IN the year 1664, I was admitted into Cajus Colledge in the Univerſity of Cambridge, where I continued until 1668; when Commencing Batchelour of Arts, I obtain'd Letters teſtimonial from our Colledge, and then left the Univerſity. During my ſtay there, I remember Titus Oates was entered into our Colledge; by the ſame token that the Plague and he both viſited the Univerſity in the ſame year. He was very remarkable for a Canting Fanatical way conveyed to him with his Anabaptiſtical Education, and in our Academical exerciſes, when others declaim'd Oates always preach'd; ſome of which Lectures, they were ſo very ſtrange, that I do yet remember them. I moreover remember, that he ſtaid not above a year in our Colledge, but removed to S. Johns; what the occaſion was, I cannot call to mind: and then he was ſo inconſiderable both as to his perſon and parts, that I appeal to all who knew me, whether Elliot and Oates could be ſuch intimate acquaintance as Oates would make the world believe.

After I had commenced Batchelour▪ in 1668, I left the Univerſity; in the beginning of 1669 I had the opportunity of travelling with ſome Gentlemen of my acquaintance, with whom, after a tranſient view of Flanders and other of the Spaniſh Provinces, which had been the ſeat of war for ſome years preceding, I had the opportunity to ſee St. Omers alſo, where Oates was once a School-boy, and no Jeſuit. I remember during my ſtay there, which was three days, S. Ignatius or Xaverius or ſome other Jeſuit▪ Saints day happened, and I with the Gentlemen with me, were civilly invited to Dinner to the Engliſh Colledge; where, to give the Devil his due, we met with nothing but Learning and Civility to their Country-men and Strangers. From St. Omers we directed our Courſe into France, directly for Paris; whence, after I had gratified my juvenile curioſity with the rarities and remarkable places there, and ſeveral others in France, about the latter end of 1669, I was carried into Italy, and about November we came to Rome; where I ſaw that Great Beaſt of a Whore, as Oates call'd him, a Reverend old Gentleman Roſpiglioſi who then was Pope. He happened to die a little after my coming thither, which was the occaſion of my fortune to ſtay there, ſede vacante, during the Election of another Pope. I never ſaw the Scotch Colledge during my ſtay there, nor any Scotch Father, nor any that belonged to the Colledge that I know of: I was frequently indeed in the Roman Colledge, and I had the happineſs of hearing Padre Gotinio, the then Mathematick Profeſſor, diſcourſe very ſatisfactorily upon ſeveral curious ſubjects.

I ſtaid in Rome no longer than the Election of Altieri Roſpiglioſi Succeſſor to the former, which was in March 1670: after which an occaſion happening of parting with my Company, I parted alſo from Rome; and intending home again for England, I came to Leghorn, where finding an opportunity of the Briſtol one of his Majeſties Friggots, I had a convenient paſſage to Alicant in Spain, and from thence to Malaga, where I embark'd aboard Sir John Herman, then Rere-Admiral under Sir Thomas Allen in the Streights, who gave me paſſage to Cales. About the beginning of May, I had a curioſity to ſee Sevil; from whence having the convenience of ſome Company, I took my courſe directly for Lisbon in Portugal; there was then reſiding Dr. Cradock Miniſter to the Engliſh Merchants there, whom I had ſeen at Cambridge; to whoſe civility, and ſome Engliſh Gentlemens, particularly Mr. Bulteel's, I was exceedingly oblig'd.

There was at that time no Veſſel deſign'd for England in the River of Lisbon, excepting a little Ketch call'd the John of London, laden with Oranges and Lemons, and I was very deſirous to return home, ſo that I was obliged to take my paſſage in that ſmall Veſſel; ſome who ſeconded my deſires, alledging that I ſhould be more ſecure in her than in a bigger, becauſe ſhe by reaſon of her ſmallneſs would keep near the Coaſt and ſo out of danger of the Turks; and beſides Sir Edward Sprag was ſaid then to lye upon the Portugal Coaſt with a Squadron of Engliſh Frigots, ſo that theſe Seas would be ſcour'd clear of the Barbary-Rovers. Upon which Arguments, I was induc'd to embark aboard that little Veſſel, where I loſt my Freedome.

It was about the middle of June 1670, we parted from Lisbon▪ River, deſign'd for London; about three days after, we met Sir Edward Sprag with his Squadron, who encourag'd us with the News that no Pirats were in thoſe Seas, he having lain there about a month. Upon which we ſtruck out to Sea, the wind being Northerly and croſs to us all the while; ſo that by the 22d of June we had got no farther than Cape Finiſterre: on which day, whilſt the Maſter and I were at breakfaſt, a Boy who ſat at the Helm, cry'd out, a Sail, which was the only one we had deſcry'd (excepting Sir Edward Spragg) ſince we left Lisbon: by our Glaſſes we perceived ſhe had a mind to ſpeak with us, for ſhe had got out all her Sails, and bore down upon us directly before the wind, which methought was no ſign of a Merchant man; therefore I deſired the Maſter to bear towards the Shoar, who refuſed to be perſwaded, alledging, that this was the uſual paſſage for Hollanders, French and Engliſh, and that it was moſt probable, that this Ship which was in view, muſt be a friend, for that year we were at peace with all Europeans. About ten a-clock up comes the Ship with French colours, aſſoon as ſhe came near us, ſo that we could not eſcape, ſhe pull'd down her French and put up her Salle-Colours, and withall gave us a Gun, which oblig'd us to ſtrike. Immediately appear'd upon the Pirats Deck about 200 Moors, who commanded us to put out our Boat and come aboard them, which we all (excepting one) preſently obey'd. For our welcome, and to ſhew us what entertainment we were after to expect, the Maſter of the Veſſel and my ſelf were ſtrip'd and ty'd to the Maſt in order to be whip'd, that ſo they might extort a confeſſion where the Money lay hid if we had any; we ſatisfied them as well we could, that they were Maſters of all that we knew of in our Veſſel: and ſo we were releaſed from the Maſt, and put in Irons below deck with our Fellow-Priſoners. There it was that I began to reflect upon my condition, for before (the change was ſo ſudden and the ſtrange uncouth accidents ſo ſurprizing) I had ſcarce leaſure to conſider: it is hard to expreſs my reſentments then; all my fellow-priſoners were lamenting with pitiful crys and tears their miſerable eſtate, which only afforded matter of triumph and inſolence to our cruel and mercileſs Maſters; who when they heard us complain of our condition, would viſit us with ſome blows, inſulting moſt intolerably over us, lifting up our dejected heads and ſpitting upon our Faces, not vouchſafing us any other Name than Dogs. I muſt confeſs this inhumane uſage was very hard to digeſt at firſt, but a little time, and the diſcipline of our skilful Tutors eaſily reconcil'd us to it; for we found that murmuring did but enhance our affliction, and enrage our croſſes. Our Veſſel was within two or three hours after ſhe was taken, ſent to Salle, with twenty Moors aboard her, who carried with them all our Proviſion of Beef and Bisket, leaving a little Pork only which we ſoon devoured: after which, we had nothing left to maintain us in life, ſave a ſmall quantity of dry'd Olives and Bisket, which eveday was allow'd us: this ſort of Dieting did indeed bring down our high Stomachs, and made us very tractable.

We lay in this miſerable condition about forty days, oppreſſed as with many inconveniences, ſo eſpecially I remember with the ſtench and naſtineſs of our lodging: ſometimes in the day we were permitted to come above deck, to ſuck in a little freſh air, and to waſh our ſelves, but this ſmall comfort was ſoon forgot by returning to our irons. There was ſcarce a day almoſt, according to my remembrance, in which we did not either give chaſe or elſe were chaſed; for the Salle-man was a good Sailor, and whenever ſhe ſaw a Sail, ſhe immediately made after her, if ſhe found her too ſtrong to grapple with, then ſhe tackt and ſtood away. At length about a month after I was taken, one morning when there was little wind ſtirring, we were call'd up upon the Deck, I thought it had been to refreſh our ſelves, but we found it was with labour and toil, for there being a great calm all that day, we were oblig'd to tug hard at the Oar till ten at night; at which time we came up with a French Merchant laden with Oyl, whom we had been in purſuit of all that day; as ſoon as we came near her, we poor Chriſtians were remanded to our kennel, and moreover had a Sentinel ſet over us to obſerve us. A little after three and twenty French-men had the unhappineſs to make us a viſit, and take up their Lodgings in the ſame quarters. It was but a miſerable comfort methought to have ſuch companions in miſery, and truly the ſight of ſo many dejected ſouls, particularly a Merchant (who loſt 2500 Crowns of Caſh beſides his concerns in the Cargo) affected me then with a more ſenſible grief than my own ſufferings; he was a man of too tender a conſtitution to endure the ſame miſeries with the reſt; we were all lodg'd equally, and had the ſame ſort of accommodation, that French Gentleman and the meaneſt of the Seamen were treated alike: which ſubjected him to ſuch a grief that was too powerful for him, ſo that at length it broke his heart, for he died the next day after we landed.

Our Barbarous Maſters were well pleaſed with this rich Prize, and reſolved to go home with her for Salle, ſo they directed their courſe thither. We fortuned one day to meet with hard weather which increaſed to a ſtorm that night. The Moors we perceived were in great trouble and amazement, ſo that a conceit entred my head, that if we ſhould all of us with reſolution fall upon the Moors who had the management of the Ship above Deck, we might eaſily make her change Maſters, a project which if it had been proſecuted, did not ſeem impracticable, for there were not above thirty Moors who underſtood any thing of Navigation or a Sea-man; theſe were above deck, and employ'd; the reſt of the Moors were ſurpriz'd with ſo great a conſternation that the Captain commanded them all to go below deck; ſo that if we had reſolutely attacqu'd the Captain with his few Companions, and clapt down the Hatches upon the reſt, we might have ſucceeded; but this poor-ſpirited-French man and two more, apprehending the Difficulties of the enterprize as inſuperable, declared their reſolution to diſcover all, if we proceeded; notwithſtanding the reſt of us ſeemed unanimous, as thinking that we ſhould never find a better occaſion to venture our Lives to regain our Liberty.

A few days after by break of day, we found our ſelves near two great Ships who put out Dutch Colours; this put the Moors into a great fright leſt they ſhould fall into their hands, wherefore they made all the ſail they could, and labour'd hard to get clear of them, but to little purpoſe, for the other two Ships gain'd manifeſtly upon the Salle-man though it prov'd not to our comfort; for when they came up to her, and every minute ſhe expected to be boarded, all of a ſudden we Chriſtians (who were then lying below in irons heartily praying for our Deliverance) heard a ſhout of joy above deck; for the Ships who were in chaſe of us diſcovered themſelves to be Algerines, the Admiral call'd the Springing Tyger, as I think, and another. Then there was great rejoycing amongſt them, coming aboard each other freely, and mutual treats paſt, and we Chriſtians alſo were permitted to go and viſit our fellow Slaves and Countrey-men; who acquainted us with the News that ſome Engliſh Frigots were lying then before Salle, which gave us ſome hopes if true, and made the Moors very wary. That evening we parted from the Algerines, and bore directly for Salle. At length we came in ſight of the Caſtle, but could diſcern no Ships before it, we therefore made directly for the River, when preſently there ſtarts up a Veſſel that made all the Sail ſhe could at us, and oblig'd us to tack about and ſtrike down along the Barbary-Coaſt; ſhe put us ſo hard to it, that we were forc't to forſake the French Prize, and leave her to be pick'd up by our Purſuer, which was an Engliſh Ship call'd the Holmes-Frigot of two and twenty Guns, whom afterwards I ſaw at my return at Cales. Whilſt ſhe was employed in taking the Prize, the Salle-man in the Interim made away, and night approaching, in the dark made her eſcape.

The next morning, all we Chriſtians were commanded a-ſhoar, becauſe the Moors had run themſelves into a Creek ſome twenty Leagues South off Salle, where they lay conceal'd from the ſight of the Frigot, though we had her plainly in view all the next day, with the French prize at her Stern, with languiſhing eyes and ſad hearts, ſeeing our Deliverance, but not being able to approach it. There they landed us poor▪ Chriſtians in number two and thirty, Engliſh and French, who were to travel to Salle under the guard of a couple of Moors only, whom we might eaſily have rid our ſelves from, if we had judg'd it ſafe or convenient: but Salle was the only place whither we could retreat unto, and theſe were our Guides thither through as deſolate and forlorn a countrey, as barren and dry a land, as ever my eyes beheld. We were above two days in travelling theſe twenty Leagues, where we had not the proſpect of any Town, Village or Houſe all the way, nor could we ſee any footſteps of Husbandry or Civility; the beſt water we met with, was very brackiſh; our proviſion, which our Maſters allow'd us, when we parted from the Ship, was all devour'd the firſt day. Our condition indeed, during that journey was the moſt deplorable that ever I was in; for our ſhort Commons and hard Lodging aboard the Ship, had much weaken'd our bodies, we were very hungry and had no meat, exceeding thirſty and for a whole day no water, the Sun was very hot and no ſhelter, the Heavens lookt like Braſs and the Earth like iron, all which circumſtances will eaſily convince any that we muſt of neceſſity long to get clear of that curſed Countrey, which threatned us with inevitable deſtruction, and there was no other place of refuge but Salle; ſo that our condition of life muſt appear very pitiful, ſeeing we long'd for the place of our Captivity, and panted after our Afflictions. When night approacht, our Guides made us take up our Lodging where there were a few Shrubs, which we ſet on fire to ſecure us from the Lions, and other Beaſts of Prey, as Wild-Boars, &c. of which we ſaw ſeveral in our way.

At length upon the third day we came within ſight of Salle, about half a league from which, we met with a garden full of delicate fruits, which if the Moors had not freely beſtowed upon us, we had made bold to have took without leave, ſuch was our neceſſity: there we were permitted to refreſh our ſelves for two hours, before we made our publick entry into the City, which was indeed extraordinary; for we were accompanied by ſeveral hundreds of idle raſcally people and roguiſh Boys, who came out of the Town to meet us and wellcomed us with horrid barbarous Shouts ſomewhat like the Iriſh hubbub. We in the mean time were forct like a drove of Sheep, through the ſeveral ſtreets, the people crouding to gaze upon us and curſe us, for that Civility is a piece of Religion with them. With this ſolemnity were we conducted through the Town unto the River, which we were to croſs to another Salle ſtanding in the North-ſide; there were we all ſhut up in the Deputy-Governours Court-Yard, where like a pack of tired Hounds, we fell all faſt aſleep upon the Ground.

At evening we were conveyed to our Lodgings, where we were to repoſe our ſelves that night, a place proportionable to the reſt of the entertainment; it was a large Cellar under the Street archt and ſupported with two rows of Pillars; the light it was furniſhed with, came through three holes in the Street ſtrongly grated; through one of which, by a Ladder of Ropes we deſcended into this Room, called the Kings Maſmora, capacious enough to hold 300 perſons, (for very near that number of Chriſtians of ſeveral Nations were ſhut up there at nights) beſides a whole Leyſtall of filth, in which, (whoſoever's lot it is to be there) he muſt wade up to the ancles. There I watcht all night, for ſleep I could not; and though the next day I was to be ſold publickly in a Market, yet the peeping in of the light was joyful, becauſe I was to leave that intolerably noiſom Priſon.

By Sun-riſing next morning we were all of us, who came laſt to Salle driven to a Market-place, where the Moors ſitting Taylor-wiſe upon Stalls round about, we were ſeverally run up and down by perſons, who proclaimed our Qualities or Trades; and what beſt might recommend us to the Buyer. I had a great Black who was appointed to ſell me; this Fellow holding me by the hand, courſed me up and down, from one perſon to another, who call'd upon me at pleaſure to examine me what trade I was of, and to ſee what labour my hands were accuſtomed to. All the Seamen were ſoon bought up, it was mid-day ere I could meet with a purchaſer; the reaſon was, a boy of the Veſſel wherein I was taken, in hopes of favourable treatment from the Captain who took us, pretended to diſcover my quality to him, aſſuring him that I was a Relation of the now Duke of Norfolk, who was then Ambaſſadour from his Majeſty at Taffiletta, and was come 〈◊〉 Tangier. Upon this information, the Captain put a great value upon me, and that was the reaſon why none would meddle with me; until about noon Hamed Lucas (who is Secretary of this preſent Embaſſy from the Emperor of Fez to his Majeſty) agreed with the Captain, and paid down 600 pieces of Eight for me.

