[Page] [Page] A MODEST VINDICATION OF TITUS OATES THE Salamanca-Doctor FROM PERJURY: OR AN ESSAY TO Demonstrate Him only Forsworn in several Instances.
BY ADAM ELLIOT, Master of Arts, and aPriest of the Church ofEngland.
LONDON, Printed for the Author, and are to be sold byJoseph Hindmarsh at theBlack-Bull inCornhill. 1682.
THE INTRODUCTION.
THE most Notorious Salamanca-Doctor, Titus Oates, after having signaliz'd his prodigious Parts, by the Destruction of several eminent Persons, and hazarding the lives of God knows how many more; after having miraculously sav'd his Majesties Person from Poyson, screw'd Gu [...] and Consecrated Dagger, and freed three Nations from imminent ruine; after having defeated the designs of Rome, and the plots of the greatest Politicians in the world, though they had been hatching these 100 years past; and all this by meer Bukeblawing, and to the astonishment of the whole Christian world, by the breath of his mouth; was at last put upon it, to try an expeririment or two to fix Property, which by Wise heads (that is by Needy or Covetous persons, who wanted Bishops or Crown-Lands) was thought to be in equal danger with our Religion. For if, for example, he could swear a friend to the cause into the right of forty or fifty thousand Pounds, (which the Law it seems was so scrupulous in, as not to understand;) then true Protestants might have a compendious and infallible way to secure their Property against the encroachments of whatsoever Arbitrary, that is, Legal power. In order to effect this wonderful project, he was pleased unhappily both for himself and me, (at the instigation of what Lord or Devil the Lord knows,) to bestow a cast of his office, on a friend who shall be nameless, and to stoop an oath or two at his service, against so mean a person as my self: not only engaging his Verbum Sacerdotis in several Companies, yea▪ even where men ought to be very furious, before the King; but also Swearing, invocating the sacred Majesty of God, who will one day call him to account for it, to witness to the truth, when he asserted, that I was a Mahumetin, and had been thereupon Circumoised; and that also I was a Popish Priest, having received Orders from the See of Rome: by the former charge making me unworthy of credit or reputation, uncapable of the advantages of converse amongst Christians; and by the later, the milder indeed of the two, aiming only at my life, which as being a Popish Priest▪ is forfeited to the Law. I must indeed confess of all kinds of Deaths I have the least fondness to be hanged, and I hate mortally that the butcherly Executioner should be rummaging amongst my Entrailes▪ neither can I apprehend any pleasure in being drawn up Halborn hill upon a Hurdle: therefore it was, that I had no mind to appear either [Page] a Renegado, or a Popish Priest; and I thought my self oblig'd both by the Laws of God and Man to preserve my life as long as I could, and to vindicate my reputation from infamy, and assert my just and honest title to the comforts of humane society: and that I have no ways deserved to be proscrib'd the Communication of Christians.
To this purpose I made my application to the Law for satisfaction, and had the Doctor arrested in an Action of the Case for Defamation. The Cause was tryed before the Right Honourable Sir Francis North, L. C. J. of his Majesties Court of Common Pleas, June the 30th last past; where the issue went upon my side, and the Jury brought the Doctor in guilty, allowing me 20 l. Damages: which small summ, though by many it was lookt upon as very inconsiderable and disproportionate to the dammages wherewith the Doctor had affected both my Reputation and my Purse; yet by another party, it was lookt upon with a sore eye, to see their Goliah (who had for some time past, hector'd and swore for the cause) foil'd, if not knock'd down by so mean a person as my self. They admired my insolence in offering to defend my life, when the Doctor was pleased to swear it from me; they inveighed against me, as a narrow selfish soul, far from a publick spirit, who would not rather be hang'd, than the Doctor's veracity should be liable to any suspicion; a man who had laid himself out, and ventur'd all for the good of the Nation; yea, who is the Saviour of the Nation, said prudent Sh. Pilk. Notwithstanding all which, I cannot but be of this faith, that it is more convenient for me, that the Doctor should swing than I; as for his all that he has ventur'd, I never heard of any thing he had to venture, unless his all, i. e. his Soul; which to my knowledge is deeply engag'd. And as for his being stil'd the Saviour of the Nation, it is Scandalum Magnatum in the highest degree; the Title is most arrogant, and intimates a Blasphemous relation to the Saviour of the world; a most odious Comparison 'twixt the Merits of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and those of Titus Oates; for which there cannot be the least reason or foundation of Analogy; unless that as it was judg'd necessary (notwithstanding Oates preach'd to the contrary) that our Saviour should be crucified, that the world might be sav'd; so it should be thought convenient, that Oates might be hang'd, that so our Nation perish not. Then indeed he might sustain some Relation, even the same that the Blasphemous Thief had to our Saviour when he was on the Cross, and in some sense he might be call'd the Saviour of our Nation; but otherwise the Title is intolerable, and he must first be hang'd before by any propriety of speech, it can agree to him.
There are a Party of men I say, who finding what an intractable, morose, uncomplaisant humour I am of, and that by refusing to be accounted a Popish Priest or a Circumcis'd Mahumetan; the Doctor has fallen under a shrewd suspition of Perjury, and may in time put in his claim to the Pillory, though with the forfeit of his Ears. Therefore it is, that they have us'd all base unworthy arts to blacken my reputation; and seeing it was manifestly prov'd in Court, that the Doctor had frequently uttered those scandalous words, which tended [Page] to my Defamation, they give out now, that I was the first Author of them my self; and what the Doctor said or swore concerning me, was only what he heard me say of my self; thus endeavouring to affix as notorious a mark of Folly to my name, as before he would of Villany. Therefore to answer the importunity of my friends, and to disabuse any, who may be deluded by the malicious calumnies of my nettled Adversaries, I have adventured to put Pen to Paper, to give a full and clear account of the proceedings 'twixt the Dr. and my self; which will consist in these following particulars.
I shall first give a short Narrative of my Travails, Captivity and Escape from Slavery in Barbary; which though it may seem forreign and impertinent to my design, yet, because it is the subject of the Doctor's Oaths, I cannot clearly without it, represent the quality of them; and besides, being a recital of some rare accidents, and almost miraculous instances of the providence of God in my deliverance from a Moorish Captivity, I presume it will make some compensation for the impertinence which it seemingly carries to the design of these Sheets.
In the next place, I shall faithfully set down, what the Doctor hath depos'd against me upon Oath, under his own hand, at Doctors Commons, and what was prov'd in Court at our Tryal by unexceptionable Witnesses, that he had said several times against me, to the same purpose with what he swore before.
And in the third place, I shall give an account of what was sworn in his behalf to mitigate Dammages: Upon all which, I shall only make such Anirnad versions as are pertinent and proper, and draw such Inferences as the matter will rationally allow. And then I refer my self to the whole Nation as Judges, whether or no the Doctor has not only falsly and maliciously defam'd me, but likewise sworn that to be true, which in it self is false, and to his own knowledge also.
Yet notwithstanding all this, I cannot see how it will follow that the Doctor is guilty of Perjury; for though in the Court of Heaven, and before God, Perjury and false swearing be synonymous, yet none are esteemed guilty of Perjury, by the Laws of this Land, but who have been convicted of swearing falsly in a Court of Record. But the Court of Delegates, where Oates's Depositions against me were exhibited, being no such Court; therefore according to the Law-Phrase, what ever I think in my conscience (and I am sure he is Porsworn) yet I cannot say that the Doctor is Perjur'd, and consequently that the Pillory has never been adequate to the Doctor's high merits. A Wooden Ruff does not well become the Saviour of the Nation, with modesty be it spoke as I said before, I think a Halter would much better befit him; and really before I should see the Salamanca Doctor treated as they say poor N. T. was, I had much rather see him hang'd.
This modest Vindication of the Doctor, my grateful sense of his merciful kind temper to me has commanded from me; for if the Doctor had pleased to have thought of me when he and Dr. Tongue were thinking together, he might easily have bestowed a small Commission upon [Page] his old Acquaintance; some little Cross-bearers place amongst the Spanish Pilgrims, or else if he had only made me a Courier 'twixt tall fair Don John and the four Ruffians; any such like employment, (and the Doctor has bestow'd abundance, and has much more in store) would have consigned me to Jack Ketches disposal long ago; for it is very hard to prove a Negative. But now that he has only made me a Musselman, cujus character est indelebilis, he has given me a fair opportunity of proving him a forsworn Liar; for which singular kindness I cannot sufficiently profess my obligations: And this is one reason why I have undertook this modest Vindication. Which labour of mine, though it may seem to carry an oblique design only of gratifying my fond humour to the Doctor, yet to considering persons also I presume I shall be thought to have hereby contributed my Mite to the publick, in exposing the wickedness of a Wretch whose talent lies only in Swearing: for though I have undertook his Vindication, yet I intend it shall be with all Modesty, and such as shall not interfere with the Truth.
The Doctor has employ'd his Swearing faculty only to my particular detriment, the meanest of the Church of England; he has forsworn himself to prejudice me; but yet every member thereof is concern'd, since this publick Enemy has given broad signs of his inclinations to them all, as namely, when he said there were not above three Protestant Bishops in the Church of England, and that all the Clergy were tantivying to Rome: as also in his Sermon at Woodstock, he delivered for true doctrine that the Presbyterians were the only supporters of the Protestant interest; and there is no question, but that when there shall come a House of Commons to pay him the 40000 l. promised (as he says) by the last House who sat at Westminster, he has 40000 Oaths at their service. But now, by exposing him as Forsworn, the edge of his Swearing will for the future be rebated; for if it be the dictate of prudence, never to trust those who have but once been found to impose upon us, then certainly it is unaccountable folly and madness, to accept the testimony of one who has manifestly Forsworn himself, and in a manner proclaimed to all the world, that he has no dread of that God, who will revenge himself upon those who take his name in vain. For my own part, though forty Plots were laid against me, I had rather venture them all, than rely upon a Salamanca Doctor's Oath: and if any thing staggers my faith in the belief of the 40000 Black bills, and other remarkable passages in the Popish Plot, next to the contradictions which occur; it is because a Villain of so plainly debaucht and profligate a conscience has concern'd himself in the discovery. Which I have endeavoured to make appear manifestly to others, as well as my self, from the following Sheets.
A NARRATIVE OF My TRAVAILS, CAPTIVITY and ESCAPE FROM SALLE, In the Kingdom of FEZ.
IN the year 1664, I was admitted into Cajus Colledge in the University of Cambridge, where I continued until 1668; when Commencing Batchelour of Arts, I obtain'd Letters testimonial from our Colledge, and then left the University. During my stay there, I remember Titus Oates was entered into our Colledge; by the same token that the Plague and he both visited the University in the same year. He was very remarkable for a Canting Fanatical way conveyed to him with his Anabaptistical Education, and in our Academical exercises, when others declaim'd Oates always preach'd; some of which Lectures, [Page 2] they were so very strange, that I do yet remember them. I moreover remember, that he staid not above a year in our Colledge, but removed to S. Johns; what the occasion was, I cannot call to mind: and then he was so inconsiderable both as to his person and parts, that I appeal to all who knew me, whether Elliot and Oates could be such intimate acquaintance as Oates would make the world believe.
After I had commenced Batchelour▪ in 1668, I left the University; in the beginning of 1669 I had the opportunity of travelling with some Gentlemen of my acquaintance, with whom, after a transient view of Flanders and other of the Spanish Provinces, which had been the seat of war for some years preceding, I had the opportunity to see St. Omers also, where Oates was once a School-boy, and no Jesuit. I remember during my stay there, which was three days, S. Ignatius or Xaverius or some other Jesuit▪ Saints day happened, and I with the Gentlemen with me, were civilly invited to Dinner to the English Colledge; where, to give the Devil his due, we met with nothing but Learning and Civility to their Country-men and Strangers. From St. Omers we directed our Course into France, directly for Paris; whence, after I had gratified my juvenile curiosity with the rarities and remarkable places there, and several others in France, about the latter end of 1669, I was carried into Italy, and about November we came to Rome; where I saw that Great Beast of a Whore, as Oates call'd him, a Reverend old Gentleman Rospigliosi who then was Pope. He happened to die a little after my coming thither, which was the occasion of my fortune to stay there, sede vacante, during the Election of another Pope. I never saw the Scotch Colledge during my stay there, nor any Scotch Father, nor any that belonged to the Colledge that I know of: I was frequently indeed in the Roman Colledge, and I had the happiness of hearing Padre Gotinio, the then Mathematick Professor, discourse very satisfactorily upon several curious subjects.
I staid in Rome no longer than the Election of Altieri Rospigliosi Successor to the former, which was in March 1670: after which an occasion happening of parting with my Company, I parted also from Rome; and intending home again for England, I came to Leghorn, where finding an opportunity of the Bristol one of his Majesties Friggots, I had a convenient passage to Alicant in Spain, and from thence to Malaga, where I embark'd aboard Sir John Herman, then Rere-Admiral under Sir Thomas Allen in the Streights, who gave me passage to Cales. About the beginning of May, I had a curiosity to see Sevil; from whence having the convenience of some Company, I took my course directly for Lisbon in Portugal; there was then residing Dr. Cradock Minister to the English Merchants there, whom I had seen at Cambridge; to whose civility, and some English Gentlemens, particularly Mr. Bulteel's, I was exceedingly oblig'd.
There was at that time no Vessel design'd for England in the River of Lisbon, excepting a little Ketch call'd the John of London, laden with Oranges and Lemons, and I was very desirous to return home, so that I was obliged to take my passage in that small Vessel; some who seconded my desires, alledging that I should be more [Page 3] secure in her than in a bigger, because she by reason of her smallness would keep near the Coast and so out of danger of the Turks; and besides Sir Edward Sprag was said then to lye upon the Portugal Coast with a Squadron of English Frigots, so that these Seas would be scour'd clear of the Barbary-Rovers. Upon which Arguments, I was induc'd to embark aboard that little Vessel, where I lost my Freedome.
It was about the middle of June 1670, we parted from Lisbon▪ River, design'd for London; about three days after, we met Sir Edward Sprag with his Squadron, who encourag'd us with the News that no Pirats were in those Seas, he having lain there about a month. Upon which we struck out to Sea, the wind being Northerly and cross to us all the while; so that by the 22d of June we had got no farther than Cape Finisterre: on which day, whilst the Master and I were at breakfast, a Boy who sat at the Helm, cry'd out, a Sail, which was the only one we had descry'd (excepting Sir Edward Spragg) since we left Lisbon: by our Glasses we perceived she had a mind to speak with us, for she had got out all her Sails, and bore down upon us directly before the wind, which methought was no sign of a Merchant man; therefore I desired the Master to bear towards the Shoar, who refused to be perswaded, alledging, that this was the usual passage for Hollanders, French and English, and that it was most probable, that this Ship which was in view, must be a friend, for that year we were at peace with all Europeans. About ten a-clock up comes the Ship with French colours, assoon as she came near us, so that we could not escape, she pull'd down her French and put up her Salle-Colours, and withall gave us a Gun, which oblig'd us to strike. Immediately appear'd upon the Pirats Deck about 200 Moors, who commanded us to put out our Boat and come aboard them, which we all (excepting one) presently obey'd. For our welcome, and to shew us what entertainment we were after to expect, the Master of the Vessel and my self were strip'd and ty'd to the Mast in order to be whip'd, that so they might extort a confession where the Money lay hid if we had any; we satisfied them as well we could, that they were Masters of all that we knew of in our Vessel: and so we were released from the Mast, and put in Irons below deck with our Fellow-Prisoners. There it was that I began to reflect upon my condition, for before (the change was so sudden and the strange uncouth accidents so surprizing) I had scarce leasure to consider: it is hard to express my resentments then; all my fellow-prisoners were lamenting with pitiful crys and tears their miserable estate, which only afforded matter of triumph and insolence to our cruel and merciless Masters; who when they heard us complain of our condition, would visit us with some blows, insulting most intolerably over us, lifting up our dejected heads and spitting upon our Faces, not vouchsafing us any other Name than Dogs. I must confess this inhumane usage was very hard to digest at first, but a little time, and the discipline of our skilful Tutors easily reconcil'd us to it; for we found that murmuring did but enhance our affliction, and enrage our crosses. Our Vessel was within two or three hours after she was taken, sent [Page 4] to Salle, with twenty Moors aboard her, who carried with them all our Provision of Beef and Bisket, leaving a little Pork only which we soon devoured: after which, we had nothing left to maintain us in life, save a small quantity of dry'd Olives and Bisket, which eveday was allow'd us: this sort of Dieting did indeed bring down our high Stomachs, and made us very tractable.
