­fected the dangerous name of Fame of being [Page 6] Soveraign Protector of the Common-wealth.

For which he so much pretended that in all Parliaments he became an other Iacques the Orti­nell. And they averre it for truth, that in those times his intimate friends and associntes thought it wisedome to shun his conversation, so forward he was in taxing the motions of the King and State.

And (as it is said) not without a malignant humour, and a repugnant spirit, alwayes with­stood the Kings profite, and stinted the Parlia­mentary Contributions at his own will and pleasure, crossing the designes of State, and in­fusing, by his stubborn example, a spirit of Contradiction in the Assemblies of these times, which how fatall they have been to ours, I leave to your judgement, and which hath ever since bred an aversion in his Majesty towards his people and his Parliaments.

An office wherein they say he did farre more mischief than in this for which he stands now arraigned for his life.

And this is the Description or Abstract of the first part of his life, as he was the Minion of the people, which (they say) he esteems as the folly of his youth.

May you now be pleased to receive some­thing of his second Act, as he was a Minister of the Kings, into whose service, as they say, and I think not untruely, to have purchased and and bought from the affections of the people [Page 7] at a higher price than all the Pr [...]vadoes of Ed: the second, and Richard the second: For that this onely man hath cost and lost the King and the Kingdome more treasure and loyalty than Peirce, Gaveston, and the two Spencers, and the Marquesse of Dublin, did ever cost, their being all put together.

And sure I am, it is the common opinion of the Kingdoms that should be taken out of the hands of Justice, and the revenge of the pub­like made frustrate, and the expectations of the three Kingdoms disappointed (who hath inva­ded the whole by the power of his Counsels, and the parties by the grievous oppressions of his Majesties good people, wheresoever he had to do, they say that his Majesties Dominions▪ stand in greater danger and hazard, than even; and (as it may fall out) to be of a more lament­able Consequence than is fit to be expressed.

How fatall may one mans ambition be, and his exorbitant humour work towards the di­straction of a State, which they do thus demon­strate by way of suspition.

First admitting the Kings affections may be disposed together with the great party which he hath in the upper House to acquit him and others.

And that thereby the House of Commons should hold themselves bound by the interest committed unto them by their Countries to make protestations against the Lords.

What then may be of a divided body: Se­condly it is questioned whether any future Subsidies will be granted, Customes and Impo­sitions be paid the King without any Insurre­ction.

Thirdly, whether the Scots will depart the Kingdom; and if they should, whether on good cause they may not return, when they shall see a division to tend to a fatall confusion, both in the heart of the State, and in the body of the Kingdom, rather than they will give op­portunity to the Papists and Libertines to come in for a share.

Wherefore it is generally concluded by the best and most impartiall judgements, That there is no proportion between the riddance of a few menstruous and exorbitant members and the generall safety of the King and his Kingdoms.

That there is a necessitated policy of my Lord of Strafford, the Bishop, and some others, should be given up as just sacrifice, to appease the people, and to make a compensation for the injury done to them and the publike.

And thus have you the second Act of the great Vice Royes progresse, with the opinion of all and the best judgements here about the Town, which I finde to be suitable to yours in the Country.