I was pretty well pleas'd with my fortune to fall into the hands of ſuch a perſon, who beſides that he was of a great repute there, ſeem'd to carry in his deportment an air and meen that was extraordinary; and therefore I hop'd for ſome more favourable treatment from him than from another: but other Chriſtians who had heard of this Patron of mine, pityed my ignorance, as knowing that he was a cunning Jewiſh Merchant, and that he bought me with a deſign to extort from me a great Ranſome, though by the harſheſt and cruelleſt uſage imaginable; which I found to be too true a character of him him before night: for after he was come to his own houſe, whither he commanded me to follow him, he preſently makes me ac̄quainted with a piece of his mind and temper; telling me, that he had paid a conſiderable ſum of Money for me, which he did upon the proſpect of a Ranſome for my Liberty, proportionable to his expectation and my quality, which he was well aſſured was ſuch, that it would anſwer whatſoever hopes he entertain'd; and he would have me know that I had to do with a man with a Beard, and who was too cunning to be impos'd upon, and therefore advis'd me to forego that piece of policy which the Chriſtians frequently make uſe of in concealing their qualities, and diſguiſing their conditions; ſince it would be in vain to prevaricate before him, who was very well informed of my ſtate, and as well acquainted with my fortunes in England as I my ſelf; and wiſh'd me rather to propoſe ſuch a Ranſome as was ſuitable to his expectations, from ſo conſiderable a Captive, for payment of which he would allow me ſufficient time: and if I gave any demonſtrations of ſincerity in dealing with him, I ſhould be exempted from all ſlaviſh employments; but if I refus'd a complyance with theſe his Propoſals, I ſhould experience the greateſt ſeverity that any Slave in Barbary could from his Patron.

Seeing he profeſs'd himſelf a man with a Beard, and one that hated to be impos'd upon, I endeavour'd all I could to diſabuſe him, and poſſeſs him with a clear notion of the naked truth, profeſſing with all ſincerity, that I was ſo ſenſible of the miſeries of Captivity, that if a Kingdom were at my diſpoſal, I would frankly quit all pretenſions to it, in exchange for the happineſs of the Freedom and Liberty I enjoy'd in my own Countrey: but that ſuch has been the pleaſure of God to me in the diſpenſing the goods of this world, that he has allow'd me no more than what he ſaw me then poſſeſſour of; ſo that I found my ſelf under ſo much worſe circumſtances than other Chriſtian Captives by how much I ſuſtain'd greater expectations, and was leaſt able to anſwer them; but that which was the greateſt aggravation of my misfortune was, that I ſhould very much contribute to the calling in queſtion his prudence and judgment, becauſe all the Town will admire when they ſhall ſee the event, that the wiſe Hamet-Lucas was impos'd upon in giving 600 pieces of Eight for a poor Slave, who was not worth a Maravidi.

At which laſt words, he was ſo tranſported with paſſion, that he ſhowr'd down a whole torrent of Blows upon me, and lighting unluckily upon a ſtick, he broke my head in ſeveral places, and never ceaſt till he had made me all in a gore-blood; I was not able to ſtir, and the cruel Villain permitted me to lye a little while: afterwards he comes again afreſh, and drags me out of his Houſe into the Streets, and then falls upon me a-new, beating me all along the Streets, to the great grief of my Fellow-Captives, who were of the ſame mind with my ſelf, that I ſhould hardly out-live that night. He brought me at length to a Black-Moor who was working in Lime, commanding me with all cruel imperious inſolence imaginable, to ſerve that Black, by giving him up Lime with my hands, which I did, till ſuch time as my Patron departed; and then I ſignified to the Black that I was very ſick, and by ſigns prayed him to let me leave off that work which had almoſt chok'd me; which by his pitiful geſture I perceive he allow'd. So I lay down upon the ground and fell aſleep; my Patron preſently return'd, and took ſuch a courſe to awake me, that he had very near laid me aſleep for ever; for he gave me a blow in the ſmall of my back, which created ſuch a pungent pain, as quite caſhier'd all patience and all reſpects of ſelf-preſervation; ſo that I vented my paſſion in the moſt raſh inconſiderate expreſſions, the moſt provoking, opprobrious and menacing terms, that my anger and my little Spaniſh could accommodate me with, daring him to diſpatch me, for my life then ſeem'd a grievous burthen to me.

The Covetous Moor fearing leſt I ſhould make my words good, and by putting hand to my ſelf, rob him not only of his hopes, but alſo of his 600 Dollars, departs from me with a threatning geſture, which I ſhew'd very little ſence of; for I immediately compos'd my ſelf to ſleep again, being ſo weary that I could have reſted contentedly upon Briars and Thorns. Some-while after the Cruel Dog return'd, and awakening me gently, ſmil'd upon me, asking me if I would drink Water; I anſwered I was like to die for want of it, having drunk none that day: ſo he directed me to a houſe near by, where a woman was, who gave me ſome in an Earthen Pot, which after I had drank off, ſhe broke the Pitcher. I return'd to my Patron, who made me follow him home, and after a plentiful ſupper which he allow'd me, he gave me a Hammock, and ordered one to ſhew me the way to the Maſmora, where I remain'd all night.

The next day he had provided a Jew (who had been in Europe and ſpoke good Latin) to treat with me, as if my defect in the Caſtilian language wherein he was exquiſite, had occaſioned the unſucceſsfulneſs of his Negotiating with me. This Jew I found to be a good underſtanding man, who was quickly made ſenſible of the truth of my condition, and withall a man endu'd with more humanity than generally the people of that Religion are, which he evidenc'd by his good advice to me to this purpoſe; telling me, That my Patron was a man of violent paſſions, and that, though he himſelf was pretty well ſatisfied of my utter inability to anſwer what my Patron demanded, yet if my Patron ſhould be ſo perſwaded, and find himſelf bilkt in all his great expectations, he would certainly convert his hopes into an extravagant rage, and then put me to ſome cruel death; therefore he advis'd me, as not to ſooth his vain hopes, ſo neither quite to baniſh all: As thus, ſays he, you ſhall give me leave in your name to acquaint your Patron, that you have Relations and Friends who are powerful and rich, though you are miſerable; and you have reaſon to believe, that rather than you ſhould ſpend all your days under the preſſures of a heavy and cruel Captivity, they would make a purſe of 1000 Crowns to ranſome you. This Propoſal, ſays he, though it may not ſatisfy his expectation, yet it will baniſh all deſpair, and ſo you may live till God who has been pleaſed to afflict you by bringing you hither, may be pleaſed in due time to redeem you hence.

This advice of this charitable Jew, I ſo far comply'd with, that I not only gave him liberty to free my Patron from the deſpair of any Ranſom at all, but I reſolv'd to improve it, by promoting his hopes to the higheſt degree imaginable. To this purpoſe, finding after that the Jew had acquainted him with the iſſue of his diſcourſe with me, and of my coming up to 1000 Crowns, yet notwithſtanding his rigor did not abate, but every day he put me to harſher and ſeverer tasks; I one day let fall ſome diſcourſe which encourag'd the conceit he had entertain'd of my relation to his Excellency the then Lord Henry Howard. This indeed by all my Fellow-Slaves was lookt upon as a ſtrange piece of policy in that place to blab out my great Relations, where all other Chriſtians by all art and care imaginable ſtudy to repreſent their condition mean, and to conceal their Relations and Fortunes ſo much the more as they are conſiderable; and therefore one of them told me, that he never expected to ſee me one of the Privy Council; I anſwered him, that neither did I, ſo long as I was a Captive there: he ſaid, he wiſht me in my own Country in a place there call'd Bedlam which was fitteſt for me, and he believ'd my Couſin (for ſo his Slave-ſhip was pleas'd to ſtile him) the Lord Howard would be of the ſame opinion; I anſwered him, that I did not queſtion to be delivered from this inſupportable Bondage by my Couſin's means; which afterwards came to paſs after this manner.

The Chriſtians uſually about Sun-ſetting were ſent to a fountain of excellent water without the Town, to bring home in great earthen Jarrs ſome of that water; I alſo was ſent by my Patron: Amongſt other diſcourſe which the Chriſtians uſe to have there, I liſten'd to a Seaman diſcourſing of Mamora a Spaniſh Gariſon, ſome twenty miles diſtant from Salle, at the mouth of a River, and that he ſailing along the coaſt, had obſerv'd it very rocky for about eight miles, but the reſt was a fine Sand that reacht as far as Mamora; he ſaid moreover that he believ'd a good footman might run a race for his Freedom in three hours, if he had the convenience of a favourable night, and could ſcape a number of Tents which were pitcht all along the Countrey 'twixt Salle and Mamora, who are very induſtrious to pick up Slaves attempting an eſcape, becauſe the Law of that Land incourages them with half the Slaves ranſome.

Upon this Diſcourſe it entred ſtrongly into my head, that I ſhould be the perſon who ſhould win this prize; but at preſent it was impoſſible by reaſon of my lodging in the Maſmora, as alſo by reaſon of my laſſitude at night, being quite ſpent with the toil and labour of the day; but if I could induce my Patron by any arts to be a little kind to me and abate his ſeverity, I thought I might fall into ſome capacity of performing what I deſign'd. Seeing then that the hard uſage beyond other Slaves which I endur'd proceeded, from my obſtinacy (as my Patron ſaid) of not confeſſing my ſelf to be a Conde, and particularly a near Relation of my Lord Howards, (as my Patron was inform'd) and whoſe alliance he more coveted than any others in behalf of his Slave; I reſolv'd to try my fortune a little under the mask of a perſon of great Quality; and this was the reaſon, why I was pleas'd at that time to own an alliance to the great Family of Norfolk, which ſham though, occaſion'd my Deliverance; ſo that I found it by experience true, what is vulgarly ſaid, that it is good to be related to a great eſtate or family, though at never ſo great a diſtance; for I am ſure all the relation that I knew I had to the Duke of Norfolk then, was, that he was at Tangier when I was at Salle, and ſo near were we then related indeed, and no more. However I wrote a Letter to his Excellency, which my Patron had tranſlated into Spaniſh, and ſuch ſatisfaction did he receive from it, that he allow'd me a month in expectation of an anſwer; during which time I ſhould be treated with all mildneſs and civility, only I was to look after his Barb and his Houſe when he was abroad; which employments I eſteem'd a happineſs hardly to be expected in that Countrey. My Letter was delivered by my Patron to an Iriſh-man by name Long, newly ranſom'd, who intended for Cales with the firſt opportunity; him did my Patron oblige by promiſe, to deliver my Letter to his Excellency with all expedition.

The news of my Quality preſently ſpread abroad, ſo that I had ſeveral viſits, and particularly from a French Fryer, a very ingenious Learned man, who acquainted me that the next Sunday was S. Bartholomew's day, and that he intended then (having procured permiſſion from his Patron) to preach at the French Conſul's houſe, and ſo invited me to be his Auditor. I told him I ſhould be proud of the happineſs, if my Patron would give leave; he engaged to uſe his endeavours with his Patron to procure a Licence from mine, which was obtain'd: So to the French Conſul's I went, where after having heard a ſeaſonable Diſcourſe to Slaves about patience under our afflictions made by the Fryar, the French Conſul gave me a Glaſs of Wine or two, after which I returned home. My Patron ſeem'd concern'd at my long abſence, to whom I reply'd that the French Conſul had treated me with Wine which was extraordinary good, and which if he underſtood the vertue of, he would renounce Mahumetiſm to drink of it: He counterfeited a diſpleaſure at my Railery, but I perceived he was really well ſatisfied, as who had no antipathy in his temper to the juyce of the Grape; which I had ſeen him before ſometimes drink with a great greedineſs.

About the dusk of the Evening, he and the Jew I formerly mentioned, being together at our houſe, ordered me to go to the French Conſuls, and deſire him to ſend to my Patron a quantity of Wine, which I did; but firſt I begg'd of my Patron that I might have ſhare of it, he told me he intended I ſhould; then ſays I to the Jew, I muſt requeſt another favour of you, that you would intercede with my Patron that I may not go to the Maſmora this night, for the miſeries of that place will damp all the pleaſures and ſatisfaction of the day preceding. My Patron was ſo complaiſant, that he condeſcended to both our deſires. Away then went I to the French Conſul immediately, to whom having imparted my Meſſage, he ordered ſome ſervants to carry a conſiderable parcel of Flasks of Red wine, (Syracuſa I think they term'd it,) to my Patron's houſe. The Gentleman in the mean while arreſting me civilly to drink a glaſs with him before I went to the Maſmora as was expected, which I did; withall acquainting him, that I deſign'd alſo to have a ſhare of the wine ſent to my Patron, but my principal aim was, that the ſhould have his doſe, and thereby I ſhould eſcape that night; I told him how my Patron had accommodated me with a ſufficient opportunity, by excuſing my going to the Maſmora that night, which if I neglected, I deſerv'd to be hang'd next morning. The courteous Gentleman ſeem'd amaz'd at my reſolutions upon ſuch a deſperate attempt, and endeavour'd to diſſuade me from an enterpriſe which carried with it inſuperable difficulties, and which to his knowledge ſome had attempted in vain; and had only purchas'd to themſelves thereby heavy ſtripes and multiplied their miſeries, whereas never any one in my circumſtances had accompliſht it; however ſeeing me obſtinately fixt either to eſcape or dye that night, he gave me his friendly advice how to manage both my ſelf and my Patron in drinking; and ſo telling me that he would pray heartily for my ſucceſs, and that he would not commit himſelf to ſleep, till he heard of the iſſue, with all humility and thankfulneſs I kiſs'd his hands, and departed to my Patrons houſe.

At my return, I found him and the Jew and four other Moors ſet at Supper, which was brought them by ſome Slaves according to their appointment, ſo that this ſeem'd a deſign'd club; which conſideration created in me ſundry anxious ſurmiſes, left there being ſo many in company, my deſigns might happen to the • r • ſe'd by ſome one or other of them; and thence it was, that all the while they were at Supper, I was very thoughtful and engag'd in deep intenſe meditation, how to obviate all emergent difficulties, which this unexpected Company might lay in my way; yea ſo penſive was I, that I could not advert their commands, which occaſion'd my Patron to enquire the reaſon of my extraordinary Melancholy, ſeeing my fair hopes of a ſudden Redemption, and his kind and civil uſage to me, together with the chearful and jovial temper of his Friends, who came to be merry with him, ſeem'd to adminiſter matter of quite different reſentments: At this I rows'd my ſelf out of my thinking poſture with ſome kind of confuſion, and humbly beg'd his pardon for my unſuitable humour, which I told him, proceeded from the conſideration of my Couſin the Engliſh Ambaſſadours reſentment of my weakneſs, in diſcovering my ſelf ſo ſoon; and though I queſtion'd not the ſpeedy payment of my Ranſome and my Diſcharge, yet I could not, but with exceeding trouble, reflect upon the reaſon of his diſpleaſure, and the ill conſequences which muſt enſue if he ſhould be angry with me, for whoſe favour and kindneſs I had the higheſt veneration and reſpect.

At this my Patron bid me chear up, and be merry with them, for ſays he, I my ſelf will write to his Excellency the Engliſh Ambaſſador, and will excuſe you; I will acquaint him with the true way and means how I came to be inform'd of your Quality, and alliance to his Excellency. I pretended to be extraordinary much affected with this kindneſs of my Patron, which I ſignified by paſſing a Mooriſh Complement upon him to this effect; That this favour would out ballance all the miſeries of my Captivity, and that if his Excellency my Couſin knew how happy I were in a Patron, he would come himſelf to redeem me with his own Perſon, and would throw himſelf at your Feet, ambitious of the honour of being your Slave. This Rhodomontado was ſo ſurprizing and taking, that he told me, that if he had not been ſufficiently inform'd of my Quality before, this inſtance of my excellent education had manifeſtly diſcovered me; upon which, I was forc'd to give over complementing, leſt he ſhould enhance my Quality, and perchance beat me into the Royal Family for a lye of my own making, as I had been before, into the Family of Howard for a lye of our Ship-boys. However I earneſtly begg'd him to write to the Engliſh Ambaſſador with all expedition, for if he remov'd my fears of his diſpleaſure, I would be the merryeſt man alive; and then I reſolv'd to caſhier all thoughtfulneſs, both becauſe I would give no occaſion of jealouſy, as alſo leſt too much thinking upon the difficulties (which indeed were very great) might damp my reſolution or ſlacken my indeavours, which I intended to imploy to the utmoſt, that I might that night make my eſcape; leaving the method and means to the management of Providence.