We lay in this miserable condition about forty days, oppressed as with many inconveniences, so especially I remember with the stench and nastiness of our lodging: sometimes in the day we were permitted to come above deck, to suck in a little fresh air, and to wash our selves, but this small comfort was soon forgot by returning to our irons. There was scarce a day almost, according to my remembrance, in which we did not either give chase or else were chased; for the Salle-man was a good Sailor, and whenever she saw a Sail, she immediately made after her, if she found her too strong to grapple with, then she tackt and stood away. At length about a month after I was taken, one morning when there was little wind stirring, we were call'd up upon the Deck, I thought it had been to refresh our selves, but we found it was with labour and toil, for there being a great calm all that day, we were oblig'd to tug hard at the Oar till ten at night; at which time we came up with a French Merchant laden with Oyl, whom we had been in pursuit of all that day; as soon as we came near her, we poor Christians were remanded to our kennel, and moreover had a Sentinel set over us to observe us. A little after three and twenty French-men had the unhappiness to make us a visit, and take up their Lodgings in the same quarters. It was but a miserable comfort methought to have such companions in misery, and truly the sight of so many dejected souls, particularly a Merchant (who lost 2500 Crowns of Cash besides his concerns in the Cargo) affected me then with a more sensible grief than my own sufferings; he was a man of too tender a constitution to endure the same miseries with the rest; we were all lodg'd equally, and had the same sort of accommodation, that French Gentleman and the meanest of the Seamen were treated alike: which subjected him to such a grief that was too powerful for him, so that at length it broke his heart, for he died the next day after we landed.
Our Barbarous Masters were well pleased with this rich Prize, and resolved to go home with her for Salle, so they directed their course thither. We fortuned one day to meet with hard weather which increased to a storm that night. The Moors we perceived were in great trouble and amazement, so that a conceit entred my head, that if we should all of us with resolution fall upon the Moors who had the management of the Ship above Deck, we might easily make her change Masters, a project which if it had been prosecuted, did not seem impracticable, for there were not above thirty Moors who understood any thing of Navigation or a Sea-man; these were above deck, and employ'd; the rest of the Moors were surpriz'd with so great a consternation that the Captain commanded them all to go below deck; so that if we had resolutely attacqu'd the Captain with his few Companions, and clapt down the Hatches upon the [Page 5] rest, we might have succeeded; but this poor-spirited-French man and two more, apprehending the Difficulties of the enterprize as insuperable, declared their resolution to discover all, if we proceeded; notwithstanding the rest of us seemed unanimous, as thinking that we should never find a better occasion to venture our Lives to regain our Liberty.
A few days after by break of day, we found our selves near two great Ships who put out Dutch Colours; this put the Moors into a great fright lest they should fall into their hands, wherefore they made all the sail they could, and labour'd hard to get clear of them, but to little purpose, for the other two Ships gain'd manifestly upon the Salle-man though it prov'd not to our comfort; for when they came up to her, and every minute she expected to be boarded, all of a sudden we Christians (who were then lying below in irons heartily praying for our Deliverance) heard a shout of joy above deck; for the Ships who were in chase of us discovered themselves to be Algerines, the Admiral call'd the Springing Tyger, as I think, and another. Then there was great rejoycing amongst them, coming aboard each other freely, and mutual treats past, and we Christians also were permitted to go and visit our fellow Slaves and Countrey-men; who acquainted us with the News that some English Frigots were lying then before Salle, which gave us some hopes if true, and made the Moors very wary. That evening we parted from the Algerines, and bore directly for Salle. At length we came in sight of the Castle, but could discern no Ships before it, we therefore made directly for the River, when presently there starts up a Vessel that made all the Sail she could at us, and oblig'd us to tack about and strike down along the Barbary-Coast; she put us so hard to it, that we were forc't to forsake the French Prize, and leave her to be pick'd up by our Pursuer, which was an English Ship call'd the Holmes-Frigot of two and twenty Guns, whom afterwards I saw at my return at Cales. Whilst she was employed in taking the Prize, the Salle-man in the Interim made away, and night approaching, in the dark made her escape.
The next morning, all we Christians were commanded a-shoar, because the Moors had run themselves into a Creek some twenty Leagues South off Salle, where they lay conceal'd from the sight of the Frigot, though we had her plainly in view all the next day, with the French prize at her Stern, with languishing eyes and sad hearts, seeing our Deliverance, but not being able to approach it. There they landed us poor▪ Christians in number two and thirty, English and French, who were to travel to Salle under the guard of a couple of Moors only, whom we might easily have rid our selves from, if we had judg'd it safe or convenient: but Salle was the only place whither we could retreat unto, and these were our Guides thither through as desolate and forlorn a countrey, as barren and dry a land, as ever my eyes beheld. We were above two days in travelling these twenty Leagues, where we had not the prospect of any Town, Village or House all the way, nor could we see any footsteps of Husbandry or Civility; the best water we met with, was very brackish; our provision, which our Masters allow'd us, when we parted from the Ship, [Page 6] was all devour'd the first day. Our condition indeed, during that journey was the most deplorable that ever I was in; for our short Commons and hard Lodging aboard the Ship, had much weaken'd our bodies, we were very hungry and had no meat, exceeding thirsty and for a whole day no water, the Sun was very hot and no shelter, the Heavens lookt like Brass and the Earth like iron, all which circumstances will easily convince any that we must of necessity long to get clear of that cursed Countrey, which threatned us with inevitable destruction, and there was no other place of refuge but Salle; so that our condition of life must appear very pitiful, seeing we long'd for the place of our Captivity, and panted after our Afflictions. When night approacht, our Guides made us take up our Lodging where there were a few Shrubs, which we set on fire to secure us from the Lions, and other Beasts of Prey, as Wild-Boars, &c. of which we saw several in our way.
At length upon the third day we came within sight of Salle, about half a league from which, we met with a garden full of delicate fruits, which if the Moors had not freely bestowed upon us, we had made bold to have took without leave, such was our necessity: there we were permitted to refresh our selves for two hours, before we made our publick entry into the City, which was indeed extraordinary; for we were accompanied by several hundreds of idle rascally people and roguish Boys, who came out of the Town to meet us and wellcomed us with horrid barbarous Shouts somewhat like the Irish hubbub. We in the mean time were forct like a drove of Sheep, through the several streets, the people crouding to gaze upon us and curse us, for that Civility is a piece of Religion with them. With this solemnity were we conducted through the Town unto the River, which we were to cross to another Salle standing in the North-side; there were we all shut up in the Deputy-Governours Court-Yard, where like a pack of tired Hounds, we fell all fast asleep upon the Ground.
At evening we were conveyed to our Lodgings, where we were to repose our selves that night, a place proportionable to the rest of the entertainment; it was a large Cellar under the Street archt and supported with two rows of Pillars; the light it was furnished with, came through three holes in the Street strongly grated; through one of which, by a Ladder of Ropes we descended into this Room, called the Kings Masmora, capacious enough to hold 300 persons, (for very near that number of Christians of several Nations were shut up there at nights) besides a whole Leystall of filth, in which, (whosoever's lot it is to be there) he must wade up to the ancles. There I watcht all night, for sleep I could not; and though the next day I was to be sold publickly in a Market, yet the peeping in of the light was joyful, because I was to leave that intolerably noisom Prison.
By Sun-rising next morning we were all of us, who came last to Salle driven to a Market-place, where the Moors sitting Taylor-wise upon Stalls round about, we were severally run up and down by persons, who proclaimed our Qualities or Trades; and what best might recommend us to the Buyer. I had a great Black who was appointed [Page 7] to sell me; this Fellow holding me by the hand, coursed me up and down, from one person to another, who call'd upon me at pleasure to examine me what trade I was of, and to see what labour my hands were accustomed to. All the Seamen were soon bought up, it was mid-day ere I could meet with a purchaser; the reason was, a boy of the Vessel wherein I was taken, in hopes of favourable treatment from the Captain who took us, pretended to discover my quality to him, assuring him that I was a Relation of the now Duke of Norfolk, who was then Ambassadour from his Majesty at Taffiletta, and was come [...] Tangier. Upon this information, the Captain put a great value upon me, and that was the reason why none would meddle with me; until about noon Hamed Lucas (who is Secretary of this present Embassy from the Emperor of Fez to his Majesty) agreed with the Captain, and paid down 600 pieces of Eight for me.
I was pretty well pleas'd with my fortune to fall into the hands of such a person, who besides that he was of a great repute there, seem'd to carry in his deportment an air and meen that was extraordinary; and therefore I hop'd for some more favourable treatment from him than from another: but other Christians who had heard of this Patron of mine, pityed my ignorance, as knowing that he was a cunning Jewish Merchant, and that he bought me with a design to extort from me a great Ransome, though by the harshest and cruellest usage imaginable; which I found to be too true a character of him him before night: for after he was come to his own house, whither he commanded me to follow him, he presently makes me ac̄quainted with a piece of his mind and temper; telling me, that he had paid a considerable sum of Money for me, which he did upon the prospect of a Ransome for my Liberty, proportionable to his expectation and my quality, which he was well assured was such, that it would answer whatsoever hopes he entertain'd; and he would have me know that I had to do with a man with a Beard, and who was too cunning to be impos'd upon, and therefore advis'd me to forego that piece of policy which the Christians frequently make use of in concealing their qualities, and disguising their conditions; since it would be in vain to prevaricate before him, who was very well informed of my state, and as well acquainted with my fortunes in England as I my self; and wish'd me rather to propose such a Ransome as was suitable to his expectations, from so considerable a Captive, for payment of which he would allow me sufficient time: and if I gave any demonstrations of sincerity in dealing with him, I should be exempted from all slavish employments; but if I refus'd a complyance with these his Proposals, I should experience the greatest severity that any Slave in Barbary could from his Patron.
Seeing he profess'd himself a man with a Beard, and one that hated to be impos'd upon, I endeavour'd all I could to disabuse him, and possess him with a clear notion of the naked truth, professing with all sincerity, that I was so sensible of the miseries of Captivity, that if a Kingdom were at my disposal, I would frankly quit all pretensions to it, in exchange for the happiness of the Freedom and Liberty [Page 8] I enjoy'd in my own Countrey: but that such has been the pleasure of God to me in the dispensing the goods of this world, that he has allow'd me no more than what he saw me then possessour of; so that I found my self under so much worse circumstances than other Christian Captives by how much I sustain'd greater expectations, and was least able to answer them; but that which was the greatest aggravation of my misfortune was, that I should very much contribute to the calling in question his prudence and judgment, because all the Town will admire when they shall see the event, that the wise Hamet-Lucas was impos'd upon in giving 600 pieces of Eight for a poor Slave, who was not worth a Maravidi.
At which last words, he was so transported with passion, that he showr'd down a whole torrent of Blows upon me, and lighting unluckily upon a stick, he broke my head in several places, and never ceast till he had made me all in a gore-blood; I was not able to stir, and the cruel Villain permitted me to lye a little while: afterwards he comes again afresh, and drags me out of his House into the Streets, and then falls upon me a-new, beating me all along the Streets, to the great grief of my Fellow-Captives, who were of the same mind with my self, that I should hardly out-live that night. He brought me at length to a Black-Moor who was working in Lime, commanding me with all cruel imperious insolence imaginable, to serve that Black, by giving him up Lime with my hands, which I did, till such time as my Patron departed; and then I signified to the Black that I was very sick, and by signs prayed him to let me leave off that work which had almost chok'd me; which by his pitiful gesture I perceive he allow'd. So I lay down upon the ground and fell asleep; my Patron presently return'd, and took such a course to awake me, that he had very near laid me asleep for ever; for he gave me a blow in the small of my back, which created such a pungent pain, as quite cashier'd all patience and all respects of self-preservation; so that I vented my passion in the most rash inconsiderate expressions, the most provoking, opprobrious and menacing terms, that my anger and my little Spanish could accommodate me with, daring him to dispatch me, for my life then seem'd a grievous burthen to me.
The Covetous Moor fearing lest I should make my words good, and by putting hand to my self, rob him not only of his hopes, but also of his 600 Dollars, departs from me with a threatning gesture, which I shew'd very little sence of; for I immediately compos'd my self to sleep again, being so weary that I could have rested contentedly upon Briars and Thorns. Some-while after the Cruel Dog return'd, and awakening me gently, smil'd upon me, asking me if I would drink Water; I answered I was like to die for want of it, having drunk none that day: so he directed me to a house near by, where a woman was, who gave me some in an Earthen Pot, which after I had drank off, she broke the Pitcher. I return'd to my Patron, who made me follow him home, and after a plentiful supper which he allow'd me, he gave me a Hammock, and ordered one to shew me the way to the Masmora, where I remain'd all night.
[Page 9] The next day he had provided a Jew (who had been in Europe and spoke good Latin) to treat with me, as if my defect in the Castilian language wherein he was exquisite, had occasioned the unsuccessfulness of his Negotiating with me. This Jew I found to be a good understanding man, who was quickly made sensible of the truth of my condition, and withall a man endu'd with more humanity than generally the people of that Religion are, which he evidenc'd by his good advice to me to this purpose; telling me, That my Patron was a man of violent passions, and that, though he himself was pretty well satisfied of my utter inability to answer what my Patron demanded, yet if my Patron should be so perswaded, and find himself bilkt in all his great expectations, he would certainly convert his hopes into an extravagant rage, and then put me to some cruel death; therefore he advis'd me, as not to sooth his vain hopes, so neither quite to banish all: As thus, says he, you shall give me leave in your name to acquaint your Patron, that you have Relations and Friends who are powerful and rich, though you are miserable; and you have reason to believe, that rather than you should spend all your days under the pressures of a heavy and cruel Captivity, they would make a purse of 1000 Crowns to ransome you. This Proposal, says he, though it may not satisfy his expectation, yet it will banish all despair, and so you may live till God who has been pleased to afflict you by bringing you hither, may be pleased in due time to redeem you hence.
This advice of this charitable Jew, I so far comply'd with, that I not only gave him liberty to free my Patron from the despair of any Ransom at all, but I resolv'd to improve it, by promoting his hopes to the highest degree imaginable. To this purpose, finding after that the Jew had acquainted him with the issue of his discourse with me, and of my coming up to 1000 Crowns, yet notwithstanding his rigor did not abate, but every day he put me to harsher and severer tasks; I one day let fall some discourse which encourag'd the conceit he had entertain'd of my relation to his Excellency the then Lord Henry Howard. This indeed by all my Fellow-Slaves was lookt upon as a strange piece of policy in that place to blab out my great Relations, where all other Christians by all art and care imaginable study to represent their condition mean, and to conceal their Relations and Fortunes so much the more as they are considerable; and therefore one of them told me, that he never expected to see me one of the Privy Council; I answered him, that neither did I, so long as I was a Captive there: he said, he wisht me in my own Country in a place there call'd Bedlam which was fittest for me, and he believ'd my Cousin (for so his Slave-ship was pleas'd to stile him) the Lord Howard would be of the same opinion; I answered him, that I did not question to be delivered from this insupportable Bondage by my Cousin's means; which afterwards came to pass after this manner.
The Christians usually about Sun-setting were sent to a fountain of excellent water without the Town, to bring home in great earthen Jarrs some of that water; I also was sent by my Patron: Amongst [Page 10] other discourse which the Christians use to have there, I listen'd to a Seaman discoursing of Mamora a Spanish Garison, some twenty miles distant from Salle, at the mouth of a River, and that he sailing along the coast, had observ'd it very rocky for about eight miles, but the rest was a fine Sand that reacht as far as Mamora; he said moreover that he believ'd a good footman might run a race for his Freedom in three hours, if he had the convenience of a favourable night, and could scape a number of Tents which were pitcht all along the Countrey 'twixt Salle and Mamora, who are very industrious to pick up Slaves attempting an escape, because the Law of that Land incourages them with half the Slaves ransome.