After theſe complements were over, I ſat down with the Company, and compos'd my ſelf to be as merry and agreeable as poſſibly I could; I ſung ſeveral Engliſh Songs to them, particularly I remember Calm was the Evening, &c. in the Mock-Aſtrologer, which was new when I left England; they were wonderfully affected with it, and were very deſirous to have me tranſlate ha ha ha, &c. into Spaniſh, which made me laugh more heartily than I ſung; they alſo ſung a la Moriſco to requite me. I muſt confeſs I never knew any who ſeem'd much diverted with the ſweetneſs of my voice, neither was I ever ſo vain to expect it; but really when I heard their barbarous Tones and Damnable diſſonant Jangling, I cannot deny a piece of weakneſs which then poſſeſt me, which was a pleaſure to hear mine own ſweet Self chant it. The glaſs in the mean while did not ſtand ſtill, which I principally adverted, for upon the management of that, depended the fortune of that night: therefore though I uſed all art to ſhift it from my ſelf, yet I uſed the ſame that my Patron might never balk it; which at laſt evidenced it ſelf plainly, for he was got very drunk, and truly I thought that then it was not ſafe nor convenient to my purpoſes for his Slave to appear ſober: therefore I counterfeited the humours of a man overtaken with drink with all the artifice imaginable, ſo that I afforded exceeding divertiſement to the ſoberer part of the Company; yet withall the Glaſs was never neglected to be ſent about, which was ply'd with ſuch induſtry, that before midnight all the Company had got as much as they could well carry away, and my Patron abundance more; for my own part I pretended to be ſo much concern'd, that I fell down, and there I lay till ſuch time as the Company pleas'd to depart, when they rows'd me up to lock the doors, which ſeemingly with much adoe I effected; and then I return'd to my Patron with the keys.

Him I found in a condition, ſuch as a highly provoked revengful Adverſary could hardly wiſh for a more opportune; there was no company in the houſe excepting my Patron, his Barb and my ſelf; the Doors and Avenues were all ſecur'd; the Streets wer clear, and the Neighbourhood huſht up in the ſilence of Midnighte; the Moor could hardly either ſpeak or ſtand; all which inviting circumſtances ſeem'd to court a more reſolved patience than my own to a compliance with this lucky opportunity of Revenge upon an inhumane Monſter, who profeſs'd it his intereſt to deprive me of all the bleſſings of this world, and to make death to me more eligible than life. While I was upon theſe thoughts, the Brute raiſes himſelf up a little, and mutters ſomewhat to me of a not-to-be-mentioned Carnality, not only unworthy of Chriſtian ears, but the bare mention whereof offers violence to the dictates of Nature, and which my charity would never ſuffer me to believe that it could enter into any mans mind, unleſs I had heard of the Citizens of Sodom, and a Doctor of Salamanca: which abominable propoſal did ſo invigorate my reſolution, that immediatly I had made him a Sacrifice to my moſt cruel reſentments of the barbarous uſage I received from him, if by a happy chance the Wine had not got the aſcendent over all his ſenſes, and laid him in a profound ſleep. I laid however hold of his Scimitar, and drew it, and put on the Belt, ſo that if he had awak'd, I might have found my ſelf under a neceſſity not to flinch back, but to proceed with all vigor, for my own life's ſake to take away his. But when I reflected upon the many difficulties I was to encounter and overcome before I could eſcape, and the great probabilities of my being retaken, and withall the cruelties of a Death that I ſhould ſuffer, if Hamet Lucas ſhould be found kill'd by his own Slave; upon theſe conſiderations, I baniſh'd all thoughts of vengeance, and in complement to my own ſelf-preſervation, I gave the Moor my Patron his life, as thinking it much more rational as well as generous and Roman-like to ſave a Citizens life, though my own, than to deſtroy an Enemy's.

Seeing then that my Patron was engaged in a deep ſleep, from which in all probability he could not awake in four or five hours, I immediately ſheath'd the Sword, and taking out of his Bags a ſmall parcel of Spaniſh Piſtols, (which methought, might not be unſerviceable to me in another part of the world) together with two Shirts of his, (for indeed I had none of my own) and a pair of Shooes, I put out the Candles, and with all expedition I ſlipt out of a window into the Street, where again I unſheath'd, being reſolv'd to attacque whomſoever I ſhould rencounter in the Streets, and not to part with that Liberty, which, though in a ſmall meaſure, I was then newly made poſſeſſour of, unleſs with my life. I went through ſeveral Streets, and by a favourable providence, I eſcapt all rencounter or diſcovery: I came at laſt to the River-ſide near the Caſtle, where preſently I threw my ſelf in, but after having been a little there, finding my ſelf incommoded in ſwimming, by reaſon of the Sword and other things, I ſwum back to ſhoar, where I ſtripp'd my ſelf, and laid all upon my back kept together by my Breeches button'd about my neck: ſo I committed my ſelf again to the water; but the Tide carrying me upon one of the Ships, I was oblig'd to ſtruggle with all my ſtrength to get clear of it, which maugre all my endeavours, I could not do ſo effectually, but that I came within hearing of their talk aboard. I conjectur'd then that the reaſon of my ſlow proceedings might be the weight of the burthen I carried, and beſides my arms were a little weary, and I had a great mind to throw my ſelf on my back and eaſe my ſelf; whereupon I unbutton'd and let all my Clothes, Riches and Armour go together, and ſwimming on my back, I at length came to the other ſide of the River, a little weary, and altogether naked and defenceleſs.

Now the dangers began to crowd upon me, and I had ſo near a proſpect of them, that I wiſh'd I had never undertook the work, and was entring into conſideration of returning to my former eſtate; but when I reflected on the loſs of my Patrons Scimitar and the Gold, my deſperate eſtate gave me both hopes and courage; I had more than paſt Rubicon I thought then, for there was no returning: ſo up I got, and having almoſt rounded North-Salle and left it behind me, with a good ſpeed I made away, having no other direction, ſaving the noiſe of the breaking of the Sea upon the Shoar within half a League on my left hand; it was moreover dark, and there was no path or road that I could hit upon, ſo that many times I ſtumbled, and fell over Stones, which cut and bruis'd my naked body. With theſe ſort of divertiſements I entertain'd my ſelf until day-break; when ſeeing at ſome diſtance before me a Miſt ariſe, and being ignorant of the occaſion, and fearing leſt it might be the effect of ſome Travellers, I turn'd to the left, over a great Bank, on the other ſide of which, I happily fell in upon a Sand upon which the Sea broke, which continued about eleven or twelve miles in length; there I had good running for a while, till ſuch time as I ſaw three Moors upon the Sand before me; but having nothing to ſay to them, nor any mind to their company, I turn'd therefore to my right hand over the foremention'd bank, where I fell in upon a path, which I meaſured with all the haſte I could, until I had in view a couple of Tents roar'd up in the path way: theſe I thought it a very unſeaſonable complement to viſit ſo ſoon in the morning, and therefore endeavoured to decline them, by turning up the bank upon the left hand; upon the ridge of which I was obliged to travail above a mile in great trouble, wading through thick Fuzze and Goſs, which prick'd me with exceeding vexation and ſmart; the Moors on either hand of me, conſtraining me to keep this middle courſe, unleſs I would expoſe my ſelf to a manifeſt hazard of being retaken. It pleaſed God that I had left the tent a pretty way behind me, I turn'd therefore down into the path aforeſaid, where I exerciſed my feet to the beſt purpoſe that ever I think I did in my life, for about three miles, and then I came within ſight of Mamora the Spaniſh Gariſon.

I was then about two miles diſtance, and being oblig'd to part with the path which I had hitherto followed, and then turn'd away from Mamora, I found great difficulty to run with that haſte which my occaſions required, for the ground was full of ſtumps, and other aſperities very afflictive to my naked and wounded feet, which rendred that little laſt ſtage much more tedious than all the reſt of my journey; beſides laſſitude grew upon me ſo faſt, that I almoſt fainted, ſo that I moſt impatiently long'd to reach the only place of my ſafety, fearing leſt I ſhould founder in the entrance into the Port, after having eſcap'd the great difficulties of a dangerous voyage. There was a hill upon my right hand, which I had a fancy to aſcend, thence to make my deſcent to the Gariſon at pleaſure; the Moors kept a kind of a Gariſon there to hinder the Spaniards from ſallying out to forrage the Country; this I was ignorant of, otherwiſe I had not directed my courſe thither, however this errour was very inſtrumental to my preſervation, for the Moors who ſaw me though I did not them, obſerving me direct my courſe towards them, imagined I muſt be a friend, whereas if I had made directly for Mamora, they had certainly intercepted me. When I came to the foot of the hill, being then out of ſight of thoſe who were on the top, I found the ground ſo full of ſmall Snail-ſhels, which cut my feet extreamly, that I thought it more convenient to go along by the foot of the hill, which was much eaſyer: I was got at laſt ſo near the Gariſon, that I could call to the Souldiers, who were very numerous upon the works; I call'd out to them that I was a Chriſtian, and begg'd them to relieve me by admitting me to come in; they wav'd their hats to me, and withall I ſaw a company ſent from the Gariſon, enter a ſquare-Fort which was ſome little diſtance from it. The Spaniards continued waving their hats, which I miſtook for a ſign to ſtay there where I was, and make no further advance till ſuch-time as they had ſent out to enquire what I was; I therefore ſat me down there, at length off comes a great Gun from Mamora, whoſe Bullet graz'd upon the ſide of the hill above me, which I looking after, ſaw the Moors who had miſtruſted my long ſtay, coming down upon me, and then I made all the haſte that fear could inſpire me with, the Spaniards in the mean time firing at the Moors to ſtop their eager purſuit; at laſt with my utmoſt endeavours reacht the little Fort, at the bottom of whoſe wall I fell down quite ſpent, ſo that my ſpirit fail'd me.

The Souldiers carryed me in a Cloak up to the Gariſon, where the Governour, after having caus'd a glaſs of Wine to be pour'd into my mouth to revive me, queſtioned me what I was and whence I came (for indeed I was ſo cover'd all over my body with blood, ſweat and duſt, that it was hard to diſtinguiſh me from a Moor by my colour) I ſatisfied him that I was an Engliſh-man, whom God had been ſo merciful to, as laſt night to beſtow an opportunity of eſcaping from a heavy Slavery in Salle, and direct me to this bleſſed place of refuge, for whoſe preſervation and proſperity, all poor Chriſtians at Salle offer up their prayers, and I particularly held my ſelf obliged to do, ſo long as I liv'd. The Courteous charitable Gentleman (whoſe name I am ſorry I have forgot) congratulated my Deliverance, and told me I was heartily welcome to that place, and becauſe he ſaw my condition required not much diſcourſe at that inſtant, he recommended me to the care of the Phyſitian, who very charitably procur'd me a few Cloaths, and apply'd to me ſuch things as I had need of: and then committed me to reſt until about noon, at which time the Governour ſent for me to come to him upon one of the Rampiers, to ſhew me ſome Horſemen hunting among ſome Buſhes, and he conceited that I was the game they were in queſt of; I accorded with his opinion, and to confirm him in it, I aſſured him that ſuch a horſe which I pointed out to him, did belong to Hamet Lucas who was my Patron. The Moors were then within reach of the Guns, the Governour therefore commanded to let fly amongſt them, and I upon my requeſt, to honour the departure of my Patron whom I thought never to have ſeen more, had the favour to fire two at him, which though they did no execution that we could perceive, yet we obſerv'd the place was too hot for them, ſo that they made haſte to be gone.

It is hard to be expreſs'd, what a great ſatisfaction it was to me, to ſee my cruel Enemy (whom but 24 hours before I dreaded as Indians do the Devil) flee from me, and endeavour an eſcape out of my reach, with as much eagerneſs, as the night before I did out of his. Though I then ſmarted a little under the ſenſe of my weary and wounded body, yet the thoughts of my Liberty entertain'd me with ſuch pleaſant divertiſements, as are not to be conceived by any but thoſe who are in the circumſtances that I was in, and who can value their preſent Liberty, (which together with health makes life it ſelf comfortable, and without which it is but an uneaſy burthen) by a competition with a hard and grievous Bondage under the profeſs'd, yea, ſuperſtitiouſly bigotiſh Enemies of my God, my Religion, and my own perſon. Yet when I reflected upon the weakneſs of the Gariſon, (which that afternoon I had an opportunity to ſurvey) which was no bigger in circumference than the Tower of London; the feeble reſiſtance that 400 diſheartened half-ſtarv'd ſickly Spaniards could make againſt an innumerable ſwarm of Moors, (who lay about and in a manner beſieged them) ſhould they attaque them, I muſt confeſs my fears did a little qualify my joy, and I could not foreforbear wiſhing that my Patron and I were at a greater diſtance. All the night I could hardly reſt, for the Moors twice allarm'd us, and the Bells about the walls were ſounding every moment, to keep the Souldiers a wake and to their duty; for ſhould they be remiſs for half an hour only, it had been eaſy methought to ſurpriſe the place, being defended only with a dry Ditch, and pitiful low Walls.

The next morning early, the wind preſented fair, five Barca-longa's, which had brought proviſion from Cadis, were returning home, in one of which I gladly embarkt, bidding adieu to Mamora my refuge and place of Deliverance, which ſince about two years agoe (as I heard with ſorrow from Hamet Lucas himſelf) was taken by the Moors after above a 100 years poſſeſſion of the Spaniards; he declaring, that he was the firſt man who entred it. We ſail'd along the Barbary-Coaſt all the day, nothing occurring remarkable, ſave that in the afternoon, the Spaniſh Sea-men acquainted me that we were purſued. It was very ſtrange and ſurpriſing when I beheld aſtern of us, an innumerable quantity of Fiſh, making after us at full gallop as it were, leaping above the water; they quickly overtook us, and ſo purſu'd their journey, without any concern at our hallooing, as they paſt very near us, on both ſides our boat: they were not ſo long as ordinary Cod, but they appear'd much broader; what the meaning of the frolick ſhould be, I cannot tell, but the Spaniards ſeem'd more affected with my amazement, than with that ſtrange appearance, ſo that I ſuppoſe this was an ordinary divertment, that that kind of Fiſh affords upon that Coaſt.

Upon Wedneſday morning, we were got as far as A-la-rach another Gariſon belonging to the Spaniards at the Mouth of a River, at which time we heard much ſhooting out at Sea, ſo that we thought it convenient to put into Larache. This is a ſtrong place, the Walls incloſing a conſiderable piece of ground, where grow abundance of excellent Grapes and rare Fruits. The Town is fortified by two ſtrong Caſtles, well-ſtor'd with great Ordnance; into one of which we were permitted to aſcend, to view a rare ſight at Sea, a very unequal Combat as to number, yet briskly maintain'd by one Dutch man of War againſt ſix Algerines, whereof the Admiral and Vice-Admiral were two, and the leaſt was of two and thirty Guns. The fight continued till noon, when two great Dutch-men, and Van Ghent in the Looking-glaſs, and another coming up, the Turks thought beſt to make ſail and ſtand away; and then luckily a-head of them, as they were weathering Cape Spartil, appeared ſix Engliſh men of War, Captain Beech was Commander of one. The Algerines being hemm'd in, reſolv'd rather to venture through the Engliſh, and ſo make their way into the Streights, than to turn back upon Van-Ghent, whoſe great Guns ſtruck a great terrour into them: ſo up they went to the Engliſh. But Captain Beech with the firſt broad-ſide diſabling their Admiral, they all together tack'd and run aſhore in the Bay of Arzilla, where they were all ſet on fire, abundance of Chriſtians being reliev'd, and abundance of Turks being kill'd. The Governour of Larache commanded our Barca to go out and bring an account of the action, which we did, and return'd again at night with the news, that the Algerines who were deſtroy'd were, the Springing Tyger, the Standing Tyger, the Date Tree, the Shepherdeſs, I have forgot the names of the reſt.