Upon this Discourse it entred strongly into my head, that I should be the person who should win this prize; but at present it was impossible by reason of my lodging in the Masmora, as also by reason of my lassitude at night, being quite spent with the toil and labour of the day; but if I could induce my Patron by any arts to be a little kind to me and abate his severity, I thought I might fall into some capacity of performing what I design'd. Seeing then that the hard usage beyond other Slaves which I endur'd proceeded, from my obstinacy (as my Patron said) of not confessing my self to be a Conde, and particularly a near Relation of my Lord Howards, (as my Patron was inform'd) and whose alliance he more coveted than any others in behalf of his Slave; I resolv'd to try my fortune a little under the mask of a person of great Quality; and this was the reason, why I was pleas'd at that time to own an alliance to the great Family of Norfolk, which sham though, occasion'd my Deliverance; so that I found it by experience true, what is vulgarly said, that it is good to be related to a great estate or family, though at never so great a distance; for I am sure all the relation that I knew I had to the Duke of Norfolk then, was, that he was at Tangier when I was at Salle, and so near were we then related indeed, and no more. However I wrote a Letter to his Excellency, which my Patron had translated into Spanish, and such satisfaction did he receive from it, that he allow'd me a month in expectation of an answer; during which time I should be treated with all mildness and civility, only I was to look after his Barb and his House when he was abroad; which employments I esteem'd a happiness hardly to be expected in that Countrey. My Letter was delivered by my Patron to an Irish-man by name Long, newly ransom'd, who intended for Cales with the first opportunity; him did my Patron oblige by promise, to deliver my Letter to his Excellency with all expedition.
The news of my Quality presently spread abroad, so that I had several visits, and particularly from a French Fryer, a very ingenious Learned man, who acquainted me that the next Sunday was S. Bartholomew's day, and that he intended then (having procured permission from his Patron) to preach at the French Consul's house, and so invited me to be his Auditor. I told him I should be proud of the happiness, if my Patron would give leave; he engaged to use his endeavours with his Patron to procure a Licence from mine, which was obtain'd: So to the French Consul's I went, where after having [Page 11] heard a seasonable Discourse to Slaves about patience under our afflictions made by the Fryar, the French Consul gave me a Glass of Wine or two, after which I returned home. My Patron seem'd concern'd at my long absence, to whom I reply'd that the French Consul had treated me with Wine which was extraordinary good, and which if he understood the vertue of, he would renounce Mahumetism to drink of it: He counterfeited a displeasure at my Railery, but I perceived he was really well satisfied, as who had no antipathy in his temper to the juyce of the Grape; which I had seen him before sometimes drink with a great greediness.
About the dusk of the Evening, he and the Jew I formerly mentioned, being together at our house, ordered me to go to the French Consuls, and desire him to send to my Patron a quantity of Wine, which I did; but first I begg'd of my Patron that I might have share of it, he told me he intended I should; then says I to the Jew, I must request another favour of you, that you would intercede with my Patron that I may not go to the Masmora this night, for the miseries of that place will damp all the pleasures and satisfaction of the day preceding. My Patron was so complaisant, that he condescended to both our desires. Away then went I to the French Consul immediately, to whom having imparted my Message, he ordered some servants to carry a considerable parcel of Flasks of Red wine, (Syracusa I think they term'd it,) to my Patron's house. The Gentleman in the mean while arresting me civilly to drink a glass with him before I went to the Masmora as was expected, which I did; withall acquainting him, that I design'd also to have a share of the wine sent to my Patron, but my principal aim was, that the should have his dose, and thereby I should escape that night; I told him how my Patron had accommodated me with a sufficient opportunity, by excusing my going to the Masmora that night, which if I neglected, I deserv'd to be hang'd next morning. The courteous Gentleman seem'd amaz'd at my resolutions upon such a desperate attempt, and endeavour'd to dissuade me from an enterprise which carried with it insuperable difficulties, and which to his knowledge some had attempted in vain; and had only purchas'd to themselves thereby heavy stripes and multiplied their miseries, whereas never any one in my circumstances had accomplisht it; however seeing me obstinately fixt either to escape or dye that night, he gave me his friendly advice how to manage both my self and my Patron in drinking; and so telling me that he would pray heartily for my success, and that he would not commit himself to sleep, till he heard of the issue, with all humility and thankfulness I kiss'd his hands, and departed to my Patrons house.
At my return, I found him and the Jew and four other Moors set at Supper, which was brought them by some Slaves according to their appointment, so that this seem'd a design'd club; which consideration created in me sundry anxious surmises, left there being so many in company, my designs might happen to the [...]r [...]se'd by some one or other of them; and thence it was, that all the while they were at Supper, I was very thoughtful and engag'd in [Page 12] deep intense meditation, how to obviate all emergent difficulties, which this unexpected Company might lay in my way; yea so pensive was I, that I could not advert their commands, which occasion'd my Patron to enquire the reason of my extraordinary Melancholy, seeing my fair hopes of a sudden Redemption, and his kind and civil usage to me, together with the chearful and jovial temper of his Friends, who came to be merry with him, seem'd to administer matter of quite different resentments: At this I rows'd my self out of my thinking posture with some kind of confusion, and humbly beg'd his pardon for my unsuitable humour, which I told him, proceeded from the consideration of my Cousin the English Ambassadours resentment of my weakness, in discovering my self so soon; and though I question'd not the speedy payment of my Ransome and my Discharge, yet I could not, but with exceeding trouble, reflect upon the reason of his displeasure, and the ill consequences which must ensue if he should be angry with me, for whose favour and kindness I had the highest veneration and respect.
At this my Patron bid me chear up, and be merry with them, for says he, I my self will write to his Excellency the English Ambassador, and will excuse you; I will acquaint him with the true way and means how I came to be inform'd of your Quality, and alliance to his Excellency. I pretended to be extraordinary much affected with this kindness of my Patron, which I signified by passing a Moorish Complement upon him to this effect; That this favour would out ballance all the miseries of my Captivity, and that if his Excellency my Cousin knew how happy I were in a Patron, he would come himself to redeem me with his own Person, and would throw himself at your Feet, ambitious of the honour of being your Slave. This Rhodomontado was so surprizing and taking, that he told me, that if he had not been sufficiently inform'd of my Quality before, this instance of my excellent education had manifestly discovered me; upon which, I was forc'd to give over complementing, lest he should enhance my Quality, and perchance beat me into the Royal Family for a lye of my own making, as I had been before, into the Family of Howard for a lye of our Ship-boys. However I earnestly begg'd him to write to the English Ambassador with all expedition, for if he remov'd my fears of his displeasure, I would be the merryest man alive; and then I resolv'd to cashier all thoughtfulness, both because I would give no occasion of jealousy, as also lest too much thinking upon the difficulties (which indeed were very great) might damp my resolution or slacken my indeavours, which I intended to imploy to the utmost, that I might that night make my escape; leaving the method and means to the management of Providence.
After these complements were over, I sat down with the Company, and compos'd my self to be as merry and agreeable as possibly I could; I sung several English Songs to them, particularly I remember Calm was the Evening, &c. in the Mock-Astrologer, which was new when I left England; they were wonderfully affected with it, and were very desirous to have me translate ha ha ha, &c. into Spanish, which made me laugh more heartily than I sung; they also sung a la Morisco to requite me. I must confess I never knew any who seem'd much diverted with the sweetness of my voice, neither was I ever so vain [Page] [Page 13] to expect it; but really when I heard their barbarous Tones and Damnable dissonant Jangling, I cannot deny a piece of weakness which then possest me, which was a pleasure to hear mine own sweet Self chant it. The glass in the mean while did not stand still, which I principally adverted, for upon the management of that, depended the fortune of that night: therefore though I used all art to shift it from my self, yet I used the same that my Patron might never balk it; which at last evidenced it self plainly, for he was got very drunk, and truly I thought that then it was not safe nor convenient to my purposes for his Slave to appear sober: therefore I counterfeited the humours of a man overtaken with drink with all the artifice imaginable, so that I afforded exceeding divertisement to the soberer part of the Company; yet withall the Glass was never neglected to be sent about, which was ply'd with such industry, that before midnight all the Company had got as much as they could well carry away, and my Patron abundance more; for my own part I pretended to be so much concern'd, that I fell down, and there I lay till such time as the Company pleas'd to depart, when they rows'd me up to lock the doors, which seemingly with much adoe I effected; and then I return'd to my Patron with the keys.
Him I found in a condition, such as a highly provoked revengful Adversary could hardly wish for a more opportune; there was no company in the house excepting my Patron, his Barb and my self; the Doors and Avenues were all secur'd; the Streets wer clear, and the Neighbourhood husht up in the silence of Midnighte; the Moor could hardly either speak or stand; all which inviting circumstances seem'd to court a more resolved patience than my own to a compliance with this lucky opportunity of Revenge upon an inhumane Monster, who profess'd it his interest to deprive me of all the blessings of this world, and to make death to me more eligible than life. While I was upon these thoughts, the Brute raises himself up a little, and mutters somewhat to me of a not-to-be-mentioned Carnality, not only unworthy of Christian ears, but the bare mention whereof offers violence to the dictates of Nature, and which my charity would never suffer me to believe that it could enter into any mans mind, unless I had heard of the Citizens of Sodom, and a Doctor of Salamanca: which abominable proposal did so invigorate my resolution, that immediatly I had made him a Sacrifice to my most cruel resentments of the barbarous usage I received from him, if by a happy chance the Wine had not got the ascendent over all his senses, and laid him in a profound sleep. I laid however hold of his Scimitar, and drew it, and put on the Belt, so that if he had awak'd, I might have found my self under a necessity not to flinch back, but to proceed with all vigor, for my own life's sake to take away his. But when I reflected upon the many difficulties I was to encounter and overcome before I could escape, and the great probabilities of my being retaken, and withall the cruelties of a Death that I should suffer, if Hamet Lucas should be found kill'd by his own Slave; upon these considerations, I banish'd all thoughts of vengeance, and in complement to my own self-preservation, I gave [Page] [Page 14] the Moor my Patron his life, as thinking it much more rational as well as generous and Roman-like to save a Citizens life, though my own, than to destroy an Enemy's.
Seeing then that my Patron was engaged in a deep sleep, from which in all probability he could not awake in four or five hours, I immediately sheath'd the Sword, and taking out of his Bags a small parcel of Spanish Pistols, (which methought, might not be unserviceable to me in another part of the world) together with two Shirts of his, (for indeed I had none of my own) and a pair of Shooes, I put out the Candles, and with all expedition I slipt out of a window into the Street, where again I unsheath'd, being resolv'd to attacque whomsoever I should rencounter in the Streets, and not to part with that Liberty, which, though in a small measure, I was then newly made possessour of, unless with my life. I went through several Streets, and by a favourable providence, I escapt all rencounter or discovery: I came at last to the River-side near the Castle, where presently I threw my self in, but after having been a little there, finding my self incommoded in swimming, by reason of the Sword and other things, I swum back to shoar, where I stripp'd my self, and laid all upon my back kept together by my Breeches button'd about my neck: so I committed my self again to the water; but the Tide carrying me upon one of the Ships, I was oblig'd to struggle with all my strength to get clear of it, which maugre all my endeavours, I could not do so effectually, but that I came within hearing of their talk aboard. I conjectur'd then that the reason of my slow proceedings might be the weight of the burthen I carried, and besides my arms were a little weary, and I had a great mind to throw my self on my back and ease my self; whereupon I unbutton'd and let all my Clothes, Riches and Armour go together, and swimming on my back, I at length came to the other side of the River, a little weary, and altogether naked and defenceless.
Now the dangers began to crowd upon me, and I had so near a prospect of them, that I wish'd I had never undertook the work, and was entring into consideration of returning to my former estate; but when I reflected on the loss of my Patrons Scimitar and the Gold, my desperate estate gave me both hopes and courage; I had more than past Rubicon I thought then, for there was no returning: so up I got, and having almost rounded North-Salle and left it behind me, with a good speed I made away, having no other direction, saving the noise of the breaking of the Sea upon the Shoar within half a League on my left hand; it was moreover dark, and there was no path or road that I could hit upon, so that many times I stumbled, and fell over Stones, which cut and bruis'd my naked body. With these sort of divertisements I entertain'd my self until day-break; when seeing at some distance before me a Mist arise, and being ignorant of the occasion, and fearing lest it might be the effect of some Travellers, I turn'd to the left, over a great Bank, on the other side of which, I happily fell in upon a Sand upon which the Sea broke, which continued about eleven or twelve miles in length; there I had good running for a while, till such time as I saw three Moors upon the Sand [Page 15] before me; but having nothing to say to them, nor any mind to their company, I turn'd therefore to my right hand over the foremention'd bank, where I fell in upon a path, which I measured with all the haste I could, until I had in view a couple of Tents roar'd up in the path way: these I thought it a very unseasonable complement to visit so soon in the morning, and therefore endeavoured to decline them, by turning up the bank upon the left hand; upon the ridge of which I was obliged to travail above a mile in great trouble, wading through thick Fuzze and Goss, which prick'd me with exceeding vexation and smart; the Moors on either hand of me, constraining me to keep this middle course, unless I would expose my self to a manifest hazard of being retaken. It pleased God that I had left the tent a pretty way behind me, I turn'd therefore down into the path aforesaid, where I exercised my feet to the best purpose that ever I think I did in my life, for about three miles, and then I came within sight of Mamora the Spanish Garison.
I was then about two miles distance, and being oblig'd to part with the path which I had hitherto followed, and then turn'd away from Mamora, I found great difficulty to run with that haste which my occasions required, for the ground was full of stumps, and other asperities very afflictive to my naked and wounded feet, which rendred that little last stage much more tedious than all the rest of my journey; besides lassitude grew upon me so fast, that I almost fainted, so that I most impatiently long'd to reach the only place of my safety, fearing lest I should founder in the entrance into the Port, after having escap'd the great difficulties of a dangerous voyage. There was a hill upon my right hand, which I had a fancy to ascend, thence to make my descent to the Garison at pleasure; the Moors kept a kind of a Garison there to hinder the Spaniards from sallying out to forrage the Country; this I was ignorant of, otherwise I had not directed my course thither, however this errour was very instrumental to my preservation, for the Moors who saw me though I did not them, observing me direct my course towards them, imagined I must be a friend, whereas if I had made directly for Mamora, they had certainly intercepted me. When I came to the foot of the hill, being then out of sight of those who were on the top, I found the ground so full of small Snail-shels, which cut my feet extreamly, that I thought it more convenient to go along by the foot of the hill, which was much easyer: I was got at last so near the Garison, that I could call to the Souldiers, who were very numerous upon the works; I call'd out to them that I was a Christian, and begg'd them to relieve me by admitting me to come in; they wav'd their hats to me, and withall I saw a company sent from the Garison, enter a square-Fort which was some little distance from it. The Spaniards continued waving their hats, which I mistook for a sign to stay there where I was, and make no further advance till such-time as they had sent out to enquire what I was; I therefore sat me down there, at length off comes a great Gun from Mamora, whose Bullet graz'd upon the side of the hill above me, which I looking after, saw the Moors who had mistrusted my long stay, coming down upon me, and then I made [Page 16] all the haste that fear could inspire me with, the Spaniards in the mean time firing at the Moors to stop their eager pursuit; at last with my utmost endeavours reacht the little Fort, at the bottom of whose wall I fell down quite spent, so that my spirit fail'd me.
The Souldiers carryed me in a Cloak up to the Garison, where the Governour, after having caus'd a glass of Wine to be pour'd into my mouth to revive me, questioned me what I was and whence I came (for indeed I was so cover'd all over my body with blood, sweat and dust, that it was hard to distinguish me from a Moor by my colour) I satisfied him that I was an English-man, whom God had been so merciful to, as last night to bestow an opportunity of escaping from a heavy Slavery in Salle, and direct me to this blessed place of refuge, for whose preservation and prosperity, all poor Christians at Salle offer up their prayers, and I particularly held my self obliged to do, so long as I liv'd. The Courteous charitable Gentleman (whose name I am sorry I have forgot) congratulated my Deliverance, and told me I was heartily welcome to that place, and because he saw my condition required not much discourse at that instant, he recommended me to the care of the Physitian, who very charitably procur'd me a few Cloaths, and apply'd to me such things as I had need of: and then committed me to rest until about noon, at which time the Governour sent for me to come to him upon one of the Rampiers, to shew me some Horsemen hunting among some Bushes, and he conceited that I was the game they were in quest of; I accorded with his opinion, and to confirm him in it, I assured him that such a horse which I pointed out to him, did belong to Hamet Lucas who was my Patron. The Moors were then within reach of the Guns, the Governour therefore commanded to let fly amongst them, and I upon my request, to honour the departure of my Patron whom I thought never to have seen more, had the favour to fire two at him, which though they did no execution that we could perceive, yet we observ'd the place was too hot for them, so that they made haste to be gone.