Next day being Thurſday, we ſet forward for Cadis, and upon Fryday night we arrived in the Bay. The next morning I apply'd my ſelf to Mr. Weſtcomb (ſince Knighted) then Conſul, who treated me not ſo much according to the exigency of my condition, as his own Generoſity, inviting me to his own Table daily, during my ſtay at Cadis which was about a ſortnight. There I ſaw ſome of theſe very Moors Slaves themſelves, who made me ſo; there being fifteen taken, aboard the French prize I formerly mentioned, by the Holmes-Friggot, and carried to Cadis and there ſold: this accident furniſh'd me with a pleaſant opportunity of thinking how the caſe was alter'd. About the middle of September, at Sir Martin Weſtcomb's deſire, I obtain'd paſſage aboard a Dutch man of War deſign'd for S. Uves, from whence I travell'd by Land to Lisbon, the place where I embarkt ſome fourteen or fifteen weeks before, in that Veſſel wherein I was taken. I went to pay my reſpects to Dr. Cradock and Mr. Bulteel, who ſaw me when I was at Lisbon before, and could hardly be induc'd to believe that I had been a Slave ſince, unleſs they had been aſſur'd by Mr. Parry, then Agent at Lisbon, to whom I brought a Letter from the Conſul at Cadis, recommending me to his favour in procuring me a ſafe paſſage for England, and who certify'd him ſufficiently of my eſcape from Salle to Mamora, ſeeing I had brought Letters from the Governour of Mamora to the Duke of Veraguas, then Governour of Cadis, which Mr. Weſtcomb himſelf delivered up to the Duke.

After my ſtay in Lisbon about a fortnight, Mr. Parry the Agent aforeſaid, prevail'd with the Dutch Conſul, to grant me paſſage for England in a Dutch Man of War (there being no Engliſh Ships of any force then in the River, and I was very unwilling, any more to hazard my ſelf in ſmall Veſſels.) It was the very ſame Ship which I ſaw at Alarache, engag'd with the ſix Algerines. In the beginning of November I was brought to the Texel, (having had no convenience to be remov'd into any Ship in the Channel, by reaſon of a great Storm that hurried us over to the Holland Coaſt:) from Amſterdam I came to the Hague, where hearing, that Sir John Chicheley then Envoy from his Majeſty to the Governour of the Spaniſh Netherlands was returning inſtantly for England, I made haſte to Bruſſels, and obtain'd paſſage for England amongſt his retinue, ſo that I return'd to England in November 1670, and never have been out of his Majeſties Dominions ſince.

After my return I immediately went for Oxford, where I fell into the favour of George Wheeler Eſquire then Gentleman-Commoner of Lincoln-Colledge, who was pleas'd to think my indigent condition a fit object of his charity; with whom and his Father Colonel Charles Wheeler I lived in quality of Tutor to his Children from Chriſtmas 1670, until May 1672. During which time I received Deacon's Orders, from the Biſhop of Ely's hands, and at Chriſtmas following I was ordained Prieſt by the Biſhop of London. In 1673, William then Lord Grey of Wark admitted me to be his Chaplain, with whom I lived until his Death 1674, after which being invited by ſome promiſes to Dublin in Ireland, I removed thither, and lived conſtantly in the City of Dublin, in the execution of my Miniſterial Function, until 1679, when I was call'd into England, upon what occaſion will be the ſubject of my following Diſcourſe.

This is a true account of my Captivity and Eſcape, which I appeal to many thouſands whether or not it agrees exactly, with what I have related theſe twelve years paſt; Haec meminiſſe juvat. I cannot indeed diſown a piece of vanity I have had, in frequently reflecting upon this remarkable accident of my life, and ſuch complacency I have had therein, that I have always freely comply'd with any handſome invitation to relate it; for there is a great pleaſure in remembring the great Dangers I have paſt (Dangers to evade which, the Salamanca-Doctor would I believe have pawn'd all his True-Proteſtant expectations, yea and his Swearing Faculty too, which now conſidering the temptations he is under, I am afraid hee'l be damn'd before hee'l part with it.) I have indeed heard many diſcredit the whole Relation, as Romantick, but I never heard any tax me of an Otiſm, i. e. inconſiſtency with my ſelf, as if I told one Story by Candlelight, and a quite different one again in the day. But now that, Haggi Hamet Lucas, (who was my Patron in the place of my Captivity) has by a ſtrange providence come over to this Countrey, and before ſeveral perſons of Quality and Reputation, atteſted the truth of all theſe things by me related, which were within the ſphere of his knowledge; I ſuppoſe there will be but little ſcruple remaining, to unprejudic'd perſons in the belief of the above-written Narrative. Suppoſing it then true, what is there in it, to render me Criminal? Becauſe I am lame muſt I be beaten with my own Crutches? Becauſe I have been unfortunate, is it for that I muſt be miſerable? Becauſe I have made an eſcape from a ſad Captivity in Barbary, do I therefore deſerve to be hang'd here in England? He muſt be a Devil at making of Plots, as well as diſcovering them, who can make ſuch inferences as theſe paſs, who becauſe by Gods aſſiſtance to my own endeavours I have ſav'd my Countrey the trouble and price of my Redemption, will therefore bring me in guilty of Treaſon againſt her; and this calls to my mind the Salamanca-Doctor.

IT is very hard to conceive, that any thing made after the Image of God, and endu'd with a reaſonable ſoul, (howſoever degenerate and corrupt) ſhould affect evil only for the love of evil, and covet miſchief for its own ſake; this is ſo great a reproach, and caſts ſuch a diſhonourable reflection upon humane nature, that no man can ſuppoſe ſuch a Devil incarnate: and therefore even Titus Oates himſelf (though we ſhould comply with the Papiſts and believe all his Depoſitions to have been only the reſult of his own wicked and miſchievous invention) had always the hopes of Grandeur and the importunate ſollicitations of cunning politick heads, together with a gratification to his Revenge, or ſome natural inclination, to plead as an acquittance from the imputation of ſo Diabolical a temper. And really the Jeſuits and Benedictines were very uncharitable to him, when he poor Rogue ſeem'd abandon'd by God and Man, and was forc'd to betake himſelf to the Devil and the Jeſuites to get bread, and not having the fear of God before his eyes, had no other deſign to maintain himſelf in life, but by conſpiring the Kings death: for them firſt to turn him away ignominiouſly from S. Omers as an indocible Blockhead, that could never be brought to turn three Lines of Engliſh into tolerable Latin; and then to diſown him here in London, notwithſtanding he had a Patent (Riſum teneatis!) from the Pope, to be admitted to their private Cabals; and in the next place to oblige him without Shooes and Stockings, to go a-begging to the Benedictines in the Savoy for, the Scraps of a dinner; and then for Corker and the reſt to bid the Maid ſhut the Door upon him, this is enough to make a man ſo hungry as he was, to be very angry, and to ſwear too: ſo that conſidering the Doctor's temper, the ſatisfaction of his revenge might be alleadg'd as ſome kind of excuſe to qualify the malignity of his Oathes againſt theſe people. And now probably the Readers curioſity is excited to the enquiry upon what occaſion, motive or provocation, the wicked Doctor (ſuppoſing the falſity of his Depoſitions) was induc'd to ſwear ſo maliciouſly againſt me: for ſatisfaction thereto, he muſt know that Charles Lord North and Grey, was the ſole and only occaſion of Oates's ſwearing againſt me; it was to oblige this Noble Lord (for whoſe intereſt it was thought neceſſary to have me diſeſteem'd, and put out of capacity and credit) the curſed Doctor pawn'd his Soul, which will appear plainly to have been his deſign not only from the expreſs words of his own Depoſitions, but alſo from the ſaid Lord's acknowledgment upon his Oath, in Court at our Tryal. But how this noble Lord became ſo concern'd to appear my Enemy, the Reader will underſtand from what follows.

William late Lord Grey of Werk, by his laſt Will and Teſtament, left to his Daughter Katharine now Lady North two hundred Guinneys as a Legacy, and his Son Ralph afterwards Lord Grey, he appointed ſole Executor of his Will; by Deed having ſettled his Eſtate upon his Grandſon Ford the preſent Lord Grey of Werk. This was a very great diſappointment to the Lord Grey of Rolleſtone, now Lord North, who had entertain'd great expectations, not only of being Executor to his Father in Law, but alſo of having a conſiderable part of the Eſtate ſettled upon him; though upon what foundation he built ſuch mighty hopes unleſs his own fancy, ſeems very unaccountable. For the Lord William Grey had beſtow'd a plentiful Portion with his Daughter; and he always careſs'd his Son and Grand-ſons with a paternal affection, as the props and ſupports of his Name and Family: and why then he ſhould alientate his Eſtate, and beſtow it upon another Name, is very unſuitable to that wiſdom and prudent conduct by which the ſaid Lord was always obſerv'd to have manag'd his affairs. Howſoever the Lord North left no means unattempted, no Stone unrolled, to find out a Diſh of Deeds, as his Lordſhip learnedly phras'd it, but all in vain: at length two Sons of Belial, William Warren (who had been for a long time Steward in the Lord Grey of Werk's Family, and then for his infidelity caſhier'd) and Iſaack his Son (much about the ſame time and upon the like account, diſcarded the ſervice of the Lady Dowager Grey) being both turn'd out of Beneficial employments, and not having any other ways of ſubſiſtance, they lay hold of this humour of my Lord North, reſolving to incourage him in it, and to improve it to two different purpoſes; namely, to procure themſelves a livelihood thereby, and beſides to revenge themſelves upon the Lord Grey and the Lady Dowager his Mother. To this purpoſe, they inform the Lord North that he is much injur'd by the Lady Dowager Grey, Executrix to her Husband Lord Ralph Grey, pretended Executor only to his Father the Lord William Grey, becauſe that the Lady North was appointed ſole Executrix, by the laſt Will of the ſaid William Lord Grey, and that the Lord Ralph had burnt that Schedule wherein ſhe was nominated, and forg'd another, wherein he nominated himſelf, and ſubſtituted it in the place of the other; this they both atteſt upon their Oathes, upon which the Lord North commences a ſute againſt the Lady Dowager Grey. The Cauſe after ſeveral removes from Court to Court, at laſt center'd before the Delegates. To be ſhort, after a tedious examination of Witneſſes produc'd on both ſides, the Delegates having diligently weigh'd the arguments, came to a final determination, and unanimouſly pronounc'd in favour of the Lady Grey, judging that Raſcal Iſaack Warren (who confeſs'd himſelf to be a Villain, in betraying his Lord William Lord Grey, and in being acceſſory to the forging his laſt Will and Teſtament, before he could be in a capacity to witneſs for Thomas Lord North) to be much more a Villain after, and that his Teſtimony involv'd a manifeſt contradiction, and conſequently that he was forſworn. It was, during the tryal of this Cauſe in that Court, that I was ſent for from Dublin in Ireland; about September 1679, I was produc'd as a Witneſs by the Lady Grey.

After I had delivered what I knew as to that Cauſe, I prepar'd for my return back to Dublin; and accordingly I had took a place in the Cheſter-Coach for the Munday following. But the day before, as I was preaching at S. Gyles's Church in the Fields, in the Afternoon, news came to the Lady Grey, that there was a Warrant out to apprehend me as a Jeſuit; upon which, I was conveyed home, and commanded to keep my ſelf cloſe, till ſuch time as her Ladyſhip had made enquiry what the matter was.

At length I underſtood from her Ladyſhip, that the Lord North and Titus Oates had that morning met at Whitehall, and after ſome conference, they came where his Majeſty was, and told him for news, that they had diſcovered where one of the moſt dangerous Jeſuits in England was; one that was lately come over from Ireland, ſent as a Spy; one who hid himſelf under a Parſons Gown, and preacht in our Churches ſometimes; at other times he would put on a Cloak and hold forth in a Conventicle, and anon, one might hear him ſaying Maſs in Sommerſet-Chappel. His Majeſty was aſtoniſh'd at the impudence of ſuch a fellow, who at ſuch a time of the day, durſt appear to affront the ſeverity of the Laws which were then moſt rigorouſly put in Execution, and was pleas'd to demand his Name, and enquir'd of Oates if he knew him. Oates told his Majeſty, that his name was Elliot, and that he knew him very well, for one of the moſt miſchievous wicked men in the world, and that he believ'd he had more malice in him, than all the Jeſuits had who were hang'd; nay more ſays he, he is a Circumcis'd Jeſuit. God bleſs us, ſays his Majeſty, What ſort of Jeſuit is that? A Jeſuit who is no Chriſtian but a Turk, reply'd the Salamanca Devil. And thus they went on, the Lord and the Doctor ſtriving to outvy each other in burthening my poor name with all the Infamy imaginable, and that before his Sacred Majeſty; as if I were unworthy of his protection, or the benefit of the Laws. At length, his Majeſty weary of ſuch an odious deſcription, was pleas'd to retire, bidding them get a Warrant to apprehend me; which they immediately did from Sir William Waller.

Her Ladyſhip moreover made me acquainted, that there was an Advertiſement in the Gazette for the next day concerning me, and therefore that it would not be my beſt courſe to ſet forward for Cheſter, for that I was repreſented under ſo vile a Character, that the Mobile would certainly tear me in pieces. However her Ladyſhip bid me chear up and not to deſpond, for I ſhould find friends enough to ſtand by me and defend my innocence, ſo that never a Lord nor Devil-of-a-Doctor of them all ſhould prejudice me: her Ladyſhip therefore that night ſent and prevented the Advertiſement in the Gazette, and bid me prepare my ſelf to appear before Sir William the next morning.

About nine of the Clock the day following, I ſaw a Conſtable with ſome Red-Coats coming to my Lady Grey's Houſe, and fearing leſt they ſhould affront Her Ladyſhip if I ſhould be out of the way, I went and met them at the Gate; I demanded whom they would ſpeak with? The Conſtable told me, that he had a Warrant to ſearch for, and apprehend a Prieſt in that houſe; I aſſur'd him, there was no Prieſt belong'd to that Family except my ſelf: he inquir'd whether I was one, I anſwered that I was, but of the Church of England, and that my name was Elliot; and moreover I told him, I thought I was the perſon he was in queſt of. He reply'd that he was of the ſame opinion, and withall commanded me along with him; I enquired whither I muſt go; he told me to Sir William Waller, whoſe Warrant he ſhew'd me. The Honourable Ralph Grey Eſquire came to the Conſtable, and deſir'd him to command the Red-Coats to keep off, becauſe the People ſeeing them attend a Coach, would be apt to affront us, and withall proffer'd me the honour of his Company: which I with all thankful acknowledgments moſt willingly accepted. And indeed I had reaſon, for if it had not been for his preſence, and the influence of the Right Honourable the Lady his Mother, I had been certainly ſent to Newgate, and whither then God knows, for Oates ſays, he never begins a buſineſs but he goes thorough-ſtitch with it: he might have ſworn that he ſaw a Letter under my hand, which encourag'd Grove and Pickering to proceed to murther the King, as eaſily as he ſwore that he ſaw one under my hand, wherein I acknowledged that I had received Prieſts Orders and ſung High Maſs at Rome; I will ſwear he ſaw one as much as the other.

But to proceed, we took Coach and went directly to Sir William Wallers houſe in Weſtminſter: whilſt we were going thither, the Conſtable enquir'd whether ever I had been amongſt the Turks, I told him I had; the Conſtable then ſhook his head, telling Mr. Grey that it would go hard with me, for that there was ſtrong evidence againſt me that I was both a Jeſuit, and a Turkiſh-Prieſt; Mr. Grey could not forbear laughing, whilſt I was heartily vex'd to ſee my ſelf thus abus'd. When we came to Sir Williams, after a little ſquabling, and ſome coarſe complements I was oblig'd to paſs upon his Worſhip, Mr. Grey and he withdrew, and after having the Caſe clearly ſtated to him, Sir William return'd to me, and begged my pardon, for he underſtood I was a Miniſter of the Church of England, and had the relation of Chaplain to a very Honourable Family, which he was ſure, would not entertain within their doors any one repreſented under the character that I was; and ſo he profeſs'd himſelf ſorry that upon a miſinformation he gave me this trouble, deſiring Mr. Grey to go to Oates's Lodgings in Whitehall with me, and ordering the Conſtable to attend, he ſaid he would preſently follow us, and endeavour my diſmiſſion, which he did.

Oates in the mean time, being inform'd that Perſons of great Quality would appear in my vindication, if any danger threatned me, and that the Lord North's deſign of Revenge was too too apparent in the buſineſs, alters his mind, and haſtning down to Sir Williams at that time when we were coming to Whitehall, he met his Coach following us; and going into Sir William's Coach, the firſt thing he ſaid (as a Gentleman then preſent inform'd me) was, Sir William, you muſt not meddle with Mr. Elliot for I have nothing to ſay againſt him: Nor I neither, anſwered Sir William, for he is a Miniſter of the Church of England, and has his Orders about him. A little after our coming to Oates's Chamber, where were abundance of people, the Doctor came in, to whom addreſſing my ſelf, I ask'd him if he knew me; he told me, that he remembred me very well at Cambridge, about twelve years ago, and that ſince he never ſaw me; he heard, he ſaid, and was inform'd, that I had ſaid Maſs in Sommerſet-Chappel, but he believ'd it was a miſtake: pray, Mr. Oates, ſaid I, what is the meaning of the report you have rais'd, as if I were circumcis'd; Truly, ſays the Doctor, when I was at Rome, the Fathers of the Scotch Colledge enquir'd whether I knew you; knew whom, ſays I? They ask'd, ſays he, whether I knew one Adam Elliot, who had been of their Colledge; I told them I knew youvery well, and that I heard you had been taken Captive by the Turks; It may be, reply the Fathers, they have Circumcis'd him. This is all, ſays he, that I know of the buſineſs. This was a piece of ſuch intolerable impudence, that I could hardly refrain giving him the Lye; for he not only contradicted what he had told His Majeſty the day before (as perſons of the greateſt Quality can atteſt) but he contriv'd a Story, whoſe every Sillable was falſe: for I never was in the Scotch Colledge at Rome, I never ſaw it to my knowledge, neither did I ever ſee a Scotch Father, neither was I ever reputed a Scotch-man whilſt I was abroad; and moreover my Name was never known to be Elliot: ſo that knowing theſe things to be falſe, I had reaſon to queſtion whether ever he had been at Rome, which I do ſtill. However, I thought it was not convenient to put him out of humour by my contradiction at that time, but I let him go on without interruption, to tell Lyes as long as he pleas'd; at laſt ſeeing him at a pauſe, I ask'd him if he had any thing to alledge why the Conſtable might not be diſcharged farther attendance; his Doctorſhip was pleas'd to ſpeak the word that he might go about his buſineſs, and ſo I was ſet at liberty.

This Lenity of the Doctor in cauſing me to be apprehended, and immediately diſcharg'd, was not the effect of his Repentance or good Nature, but of his Cowardice and Fear, as the Reader will preſently conclude. As ſoon as with convenience I could, I made haſte for Ireland; yet not with that ſpeed, but that a Pacquet or two had got over before me, and carried the news of my apprehenſion, and of Oates's Depoſitions againſt me: the News was ſo general, that there was no doubt of the matter of fact; and Oates's teſtimony was in ſo great credit then, that it was judg'd a crime equal to Blaſphemy or Treaſon to call it in queſtion: ſo that even my friends and intimate acquaintance were at a loſs what to think of me; the Diſſenters and Enemies of our Cathedrals (of which I was a Member) did inſult and triumph upon this ſham-occaſion. At length in the very heat of theſe prepoſſeſſions, I landed at Dublin, upon a Sunday-mornning, and immediately repair'd to the Church, where I officiated according to the duty of my place; moſt people were aſtoniſh'd to ſee me, becauſe I was reported generally to be in Newgate in London. But the Phanaticks were almoſt diſtracted, to ſee their falſe intelligence confuted by ſo lively an argument as my appearance; and my not being a Popiſh Prieſt, or a Circumeis'd Turk, they thought would baffle the Doctor's Infallibility, damn the Plot, and confound them all. O! what a great ſcandal it was to them, to ſee me walk the Streets, but much more to hear me diſcourſe freely, as, God help me! I could not forbear ſometimes, when Titus Oates came in the way of my fancy. Theſe were affronts that were intollerable, and therefore they watch'd my converſation, and always to enſnare me. At laſt, I unhappily fell into the company of a turbulent factious Fellow, a City-Captain, who endeavour'd to raiſe his credit by catching of Popiſh Prieſts, and he had got a little fame by that way: but now, if he could but entrap me, he thought he ſhould gain immortal honour. Amongſt other diſcourſe, he deſired of me to be ſatisfied of the occaſion of theſe reports ſpread concerning me when I was in England; I endeavour'd to ſatisfy him all I could, but all would not do, for ſays he, I am ſure Dr. Oates cannot Lye, and I am pretty well aſſured, that he ſaid you were a Popiſh Prieſt and a Turk beſides. This inſolent expreſſion provokt me to ſome paſſionate reſentment; ſo that I told him, that Oates was a great Lying Rogue, and he was another: this is not to be endur'd by any True Proteſtant, ſays the Captain, ſpeak your pleaſure of me, ſays he, but do not blaſpheme the venerable Doctor; the Doctor, continued I, if he depos'd with no more truth againſt the Jeſuits than he did againſt me, they died Martyrs: At this, the Captain riſes and runs away to Sir Robert Booth, a True-Proteſtant L. C. J. of the Kings Bench, and makes affidavit, that I ſaid that Titus Oates was a Rogue, and the five Jeſuits Martyrs. To be ſhort, I was ſent for by a Tipſtaff, bound over to anſwer at the Kings-Bench the near approaching term, when I was indicted for theſe very words, found guilty, and fin'd 200 l. and impriſonment until I paid it. At the ſame time, comes over from England a pretended character of Adam Elliot, directed to a Gentleman of Quality in Dublin, who was deſired to diſperſe Copies of it; it was ſubſcribed North and Grey, and was a baſe, malicious Libel, ſtufft with lies and impudence; it is Scandalum Magnatum any perſon profeſſing Honour and Honeſty, as the Author of it. He aſſerts upon his honour, that I was expell'd the Univerſity of Cambridge, that I was a Jeſuit, that I was a Renegado and a Mahumetan, that I was a Felon, that I was a Murderer, that I was guilty of Forgery, and particularly that I combin'd with Ralph Lord Grey of Werk, and with him forg'd the laſt Will of his Father William Lord Grey, to the prejudice of the Lord North of above 30000 l. This infamous character, howſoever moſt abominably, and from the beginning to the end falſe, yet coming under the ſpecious recommendation of a Perſon of Honour, did much prejudice me, eſpecially with the concurrence of my other misfortunes, ſo that I was rendered very odious and vile, inſomuch that my confinement was my beſt ſecurity; for if I had walkt the Streets I had been in danger of being ſton'd.

At length, after this violent ferment of the Peoples hatred by a little time, as is uſual, had begun to abate, the Privy Council upon my Petition, were pleas'd to conſider my condition, as thinking that I had met with very hard meaſure for ſpeaking a few words, (which were by the ſevereſt conſtruction, the reſult only of paſſion and inadvertency) and being pretty well ſatisfied of my good inclinations to the Church of England and Ireland as by Law eſtabliſhed, as alſo to the Government, and my averſion to Popery; and withall conſidering how I labour'd under the calumnies and ſlanders of a ſcandalous Libel, apparently falſe, and deſign'd out of malice to ruin my reputation, and that I had no way to do my ſelf right, ſo long as I was under confinement, they were pleas'd to order my releaſement upon Bail until the next Term, and then I ſatisfied the Law, and was diſcharg'd.

After my departure from London for Ireland, the Lord North perceiving how much a propô it would be to invalidate my teſtimony, viz. that excellent invention of Circumciſion, (for though a Papiſts Oath may be taken, yet no man ſure will believe one who has renounc't the Chriſtian Faith) he renews his ſollicitations to the Doctor, to ſwear againſt me in the Court of Delegates: the Doctor who us'd not to ſwear lightly and in vain, i. e. for nothing, ſeem'd ſhy at firſt; but having heard that I call'd him a Rogue and the Jeſuits Martyrs, he comply'd with the deſire of his good Friend, the Lord North, who at that time; the Reader muſt take notice, was a Petitioning Lord, that is, one of thoſe Lords, who ſubſcrib'd and preſented a Petition to his Majeſty for the ſitting of the Parliament, and therefore was by all obliging offices to be careſs'd and retain'd. (The Reader is likewiſe deſir'd to take notice, that at the Lord Stafford's Tryal, Oates ſwore, that a certain Lord ſent him a 100 l. but he neither tells us who, nor for what, ſo that whether this remark be to the purpoſe or not, I cannot as yet tell.)

Oates's Depoſitions againſt me upon Oath are as followeth.

Theſe are the Depoſitions of Titus Oates againſt me, which did not flow from a precipitate raſhneſs, or inconſiderate paſſion, but were the adviſed reſult of ſix months deliberation, ſubſcribed by his own hand, and grounded upon the ſame motives of Credibility with his diſcovery of the Popiſh Plot; even his Oath and moſt ſolemn Invocation of the dreadful God, to avenge himſelf upon him, who beareth falſe witneſs againſt his Neighbour. The charge againſt me in theſe his Depoſitions is intollerably grievous, even abſtracting from the ſacredneſs of my Function, and conſidering me barely, as I am a member of a Chriſtian and Proteſtant community: and truly the concluſion of his Depoſitions in theſe words, that I am ſo vile and infamous a perſon, of ſuch a wicked, lewd and debauch'd life and converſation, that no faith is, or ought to be given to my ſayings and Depoſitions in that Cauſe; as it plainly ſhews the deſign of Oates's appearing againſt me, viz. to oblige the Lord North, and to invalidate my teſtimony in behalf of the Lady Dowager Grey; ſo it is a very rational conſequence which the Doctor is ſeldom guilty of: for indeed if I am truly and juſtly charged by him, I confeſs my ſelf not only unworthy of credit in that cauſe, but in all others; but if he has ſworn falſly againſt me, then I hope the concluſion will be equally applicable to himſelf, and that the Doctor ought not to be believ'd, either in his Depoſitions againſt me, or any other perſon. Now I do in the preſence of the almighty and all-ſeing God declare, that what Titus Oates has ſworn againſt me, is meer calumny, and malicious wilful detraction and ſlander, and abſolutely falſe; and that whoſoever might excite or encourage the Villain to this baſe and unworthy undertaking, yet certainly the Enemy of Mankind muſt have been mainly concern'd in the wicked contrivance, and the Doctor by his ſhameleſs impudent lying and falſe ſwearing, has plainly evidenc'd himſelf to be the Son of a Devil, by manifeſt characters and features lineally extracted from the Father of Lies and accuſer of the Brethren.

But here I expect ſome Readers may probably cut me ſhort, and tell me, that by aſſerting Doctor Oates to be forſworn, I inſinuate as if the Popiſh Plot were but a feignment, and a meer whim of the Doctor's invention; at leaſt I reflect moſt ſeverely upon his Diſcoveries, for if he can be found but once to have ſworn falſly, the credit of his Depoſitions immediately ſinks, and every man for the future, will think himſelf oblig'd to disbelieve his Narrative.

To this I anſwer, that his Maje ••… and Council have declar'd that there is a Popiſh Plot, and therefore I have reaſon to believe one; for the King is as an Angel of God, and has means of Intelligence that far tranſcend my little ſphere, or any Subjects; ſo that in deſpight of theſe objections Oates has laid in the way, I do really believe the exiſtence of a Popiſh Plot; but withall I do declare, I do not believe one ſyllable thereof from beginning to ending, upon account of the Doctors Depoſitions: and if it be criminal to deny it, or call it in queſtion, the truth and being of which is aſcertain'd by his Majeſties Declaration in Council, and by the Votes of the Houſe of Lords and Commons in Parliament, then certainly there is abundant matter of Information againſt one Titus Oates a Salamanea-Doctor, who for theſe three years paſt, has induſtriouſly endeavour'd to diſcredit it, and by contradicting Oaths, and forſwearing himſelf in ſeveral inſtances, has ruin'd his own reputation, and labour'd as much as in him lay, to perſwade the Nation that his Narrative is a Lye, and the Plot a ſham; for which if he be not return'd into the Crown-Office, and anſwer for his miſdemeanour at the Kings-Bench-Bar, (as it ſhall be none of my fault if he do not,) yet I hope there will come a Parliament; and really I believe it will be a pleaſant ſight, to ſee Doctor Oates brought up by Topham, to anſwer at the Commons Bar, the contempt of God knows how many Votes.

When the firſt diſcovery of the Popiſh Plot had alarum'd theſe Nations with a general conſternation and horrour, as reaſonably it muſt, I confeſs I bore a part; for being in a Country, viz. in Ireland, where the Papiſts were very numerous, and where forty years interval had ſcarce worn out the footſteps and bloody marks of their barbarous and inhumane Cruelty, and execrable Rebellion; methought the Proteſtauts there had all the reaſon in the world to be ſenſible of their Danger, and to ſtand upon their guard, ſeeing ſuch a dreadful Plot was ſworn to be upon the very brink of breaking out here in England. But when after all, Oates's Narrative, and his Evidences againſt the Jeſuits, and others who ſuffer'd, produc'd nothing but bare down-right confident Swearing, (a certain and infallible argument of nothing ſo much as his own traiterous diſpoſition formerly) I muſt confeſs my fears began to vaniſh, and ſtrong ſurmiſes to come in their place, leſt the Doctors Ears might be in greater jeopardy than our Throats. To ſpeak the truth, the 40000 Black-Bills, and the Army of Spaniſh Pilgrims, and Military Commiſſions from General D'Oliva, appear'd always to me ſo monſtrouſly ridiculous, that they offer an intolerable affront to the underſtanding of any man, who has but a very indifferent account of the affairs of Europe. I deſire the Reader to reconcile if he can, Oates's Depoſitions in Coleman's Tryal, pag. 29th, where upon Oath he delivers to us, yea, and repeats it for ſureneſs ſake, That he never ſaw Langhorn after he had ſhewed him the Commiſſions; which there he tells us, was two days after the April Conſult; and yet in Langhorn's Tryal pag. 18th, he ſwears, he ſaw him twice or thrice after, in July and Auguſt: this laſt he thought himſelf oblig'd to ſwear, that he might charge Langhorn with a new Treaſon contriv'd at a Benedictine Conſult, which the Doctor made to be in theſe months at the Sav •… ▪ Theſe two evidences upon Oath are plainly contradictory, I am ſure, they can never both be reconcil'd to truth. It never abated my honour and dutiful reſpects to His Royal Highneſs, that Oates ſwore firſt for him, and afterwards againſt him; and notwithſtanding his Doctorſhip's ſwearing through a double Door, yet I have ten times more reaſon to believe the Doctor to be a Son of a—, than His R. H. to be a Son of the Church of Rome. I have heard much talk, and a great deal of Swearing there has been, about the Commiſſions, and a world of Letters brimfull of Treaſon, ſent by the Poſt too, whoſe Date the Doctor remembers preciſely; and yet wiſemen, if they do not think he Lyes, they cannot but admire that he ſhould have never a ſcrip nor ſcroul to ſhew; they wonder he ſhould forget to bring at leaſt a Copy along with him: I would have been more generous my ſelf than Sir John Gage was to him, I would give twenty Shillings for the ſight of that Commiſſion, for which Sir John gave but ten.