It is hard to be express'd, what a great satisfaction it was to me, to see my cruel Enemy (whom but 24 hours before I dreaded as Indians do the Devil) flee from me, and endeavour an escape out of my reach, with as much eagerness, as the night before I did out of his. Though I then smarted a little under the sense of my weary and wounded body, yet the thoughts of my Liberty entertain'd me with such pleasant divertisements, as are not to be conceived by any but those who are in the circumstances that I was in, and who can value their present Liberty, (which together with health makes life it self comfortable, and without which it is but an uneasy burthen) by a competition with a hard and grievous Bondage under the profess'd, yea, superstitiously bigotish Enemies of my God, my Religion, and my own person. Yet when I reflected upon the weakness of the Garison, (which that afternoon I had an opportunity to survey) which was no bigger in circumference than the Tower of London; the feeble resistance that 400 disheartened half-starv'd sickly Spaniards could make against an innumerable swarm of Moors, (who lay about and [Page 17] in a manner besieged them) should they attaque them, I must confess my fears did a little qualify my joy, and I could not foreforbear wishing that my Patron and I were at a greater distance. All the night I could hardly rest, for the Moors twice allarm'd us, and the Bells about the walls were sounding every moment, to keep the Souldiers a wake and to their duty; for should they be remiss for half an hour only, it had been easy methought to surprise the place, being defended only with a dry Ditch, and pitiful low Walls.
The next morning early, the wind presented fair, five Barca-longa's, which had brought provision from Cadis, were returning home, in one of which I gladly embarkt, bidding adieu to Mamora my refuge and place of Deliverance, which since about two years agoe (as I heard with sorrow from Hamet Lucas himself) was taken by the Moors after above a 100 years possession of the Spaniards; he declaring, that he was the first man who entred it. We sail'd along the Barbary-Coast all the day, nothing occurring remarkable, save that in the afternoon, the Spanish Sea-men acquainted me that we were pursued. It was very strange and surprising when I beheld astern of us, an innumerable quantity of Fish, making after us at full gallop as it were, leaping above the water; they quickly overtook us, and so pursu'd their journey, without any concern at our hallooing, as they past very near us, on both sides our boat: they were not so long as ordinary Cod, but they appear'd much broader; what the meaning of the frolick should be, I cannot tell, but the Spaniards seem'd more affected with my amazement, than with that strange appearance, so that I suppose this was an ordinary divertment, that that kind of Fish affords upon that Coast.
Upon Wednesday morning, we were got as far as A-la-rach another Garison belonging to the Spaniards at the Mouth of a River, at which time we heard much shooting out at Sea, so that we thought it convenient to put into Larache. This is a strong place, the Walls inclosing a considerable piece of ground, where grow abundance of excellent Grapes and rare Fruits. The Town is fortified by two strong Castles, well-stor'd with great Ordnance; into one of which we were permitted to ascend, to view a rare sight at Sea, a very unequal Combat as to number, yet briskly maintain'd by one Dutch man of War against six Algerines, whereof the Admiral and Vice-Admiral were two, and the least was of two and thirty Guns. The fight continued till noon, when two great Dutch-men, and Van Ghent in the Looking-glass, and another coming up, the Turks thought best to make sail and stand away; and then luckily a-head of them, as they were weathering Cape Spartil, appeared six English men of War, Captain Beech was Commander of one. The Algerines being hemm'd in, resolv'd rather to venture through the English, and so make their way into the Streights, than to turn back upon Van-Ghent, whose great Guns struck a great terrour into them: so up they went to the English. But Captain Beech with the first broad-side disabling their Admiral, they all together tack'd and run ashore in the Bay of Arzilla, where they were all set on fire, abundance of Christians being reliev'd, and abundance of Turks being kill'd. The Governour of Larache [Page 18] commanded our Barca to go out and bring an account of the action, which we did, and return'd again at night with the news, that the Algerines who were destroy'd were, the Springing Tyger, the Standing Tyger, the Date Tree, the Shepherdess, I have forgot the names of the rest.
Next day being Thursday, we set forward for Cadis, and upon Fryday night we arrived in the Bay. The next morning I apply'd my self to Mr. Westcomb (since Knighted) then Consul, who treated me not so much according to the exigency of my condition, as his own Generosity, inviting me to his own Table daily, during my stay at Cadis which was about a sortnight. There I saw some of these very Moors Slaves themselves, who made me so; there being fifteen taken, aboard the French prize I formerly mentioned, by the Holmes-Friggot, and carried to Cadis and there sold: this accident furnish'd me with a pleasant opportunity of thinking how the case was alter'd. About the middle of September, at Sir Martin Westcomb's desire, I obtain'd passage aboard a Dutch man of War design'd for S. Uves, from whence I travell'd by Land to Lisbon, the place where I embarkt some fourteen or fifteen weeks before, in that Vessel wherein I was taken. I went to pay my respects to Dr. Cradock and Mr. Bulteel, who saw me when I was at Lisbon before, and could hardly be induc'd to believe that I had been a Slave since, unless they had been assur'd by Mr. Parry, then Agent at Lisbon, to whom I brought a Letter from the Consul at Cadis, recommending me to his favour in procuring me a safe passage for England, and who certify'd him sufficiently of my escape from Salle to Mamora, seeing I had brought Letters from the Governour of Mamora to the Duke of Veraguas, then Governour of Cadis, which Mr. Westcomb himself delivered up to the Duke.
After my stay in Lisbon about a fortnight, Mr. Parry the Agent aforesaid, prevail'd with the Dutch Consul, to grant me passage for England in a Dutch Man of War (there being no English Ships of any force then in the River, and I was very unwilling, any more to hazard my self in small Vessels.) It was the very same Ship which I saw at Alarache, engag'd with the six Algerines. In the beginning of November I was brought to the Texel, (having had no convenience to be remov'd into any Ship in the Channel, by reason of a great Storm that hurried us over to the Holland Coast:) from Amsterdam I came to the Hague, where hearing, that Sir John Chicheley then Envoy from his Majesty to the Governour of the Spanish Netherlands was returning instantly for England, I made haste to Brussels, and obtain'd passage for England amongst his retinue, so that I return'd to England in November 1670, and never have been out of his Majesties Dominions since.
After my return I immediately went for Oxford, where I fell into the favour of George Wheeler Esquire then Gentleman-Commoner of Lincoln-Colledge, who was pleas'd to think my indigent condition a fit object of his charity; with whom and his Father Colonel Charles Wheeler I lived in quality of Tutor to his Children from Christmas 1670, until May 1672. During which time I received Deacon's Orders, from the Bishop of Ely's hands, and at Christmas following I [Page 19] was ordained Priest by the Bishop of London. In 1673, William then Lord Grey of Wark admitted me to be his Chaplain, with whom I lived until his Death 1674, after which being invited by some promises to Dublin in Ireland, I removed thither, and lived constantly in the City of Dublin, in the execution of my Ministerial Function, until 1679, when I was call'd into England, upon what occasion will be the subject of my following Discourse.
This is a true account of my Captivity and Escape, which I appeal to many thousands whether or not it agrees exactly, with what I have related these twelve years past; Haec meminisse juvat. I cannot indeed disown a piece of vanity I have had, in frequently reflecting upon this remarkable accident of my life, and such complacency I have had therein, that I have always freely comply'd with any handsome invitation to relate it; for there is a great pleasure in remembring the great Dangers I have past (Dangers to evade which, the Salamanca-Doctor would I believe have pawn'd all his True-Protestant expectations, yea and his Swearing Faculty too, which now considering the temptations he is under, I am afraid hee'l be damn'd before hee'l part with it.) I have indeed heard many discredit the whole Relation, as Romantick, but I never heard any tax me of an Otism, i. e. inconsistency with my self, as if I told one Story by Candlelight, and a quite different one again in the day. But now that, Haggi Hamet Lucas, (who was my Patron in the place of my Captivity) has by a strange providence come over to this Countrey, and before several persons of Quality and Reputation, attested the truth of all these things by me related, which were within the sphere of his knowledge; I suppose there will be but little scruple remaining, to unprejudic'd persons in the belief of the above-written Narrative. Supposing it then true, what is there in it, to render me Criminal? Because I am lame must I be beaten with my own Crutches? Because I have been unfortunate, is it for that I must be miserable? Because I have made an escape from a sad Captivity in Barbary, do I therefore deserve to be hang'd here in England? He must be a Devil at making of Plots, as well as discovering them, who can make such inferences as these pass, who because by Gods assistance to my own endeavours I have sav'd my Countrey the trouble and price of my Redemption, will therefore bring me in guilty of Treason against her; and this calls to my mind the Salamanca-Doctor.
An Account of TITUS OATES HIS DEPOSITIONS Against ME.
IT is very hard to conceive, that any thing made after the Image of God, and endu'd with a reasonable soul, (howsoever degenerate and corrupt) should affect evil only for the love of evil, and covet mischief for its own sake; this is so great a reproach, and casts such a dishonourable reflection upon humane nature, that no man can suppose such a Devil incarnate: and therefore even Titus Oates himself (though we should comply with the Papists and believe all his Depositions to have been only the result of his own wicked and mischievous invention) had always the hopes of Grandeur and the importunate sollicitations of cunning politick heads, together with a gratification to his Revenge, or some natural inclination, to plead as an acquittance from the imputation of so Diabolical a temper. And really the Jesuits and Benedictines were very uncharitable to him, when he poor Rogue seem'd abandon'd by God and Man, and was forc'd to betake himself to the Devil and the Jesuites to get bread, and not having the fear of God before his eyes, had no other design to maintain himself in life, but by conspiring the Kings death: for them first to turn him away ignominiously from S. Omers as an indocible Blockhead, that could never be brought to turn three Lines of English into tolerable Latin; and then to disown him here in London, notwithstanding he had a Patent (Risum teneatis!) from the Pope, to be admitted to their private Cabals; and in the next place to oblige him without Shooes and Stockings, to go a-begging to the Benedictines in the Savoy for, the [Page 21] Scraps of a dinner; and then for Corker and the rest to bid the Maid shut the Door upon him, this is enough to make a man so hungry as he was, to be very angry, and to swear too: so that considering the Doctor's temper, the satisfaction of his revenge might be alleadg'd as some kind of excuse to qualify the malignity of his Oathes against these people. And now probably the Readers curiosity is excited to the enquiry upon what occasion, motive or provocation, the wicked Doctor (supposing the falsity of his Depositions) was induc'd to swear so maliciously against me: for satisfaction thereto, he must know that Charles Lord North and Grey, was the sole and only occasion of Oates's swearing against me; it was to oblige this Noble Lord (for whose interest it was thought necessary to have me disesteem'd, and put out of capacity and credit) the cursed Doctor pawn'd his Soul, which will appear plainly to have been his design not only from the express words of his own Depositions, but also from the said Lord's acknowledgment upon his Oath, in Court at our Tryal. But how this noble Lord became so concern'd to appear my Enemy, the Reader will understand from what follows.
William late Lord Grey of Werk, by his last Will and Testament, left to his Daughter Katharine now Lady North two hundred Guinneys as a Legacy, and his Son Ralph afterwards Lord Grey, he appointed sole Executor of his Will; by Deed having settled his Estate upon his Grandson Ford the present Lord Grey of Werk. This was a very great disappointment to the Lord Grey of Rollestone, now Lord North, who had entertain'd great expectations, not only of being Executor to his Father in Law, but also of having a considerable part of the Estate settled upon him; though upon what foundation he built such mighty hopes unless his own fancy, seems very unaccountable. For the Lord William Grey had bestow'd a plentiful Portion with his Daughter; and he always caress'd his Son and Grand-sons with a paternal affection, as the props and supports of his Name and Family: and why then he should alientate his Estate, and bestow it upon another Name, is very unsuitable to that wisdom and prudent conduct by which the said Lord was always observ'd to have manag'd his affairs. Howsoever the Lord North left no means unattempted, no Stone unrolled, to find out a Dish of Deeds, as his Lordship learnedly phras'd it, but all in vain: at length two Sons of Belial, William Warren (who had been for a long time Steward in the Lord Grey of Werk's Family, and then for his infidelity cashier'd) and Isaack his Son (much about the same time and upon the like account, discarded the service of the Lady Dowager Grey) being both turn'd out of Beneficial employments, and not having any other ways of subsistance, they lay hold of this humour of my Lord North, resolving to incourage him in it, and to improve it to two different purposes; namely, to procure themselves a livelihood thereby, and besides to revenge themselves upon the Lord Grey and the Lady Dowager his Mother. To this purpose, they inform the Lord North that he is much injur'd by the Lady Dowager Grey, Executrix to her Husband Lord Ralph Grey, pretended Executor only to his Father the Lord William Grey, because that the Lady North was appointed sole Executrix, by the [Page 22] last Will of the said William Lord Grey, and that the Lord Ralph had burnt that Schedule wherein she was nominated, and forg'd another, wherein he nominated himself, and substituted it in the place of the other; this they both attest upon their Oathes, upon which the Lord North commences a sute against the Lady Dowager Grey. The Cause after several removes from Court to Court, at last center'd before the Delegates. To be short, after a tedious examination of Witnesses produc'd on both sides, the Delegates having diligently weigh'd the arguments, came to a final determination, and unanimously pronounc'd in favour of the Lady Grey, judging that Rascal Isaack Warren (who confess'd himself to be a Villain, in betraying his Lord William Lord Grey, and in being accessory to the forging his last Will and Testament, before he could be in a capacity to witness for Thomas Lord North) to be much more a Villain after, and that his Testimony involv'd a manifest contradiction, and consequently that he was forsworn. It was, during the tryal of this Cause in that Court, that I was sent for from Dublin in Ireland; about September 1679, I was produc'd as a Witness by the Lady Grey.
After I had delivered what I knew as to that Cause, I prepar'd for my return back to Dublin; and accordingly I had took a place in the Chester-Coach for the Munday following. But the day before, as I was preaching at S. Gyles's Church in the Fields, in the Afternoon, news came to the Lady Grey, that there was a Warrant out to apprehend me as a Jesuit; upon which, I was conveyed home, and commanded to keep my self close, till such time as her Ladyship had made enquiry what the matter was.
At length I understood from her Ladyship, that the Lord North and Titus Oates had that morning met at Whitehall, and after some conference, they came where his Majesty was, and told him for news, that they had discovered where one of the most dangerous Jesuits in England was; one that was lately come over from Ireland, sent as a Spy; one who hid himself under a Parsons Gown, and preacht in our Churches sometimes; at other times he would put on a Cloak and hold forth in a Conventicle, and anon, one might hear him saying Mass in Sommerset-Chappel. His Majesty was astonish'd at the impudence of such a fellow, who at such a time of the day, durst appear to affront the severity of the Laws which were then most rigorously put in Execution, and was pleas'd to demand his Name, and enquir'd of Oates if he knew him. Oates told his Majesty, that his name was Elliot, and that he knew him very well, for one of the most mischievous wicked men in the world, and that he believ'd he had more malice in him, than all the Jesuits had who were hang'd; nay more says he, he is a Circumcis'd Jesuit. God bless us, says his Majesty, What sort of Jesuit is that? A Jesuit who is no Christian but a Turk, reply'd the Salamanca Devil. And thus they went on, the Lord and the Doctor striving to outvy each other in burthening my poor name with all the Infamy imaginable, and that before his Sacred Majesty; as if I were unworthy of his protection, or the benefit of the Laws. At length, his Majesty weary of such an odious description, was [Page 23] pleas'd to retire, bidding them get a Warrant to apprehend me; which they immediately did from Sir William Waller.