At Stafford's Tryal, pag. he ſwore he never was really a Papiſt, but a Counterfeit; then in the firſt place, I deſire the Reader to conſider what Religion he could be of, during his reſidence amongſt the Papiſts; which of the Whiggiſh Tribes could he be oblig'd to for Communion, or whether the Proteſtant Religion of the Church of England would own ſuch a wicked Diſſembler with God and Man, who took all ſorts of Teſts of Oaths and Sacraments, yea, and committed abominable Idolatry, in deſpight of his conſcience; who equivocated beyond Garnet, and out-ly'd the Devil. In the next place, ſuppoſing, but not granting him to have been then a Proteſtant; pray Reader, ask him the next time you ſee him, why he did not carry the Reſolves of the April-Conſult concerning the aſſaſinating his Majeſty, to one of the Secretaries of State, or to ſome Magiſtrate? He ſwears that he carried theſe Reſolves from one Club to another, ſubſcribed by the ſeveral hands of the Perſons, who were at the Clubs; could there a fitter opportunity offer it ſelf to diſcover the Plot, than at a time when he might have ſeiz'd all the Conſpirators coop'd up together? when he might ſo manifeſtly have convinc'd them, by their names and manual ſubſcriptions to the higheſt and expreſs moſt Treaſon imaginable? Nay moreover, when a ſmall delay threaten'd His Majeſties ſacred Perſon with an imminent, if not certain deſtruction. By his ſwearing himſelf to have been at that time no Papiſt, I appeal to any man, whether he doth not in effect make Oath, that there was no ſuch traiterous Conſult: for it ſeems not probable, that there ſhould be ſuch a horrid palpable Conſpiracy, and ſuch an excellent convenience for Diſcovery, and yet a Proteſtant ſhould conceal it. But above all, I can hardly find in my heart to forgive him, (notwithſtanding His Majeſties pardon) the not preventing the Deſtruction of His Majeſties ſacred Perſon, by Sir George Wakeman's Poyſon, or ſome other way, by the four Ruffians at Windſor. In almoſt all the Trials, he ſticks to this, viz. that he ſaw 80 lb. told down to be carried to them, and he ſaw a Guinney given for expedition; and yet this bloody Villain never made, nor attempted any diſcovery, when it might have been ſeaſonable: every minute he expected to hear the blow was given, and yet, which is monſtrous, he never offered the leaſt prevention. Certainly Ravilliac and Jaques Clement were better Chriſtians than this Rogue; he Lyes, if he ſays he was then a Proteſtant, or elſe he Lyes in deviſing this Plot, let him take his Choice.

At the firſt diſcovery of the Plot, he was pleas'd to allow His Grace the Duke of Ormond, a Guard of four ſuch Ruffians as attend his Doctorſhip, and he made his Grace at that time ſo conſiderable in the Proteſtant cauſe, that he appointed him Fogarthy for a Phyſitian: but this was in the dawning of the Diſcovery: the Doctor is obſerv'd to make very conſiderable miſtakes by Candle-light, and ſo probably he might then miſtake his Grace for a certain Noble Peer; for afterwards, when the Plot was arriv'd to the Noon of its diſcovery, that People could ſee clearly who it was convenient to ſwear for, or againſt: His Grace was brought in as a favourer of that Religion, which before the Doctor ſwore would have murdered him; and God knows how many more were brought in upon the like account. All the Clergy of the Church of England, were then ſeen tantivying it to Rome, and the Diſſenters and Conventicles were the only ſtrong Holds and Bulwarks of the Proteſtant Religion; whereas at the beginning, the Doctor ſwears in his Narrative, the Papiſts endeavour'd by all means to encourage theſe ſeditious Separatiſts, and that the Meeting-houſes were the lurking holes of the Jeſuits, where under the umbrage of the Toleration allow'd them, they abſconded themſelves from the view of the Law. Nay, if the Doctor's friend Stephen Colledge had been permitted to finiſh his Diſcovery of the Plot and his Raree ſhow, I do not doubt, but his Majeſty had been drawn into the Plot againſt his own Life. The Learned Doctor may have read or heard at leaſt, that Charles Stuart has been before now, charg'd with Treaſon againſt the Soveraign; they had got pretty near the King, when they made bold with the Queen, and however the Doctor has not been poſitive as yet to this point, yet he knows there is a time for all things. All which arguments, with abundance more too large to be here inſerted, drawn from the intrinſick matter of the Doctor's Depoſitions, were ſufficient to reſtrain my aſſent to the Doctor's Oathes, how confident ſoever; eſpecially when I conſidered that he was a perſon no ways eminent for probity or honeſty, qualifications eſſentially requiſite to all who aim at credit by Swearing: but this villanous Doctor is notorious for all flagitious crimes and impieties imaginable. Sir Dennis Aſhbourn witneſſed, that he had one property of the Devil, viz. that he was a Liar from the beginning; he has ſerv'd an apprentiſhip to the trade of Leeſing from his Cradle, and Haſtings his ſome time abode in Suſſex, and Bobbing in Kent, will verify the old ſaying, Quo ſemel eſt imbuta, &c. He has been obſerv'd, wherever he has fortun'd to make his reſidence, to ſow diſſention amongſt Neighbours, even where he pretended to be a Miniſter of peace, a perpetual Make-bate; upon which account and ſeveral others, Sir George Moor turn'd him out of his Family at Bobbing,: and how he behav'd himſelf at Haſtings, the Records of that place are a demonſtration, and are ſo generally known, that I ſhall not trouble the Reader with a recital; only I have heard it wiſht by an Inhabitant there, for an experiment, that he would beſtow a viſit upon his Quondam Pariſhioners, he verily believ'd, he ſaid that all his Ruffianlike Mirmidon would hardly defend him from the reſentments of the good Houſe-wifes there, who remember what a ſcarcity of Poultry was in that Town, when he was their Miniſter. Nay, on my conſcience, I never heard any Perſon who pretended to know him, who did not deſcribe him by an evil character: But theſe are Peccadilloes, in reſpect of his monſtrous luſts, which would make a Satyre bluſh, upon which account, he is notoriouſly infamous both by Sea and by Land. I have heard thoſe who were aboard with him report, that he has committed ſuch crimes a-ſhip-board, as have oblig'd the Captain, a Gentleman of very fair conditions, to wave all Civility uſually beſtow'd upon his Quality, and to order him to be drubb'd, and ty'd neck and heels, and afterwards to be ſet a-ſhore. And there are thoſe living now, who will witneſs that Knox and Lane were not the firſt or only Perſons that could charge him with a Sodomitical attempt. As for his Religion, no man can tell what Creed he profeſſeth. The Reader may have heard of a blaſphemous Villain, who pronounc'd St. Athanaſius a Creed-making Coxcomb: I am morally certain, the Salamanca Doctor has not as yet made publick ſatisfaction to the Church of England for his ſcandalous apoſtacy, and that he has made no publick abjuration of the errours of the Church of Rome, which ſometimes he profeſs'd; and I am ſure that for a while he aſſociated with the Socinians, and was even by them diſliked, being ſcandaliz'd with his contemptuous and blaſphemous talk of the bleſſed Trinity, and he is very well known both by his Non-fenſical harangue at the Weavers Feaſt (upon theſe words, Heb. 1. 2. By whom alſo he made the worlds) as alſo by his prating in publick company, to be obſtinate in the Socinian perſwaſions, though God knows, he is very little capable to underſtand their arguments: nay, I have heard it credibly reported, that this profane Wretch, made it his buſineſs to go about fidler-wiſe, amongſt places of publick reſort, and ridicule preaching, by a Presbyterian Cant, and as the Fidlers us'd to preſs into companies, and ſay, Gentlemen, will ye pleaſe to have a Leſſon of Muſick, this Mountebank us'd to ſay, Gentlemen, will ye have a Sermon; and when the reckoning came to be paid, there was uſually twelve pence left for the Fidlers, and ſix pence for the Doctor. This they ſay was one way he had of Living, after he was turn'd from St. Omers, before he laid hold of the Plot. And now I appeal to any unprejudic'd Reader, whether credit ought to be given to his Depoſitions; or whether the Life, fortune, or reputation of a man, ought to be of ſo inconſiderable a value, as to depend upon the breath a Miſcreant, deſtitute of Religion and Morality, an utter Stranger both to faith and good manners.

But yet ſuppoſing the truth of theſe allegations ſhould not appear ſo clearly to prejudic'd minds; yea, ſuppoſe they all ſhould be falſe, yet I am ſo fully perſwaded of his malicious villany, and falſe ſwearing againſt me, that ſhould the whole world oppoſe me, I am reſolv'd to be Athanaſius againſt the whole world: the glory of God, the intereſt of Truth, and the vindication of my own reputation, oblige me to expoſe this Enemy of mankind and all that is good, and to proclaim to all the world, that Titus Oates is one of the wickedeſt and moſt malicious Villains in it, who ſhews no dread of a God, nor makes conſcience of an Oath. And this I ſhall demonſtrate and offer a clear proof of, to all unbiaſſed underſtanding perſons, who deſire to be ſatisfied of the truth, in the examination of his Depoſitions againſt me: which though this cunning ſwearing-maſter, has couch'd with all artifice, that the truth might not be diſcovered, ſwearing things by ſuch circumſtances, which as they admit of no manner of probation but his own Oath, ſo he thought his falſhood would never be detected, by reaſon of the difficulty of bringing arguments to prove Negatives; yet the Devil who is indebted ſhame and confuſion to all his Proſelytes, has taken occaſion to pay a little in hand at preſent to his own child Titus, by leaving him in ſome places of theſe his Depoſitions, unguarded of that fence he had provided him with in moſt of his other Lies; ſo that now he lies ſhamefully naked, a foreſworn wretch, expoſed plainly to the view of all who do not wilfully ſhut their eyes againſt the light of the truth.

To ſhew the Reader what truth he is to expect from Oates's Depoſitions, he begins with a notorious untruth, and prefaceth his falſe Oathes with a ſuitable Lye; he ſtiles himſelf, Titus Oates, Sacra Theologiae Profeſſor, which rendred into true Engliſh is, Titus Oates a damn'd Liar, for Titus Oates Doctor in Divinity is a contradiction to truth. He has impos'd upon the nation, aſſerting upon the word of a Prieſt, that he commenc'd Doctor at Salamanca, whereas he has made it highly probable that he never was there; and beſides, by declaring that he never received Clerical Orders from the Church of Rome, he has given all underſtanding men a better proof than his Oath, that he could never be a Doctor, no perſon being qualified for that degree in that Univerſity, who is not a Romiſh Prieſt. It is very unlikely that he ſhould obtain the higheſt honour of Academical preferment in a forreign Univerſity, who never deſerv'd the Grace of the loweſt degree in the Univerſity of Cambridge, amongſt his own Countreymen. The Doctors of Salamanca are much fam'd for their acuteneſs and exact knowledg in Scholaſtick Divinity, which this blockhead underſtands as much as he does Greek or the Chineſe Languages, which his Mother never taught him, and therefore he is a ſtranger to. I have heard of Angelicus Doctor, and Seraphicus Doctor, but I never heard of Doctor Diabolicus, until Titus Oates and the helliſh Popiſh Plot appear'd together; a Damnable Doctor created at the Amſterdam-Coffee-houſe, or B—l's Club in the Devils name, and ſo let him paſs.

Having by this prefatory addreſs of a palpable Lye, beſpoke the Readers belief to what follows, he begins and ſwears four abominable rappers in a breath: he ſwears I beat my Tutor, that I robb'd a ſtudy of Books, and offer'd to ſell the Books to him; that during his knowledg of me, (which, by his own acknowledgment was only for the ſpace of a year) I was maintain'd by ſome Doctors of the Univerſity, and yet during that time, I was not maintain'd by them, for they withdrew the maintenance, by reaſon of my whoring, drinking, &c. and laſtly he ſwears that I went a Deer-ſtealing. Theſe are four ſcandalous crimes, by which he begins and aſſaults my Reputation; but becauſe he knew the charge lay obnoxious to be diſprov'd, and the falſity thereof might eaſily be made appear by the teſtimony of the whole Colledge: therefore he has recourſe to the uſual ſhelter of his lies, viz. I confeſs'd theſe things to him. And now he thinks he has entrench'd himſelf ſecure againſt the moſt powerful attacks of the plaineſt truth. It was to this refuge, that this impudent forger of falſhoods betook himſelf, when at my Lord Caſtlemain's Trial, he was charg'd by that noble Perſon with a manifeſt Lye, in aſſerting that he was divorc'd: he brought himſelf off with a retreat to the old ſconce, I am ſure, ſays he, My Lord told me he was divorc'd. But I hope the Reader will be ſo juſt, as to qualify this ſort of argument, which if admitted without conſideration, is as apt to deſtroy the innocent as condemn the guilty: the quality both of the Oath and the Swearer ought to be examined, otherwiſe▪ the moſt innocent perſon is expos'd to the malice of every confident Villain. Now the Doctor has ſworn againſt me crimes committed in Cajus Colledge in Cambridge, which the Colledge never ſo much as heard me ſuſpected of; and moreover ſome perſons of known integrity and veracity who were well acquainted with me, and during all the time of my reſidence in Cambridge, knew me intimately, have thought themſelves oblig'd to do me juſtice, and have upon Oath in the Court of Delegates declar'd that they had all reaſon to believe me abus'd by malicious ſlander, ſeeing, if there had been any ground for ſuch aſperſions, they muſt of neceſſity have been made acquainted with it, as who were my fellow-Collegiates, and had the opportunity of a converſe four times as long as Oates can pretend to. My Tutor did likewiſe declare and offer'd to make Oath, that he never knew me in the leaſt guilty of any ſuch undutiful carriage, as to beat him or any fellow in the Colledge; he moreover did atteſt, and offer'd to procure the Teſtimony of the whole Colledge, that I never was charg'd nor ſuſpected of Robbing a ſtudy, and (whereas this impudent falſewitneſs did aver to a perſon of Honour, that I robb'd my Tutor's ſtudy) that he himſelf never had his ſtudy robb'd either by me or any other. As for Oates's other charge, that during his knowledge of me, I was maintain'd by ſome Doctors, and that for my whoreing, drinking, and riotous living, they withdrew the maintenance. The whole Colledge can atteſt, that I reſided in the Colledge till after I was Batchelour of Arts, and I deſy the Doctor, to produce one Cambridge Dun who could charge me with the leaſt Debt when I left the Univerſity; and how then I ſhould be addicted to ſuch expenſive vices, (eſpecially, ſeeing the Doctor has been pleaſed to allow me but a very ſmall competency to maintain them) is matter of enquiry. But his laſt charge is the moſt wild and extravagant of all, viz. Deer-ſtealing; I ſolemnly profeſs I never ſaw a Deer, during my being a member of Cajus Colledge, I never ſaw any Park, neither knew I where there was any, neither did I know or hear of any who were addicted to that ſport in the Univerſity: and for the truth of what I aſſert here, I refer my ſelf to the arbitration of that Society of which I had the honour to be a Member, and to all perſons in the Univerſity acquainted with me or my converſation, who can be ſuppos'd to be the only competent Judges or Witneſſes in this affair.

And now how ſhall I ferret him out of his laſt hole, namely his plea, that I confeſſed my ſelf guilty of theſe crimes to him? there is no way of demonſtrating the falſity of this; but however I have as great probabilities thereof to offer, as the matter will allow, and I hope the Reader will not expect more. As 1ſt. it is highly improbable that Titus Oates ſhould contract a greater acquaintance with me in one year, than any of the Colledge could do in four. 2ly. That I ſhould defame my ſelf, or unboſome my ſelf to him, who was of the meaneſt repute in the Colledge, who was inferior to me both in years and in ſtanding in the Univerſity, and who beſides was as to his quality, only a poor Sizer, the Son of a Weaver; and as to his parts, the moſt ignorant illiterate Dunce, uncapable of improvement, from whoſe converſe there was not the leaſt proſpect of advantage. And then in the third place, notwithſtanding his preciſe memory, which has regiſtred more Letters than ever Langhorn writ, notwithſtanding he can remember the particular hand-writings of a thouſand men, only by ſeeing them put Pen to Paper; yea, notwithſtanding he ſwears he is very well acquainted with my character fifteen years ago, (which is more then I am my ſelf) and that we were ſuch intimate Comerades; that I truſted him with all my ſecrets: yet he unhappily cannot call to mind who was my Tutor, yea, he cannot tell whether I was his Fellow-Pupil, for Mr. John Ellis was his Tutor, which is a pretty fair indication that his memory is not ſo excellent as his Lying: for if it was defective, where he had ſuch convenient helps, it affords reaſon to ſuſpect it too bad to remember where he could have but mean and imperfect aſſiſtances.