Her Ladyship moreover made me acquainted, that there was an Advertisement in the Gazette for the next day concerning me, and therefore that it would not be my best course to set forward for Chester, for that I was represented under so vile a Character, that the Mobile would certainly tear me in pieces. However her Ladyship bid me chear up and not to despond, for I should find friends enough to stand by me and defend my innocence, so that never a Lord nor Devil-of-a-Doctor of them all should prejudice me: her Ladyship therefore that night sent and prevented the Advertisement in the Gazette, and bid me prepare my self to appear before Sir William the next morning.
About nine of the Clock the day following, I saw a Constable with some Red-Coats coming to my Lady Grey's House, and fearing lest they should affront Her Ladyship if I should be out of the way, I went and met them at the Gate; I demanded whom they would speak with? The Constable told me, that he had a Warrant to search for, and apprehend a Priest in that house; I assur'd him, there was no Priest belong'd to that Family except my self: he inquir'd whether I was one, I answered that I was, but of the Church of England, and that my name was Elliot; and moreover I told him, I thought I was the person he was in quest of. He reply'd that he was of the same opinion, and withall commanded me along with him; I enquired whither I must go; he told me to Sir William Waller, whose Warrant he shew'd me. The Honourable Ralph Grey Esquire came to the Constable, and desir'd him to command the Red-Coats to keep off, because the People seeing them attend a Coach, would be apt to affront us, and withall proffer'd me the honour of his Company: which I with all thankful acknowledgments most willingly accepted. And indeed I had reason, for if it had not been for his presence, and the influence of the Right Honourable the Lady his Mother, I had been certainly sent to Newgate, and whither then God knows, for Oates says, he never begins a business but he goes thorough-stitch with it: he might have sworn that he saw a Letter under my hand, which encourag'd Grove and Pickering to proceed to murther the King, as easily as he swore that he saw one under my hand, wherein I acknowledged that I had received Priests Orders and sung High Mass at Rome; I will swear he saw one as much as the other.
But to proceed, we took Coach and went directly to Sir William Wallers house in Westminster: whilst we were going thither, the Constable enquir'd whether ever I had been amongst the Turks, I told him I had; the Constable then shook his head, telling Mr. Grey that it would go hard with me, for that there was strong evidence against me that I was both a Jesuit, and a Turkish-Priest; Mr. Grey could not forbear laughing, whilst I was heartily vex'd to see my self thus abus'd. When we came to Sir Williams, after a little squabling, and some coarse complements I was oblig'd to pass upon his Worship, Mr. Grey and he withdrew, and after having the Case clearly stated to him, Sir William return'd to me, and begged [Page 24] my pardon, for he understood I was a Minister of the Church of England, and had the relation of Chaplain to a very Honourable Family, which he was sure, would not entertain within their doors any one represented under the character that I was; and so he profess'd himself sorry that upon a misinformation he gave me this trouble, desiring Mr. Grey to go to Oates's Lodgings in Whitehall with me, and ordering the Constable to attend, he said he would presently follow us, and endeavour my dismission, which he did.
Oates in the mean time, being inform'd that Persons of great Quality would appear in my vindication, if any danger threatned me, and that the Lord North's design of Revenge was too too apparent in the business, alters his mind, and hastning down to Sir Williams at that time when we were coming to Whitehall, he met his Coach following us; and going into Sir William's Coach, the first thing he said (as a Gentleman then present inform'd me) was, Sir William, you must not meddle with Mr. Elliot for I have nothing to say against him: Nor I neither, answered Sir William, for he is a Minister of the Church of England, and has his Orders about him. A little after our coming to Oates's Chamber, where were abundance of people, the Doctor came in, to whom addressing my self, I ask'd him if he knew me; he told me, that he remembred me very well at Cambridge, about twelve years ago, and that since he never saw me; he heard, he said, and was inform'd, that I had said Mass in Sommerset-Chappel, but he believ'd it was a mistake: pray, Mr. Oates, said I, what is the meaning of the report you have rais'd, as if I were circumcis'd; Truly, says the Doctor, when I was at Rome, the Fathers of the Scotch Colledge enquir'd whether I knew you; knew whom, says I? They ask'd, says he, whether I knew one Adam Elliot, who had been of their Colledge; I told them I knew youvery well, and that I heard you had been taken Captive by the Turks; It may be, reply the Fathers, they have Circumcis'd him. This is all, says he, that I know of the business. This was a piece of such intolerable impudence, that I could hardly refrain giving him the Lye; for he not only contradicted what he had told His Majesty the day before (as persons of the greatest Quality can attest) but he contriv'd a Story, whose every Sillable was false: for I never was in the Scotch Colledge at Rome, I never saw it to my knowledge, neither did I ever see a Scotch Father, neither was I ever reputed a Scotch-man whilst I was abroad; and moreover my Name was never known to be Elliot: so that knowing these things to be false, I had reason to question whether ever he had been at Rome, which I do still. However, I thought it was not convenient to put him out of humour by my contradiction at that time, but I let him go on without interruption, to tell Lyes as long as he pleas'd; at last seeing him at a pause, I ask'd him if he had any thing to alledge why the Constable might not be discharged farther attendance; his Doctorship was pleas'd to speak the word that he might go about his business, and so I was set at liberty.
This Lenity of the Doctor in causing me to be apprehended, and immediately discharg'd, was not the effect of his Repentance or good Nature, but of his Cowardice and Fear, as the Reader will presently [Page 25] conclude. As soon as with convenience I could, I made haste for Ireland; yet not with that speed, but that a Pacquet or two had got over before me, and carried the news of my apprehension, and of Oates's Depositions against me: the News was so general, that there was no doubt of the matter of fact; and Oates's testimony was in so great credit then, that it was judg'd a crime equal to Blasphemy or Treason to call it in question: so that even my friends and intimate acquaintance were at a loss what to think of me; the Dissenters and Enemies of our Cathedrals (of which I was a Member) did insult and triumph upon this sham-occasion. At length in the very heat of these prepossessions, I landed at Dublin, upon a Sunday-mornning, and immediately repair'd to the Church, where I officiated according to the duty of my place; most people were astonish'd to see me, because I was reported generally to be in Newgate in London. But the Phanaticks were almost distracted, to see their false intelligence confuted by so lively an argument as my appearance; and my not being a Popish Priest, or a Circumeis'd Turk, they thought would baffle the Doctor's Infallibility, damn the Plot, and confound them all. O! what a great scandal it was to them, to see me walk the Streets, but much more to hear me discourse freely, as, God help me! I could not forbear sometimes, when Titus Oates came in the way of my fancy. These were affronts that were intollerable, and therefore they watch'd my conversation, and always to ensnare me. At last, I unhappily fell into the company of a turbulent factious Fellow, a City-Captain, who endeavour'd to raise his credit by catching of Popish Priests, and he had got a little fame by that way: but now, if he could but entrap me, he thought he should gain immortal honour. Amongst other discourse, he desired of me to be satisfied of the occasion of these reports spread concerning me when I was in England; I endeavour'd to satisfy him all I could, but all would not do, for says he, I am sure Dr. Oates cannot Lye, and I am pretty well assured, that he said you were a Popish Priest and a Turk besides. This insolent expression provokt me to some passionate resentment; so that I told him, that Oates was a great Lying Rogue, and he was another: this is not to be endur'd by any True Protestant, says the Captain, speak your pleasure of me, says he, but do not blaspheme the venerable Doctor; the Doctor, continued I, if he depos'd with no more truth against the Jesuits than he did against me, they died Martyrs: At this, the Captain rises and runs away to Sir Robert Booth, a True-Protestant L. C. J. of the Kings Bench, and makes affidavit, that I said that Titus Oates was a Rogue, and the five Jesuits Martyrs. To be short, I was sent for by a Tipstaff, bound over to answer at the Kings-Bench the near approaching term, when I was indicted for these very words, found guilty, and fin'd 200 l. and imprisonment until I paid it. At the same time, comes over from England a pretended character of Adam Elliot, directed to a Gentleman of Quality in Dublin, who was desired to disperse Copies of it; it was subscribed North and Grey, and was a base, malicious Libel, stufft with lies and impudence; it is Scandalum Magnatum any person professing Honour and Honesty, as the Author [Page 26] of it. He asserts upon his honour, that I was expell'd the University of Cambridge, that I was a Jesuit, that I was a Renegado and a Mahumetan, that I was a Felon, that I was a Murderer, that I was guilty of Forgery, and particularly that I combin'd with Ralph Lord Grey of Werk, and with him forg'd the last Will of his Father William Lord Grey, to the prejudice of the Lord North of above 30000 l. This infamous character, howsoever most abominably, and from the beginning to the end false, yet coming under the specious recommendation of a Person of Honour, did much prejudice me, especially with the concurrence of my other misfortunes, so that I was rendered very odious and vile, insomuch that my confinement was my best security; for if I had walkt the Streets I had been in danger of being ston'd.
At length, after this violent ferment of the Peoples hatred by a little time, as is usual, had begun to abate, the Privy Council upon my Petition, were pleas'd to consider my condition, as thinking that I had met with very hard measure for speaking a few words, (which were by the severest construction, the result only of passion and inadvertency) and being pretty well satisfied of my good inclinations to the Church of England and Ireland as by Law established, as also to the Government, and my aversion to Popery; and withall considering how I labour'd under the calumnies and slanders of a scandalous Libel, apparently false, and design'd out of malice to ruin my reputation, and that I had no way to do my self right, so long as I was under confinement, they were pleas'd to order my releasement upon Bail until the next Term, and then I satisfied the Law, and was discharg'd.
After my departure from London for Ireland, the Lord North perceiving how much a propô it would be to invalidate my testimony, viz. that excellent invention of Circumcision, (for though a Papists Oath may be taken, yet no man sure will believe one who has renounc't the Christian Faith) he renews his sollicitations to the Doctor, to swear against me in the Court of Delegates: the Doctor who us'd not to swear lightly and in vain, i. e. for nothing, seem'd shy at first; but having heard that I call'd him a Rogue and the Jesuits Martyrs, he comply'd with the desire of his good Friend, the Lord North, who at that time; the Reader must take notice, was a Petitioning Lord, that is, one of those Lords, who subscrib'd and presented a Petition to his Majesty for the sitting of the Parliament, and therefore was by all obliging offices to be caress'd and retain'd. (The Reader is likewise desir'd to take notice, that at the Lord Stafford's Tryal, Oates swore, that a certain Lord sent him a 100 l. but he neither tells us who, nor for what, so that whether this remark be to the purpose or not, I cannot as yet tell.)
Oates's Depositions against me upon Oath are as followeth.
4to Maii, 1680.
Super Allegatione articulata ex parte Domini North and Grey, & ejus Uxoris, quarto Martii 1679, juxta &c. data & 18o ejusdem mensis admissa.
Titus Oates Sacrae Theologiae Professor & Vicarius Vicariae de Bibbin in Com. Cantii aetatis suae 32o, aut eo circiter, natus apud Okeham in Com. Rutlandiae, Testis productus, juratus & examinatus, deponit prout sequitur, viz.
AD. 11 & 12, Articulos dictae Allegationis deponit, That he knew Mr. Elliot now a Minister, whose name he thinks Adam, in the year 1667, in the Colledge of Cajus in Cambridge, and as near as he can remember, he was then Pupil to Mr. Simon Bagg or Mr. John Ellis, one of which (as the said Elliot confessed) he the said Elliot did beat; at which time, and during the time of this Deponents knowledge of him in the said Colledge (which was for about the space of a year,) he the said Elliot was a poor Schollar, maintained by some of the Doctors of the Ʋ niversity, (as he confest to the Deponent;) but for his rude, riotous, whoreing and debauch'd living, they withdrew his maintenance as he complained to this Deponent. And the said Adam Elliot hath confessed that he went a Deer-stealing; and the said Elliot rob'd a Study in Cajus Colledge, and would have sold this Deponent some of the Books he took from thence. He further saith, that after the said Elliot was gone from the said Ʋniversity, and in the year 1670 or thereabouts, the said Elliot did write to the Rector of St. Omers, and gave him an account that he had received Orders, and was a Priest, and had sung high Mass at the English Colledge at Rome; which Letter this Deponent saw in the year 1677, juxta &c. and afterwards the said Elliot was carried a Slave into Barbary, and there, as it was reported generally and credibly, was Circumcis'd, and as he confessed, did give poyson to his Master or Patron. After which, returning to Rome, he made his Recantation, which this Deponent hath seen under his own hand, as this Deponent believes, having been well acquainted with his Character. He further saith, that in the year 1673, the said Elliot living in Kent did lead a very dissolute debauched life, and was much given to Drinking, Whoreing, Lying, and Swearing that to be true which was not so: And he saith, that he hath seen a Letter subscribed as from the Bishop of Meath in Ireland; the purport of which was, that Elliot was indicted in Dublin before the Lord Chief Justice Booth, for saying that this Deponent was a perjured Rogue, and that the Jesuits that were hanged for high Treason died Martyrs, and that there was no such thing as a Popish Plot, or to that effect; upon which the said Elliot was convicted and fined 200 lb. and was to be imprisoned till the said Fine was paid, or to that purpose: And this Deponent doth verily believe that the said Elliot was and is so vile and infamous a Person, of such a lewd, wicked and debauched life and conversation, that no faith or credit is or ought to be given to his sayings and Depositions in this Cause: Et aliter nescit deponere, super reliquis non examinatur ex directione partis producentis.
[Page 28] Idem ad Interrogatoria ex adversa parte ministrata. Ad primum & secundum respondet, that about Christmas last, as near as he remembers the time, the Lord North and Grey met this Respondent in Whitehall, and ask'd this Respondent, whether he knew one Elliot that was a Priest or to that purpose; and at first this Respondent could not recollect whether he did or not, but upon further discourse and enquiry, finding that he had been of Cajus Colledge in Cambridge, this Respondent did remember him, and told his Lordship that he knew the said Elliot to be a very Rogue, and a lewd debauched liver, and that he had been Circumcis'd, and had received Orders from the See of Rome, or to that purpose. Et aliter nescit respondere, saving that just after the former discourse between this Respondent and his said Lordship which he hath predeposed, his Lordship askt this Respondent whether he thought it not fit that the said Elliot should be taken up or apprehended, and asked this Respondent how it might best be done; and (as near as he can remember) this Respondent advised him to get a Warrant from Sir William Waller for him; and saving the said Lord North then asked this Respondent, whether he could justify the said Elliot was a Romish Priest; to which this Respondent replied, that he believed he could, or to that purpose.
Ad tertium Respondet, that the next day after the Sunday whereon the said [...]ord North and this Respondent had the discourse predeposed of, the said Elliot was taken and brought before Sir William Waller. Et aliter nescit respondere.
Ad quartum respondet, that he did seo the said Elliot before Sir William Waller, but did not hear him examined.
Ad quintum interrogatorium Respondet, that being advis'd and told by the Lord Chancellor, that since the said Elliot had taken Orders in the Church of England, that his so doing had swallowed up all other Orders, and therefore there could be no proceedings against him for being a Romish Priest, or to that effect, as he remembers; this Respondent did tell the said Sir William Waller that he had nothing to alleadge or say against the said Elliot. Et aliter nescit respondere.
Ad sextum nescit, saving the Interrogatory, Sir William Waller did at this Respondents instance clear or dismiss the said Elliot.
Ad septimum respondet, that the time when the Lord North and Crey had discourse with this Respondent about the said Elliot, as he hath predeposed, he told this Deponent, that the said Elliot had bely'd him and his Lady, and had injured him; and as he thinks told this Respondent, that the said Elliot had been a Witness against him concerning a Will, in a suit depending at Doctors Commons between his Lordship and the Lady Dowager Grey. Aliter non meminit.
Ad octavum respondet, that he is well acquainted with the Character of Sir William Waller, and believes the Schedule or Certificate now shewn unto him, is totally wrote and subscribed by the proper hand-writing of Sir William Waller.