I have been thus prolix in vindicating the reputation of my younger years from this Calumniator's aſperſions, not that I arrogate any ſupererogating obſervation of the Statutes of our Colledg (for I am ſufficiently ſenſible of the loſs of theſe opportunities which I might have improv'd to very happy advantages, under the excellent diſcipline of that learned Society, which I ought never to mention, but with all reſentments of Gratitude and Honour) but that I might ſhew unto the world, how conſiſtent with his principles this forſworn Villain has been in every particular againſt me, charging me only with thoſe things which are falſe, and of which the ſevereſt Cenſor of manners in Cajus Colledge muſt pronounce me innocent; and that Titus Oates muſt have been a perfect Stranger both to my converſe and humour. The Bloud-thirſty Murderer makes his next attempt to take away my life, he ſwears he ſaw a Letter ſubſcribed by my hand in the year 1670, directed to the Rector of S. Omers, wherein I gave him an account, that I had receiv'd Prieſts Orders, and had ſung high Maſs in the Engliſh Colledge at Rome; this Letter he ſwears he ſaw in the year 1677. If the Valiant Captain were alive now, to ſecond the Learned Doctor, and ſwear that he ſaw Langhorn regiſter this Letter, there needs no more to hang me. Good God! how unſearchable are thy judgments, and thy ways past finding out! who thus permitteſt the blood-thirſty and deceitful man to go on ſtill in his wickedneſs, and to proſper in his Villanies; in reſpect of which, Cain the Murderer was innocent, and a Saint! If the Schoolmen and Doctors of Salamanca have given a true notion of the Sin againſt the holy Ghoſt, then I do affirm that there is no hopes of pardon for that damn'd Reprobate, a ſham-brother of theirs, Doctor Titus Oates, who ſins wilfully in deſpite of his conſcience, and ſwears and lyes againſt his knowledg, outbraving Hell-fire, and daring the vengeance of God: for I deſire the Reader to take notice, that I invoke this vengeance of the Almighty to ſeize me immediately, if ever I received any Orders from the See or Church of Rome, or if, ever I received any Eccleſiaſtical Ordination, except of Deacon; An. 1671, from the hands of Biſhop Laney of Ely, and of Prieſt, An. 1672, from Biſhop Henchman of London, according to the rites of the Church of England now by Law eſtabliſhed. Moreover, if ever I wrote any ſuch Letter as Oates ſwears I did, to the Rector of St. Omers or any other perſon, or if ever Oates ſaw any ſuch Letter writ by me. And that I may ſatisfy the Reader as far as I can, in the proof of a Negative, I declare my name was never known to be Elliot beyond Sea, as hundreds can atteſt; and beſides to ſhew that that Rogue's wickedneſs is more my concern than the danger of my life, I will put it to the venture, and gage my life againſt his (if the law will permit,) that he knows not my hand-writing from any other which he never ſaw. If I had received Orders from the See of Rome, I needed not to be Reordained, our Church holding the Romiſh Ordination to be valid.

But becauſe his chief aim in his Depoſitions, was to invalidate my Teſtimony, he is not content to have made me a Prieſt, but he boldly calls God to witneſs that I am a Renegado and a Mahumetan; ſwearing, I, that I was carried a Slave into Barbary: 2ly, that there, as it was generally and credibly reported, I was circumcis'd: 3ly, that I confeſs'd I gave poyſon to my Patron: 4ly, that after that, I returned to Rome: 5ly, that I made a Recantation there: 6ly, that he ſaw this Recantation under my own hand, being well acquainted with my character. In every of which particulars, I do affirm, and engage my ſelf to prove Titus Oates to have ſworn falſely, and I challenge all his friends to undertake his defence from the imputation of having ſworn in ſome of theſe inſtances, maliciouſly and contrary to his knowledge, and in ſome others (to put the beſt conſtruction,) raſhly, and in all falſely.

As to the firſt, Oates never ſaw me in Barbary, therefore he ſwore beyond the ſphere of his knowledge, and howſoever it be materially true, yet it is formally falſe in him, who ſwears at random, and calls God to witneſs his certainty of the truth in a matter which he cannot know whether it be true or falſe; yea, which he has more reaſon to believe to be falſe than true, according to his own Oath, as afterwards it follows in the Depoſitions, that after I came to England, and when I lived in Kent, An. 1673, I was much given to ſwearing that to be true, which was not ſo: then thus I argue ad hominem, all the intelligence that Oates had of my having been in Barbary, and a Slave there, proceeded from my own information to ſeveral perſons, before it came to his hands, and therefore ſeeing I was the ſole author of the Narrative of my Captivity, Oates had more reaſon to believe it falſe than otherwiſe. And beſides, the account of my eſcape appear'd ſo Romantick, that a great many perſons who heard it, thought themſelves oblig'd upon good prudential conſiderations to ſuſpend their judgments, and to doubt whether ever I was in Barbary or not; ſo that Oates by ſwearing poſitively that I was carried a Slave into Barbary, has ſworn to the truth of that which he could not be certain of, and which he had much more reaſon to believe to be falſe.

2. As to the ſecond particular, that there (viz. in Barbary) it was generally and credibly reported that I was circumcis'd; this Oath is alſo raſh, and therefore falſe, and is liable to be prov'd ſo, by the ſame means as the former, becauſe Oates never was at Salle, the place of my Captivity, and conſequently could not certainly know what was generally and credibly reported there. Moreover, whereas he ſwears it was generally and credibly reported, it ſeems very probable that (if he ſwears true, and does not contradict his conſcience) he could produce ſome of thoſe perſons, whom he knows to be credible; but I challenge him, and all mankind to produce one perſon who ever atteſted or reported that I was circumcis'd until about three years agoe, Titus Oates brought this Lye and a great many others into the world. Seeing then he cannot produce one of thoſe many witneſſes whoſe credit he much relies upon, its probable he ſwears maliciouſly as well as falſely, but however it is certain he ſwears at leaſt raſhly to a thing which he did not know, and therefore falſely.

3. He ſwears I confeſs'd I gave Poyſon to my Patron; this I deny, and Oates is forſworn in ſaying ſo, for I could not confeſs to Oates, becauſe I never ſaw him ſince I was at Cambridge, which was before I rtavail'd; And if he only heard ſo from others therefore Oates has ſworn raſhly to the truth of a matter which is falſe, and of whoſe truth he had no means of being certain.

4. He ſwears, that after I had been in Barbary I return'd to Rome: this is falſe, and the Doctor in this is alſo forſworn, for I have never been in Italy, nor within two hundred Leagues of any part of Italy, ſince I was in Barbary, and the truth of this and the moral impoſſibility of the contrary will be atteſted by perſons of worth and unexceptionable credit and veracity: for in the year 1670, Doctor Zachary Cradock now Provoſt of Eaten, who was then Miniſter to the Engliſh Merchants at Lisbon, and Mr. Bulteel a worthy Merchant who then reſided at Lisbon, with others, do remember me, and ſaw me at Lisbon, in the month of June, before I embarkt in that Veſſel in which I was taken; and they can atteſt, that I return'd back to Lisbon in September after I had made an eſcape. Sir Martin Weſtcomb Conſul of Cadiz is able to atteſt, that in the beginning of September 1670, I arriv'd at Cadis from Mamora, the place whither I eſcapt from Salle in a Spaniſh Barca-longa, and that I brought a Letter from the Governour of Mamora to the Duke of Vergauas Governour of Cadis, and that after a fortnights ſtay there, he procur'd me paſſage in a Dutch man of war for Lisbon: from Lisbon I return'd home in another Dutch man of war, in which I embarkt about the middle of October, and was carried to the Texel, and ſo to Amſterdam, in November about the beginning. I refer my ſelf to the teſtimony of Dr. Marſhal Maſter of Lincoln Colledge in Oxford, then Miniſter to the Engliſh at Dort, who was pleas'd to aſſiſt my neceſſitous condition, and Sir John Chichely then Envoy to the Governour of the Spaniſh Netherlands, who remembers me, and his ſervants with whom Sir John was pleas'd to grant me paſſage from Bruſſels to Oſtend; whence having been ſtopt there a fortnight by bad weather, I return'd home, and landed at London about the latter end of November 1670. There are ſeveral perſons of Quality and worth who remember me, and upon Oath can atteſt my reſidence ever ſince November 1670, ſo that it is morally impoſſible that ever I ſhould have been at Rome ſince I was in Barbary: and beſides the buſineſs in which he engages me at Rome, which he ſwears in the next place, requires a time for its performance, which it is impoſſible for any conſidering Reader to allow.

5. He ſwears I made a Recantation at Rome; this he ſwears poſitively, and I ſwear he lyes abominably: and this the Intelligent Reader may be eaſily convinc'd of, by this ſhort demonſtration. Every one who renounces the Chriſtian and embraces the Mahumetan faith, is immediately circumcis'd, that being the eſſential form of iniitation into that Religion, and an infallible character of all its Proſelytes: if therefore I am not circumcis'd, then it is impoſſible that I could have been a Profeſſor of Mahomets Law, and conſequently, it is as impoſſible that I ſhould have recanted it at Rome. But I am not circumcis'd, neither as a Proſelyte nor otherwiſe, which this Rogue's unparallell'd impudence and villany has oblig'd me to prove by a demonſtration not altogether ſo conſiſtent, I confeſs, with the gravity of my Profeſſion, yet ſuch as I have no great reaſon to be aſham'd of, ſince providence has made it inſtrumental for diſcovery of the truth, and preſervation of my own life, and reſcuing my fame from the imputation of a far greater moral turpitude, than any natural I thank God I am guilty of. Titus Oates is therefore palpably forſworn, and to the ſhame and confuſion of himſelf and all who dare ſtand up for him, I can demonſtrate it. But further yet, there are collateral arguments to convince the Reader of the falſhood of this his Oath; If I recanted my Apoſtacy from the Chriſtian Religion, how came I to eſcape the Inquiſition at Rome, which is a harder eſcape than from Salle? and this the Doctor would be ſure of, if he were there. There are none, whether the Doctor know it or no, who turn from the Romiſh Religion, to the Proteſtant, or as they term it Heretical, who are received into the boſome of the Church of Rome upon a bare Recantation, they are beſides to endure a purgatory in the Inquiſition; much more, if they revolt and apoſtatize totally from Chriſtianity, and moſt eſpecially if they were Prieſts, as the Doctor ſwore I was. The Doctor therefore by being ſilent as to this particular, how I got clear of the Inquiſition, which muſt have been very remarkable, has given one main argument, that I never deſerv'd it, and therefore that I never recanted, and therefore that he is a malicious lying Rogue.

6. He ſwears he ſaw this Recantation ſubſcribed with my own hand, and that he is well acquainted with my character; every ſyllable whereof is falſe, and he maliciouſly contradicts the truth▪ ſwearing contrary to his conſcience, for he muſt certainly know, that he never ſaw that which never was. And beſides, if I had made ſuch a Recantation, it would have been very notorious, and the News of the Prints at that time: and for a further conviction, I deſire the Reader once more to take notice, that hundreds can atteſt that my name was never known to be Elliot beyond Sea, and Oates is ignorant by what name I went; and how then he ſhould know my hand, or what I was is next to an impoſſibility.

In theſe ſix foregoing particulars, the Doctor is manifeſtly forſworn, and has ſhewn only the pregnancy of a wicked invention, without any judgment, by improving an innocent if not commendable paſſage of my life, to a crime that is Capital, and making me to deſerve impriſonment and Death amongſt Chriſtians, becauſe I made a laudable attempt to eſcape from a Mooriſh Bondage and Captivity. It is lamentable, that amongſt Chriſtians in England, I ſhould meet with a faith worſe than Punick, and that Haggi Hamet Lucas a barbarous Moor ſhould outvye a Doctor of Salamanca in Chriſtianity. But bleſſed be my good God, who hath delivered me from the paw of the Lion and the Bear, and I truſt will likewiſe deliver me from this Ʋncircumciſed Philiſtine; he whoſe eminent providence has appear'd, in my deliverance from the Monſters of Africa, from the houſe of Bondage and ſlavery to cruel Maſters, will likewiſe vindicate my Innocence from the falſe ſwearing of this Monſter of men, who by wicked blaſphemies defies the Armies of the Living God.

He proceeds on in his wicked lying and falſe ſweating, as if it were religion with him never to ſpeak truth, ſwearing poſitively that An 1673, when I liv'd in Kent, I was given to all debaucheries, viz. Whoreing, Drinking, and particularly to Swearing that to be true which was not ſo; in which Depoſitions, he is like himſelf conſtantly falſe, for he cannot ſo much as pretend that ever he ſaw me in Kent, and conſequently the Reader cannot but be ſatisſied that he ſwears raſhly and falſely. As for the matter of his Depoſitions, which indeed he knows nothing of, I refer my ſelf to a worthy Gentleman, Collonel Charles Wheeler and his Family, with whom I liv'd a year and a half, and to Sir Thomas Scot and his Lady, with whom and in the Neighbourhood, I liv'd the reſt of the time during my reſidence in Kent, whether ever they heard me ſo much as ſuſpected of theſe crimes: I know theſe worthy perſons are ſuch friends to juſtice, as that they will not ſcruple to give his Doctorſhip the Lye. At our Trial, he ſubpena'd ſome people out of Kent, who were ſo far from ſeconding this Villain, that they depos'd much to my advantage; and I am certain, that he cannot produce any who can juſtly charge me with theſe vices, or that ever I wrong'd or defrauded any perſon, or by falſe ſwearing invaded any mans right or good name, crimes peculiar to this publick Enemy, and who like the Devil, endeavours to have all others eſteem'd at leaſt, if not to be, like himſelf.

The laſt Subject of his Depoſitions againſt me, is a Narration of what befel me in Ireland, and in this, as in all the reſt, it's highly probable that he lies and ſwears falſly: he ſwears he ſaw a Letter from the Biſhop of Meath, which ſaid that I was endited, and fin'd 200 lb. for ſaying that Oates was a perjur'd Rogue, and the Jeſuites who ſuffered juſtly dyed Martyrs, and that there was no Popiſh Plot: for the only words of my enditement were, Titus Oates was a Rogue, and the five Jeſuits Martyrs, and not one ſyllable more was alleadged againſt me; ſo that conſidering that Reverend Prelate, who was a perſon of great integrity and juſtice, I have much more reaſon to believe that Titus Oates would conclude as he begun, a calumniating, lying, forſworn wretch, than that any thing ſhould be alledged, that entrenches upon the veracity and clear reputation of that pious Biſhop.

I have now done with the Doctor's Depoſitions, in examination of which, I have I hope with all plainneſs confuted the calumnies of Oates's Friends, who gave out that the Doctor ſwore only that he was inform'd of thoſe things he depos'd againſt me; whereas it is clear to any man,. (except an Ignoramus, who ſhuts his eyes and will not ſee) that what he has deliver'd under his own hand and oath is in the moſt material parts poſitive, and to his own knowledge; and I hope I have alſo, with perſpicuity enough, expos'd him forſworn in moſt of his Depoſitions, whom in my conſcience I believe and know to be ſo, in all and every particular. And now at the foot of the account, I cannot but proſeſs my hearty regret, that ſuch a monſtrous Serpent, and venemous Viper, whoſe mouth is as an open Sepulchre, and under whoſe lips is the poyſon of Aſps, ſhould be brought forth and foſter'd in this our otherwiſe happy Iſland, who with bloody Oaths, and execrable blaſphemies rends the bowels of his mother, and labours as much as in him lyes her Deſtruction. It is matter of real grief to me, that he ſhould find entertainment in this Nation, who has expos'd it to the ſcorn and deriſion of them who are round about us. The ſtealing away of the Grand Lowys in the French Farce, was but an imperfect repreſentation of the ſilly ſenſeleſs credulity, with which this ſwearing, lying Raſcal has ſtain'd the Engliſh reputation; he has ſixt a blot upon this generation not to be waſht off, by all the blood in his veins. He has diſhonoured the Chriſtian Religion, and particularly he has affected the Proteſtant with ignominy and ſhame; he has blaſphem'd God and injur'd man, a deteſtable enemy to both.