[Page 29] These are the Depositions of Titus Oates against me, which did not flow from a precipitate rashness, or inconsiderate passion, but were the advised result of six months deliberation, subscribed by his own hand, and grounded upon the same motives of Credibility with his discovery of the Popish Plot; even his Oath and most solemn Invocation of the dreadful God, to avenge himself upon him, who beareth false witness against his Neighbour. The charge against me in these his Depositions is intollerably grievous, even abstracting from the sacredness of my Function, and considering me barely, as I am a member of a Christian and Protestant community: and truly the conclusion of his Depositions in these words, that I am so vile and infamous a person, of such a wicked, lewd and debauch'd life and conversation, that no faith is, or ought to be given to my sayings and Depositions in that Cause; as it plainly shews the design of Oates's appearing against me, viz. to oblige the Lord North, and to invalidate my testimony in behalf of the Lady Dowager Grey; so it is a very rational consequence which the Doctor is seldom guilty of: for indeed if I am truly and justly charged by him, I confess my self not only unworthy of credit in that cause, but in all others; but if he has sworn falsly against me, then I hope the conclusion will be equally applicable to himself, and that the Doctor ought not to be believ'd, either in his Depositions against me, or any other person. Now I do in the presence of the almighty and all-seing God declare, that what Titus Oates has sworn against me, is meer calumny, and malicious wilful detraction and slander, and absolutely false; and that whosoever might excite or encourage the Villain to this base and unworthy undertaking, yet certainly the Enemy of Mankind must have been mainly concern'd in the wicked contrivance, and the Doctor by his shameless impudent lying and false swearing, has plainly evidenc'd himself to be the Son of a Devil, by manifest characters and features lineally extracted from the Father of Lies and accuser of the Brethren.
But here I expect some Readers may probably cut me short, and tell me, that by asserting Doctor Oates to be forsworn, I insinuate as if the Popish Plot were but a feignment, and a meer whim of the Doctor's invention; at least I reflect most severely upon his Discoveries, for if he can be found but once to have sworn falsly, the credit of his Depositions immediately sinks, and every man for the future, will think himself oblig'd to disbelieve his Narrative.
To this I answer, that his Maje [...] and Council have declar'd that there is a Popish Plot, and therefore I have reason to believe one; for the King is as an Angel of God, and has means of Intelligence that far transcend my little sphere, or any Subjects; so that in despight of these objections Oates has laid in the way, I do really believe the existence of a Popish Plot; but withall I do declare, I do not believe one syllable thereof from beginning to ending, upon account of the Doctors Depositions: and if it be criminal to deny it, or call it in question, the truth and being of which is ascertain'd by his Majesties Declaration in Council, and by the Votes of the House of Lords and Commons in Parliament, then certainly there is abundant matter of Information against one Titus Oates a Salamanea-Doctor, who for [Page 30] these three years past, has industriously endeavour'd to discredit it, and by contradicting Oaths, and forswearing himself in several instances, has ruin'd his own reputation, and labour'd as much as in him lay, to perswade the Nation that his Narrative is a Lye, and the Plot a sham; for which if he be not return'd into the Crown-Office, and answer for his misdemeanour at the Kings-Bench-Bar, (as it shall be none of my fault if he do not,) yet I hope there will come a Parliament; and really I believe it will be a pleasant sight, to see Doctor Oates brought up by Topham, to answer at the Commons Bar, the contempt of God knows how many Votes.
When the first discovery of the Popish Plot had alarum'd these Nations with a general consternation and horrour, as reasonably it must, I confess I bore a part; for being in a Country, viz. in Ireland, where the Papists were very numerous, and where forty years interval had scarce worn out the footsteps and bloody marks of their barbarous and inhumane Cruelty, and execrable Rebellion; methought the Protestauts there had all the reason in the world to be sensible of their Danger, and to stand upon their guard, seeing such a dreadful Plot was sworn to be upon the very brink of breaking out here in England. But when after all, Oates's Narrative, and his Evidences against the Jesuits, and others who suffer'd, produc'd nothing but bare down-right confident Swearing, (a certain and infallible argument of nothing so much as his own traiterous disposition formerly) I must confess my fears began to vanish, and strong surmises to come in their place, lest the Doctors Ears might be in greater jeopardy than our Throats. To speak the truth, the 40000 Black-Bills, and the Army of Spanish Pilgrims, and Military Commissions from General D'Oliva, appear'd always to me so monstrously ridiculous, that they offer an intolerable affront to the understanding of any man, who has but a very indifferent account of the affairs of Europe. I desire the Reader to reconcile if he can, Oates's Depositions in Coleman's Tryal, pag. 29th, where upon Oath he delivers to us, yea, and repeats it for sureness sake, That he never saw Langhorn after he had shewed him the Commissions; which there he tells us, was two days after the April Consult; and yet in Langhorn's Tryal pag. 18th, he swears, he saw him twice or thrice after, in July and August: this last he thought himself oblig'd to swear, that he might charge Langhorn with a new Treason contriv'd at a Benedictine Consult, which the Doctor made to be in these months at the Sav [...] ▪ These two evidences upon Oath are plainly contradictory, I am sure, they can never both be reconcil'd to truth. It never abated my honour and dutiful respects to His Royal Highness, that Oates swore first for him, and afterwards against him; and notwithstanding his Doctorship's swearing through a double Door, yet I have ten times more reason to believe the Doctor to be a Son of a—, than His R. H. to be a Son of the Church of Rome. I have heard much talk, and a great deal of Swearing there has been, about the Commissions, and a world of Letters brimfull of Treason, sent by the Post too, whose Date the Doctor remembers precisely; and yet wisemen, if they do not think he Lyes, they cannot but admire that he should have never a scrip nor scroul to shew; they [Page 31] wonder he should forget to bring at least a Copy along with him: I would have been more generous my self than Sir John Gage was to him, I would give twenty Shillings for the sight of that Commission, for which Sir John gave but ten.
At Stafford's Tryal, pag. he swore he never was really a Papist, but a Counterfeit; then in the first place, I desire the Reader to consider what Religion he could be of, during his residence amongst the Papists; which of the Whiggish Tribes could he be oblig'd to for Communion, or whether the Protestant Religion of the Church of England would own such a wicked Dissembler with God and Man, who took all sorts of Tests of Oaths and Sacraments, yea, and committed abominable Idolatry, in despight of his conscience; who equivocated beyond Garnet, and out-ly'd the Devil. In the next place, supposing, but not granting him to have been then a Protestant; pray Reader, ask him the next time you see him, why he did not carry the Resolves of the April-Consult concerning the assasinating his Majesty, to one of the Secretaries of State, or to some Magistrate? He swears that he carried these Resolves from one Club to another, subscribed by the several hands of the Persons, who were at the Clubs; could there a fitter opportunity offer it self to discover the Plot, than at a time when he might have seiz'd all the Conspirators coop'd up together? when he might so manifestly have convinc'd them, by their names and manual subscriptions to the highest and express most Treason imaginable? Nay moreover, when a small delay threaten'd His Majesties sacred Person with an imminent, if not certain destruction. By his swearing himself to have been at that time no Papist, I appeal to any man, whether he doth not in effect make Oath, that there was no such traiterous Consult: for it seems not probable, that there should be such a horrid palpable Conspiracy, and such an excellent convenience for Discovery, and yet a Protestant should conceal it. But above all, I can hardly find in my heart to forgive him, (notwithstanding His Majesties pardon) the not preventing the Destruction of His Majesties sacred Person, by Sir George Wakeman's Poyson, or some other way, by the four Ruffians at Windsor. In almost all the Trials, he sticks to this, viz. that he saw 80 lb. told down to be carried to them, and he saw a Guinney given for expedition; and yet this bloody Villain never made, nor attempted any discovery, when it might have been seasonable: every minute he expected to hear the blow was given, and yet, which is monstrous, he never offered the least prevention. Certainly Ravilliac and Jaques Clement were better Christians than this Rogue; he Lyes, if he says he was then a Protestant, or else he Lyes in devising this Plot, let him take his Choice.
At the first discovery of the Plot, he was pleas'd to allow His Grace the Duke of Ormond, a Guard of four such Ruffians as attend his Doctorship, and he made his Grace at that time so considerable in the Protestant cause, that he appointed him Fogarthy for a Physitian: but this was in the dawning of the Discovery: the Doctor is observ'd to make very considerable mistakes by Candle-light, and so probably he might then mistake his Grace for a certain Noble Peer; for afterwards, when the Plot was arriv'd to the Noon of its [Page 32] discovery, that People could see clearly who it was convenient to swear for, or against: His Grace was brought in as a favourer of that Religion, which before the Doctor swore would have murdered him; and God knows how many more were brought in upon the like account. All the Clergy of the Church of England, were then seen tantivying it to Rome, and the Dissenters and Conventicles were the only strong Holds and Bulwarks of the Protestant Religion; whereas at the beginning, the Doctor swears in his Narrative, the Papists endeavour'd by all means to encourage these seditious Separatists, and that the Meeting-houses were the lurking holes of the Jesuits, where under the umbrage of the Toleration allow'd them, they absconded themselves from the view of the Law. Nay, if the Doctor's friend Stephen Colledge had been permitted to finish his Discovery of the Plot and his Raree show, I do not doubt, but his Majesty had been drawn into the Plot against his own Life. The Learned Doctor may have read or heard at least, that Charles Stuart has been before now, charg'd with Treason against the Soveraign; they had got pretty near the King, when they made bold with the Queen, and however the Doctor has not been positive as yet to this point, yet he knows there is a time for all things. All which arguments, with abundance more too large to be here inserted, drawn from the intrinsick matter of the Doctor's Depositions, were sufficient to restrain my assent to the Doctor's Oathes, how confident soever; especially when I considered that he was a person no ways eminent for probity or honesty, qualifications essentially requisite to all who aim at credit by Swearing: but this villanous Doctor is notorious for all flagitious crimes and impieties imaginable. Sir Dennis Ashbourn witnessed, that he had one property of the Devil, viz. that he was a Liar from the beginning; he has serv'd an apprentiship to the trade of Leesing from his Cradle, and Hastings his some time abode in Sussex, and Bobbing in Kent, will verify the old saying, Quo semel est imbuta, &c. He has been observ'd, wherever he has fortun'd to make his residence, to sow dissention amongst Neighbours, even where he pretended to be a Minister of peace, a perpetual Make-bate; upon which account and several others, Sir George Moor turn'd him out of his Family at Bobbing,: and how he behav'd himself at Hastings, the Records of that place are a demonstration, and are so generally known, that I shall not trouble the Reader with a recital; only I have heard it wisht by an Inhabitant there, for an experiment, that he would bestow a visit upon his Quondam Parishioners, he verily believ'd, he said that all his Ruffianlike Mirmidon would hardly defend him from the resentments of the good House-wifes there, who remember what a scarcity of Poultry was in that Town, when he was their Minister. Nay, on my conscience, I never heard any Person who pretended to know him, who did not describe him by an evil character: But these are Peccadilloes, in respect of his monstrous lusts, which would make a Satyre blush, upon which account, he is notoriously infamous both by Sea and by Land. I have heard those who were aboard with him report, that he has committed such crimes a-ship-board, as have oblig'd the Captain, a Gentleman of very fair conditions, to wave all Civility usually bestow'd [Page 33] upon his Quality, and to order him to be drubb'd, and ty'd neck and heels, and afterwards to be set a-shore. And there are those living now, who will witness that Knox and Lane were not the first or only Persons that could charge him with a Sodomitical attempt. As for his Religion, no man can tell what Creed he professeth. The Reader may have heard of a blasphemous Villain, who pronounc'd St. Athanasius a Creed-making Coxcomb: I am morally certain, the Salamanca Doctor has not as yet made publick satisfaction to the Church of England for his scandalous apostacy, and that he has made no publick abjuration of the errours of the Church of Rome, which sometimes he profess'd; and I am sure that for a while he associated with the Socinians, and was even by them disliked, being scandaliz'd with his contemptuous and blasphemous talk of the blessed Trinity, and he is very well known both by his Non-fensical harangue at the Weavers Feast (upon these words, Heb. 1. 2. By whom also he made the worlds) as also by his prating in publick company, to be obstinate in the Socinian perswasions, though God knows, he is very little capable to understand their arguments: nay, I have heard it credibly reported, that this profane Wretch, made it his business to go about fidler-wise, amongst places of publick resort, and ridicule preaching, by a Presbyterian Cant, and as the Fidlers us'd to press into companies, and say, Gentlemen, will ye please to have a Lesson of Musick, this Mountebank us'd to say, Gentlemen, will ye have a Sermon; and when the reckoning came to be paid, there was usually twelve pence left for the Fidlers, and six pence for the Doctor. This they say was one way he had of Living, after he was turn'd from St. Omers, before he laid hold of the Plot. And now I appeal to any unprejudic'd Reader, whether credit ought to be given to his Depositions; or whether the Life, fortune, or reputation of a man, ought to be of so inconsiderable a value, as to depend upon the breath a Miscreant, destitute of Religion and Morality, an utter Stranger both to faith and good manners.
But yet supposing the truth of these allegations should not appear so clearly to prejudic'd minds; yea, suppose they all should be false, yet I am so fully perswaded of his malicious villany, and false swearing against me, that should the whole world oppose me, I am resolv'd to be Athanasius against the whole world: the glory of God, the interest of Truth, and the vindication of my own reputation, oblige me to expose this Enemy of mankind and all that is good, and to proclaim to all the world, that Titus Oates is one of the wickedest and most malicious Villains in it, who shews no dread of a God, nor makes conscience of an Oath. And this I shall demonstrate and offer a clear proof of, to all unbiassed understanding persons, who desire to be satisfied of the truth, in the examination of his Depositions against me: which though this cunning swearing-master, has couch'd with all artifice, that the truth might not be discovered, swearing things by such circumstances, which as they admit of no manner of probation but his own Oath, so he thought his falshood would never be detected, by reason of the difficulty of bringing arguments to prove Negatives; yet the Devil who is indebted shame and confusion [Page 34] to all his Proselytes, has taken occasion to pay a little in hand at present to his own child Titus, by leaving him in some places of these his Depositions, unguarded of that fence he had provided him with in most of his other Lies; so that now he lies shamefully naked, a foresworn wretch, exposed plainly to the view of all who do not wilfully shut their eyes against the light of the truth.
To shew the Reader what truth he is to expect from Oates's Depositions, he begins with a notorious untruth, and prefaceth his false Oathes with a suitable Lye; he stiles himself, Titus Oates, Sacra Theologiae Professor, which rendred into true English is, Titus Oates a damn'd Liar, for Titus Oates Doctor in Divinity is a contradiction to truth. He has impos'd upon the nation, asserting upon the word of a Priest, that he commenc'd Doctor at Salamanca, whereas he has made it highly probable that he never was there; and besides, by declaring that he never received Clerical Orders from the Church of Rome, he has given all understanding men a better proof than his Oath, that he could never be a Doctor, no person being qualified for that degree in that University, who is not a Romish Priest. It is very unlikely that he should obtain the highest honour of Academical preferment in a forreign University, who never deserv'd the Grace of the lowest degree in the University of Cambridge, amongst his own Countreymen. The Doctors of Salamanca are much fam'd for their acuteness and exact knowledg in Scholastick Divinity, which this blockhead understands as much as he does Greek or the Chinese Languages, which his Mother never taught him, and therefore he is a stranger to. I have heard of Angelicus Doctor, and Seraphicus Doctor, but I never heard of Doctor Diabolicus, until Titus Oates and the hellish Popish Plot appear'd together; a Damnable Doctor created at the Amsterdam-Coffee-house, or B—l's Club in the Devils name, and so let him pass.