The Reader I ſuppoſe conſidering how I have been damnified and exaſperated by the malice of this wicked Fellow, will not think it ſtrange, if I endeavour'd to do my ſelf right, and apply'd my ſelf for ſatisfaction to the Law; which for a while I reſpited, in conſideration that Oates at that time was the King's Evidence, and had his reſidence in his Majeſties Palace, (which under the Roſe has frequently call'd to my mind one of the Plagues of Egypt, which brought forth Frogs even in the King's Chambers, and Lice in all their quarters.) But afterwards, when I perceived that he forſook his Majeſty and became Witneſs for the Traitor Colledge, and that afterwards he was turn'd out of that Royal Entertainment, for his ungrateful demerits, and that thence, he betook himſelf to the ſeditious and diſloyal part of the City, aſſociating chiefly with thoſe who are ſuſpected of High Treaſon, and Capital Miſdemeanours, and that he was by them encourag'd for ſome ſwearing job no queſtion, when time ſhould ſerve; I thought it them ſeaſonable to expoſe him, to which my reſolution, a ſtrange accident did ſeem providentially to concur. After the arival of the Morocco Ambaſſadour, I had the curioſity with others to go to ſee theſe people, amongſt whom once I had been Captive; the Secretary Hamet Lucas, upon the firſt view, immediately knew me, and ſeiz'd me, crying out, That I was his Chriſtian, and that he had bought me with his Money, and that I had made an eſcape from him at Salle; which unexpected encounter, together with his confirmation of my formerly reputed Romantick Eſcape, and that he was not poiſon'd, nor knock'd in the head by me, as Oates by malicious ſwearing inſinuated, ſeem'd an occaſion which providence offer'd into my hands to vindicate my own reputation, and to proſecute this falſe Swearer; which I did by arreſting him.

IDeclar'd againſt him, for ſaying that I was a Popiſh Prieſt, and had been circumciſed as a Mahumetan; to which the Doctor pleaded not guilty, upon which we joyn'd iſſue, having June the 30th, appointed for a day of Trial. The words were plainly prov'd by the Honourable Ralph Grey Eſquire, and Mr. William Durham a Clergy-man, before whom he had ſpoke them; after which, my Council were proceeding to aggravate the charge by proof, that he had not only ſaid theſe words in ſeveral companies, and more eſpecially before his Majeſty, (as Captain George Collingwood, was there in Court ready to atteſt, though not call'd upon, that he heard Titus Oates depoſe in his Majeſties preſence, that I was a Jeſuit, and was ſent over from Ireland, under the maſque of a Clergy-man of the Church of England, to be a ſpy:) as alſo that he had maliciouſly ſwore to the truth of thoſe calumnies and ſlandering expreſſions againſt me; but the Council of the Defendant, conceded that the words were prov'd ſufficiently, begg'd leave to offer ſomething in mitigation of Dammages: viz. ſome proof that Titus, if he did ſpeak ſuch words as were prov'd, yet he ſpoke them only jocularly, as who had no malicious deſign. No not he, good man was of ſo tender a conſcience, that he would not diſcompoſe the Hair of a mans head, for a thouſand worlds, (as is clear in the caſe of the Lord Stafford, and the Jeſuites who ſuffer'd; (the pious Doctor, God wot, had no malice againſt them, he only had them hang'd up jocularly, or ſo, (for truly hanging is but an ordinary jeſt with him.) And in order hereunto, the firſt who appear'd to qualify the Doctor's words, and honour the cauſe was the Noble Peer Charles Lord North and Grey. It was by many lookt upon with admiration, that his Lordſhip would appear in defence of an already baffled cauſe, and for the encouragement and patronage of a profligate Villain, abandon'd by his Majeſty and all his Loyal Subjects. But theſe people were it ſeems but ſtrangers to the Great ſoul of this Noble Lord, who maintain'd a reſolution and courage equal always with difficulties which were inſuperable, and a wit ſo tranſcendent which nothing could match but his profound wiſdom and diſcretion, and beſides an eloquence ſo powerful as to be able to rend the rocks, and make the moſt obdurate heart to ſplit. Theſe people moreover did not conſider what a ſence of gratitude this perſon of honour did entertain, who ſeeing how liberal the Doctor had been of his Oathes in his Lordſhips behalf, reſolv'd to be even with him, and pay him in his own coyn: his Lordſhip therefore, after having been ſworn in mitigation of dammages, in behalf of the Doctor, and againſt poor Me, addreſſes himſelf to the Lord Chief Juſtice, and the Jury to this effect. My Lord, I knew this ſame Elliot when Chaplain to the Lord William Grey, and my Lord, he then told me, that he was circumcis'd; I vow to God this is true, I would not tell an untruth for all the world: and my Lord, to ſhew you circumſtances to believe this to be ſo, he was at that time making Diamonds out of calcin'd Flints. My Lord, he told me, he was a Slave at Mamora, where the Blackmores inhabit, I have been there my Lord, and know it very well. (Here his Lordſhip was interrupted by his Council, acquainting his Lordſhip with a miſtake, for that Elliot was a Slave at Salle and not at Mamora, that being the Chriſtian Garriſon whither he eſcapt; but His Lordſhip being mov'd a little with their ſawcy interruption proceeds) I ſay Elliot told me he was a Slave at Mamora, he might tell you, who underſtood no better, that he was a Slave at Salle, but he knew that I had been in that Countrey, and that I know very well a man cannot eſcape from Salle, but from Mamora he may eaſily, and therefore he told me the truth, that he was a Slave at Mamora, and to ſhew you that this is true, he told me he knocked his Maſter in the head, and left him for dead, and the reaſon why he did it, was becaaſe his Maſter had a very handſome woman to his wife, and Elliot told me, he had a very great mind to have a bout with her; this upon my honour is true, nay, as I hope to be ſav'd, he told me, ſhrugging his ſhoulders. He told me beſides, my Lord, that he was a Slave at Rome, no, I beg your pardon, my Lord, I would not tell an untruth not for all the world, I think he was miſtaken there; he told me he taught Mathematicks in the Scotch Colledge, and I believe then that he was a Prieſt. He ſwore againſt me, ay, he ſwore againſt me at Doctors-Commons, and truly my Lord, I got Oates to ſwear againſt him: that good man was loth to appear, I was forc'd my Lord to Whatdeecallum him, what dee call it, piſh, what dee call it, piſh, you you know well enough what they call it (at length ſome call'd out ſubpaena, and then the Lord went on) ay, ay, I was forct to ſubpaena that modeſt good man to ſwear the truth. Ile tell you my Lord by what good fortune I met the honeſt Doctor, you know my Lord, there is a gallery in Whitehall, you have been there my Lord, and ſo have I, and ſeveral I believe in this Company; it was not the Stone-Gallery, no, no, I know that Gallery well enough, that is below ſtairs, no, no, it was a Gallery above ſtairs, and yet it was not that Gallery over the Stone Gallery, but another Gallery; and yet now I think on't, it was not in the Gallery, (for I would not tell a Lye, an give me never ſo much) it was in a Chamber at the end of the Gallery, not ſuch a Chamber which your Lordſhip knows very well, but another Chamber; there it was that I met Oates, no I beg your pardon my Lord, I would not tell a Lye for the world, I did not meet the Doctor there, but I'le tell you who I met there, I met my Lord Chancellour there; this is the plain truth as I hope to be ſaved; ſays I to him, pray my Lord Chancellour who can you adviſe me to, that is good at catching a Prieſt; ſays my Lord preſently to me again, there is Doctor Oates hard by, you cannot light upon a better; with that I took leave of his Lordſhip, and addreſſed my ſelf to the Doctor, I ask'd him if he knew one Elliot a Prieſt, who had been at Cambridge, he preſently told me that he knew him to be a Popiſh Prieſt, and that he had been circumciſed, and for the truth of this, the King and my Lord Chancellour will be my Witneſs; God damme (laying his hand on his Breaſt) this is all truth. This eloquent ſpeech in Oates's behalf, by the Lord North and Grey I have made bold to trouble the Reader's patience with, leſt the Doctor ſhould tax me with injuſtice in omitting any thing that was material in his defence, as this florid harangue was the moſt conſiderable. I remember I have ſometime heard this Noble Peer ſay, that the curious Painter in drawing His Lordſhip's Picture, had obſerv'd a Je ne ſcay quoy in his face, I am ſure there are a great many Je ne ſcay quoy's in his ſpeech, embelliſhments which can hardly be better expreſs'd in Engliſh, than by a word borrowed from His Lordſhip, Whatdeecallums. There is one obſervation which I cannot omit, viz. that in the heat of his Rhetorick, His Lordſhip overſlipt his deſign, which was to prove Oates intended no malice againſt me by his detraction, and ſo to mitigate the dammages, but inſtead thereof, His Lordſhip offer'd His Majeſty and my Lord Chancellour for witneſſes, that Oates loaded me with calumnies even before the King; ſo that with whatſoever reſentment His Lordſhip may be thought to have utter'd theſe pathetick elaborate periods, yet he really was a Witneſs on my ſide, and confirm'd Mr. Grey's reſtimony, deſtroying the Doctor's Plea.

The next who ſeconded the Lord in behalf of the Doctor, was one Iſaack Warren, the Lord North's chief evidence againſt the Lady Grey; he told the Court, that I had confeſs'd to him privately that I was a Papiſt, and that I did not believe any of the Proteſtant Doctrine, which I deliver'd in ſome Sermons I preacht before the Lord William Grey, his Lord and mine. In anſwer to this (becauſe he proceeds in the method of his Swearing-Maſter Oates) I ſay, that I appeal to all that Noble Family, to which I retain'd, who I am ſure will unanimouſly give him the Lye: the Lord William Grey is known to have been a perſon ſo averſe to all that favoured Popery, that if he had ſuſpected me guilty of any tendency that way (as this Fellow ought to have diſcovered me, and there is no queſtion, if he had known, he would) His Lordſhip would never have afforded me entertainment under his Roof, which I enjoy'd during his Life. The Reader will be aſtoniſht, when he ſhall know, that this impudent fellow came to the Lady Dowager Grey's Houſe, and offer'd to Mr. Durham the ſaid Lady's Chaplain, to be a Witneſs in my behalf againſt Oates, and did ſuggeſt ſeveral things very diſhonourable to the Lord North, which the ſaid Gentleman told him, he was ſure I would reject, as who knew him to be a very raſcal, and to be forſworn in the Lord North's cauſe, and therefore would not prejudice my ſelf by ſuch a notorious falſe witneſs: his Teſtimony is a ſcandal to truth, and as unworthy of acceptance on my ſide, ſo not deſerving any more confutation on Oates's.

The third who appear'd was Marſhal, a remarkable man the Cauſe, at Peter's Coffee-houſe in Covent-Garden; I remember I ſaw this Blade once at Leghorn, by the ſame token, that I ſav'd him from being beaten or worſe, which courteſie he has now requited, by teſtifying that he ſuſpected me to have been then a Popiſh Prieſt, becauſe he finds my name was not then Elliot, which now I own. He moreover teſtified that I told him in England, that I had cut off my Patrons head in Barbary; which is falſe; for Mr. Edward Courtney, who was then in company, when this Story was ſuppos'd to be told, deſires me to acquaint the world in his name, that he heard me then relate the manner of my eſcape, as he had done formerly, and that I then told them that I left my Patron aſleep, and that he purſued me the next morning: ſo that this zealous Buzzard, though he ſpoke nothing to the purpoſe, (as who croſs'd the deſign of the Doctors Plea, and who endeavour'd to render that probable which was impoſſible and a Lye, and which the impudent Doctor himſelf pretended to the grace to deny,) yet to ſhew his good will, he pawns his ſoul, and put his ears to a hard venture to ſerve the Doctor.

The next in place, was one Codoghan, or ſome ſuch ugly name, an Iriſh Evidence; this was very ſurprizing, that the Doctor who had given them all to the Devil a great while agoe, ſhould now make uſe of ſuch a Witneſs: he would make application to the Devil himſelf upon an urgent occaſion. This Fellow ſwore that when I was at Dublin, I ſuſtained a bad Reputation; which I grant; and may thank the Doctor for it; yet notwithſtanding, I have Certificates of my fair and honeſt deportment in that place, from the Dean and Chapter of Chriſts-Church, and thoſe who were concern'd to be acquainted with my converſation, more to my advantage, than Oates or this Iriſh fellow, or all their Relations can produce, for theirs.

After him comes a holy Siſter, a True-blew-Proteſtant-Hoſiers wife, one Mrs. Kedley forſooth, who lives at the ſign of the Swan at the corner of Fryday-ſtreet in Cheapſide; this zealous woman thinking it hard that the Doctor who had ſworn ſo much for the Nations good, ſhould be expos'd to danger for want of an Oath or two, proſtitutes her little modeſty at his ſervice; ſwearing that travailing from Cheſter to London in the Cheſter-Coach, ſhe heard me tell a Story of an Eſcape from Slavery, and that I ſaid I kill'd my Maſter; She ſwore moreover, that I ſaid I was circumcis'd; and withal, ſhe had the impudence to bluſh, though ſhe wanted the grace to repent. To convince the Court of the improbability of this Womans Depoſitions, I produc'd a Gentleman Mr. Shorter, who travail'd in Company, with that Woman and me all the way, who teſtified that he heard me tell the Story of my, eſcape during our journey, five or ſix times, and that it appear'd ſo ſtrange to him, that he imprinted it in his memory, and hath ſince told it above a hundred times he believ'd: he ſwore that he never heard me ſay I kill'd my Maſter or Patron, but that I might have kill'd him if I would, and that I ſaid my Patron purſued me the next morning: he moreover declar'd, that he never heard the word Circumciſion, or any thing relating thereunto, mentioned by me, and that it ſeems highly improbable, that I ſhould declare to that woman that I ſhould be circumciſed, ſeeing I profeſs'd my ſelf a Clergy man in Orders, when firſt I enter'd the Coach; and that I was girded with a Canonical Girdle, and all the way demean'd my ſelf as a perſon under that character.

Laſtly, to bring up the Rear of this goodly Company, comes Brother Sam. Oates, the Son of the Doctor's Mother; he would fain have disprov'd Mr. Grey's Teſtimony, and at the ſame time the Lord North's; but it was obſerv'd here, as alſo at Colledge's Trial, that this fellow had not been taught his Leſſon well enough. To be ſhort, he is a mere blockhead, and will never make an Evidence worth a farthing, notwithſtanding all the examples and Copies the Doctor has ſwore before him.

I had forgot two Witneſſes more, Clergy-men, whom the Doctor had ſubpaena'd out of Kent, but ſeeing they teſtified againſt him, and to my advantage, I will not reckon them in the number.

This is an impartial account of what the Doctor alledg'd in mitigation of dammages, which howſoever true it ſhould be, yet I ſuppoſe it cannot influence the Readers judgment ſo, as not to believe the Doctor to be forſworn in his Depoſitions againſt me; for though I ſhould be ſo fooliſh and ſilly as to give my ſelf the Lye, and upon no deſign raiſe an ill report of my ſelf, and ſay that I am a Popiſh Prieſt or a Turk, and that I recanted Mahumetiſm at Rome. Notwithſtanding it ſhould be true that I thus falſly abus'd my own reputation, and ſlandered my ſelf, yet Titus Oates is not a whit leſs guilty of being forſworn, in ſaying he knows theſe falſe things to be true; though he and his Council endeavoured to mitigate his Fine, yet they pretended not a word in alleviation of his crime and guilt in ſwearing falſly, and lying moſt malitiouſly. To conclude, they tacitely admit what I have plainly prov'd, viz. that Titus Oates is a great enemy to the truth, a malitious Calumniator of his Brethren, and a forſworn Villain: and now I proſeſs in all ſincerity, that I do not ſerve any Popiſh or ſiniſter ends, in expoſing this Enemy both of the Romiſh and Engliſh Church; I aim only at. what every man claims, the Liberty of the Subject, my Birthright, a vindication of my Name and credit from the oppreſſive calumnies of a Ruffian, and to ſerve the intereſt of truth, and the glory of that God, who has expreſly forbid evil to be done, that good may come of it; or that the Teſtimony of a falſe witneſs, and notoriouſly forſworn wretch ſhould be accepted, though we were ſure thereby to rid the Church of England of its greateſt plagues, the Jeſuites and Phanaticks both together.