Having by this prefatory address of a palpable Lye, bespoke the Readers belief to what follows, he begins and swears four abominable rappers in a breath: he swears I beat my Tutor, that I robb'd a study of Books, and offer'd to sell the Books to him; that during his knowledg of me, (which, by his own acknowledgment was only for the space of a year) I was maintain'd by some Doctors of the University, and yet during that time, I was not maintain'd by them, for they withdrew the maintenance, by reason of my whoring, drinking, &c. and lastly he swears that I went a Deer-stealing. These are four scandalous crimes, by which he begins and assaults my Reputation; but because he knew the charge lay obnoxious to be disprov'd, and the falsity thereof might easily be made appear by the testimony of the whole Colledge: therefore he has recourse to the usual shelter of his lies, viz. I confess'd these things to him. And now he thinks he has entrench'd himself secure against the most powerful attacks of the plainest truth. It was to this refuge, that this impudent forger of falshoods betook himself, when at my Lord Castlemain's Trial, he was charg'd by that noble Person with a manifest Lye, in asserting that he was divorc'd: he brought himself off with a retreat to the old sconce, I am sure, says he, My Lord told me he was divorc'd. But I hope the Reader will be so just, as to qualify this sort of argument, [Page 35] which if admitted without consideration, is as apt to destroy the innocent as condemn the guilty: the quality both of the Oath and the Swearer ought to be examined, otherwise▪ the most innocent person is expos'd to the malice of every confident Villain. Now the Doctor has sworn against me crimes committed in Cajus Colledge in Cambridge, which the Colledge never so much as heard me suspected of; and moreover some persons of known integrity and veracity who were well acquainted with me, and during all the time of my residence in Cambridge, knew me intimately, have thought themselves oblig'd to do me justice, and have upon Oath in the Court of Delegates declar'd that they had all reason to believe me abus'd by malicious slander, seeing, if there had been any ground for such aspersions, they must of necessity have been made acquainted with it, as who were my fellow-Collegiates, and had the opportunity of a converse four times as long as Oates can pretend to. My Tutor did likewise declare and offer'd to make Oath, that he never knew me in the least guilty of any such undutiful carriage, as to beat him or any fellow in the Colledge; he moreover did attest, and offer'd to procure the Testimony of the whole Colledge, that I never was charg'd nor suspected of Robbing a study, and (whereas this impudent falsewitness did aver to a person of Honour, that I robb'd my Tutor's study) that he himself never had his study robb'd either by me or any other. As for Oates's other charge, that during his knowledge of me, I was maintain'd by some Doctors, and that for my whoreing, drinking, and riotous living, they withdrew the maintenance. The whole Colledge can attest, that I resided in the Colledge till after I was Batchelour of Arts, and I desy the Doctor, to produce one Cambridge Dun who could charge me with the least Debt when I left the University; and how then I should be addicted to such expensive vices, (especially, seeing the Doctor has been pleased to allow me but a very small competency to maintain them) is matter of enquiry. But his last charge is the most wild and extravagant of all, viz. Deer-stealing; I solemnly profess I never saw a Deer, during my being a member of Cajus Colledge, I never saw any Park, neither knew I where there was any, neither did I know or hear of any who were addicted to that sport in the University: and for the truth of what I assert here, I refer my self to the arbitration of that Society of which I had the honour to be a Member, and to all persons in the University acquainted with me or my conversation, who can be suppos'd to be the only competent Judges or Witnesses in this affair.
And now how shall I ferret him out of his last hole, namely his plea, that I confessed my self guilty of these crimes to him? there is no way of demonstrating the falsity of this; but however I have as great probabilities thereof to offer, as the matter will allow, and I hope the Reader will not expect more. As 1st. it is highly improbable that Titus Oates should contract a greater acquaintance with me in one year, than any of the Colledge could do in four. 2ly. That I should defame my self, or unbosome my self to him, who was of the meanest repute in the Colledge, who was inferior to me both in [Page 36] years and in standing in the University, and who besides was as to his quality, only a poor Sizer, the Son of a Weaver; and as to his parts, the most ignorant illiterate Dunce, uncapable of improvement, from whose converse there was not the least prospect of advantage. And then in the third place, notwithstanding his precise memory, which has registred more Letters than ever Langhorn writ, notwithstanding he can remember the particular hand-writings of a thousand men, only by seeing them put Pen to Paper; yea, notwithstanding he swears he is very well acquainted with my character fifteen years ago, (which is more then I am my self) and that we were such intimate Comerades; that I trusted him with all my secrets: yet he unhappily cannot call to mind who was my Tutor, yea, he cannot tell whether I was his Fellow-Pupil, for Mr. John Ellis was his Tutor, which is a pretty fair indication that his memory is not so excellent as his Lying: for if it was defective, where he had such convenient helps, it affords reason to suspect it too bad to remember where he could have but mean and imperfect assistances.
I have been thus prolix in vindicating the reputation of my younger years from this Calumniator's aspersions, not that I arrogate any supererogating observation of the Statutes of our Colledg (for I am sufficiently sensible of the loss of these opportunities which I might have improv'd to very happy advantages, under the excellent discipline of that learned Society, which I ought never to mention, but with all resentments of Gratitude and Honour) but that I might shew unto the world, how consistent with his principles this forsworn Villain has been in every particular against me, charging me only with those things which are false, and of which the severest Censor of manners in Cajus Colledge must pronounce me innocent; and that Titus Oates must have been a perfect Stranger both to my converse and humour. The Bloud-thirsty Murderer makes his next attempt to take away my life, he swears he saw a Letter subscribed by my hand in the year 1670, directed to the Rector of S. Omers, wherein I gave him an account, that I had receiv'd Priests Orders, and had sung high Mass in the English Colledge at Rome; this Letter he swears he saw in the year 1677. If the Valiant Captain were alive now, to second the Learned Doctor, and swear that he saw Langhorn register this Letter, there needs no more to hang me. Good God! how unsearchable are thy judgments, and thy ways past finding out! who thus permittest the blood-thirsty and deceitful man to go on still in his wickedness, and to prosper in his Villanies; in respect of which, Cain the Murderer was innocent, and a Saint! If the Schoolmen and Doctors of Salamanca have given a true notion of the Sin against the holy Ghost, then I do affirm that there is no hopes of pardon for that damn'd Reprobate, a sham-brother of theirs, Doctor Titus Oates, who sins wilfully in despite of his conscience, and swears and lyes against his knowledg, outbraving Hell-fire, and daring the vengeance of God: for I desire the Reader to take notice, that I invoke this vengeance of the Almighty to seize me immediately, if ever I received any Orders from the See or Church of Rome, or if, ever I received any Ecclesiastical Ordination, except of Deacon; An. 1671, [Page 37] from the hands of Bishop Laney of Ely, and of Priest, An. 1672, from Bishop Henchman of London, according to the rites of the Church of England now by Law established. Moreover, if ever I wrote any such Letter as Oates swears I did, to the Rector of St. Omers or any other person, or if ever Oates saw any such Letter writ by me. And that I may satisfy the Reader as far as I can, in the proof of a Negative, I declare my name was never known to be Elliot beyond Sea, as hundreds can attest; and besides to shew that that Rogue's wickedness is more my concern than the danger of my life, I will put it to the venture, and gage my life against his (if the law will permit,) that he knows not my hand-writing from any other which he never saw. If I had received Orders from the See of Rome, I needed not to be Reordained, our Church holding the Romish Ordination to be valid.
But because his chief aim in his Depositions, was to invalidate my Testimony, he is not content to have made me a Priest, but he boldly calls God to witness that I am a Renegado and a Mahumetan; swearing, I, that I was carried a Slave into Barbary: 2ly, that there, as it was generally and credibly reported, I was circumcis'd: 3ly, that I confess'd I gave poyson to my Patron: 4ly, that after that, I returned to Rome: 5ly, that I made a Recantation there: 6ly, that he saw this Recantation under my own hand, being well acquainted with my character. In every of which particulars, I do affirm, and engage my self to prove Titus Oates to have sworn falsely, and I challenge all his friends to undertake his defence from the imputation of having sworn in some of these instances, maliciously and contrary to his knowledge, and in some others (to put the best construction,) rashly, and in all falsely.
As to the first, Oates never saw me in Barbary, therefore he swore beyond the sphere of his knowledge, and howsoever it be materially true, yet it is formally false in him, who swears at random, and calls God to witness his certainty of the truth in a matter which he cannot know whether it be true or false; yea, which he has more reason to believe to be false than true, according to his own Oath, as afterwards it follows in the Depositions, that after I came to England, and when I lived in Kent, An. 1673, I was much given to swearing that to be true, which was not so: then thus I argue ad hominem, all the intelligence that Oates had of my having been in Barbary, and a Slave there, proceeded from my own information to several persons, before it came to his hands, and therefore seeing I was the sole author of the Narrative of my Captivity, Oates had more reason to believe it false than otherwise. And besides, the account of my escape appear'd so Romantick, that a great many persons who heard it, thought themselves oblig'd upon good prudential considerations to suspend their judgments, and to doubt whether ever I was in Barbary or not; so that Oates by swearing positively that I was carried a Slave into Barbary, has sworn to the truth of that which he could not be certain of, and which he had much more reason to believe to be false.
2. As to the second particular, that there (viz. in Barbary) it was generally and credibly reported that I was circumcis'd; this Oath is also [Page 38] rash, and therefore false, and is liable to be prov'd so, by the same means as the former, because Oates never was at Salle, the place of my Captivity, and consequently could not certainly know what was generally and credibly reported there. Moreover, whereas he swears it was generally and credibly reported, it seems very probable that (if he swears true, and does not contradict his conscience) he could produce some of those persons, whom he knows to be credible; but I challenge him, and all mankind to produce one person who ever attested or reported that I was circumcis'd until about three years agoe, Titus Oates brought this Lye and a great many others into the world. Seeing then he cannot produce one of those many witnesses whose credit he much relies upon, its probable he swears maliciously as well as falsely, but however it is certain he swears at least rashly to a thing which he did not know, and therefore falsely.
3. He swears I confess'd I gave Poyson to my Patron; this I deny, and Oates is forsworn in saying so, for I could not confess to Oates, because I never saw him since I was at Cambridge, which was before I rtavail'd; And if he only heard so from others therefore Oates has sworn rashly to the truth of a matter which is false, and of whose truth he had no means of being certain.
4. He swears, that after I had been in Barbary I return'd to Rome: this is false, and the Doctor in this is also forsworn, for I have never been in Italy, nor within two hundred Leagues of any part of Italy, since I was in Barbary, and the truth of this and the moral impossibility of the contrary will be attested by persons of worth and unexceptionable credit and veracity: for in the year 1670, Doctor Zachary Cradock now Provost of Eaten, who was then Minister to the English Merchants at Lisbon, and Mr. Bulteel a worthy Merchant who then resided at Lisbon, with others, do remember me, and saw me at Lisbon, in the month of June, before I embarkt in that Vessel in which I was taken; and they can attest, that I return'd back to Lisbon in September after I had made an escape. Sir Martin Westcomb Consul of Cadiz is able to attest, that in the beginning of September 1670, I arriv'd at Cadis from Mamora, the place whither I escapt from Salle in a Spanish Barca-longa, and that I brought a Letter from the Governour of Mamora to the Duke of Vergauas Governour of Cadis, and that after a fortnights stay there, he procur'd me passage in a Dutch man of war for Lisbon: from Lisbon I return'd home in another Dutch man of war, in which I embarkt about the middle of October, and was carried to the Texel, and so to Amsterdam, in November about the beginning. I refer my self to the testimony of Dr. Marshal Master of Lincoln Colledge in Oxford, then Minister to the English at Dort, who was pleas'd to assist my necessitous condition, and Sir John Chichely then Envoy to the Governour of the Spanish Netherlands, who remembers me, and his servants with whom Sir John was pleas'd to grant me passage from Brussels to Ostend; whence having been stopt there a fortnight by bad weather, I return'd home, and landed at London about the latter end of November 1670. There are several persons of Quality and worth who remember me, and upon Oath can attest my residence ever since November 1670, so that it is morally [Page 39] impossible that ever I should have been at Rome since I was in Barbary: and besides the business in which he engages me at Rome, which he swears in the next place, requires a time for its performance, which it is impossible for any considering Reader to allow.
5. He swears I made a Recantation at Rome; this he swears positively, and I swear he lyes abominably: and this the Intelligent Reader may be easily convinc'd of, by this short demonstration. Every one who renounces the Christian and embraces the Mahumetan faith, is immediately circumcis'd, that being the essential form of iniitation into that Religion, and an infallible character of all its Proselytes: if therefore I am not circumcis'd, then it is impossible that I could have been a Professor of Mahomets Law, and consequently, it is as impossible that I should have recanted it at Rome. But I am not circumcis'd, neither as a Proselyte nor otherwise, which this Rogue's unparallell'd impudence and villany has oblig'd me to prove by a demonstration not altogether so consistent, I confess, with the gravity of my Profession, yet such as I have no great reason to be asham'd of, since providence has made it instrumental for discovery of the truth, and preservation of my own life, and rescuing my fame from the imputation of a far greater moral turpitude, than any natural I thank God I am guilty of. Titus Oates is therefore palpably forsworn, and to the shame and confusion of himself and all who dare stand up for him, I can demonstrate it. But further yet, there are collateral arguments to convince the Reader of the falshood of this his Oath; If I recanted my Apostacy from the Christian Religion, how came I to escape the Inquisition at Rome, which is a harder escape than from Salle? and this the Doctor would be sure of, if he were there. There are none, whether the Doctor know it or no, who turn from the Romish Religion, to the Protestant, or as they term it Heretical, who are received into the bosome of the Church of Rome upon a bare Recantation, they are besides to endure a purgatory in the Inquisition; much more, if they revolt and apostatize totally from Christianity, and most especially if they were Priests, as the Doctor swore I was. The Doctor therefore by being silent as to this particular, how I got clear of the Inquisition, which must have been very remarkable, has given one main argument, that I never deserv'd it, and therefore that I never recanted, and therefore that he is a malicious lying Rogue.
6. He swears he saw this Recantation subscribed with my own hand, and that he is well acquainted with my character; every syllable whereof is false, and he maliciously contradicts the truth▪ swearing contrary to his conscience, for he must certainly know, that he never saw that which never was. And besides, if I had made such a Recantation, it would have been very notorious, and the News of the Prints at that time: and for a further conviction, I desire the Reader once more to take notice, that hundreds can attest that my name was never known to be Elliot beyond Sea, and Oates is ignorant by what name I went; and how then he should know my hand, or what I was is next to an impossibility.
[Page 40] In these six foregoing particulars, the Doctor is manifestly forsworn, and has shewn only the pregnancy of a wicked invention, without any judgment, by improving an innocent if not commendable passage of my life, to a crime that is Capital, and making me to deserve imprisonment and Death amongst Christians, because I made a laudable attempt to escape from a Moorish Bondage and Captivity. It is lamentable, that amongst Christians in England, I should meet with a faith worse than Punick, and that Haggi Hamet Lucas a barbarous Moor should outvye a Doctor of Salamanca in Christianity. But blessed be my good God, who hath delivered me from the paw of the Lion and the Bear, and I trust will likewise deliver me from this Ʋncircumcised Philistine; he whose eminent providence has appear'd, in my deliverance from the Monsters of Africa, from the house of Bondage and slavery to cruel Masters, will likewise vindicate my Innocence from the false swearing of this Monster of men, who by wicked blasphemies defies the Armies of the Living God.
He proceeds on in his wicked lying and false sweating, as if it were religion with him never to speak truth, swearing positively that An 1673, when I liv'd in Kent, I was given to all debaucheries, viz. Whoreing, Drinking, and particularly to Swearing that to be true which was not so; in which Depositions, he is like himself constantly false, for he cannot so much as pretend that ever he saw me in Kent, and consequently the Reader cannot but be satissied that he swears rashly and falsely. As for the matter of his Depositions, which indeed he knows nothing of, I refer my self to a worthy Gentleman, Collonel Charles Wheeler and his Family, with whom I liv'd a year and a half, and to Sir Thomas Scot and his Lady, with whom and in the Neighbourhood, I liv'd the rest of the time during my residence in Kent, whether ever they heard me so much as suspected of these crimes: I know these worthy persons are such friends to justice, as that they will not scruple to give his Doctorship the Lye. At our Trial, he subpena'd some people out of Kent, who were so far from seconding this Villain, that they depos'd much to my advantage; and I am certain, that he cannot produce any who can justly charge me with these vices, or that ever I wrong'd or defrauded any person, or by false swearing invaded any mans right or good name, crimes peculiar to this publick Enemy, and who like the Devil, endeavours to have all others esteem'd at least, if not to be, like himself.
The last Subject of his Depositions against me, is a Narration of what befel me in Ireland, and in this, as in all the rest, it's highly probable that he lies and swears falsly: he swears he saw a Letter from the Bishop of Meath, which said that I was endited, and fin'd 200 lb. for saying that Oates was a perjur'd Rogue, and the Jesuites who suffered justly dyed Martyrs, and that there was no Popish Plot: for the only words of my enditement were, Titus Oates was a Rogue, and the five Jesuits Martyrs, and not one syllable more was alleadged against me; so that considering that Reverend Prelate, who was a person of great integrity and justice, I have much more reason to believe that Titus Oates would conclude as he begun, a calumniating, lying, forsworn wretch, than that any thing should be alledged, that entrenches [Page 41] upon the veracity and clear reputation of that pious Bishop.
I have now done with the Doctor's Depositions, in examination of which, I have I hope with all plainness confuted the calumnies of Oates's Friends, who gave out that the Doctor swore only that he was inform'd of those things he depos'd against me; whereas it is clear to any man,. (except an Ignoramus, who shuts his eyes and will not see) that what he has deliver'd under his own hand and oath is in the most material parts positive, and to his own knowledge; and I hope I have also, with perspicuity enough, expos'd him forsworn in most of his Depositions, whom in my conscience I believe and know to be so, in all and every particular. And now at the foot of the account, I cannot but prosess my hearty regret, that such a monstrous Serpent, and venemous Viper, whose mouth is as an open Sepulchre, and under whose lips is the poyson of Asps, should be brought forth and foster'd in this our otherwise happy Island, who with bloody Oaths, and execrable blasphemies rends the bowels of his mother, and labours as much as in him lyes her Destruction. It is matter of real grief to me, that he should find entertainment in this Nation, who has expos'd it to the scorn and derision of them who are round about us. The stealing away of the Grand Lowys in the French Farce, was but an imperfect representation of the silly senseless credulity, with which this swearing, lying Rascal has stain'd the English reputation; he has sixt a blot upon this generation not to be washt off, by all the blood in his veins. He has dishonoured the Christian Religion, and particularly he has affected the Protestant with ignominy and shame; he has blasphem'd God and injur'd man, a detestable enemy to both.
The Reader I suppose considering how I have been damnified and exasperated by the malice of this wicked Fellow, will not think it strange, if I endeavour'd to do my self right, and apply'd my self for satisfaction to the Law; which for a while I respited, in consideration that Oates at that time was the King's Evidence, and had his residence in his Majesties Palace, (which under the Rose has frequently call'd to my mind one of the Plagues of Egypt, which brought forth Frogs even in the King's Chambers, and Lice in all their quarters.) But afterwards, when I perceived that he forsook his Majesty and became Witness for the Traitor Colledge, and that afterwards he was turn'd out of that Royal Entertainment, for his ungrateful demerits, and that thence, he betook himself to the seditious and disloyal part of the City, associating chiefly with those who are suspected of High Treason, and Capital Misdemeanours, and that he was by them encourag'd for some swearing job no question, when time should serve; I thought it them seasonable to expose him, to which my resolution, a strange accident did seem providentially to concur. After the arival of the Morocco Ambassadour, I had the curiosity with others to go to see these people, amongst whom once I had been Captive; the Secretary Hamet Lucas, upon the first view, immediately knew me, and seiz'd me, crying out, That I was his Christian, and that he had bought me with his Money, and that I had made an [Page 42] escape from him at Salle; which unexpected encounter, together with his confirmation of my formerly reputed Romantick Escape, and that he was not poison'd, nor knock'd in the head by me, as Oates by malicious swearing insinuated, seem'd an occasion which providence offer'd into my hands to vindicate my own reputation, and to prosecute this false Swearer; which I did by arresting him.
THE TRIAL BETWIXT TITUS OATES And ME.
IDeclar'd against him, for saying that I was a Popish Priest, and had been circumcised as a Mahumetan; to which the Doctor pleaded not guilty, upon which we joyn'd issue, having June the 30th, appointed for a day of Trial. The words were plainly prov'd by the Honourable Ralph Grey Esquire, and Mr. William Durham a Clergy-man, before whom he had spoke them; after which, my Council were proceeding to aggravate the charge by proof, that he had not only said these words in several companies, and more especially before his Majesty, (as Captain George Collingwood, was there in Court ready to attest, though not call'd upon, that he heard Titus Oates depose in his Majesties presence, that I was a Jesuit, and was sent over from Ireland, under the masque of a Clergy-man of the Church of England, to be a spy:) as also that he had maliciously swore to the truth of those calumnies and slandering expressions against me; but the Council of the Defendant, conceded that the words were prov'd sufficiently, begg'd leave to offer something in mitigation of Dammages: viz. some proof that Titus, if he did speak such words as were prov'd, yet he spoke them only jocularly, as who had no malicious design. No not he, good man was of so tender a conscience, that he would not discompose the Hair of a mans head, for a thousand worlds, (as is clear in the case of the Lord Stafford, and the Jesuites who suffer'd; (the pious Doctor, God wot, had no malice against them, he only had them hang'd up jocularly, or so, (for truly hanging is but an ordinary jest with him.) And in order hereunto, the first who appear'd to qualify the Doctor's words, and honour the cause was the Noble Peer Charles Lord North and Grey. It was by many lookt upon with admiration, that his Lordship would appear in defence of an already baffled cause, and for the encouragement [Page 44] and patronage of a profligate Villain, abandon'd by his Majesty and all his Loyal Subjects. But these people were it seems but strangers to the Great soul of this Noble Lord, who maintain'd a resolution and courage equal always with difficulties which were insuperable, and a wit so transcendent which nothing could match but his profound wisdom and discretion, and besides an eloquence so powerful as to be able to rend the rocks, and make the most obdurate heart to split. These people moreover did not consider what a sence of gratitude this person of honour did entertain, who seeing how liberal the Doctor had been of his Oathes in his Lordships behalf, resolv'd to be even with him, and pay him in his own coyn: his Lordship therefore, after having been sworn in mitigation of dammages, in behalf of the Doctor, and against poor Me, addresses himself to the Lord Chief Justice, and the Jury to this effect. My Lord, I knew this same Elliot when Chaplain to the Lord William Grey, and my Lord, he then told me, that he was circumcis'd; I vow to God this is true, I would not tell an untruth for all the world: and my Lord, to shew you circumstances to believe this to be so, he was at that time making Diamonds out of calcin'd Flints. My Lord, he told me, he was a Slave at Mamora, where the Blackmores inhabit, I have been there my Lord, and know it very well. (Here his Lordship was interrupted by his Council, acquainting his Lordship with a mistake, for that Elliot was a Slave at Salle and not at Mamora, that being the Christian Garrison whither he escapt; but His Lordship being mov'd a little with their sawcy interruption proceeds) I say Elliot told me he was a Slave at Mamora, he might tell you, who understood no better, that he was a Slave at Salle, but he knew that I had been in that Countrey, and that I know very well a man cannot escape from Salle, but from Mamora he may easily, and therefore he told me the truth, that he was a Slave at Mamora, and to shew you that this is true, he told me he knocked his Master in the head, and left him for dead, and the reason why he did it, was becaase his Master had a very handsome woman to his wife, and Elliot told me, he had a very great mind to have a bout with her; this upon my honour is true, nay, as I hope to be sav'd, he told me, shrugging his shoulders. He told me besides, my Lord, that he was a Slave at Rome, no, I beg your pardon, my Lord, I would not tell an untruth not for all the world, I think he was mistaken there; he told me he taught Mathematicks in the Scotch Colledge, and I believe then that he was a Priest. He swore against me, ay, he swore against me at Doctors-Commons, and truly my Lord, I got Oates to swear against him: that good man was loth to appear, I was forc'd my Lord to Whatdeecallum him, what dee call it, pish, what dee call it, pish, you you know well enough what they call it (at length some call'd out subpaena, and then the Lord went on) ay, ay, I was forct to subpaena that modest good man to swear the truth. Ile tell you my Lord by what good fortune I met the honest Doctor, you know my Lord, there is a gallery in Whitehall, you have been there my Lord, and so have I, and several I believe in this Company; it was not the Stone-Gallery, no, no, I know that Gallery well enough, that is below stairs, no, no, it was a Gallery above stairs, and yet it was not that Gallery over the Stone Gallery, but another Gallery; and yet now I think on't, it was not in the Gallery, (for I would [Page 45] not tell a Lye, an give me never so much) it was in a Chamber at the end of the Gallery, not such a Chamber which your Lordship knows very well, but another Chamber; there it was that I met Oates, no I beg your pardon my Lord, I would not tell a Lye for the world, I did not meet the Doctor there, but I'le tell you who I met there, I met my Lord Chancellour there; this is the plain truth as I hope to be saved; says I to him, pray my Lord Chancellour who can you advise me to, that is good at catching a Priest; says my Lord presently to me again, there is Doctor Oates hard by, you cannot light upon a better; with that I took leave of his Lordship, and addressed my self to the Doctor, I ask'd him if he knew one Elliot a Priest, who had been at Cambridge, he presently told me that he knew him to be a Popish Priest, and that he had been circumcised, and for the truth of this, the King and my Lord Chancellour will be my Witness; God damme (laying his hand on his Breast) this is all truth. This eloquent speech in Oates's behalf, by the Lord North and Grey I have made bold to trouble the Reader's patience with, lest the Doctor should tax me with injustice in omitting any thing that was material in his defence, as this florid harangue was the most considerable. I remember I have sometime heard this Noble Peer say, that the curious Painter in drawing His Lordship's Picture, had observ'd a Je ne scay quoy in his face, I am sure there are a great many Je ne scay quoy's in his speech, embellishments which can hardly be better express'd in English, than by a word borrowed from His Lordship, Whatdeecallums. There is one observation which I cannot omit, viz. that in the heat of his Rhetorick, His Lordship overslipt his design, which was to prove Oates intended no malice against me by his detraction, and so to mitigate the dammages, but instead thereof, His Lordship offer'd His Majesty and my Lord Chancellour for witnesses, that Oates loaded me with calumnies even before the King; so that with whatsoever resentment His Lordship may be thought to have utter'd these pathetick elaborate periods, yet he really was a Witness on my side, and confirm'd Mr. Grey's restimony, destroying the Doctor's Plea.
The next who seconded the Lord in behalf of the Doctor, was one Isaack Warren, the Lord North's chief evidence against the Lady Grey; he told the Court, that I had confess'd to him privately that I was a Papist, and that I did not believe any of the Protestant Doctrine, which I deliver'd in some Sermons I preacht before the Lord William Grey, his Lord and mine. In answer to this (because he proceeds in the method of his Swearing-Master Oates) I say, that I appeal to all that Noble Family, to which I retain'd, who I am sure will unanimously give him the Lye: the Lord William Grey is known to have been a person so averse to all that favoured Popery, that if he had suspected me guilty of any tendency that way (as this Fellow ought to have discovered me, and there is no question, if he had known, he would) His Lordship would never have afforded me entertainment under his Roof, which I enjoy'd during his Life. The Reader will be astonisht, when he shall know, that this impudent fellow came to the Lady Dowager Grey's House, and offer'd to Mr. Durham the said Lady's Chaplain, to be a Witness in my behalf against Oates, and did suggest several things very dishonourable to the Lord North, which the said Gentleman told him, he was sure I would reject, as who [Page 46] knew him to be a very rascal, and to be forsworn in the Lord North's cause, and therefore would not prejudice my self by such a notorious false witness: his Testimony is a scandal to truth, and as unworthy of acceptance on my side, so not deserving any more confutation on Oates's.
The third who appear'd was Marshal, a remarkable man the Cause, at Peter's Coffee-house in Covent-Garden; I remember I saw this Blade once at Leghorn, by the same token, that I sav'd him from being beaten or worse, which courtesie he has now requited, by testifying that he suspected me to have been then a Popish Priest, because he finds my name was not then Elliot, which now I own. He moreover testified that I told him in England, that I had cut off my Patrons head in Barbary; which is false; for Mr. Edward Courtney, who was then in company, when this Story was suppos'd to be told, desires me to acquaint the world in his name, that he heard me then relate the manner of my escape, as he had done formerly, and that I then told them that I left my Patron asleep, and that he pursued me the next morning: so that this zealous Buzzard, though he spoke nothing to the purpose, (as who cross'd the design of the Doctors Plea, and who endeavour'd to render that probable which was impossible and a Lye, and which the impudent Doctor himself pretended to the grace to deny,) yet to shew his good will, he pawns his soul, and put his ears to a hard venture to serve the Doctor.
The next in place, was one Codoghan, or some such ugly name, an Irish Evidence; this was very surprizing, that the Doctor who had given them all to the Devil a great while agoe, should now make use of such a Witness: he would make application to the Devil himself upon an urgent occasion. This Fellow swore that when I was at Dublin, I sustained a bad Reputation; which I grant; and may thank the Doctor for it; yet notwithstanding, I have Certificates of my fair and honest deportment in that place, from the Dean and Chapter of Christs-Church, and those who were concern'd to be acquainted with my conversation, more to my advantage, than Oates or this Irish fellow, or all their Relations can produce, for theirs.
After him comes a holy Sister, a True-blew-Protestant-Hosiers wife, one Mrs. Kedley forsooth, who lives at the sign of the Swan at the corner of Fryday-street in Cheapside; this zealous woman thinking it hard that the Doctor who had sworn so much for the Nations good, should be expos'd to danger for want of an Oath or two, prostitutes her little modesty at his service; swearing that travailing from Chester to London in the Chester-Coach, she heard me tell a Story of an Escape from Slavery, and that I said I kill'd my Master; She swore moreover, that I said I was circumcis'd; and withal, she had the impudence to blush, though she wanted the grace to repent. To convince the Court of the improbability of this Womans Depositions, I produc'd a Gentleman Mr. Shorter, who travail'd in Company, with that Woman and me all the way, who testified that he heard me tell the Story of my, escape during our journey, five or six times, and that it appear'd so strange to him, that he imprinted it in his memory, and hath since told it above a hundred times he believ'd: he swore that he never heard me say I kill'd my Master or Patron, [Page 47] but that I might have kill'd him if I would, and that I said my Patron pursued me the next morning: he moreover declar'd, that he never heard the word Circumcision, or any thing relating thereunto, mentioned by me, and that it seems highly improbable, that I should declare to that woman that I should be circumcised, seeing I profess'd my self a Clergy man in Orders, when first I enter'd the Coach; and that I was girded with a Canonical Girdle, and all the way demean'd my self as a person under that character.
Lastly, to bring up the Rear of this goodly Company, comes Brother Sam. Oates, the Son of the Doctor's Mother; he would fain have disprov'd Mr. Grey's Testimony, and at the same time the Lord North's; but it was observ'd here, as also at Colledge's Trial, that this fellow had not been taught his Lesson well enough. To be short, he is a mere blockhead, and will never make an Evidence worth a farthing, notwithstanding all the examples and Copies the Doctor has swore before him.
I had forgot two Witnesses more, Clergy-men, whom the Doctor had subpaena'd out of Kent, but seeing they testified against him, and to my advantage, I will not reckon them in the number.
This is an impartial account of what the Doctor alledg'd in mitigation of dammages, which howsoever true it should be, yet I suppose it cannot influence the Readers judgment so, as not to believe the Doctor to be forsworn in his Depositions against me; for though I should be so foolish and silly as to give my self the Lye, and upon no design raise an ill report of my self, and say that I am a Popish Priest or a Turk, and that I recanted Mahumetism at Rome. Notwithstanding it should be true that I thus falsly abus'd my own reputation, and slandered my self, yet Titus Oates is not a whit less guilty of being forsworn, in saying he knows these false things to be true; though he and his Council endeavoured to mitigate his Fine, yet they pretended not a word in alleviation of his crime and guilt in swearing falsly, and lying most malitiously. To conclude, they tacitely admit what I have plainly prov'd, viz. that Titus Oates is a great enemy to the truth, a malitious Calumniator of his Brethren, and a forsworn Villain: and now I prosess in all sincerity, that I do not serve any Popish or sinister ends, in exposing this Enemy both of the Romish and English Church; I aim only at. what every man claims, the Liberty of the Subject, my Birthright, a vindication of my Name and credit from the oppressive calumnies of a Ruffian, and to serve the interest of truth, and the glory of that God, who has expresly forbid evil to be done, that good may come of it; or that the Testimony of a false witness, and notoriously forsworn wretch should be accepted, though we were sure thereby to rid the Church of England of its greatest plagues, the Jesuites and Phanaticks both together.
ERRATA.
Pag. 2. l. 19. dele where. Ib. l. 32. for Rospigliosi Successor to the former, read Rospigliosi's Successor. p. 7. l. 9. for at read to. p. 21. l. 13. for and read of. p. 22. l. 14. for Thomas read Charles. p. 25. l. 23. for allways read all ways. Ib. l. ult. read to charge my Person. p. 38. l. 36. for Vergauas read Veraguas. p. 43. l. 18. read conceding.