Europe's chains broke, or, A sure and speedy project to rescue her from the present usurpations of the tyrant of France 1692 Approx. 153 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 85 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2013-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2). A38742 Wing E3418 ESTC R27969 10285522 ocm 10285522 44821

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A38742) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 44821) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1383:11) Europe's chains broke, or, A sure and speedy project to rescue her from the present usurpations of the tyrant of France 166 p. Printed for Ric. Baldwin, London : 1692. Reproduction of original in the Trinity College Library, Cambridge University.

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eng Europe -- History -- 1648-1715. Europe -- Politics and government -- 1648-1715. 2020-09-21 Content of 'availability' element changed when EEBO Phase 2 texts came into the public domain 2012-08 Assigned for keying and markup 2012-08 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2012-10 Sampled and proofread 2012-10 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2013-02 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

Europe's Chains Broke; OR, A Sure and Speedy PROJECT TO Reſcue Her from the PRESENT USURPATIONS OF THE Tyrant of FRANCE.

LONDON, Printed for Ric. Baldwin, near the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane. 1692.

Europe's Chains Broke; OR, A Sure and Speedy Project TO Reſcue Her from the PRESENT USURPATIONS, &c.

THE Civil Wars in a State, have always been conſidered as the greateſt and moſt dangerous Evils; they are like thoſe internal Diſeaſes of Man, which for the moſt part after a Languiſhing Life, are terminated by Death.

If we paſs from Particulars, to 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 the Generality of Europe, is very likely, that that part of the World had not found it ſelf ready to periſh under the Cruel Power of the Capital Enemy of Chriſtendom, as it was very near during the laſt Siege of Vienna; if all the Princes of Chriſtendom had been in good Intelligence, and in a ſincere Ʋnion, and had unanimouſly endeavour'd to Oppoſe their Common Enemy, who then durſt not to have advanc'd ſo far in Europe, if he had been drawn in only through the miſunderſtanding of the Chriſtian Princes, and not Invited into it, and puſh'd on by a moſt Chriſtian Prince, the Eldeſt Son of the Church; who to facilitate his Paſſage, has made him a way, through Rebellion, in Hungary; which he has fomented to that very end, and maintain'd by mony, and Officers that he has ſent thither, in the Deſign after the taking f that City, the Imperial Sear, o ſhare, for a Beginning, with the Grand Seignior his Ally, all Germa y; which the Sultan had agreed to, is freely s Lewis the XIV. did ſeek fter it, with a deſign however to eceive one another, and in the end revail over his Companion; and he French King to do after wards, that which the Emperor does at this time, to drive the Turks back to Adrianople.

But before we paſs to the Deliverance of our Europe, let us mention the Dangers it has been in theſe late years, and let us lay down for a ſure Foundation, and an indiſputable Truth, that the Chriſtians Diſunion has given opportunity to the Infidels to render Tributary Valachia, Tranſilvania, Moldavia, and divers other Territories, and in the laſt place to Invade Hungaria; which has oblig'd a great number of poor miſerable Chriſtians not only to fall into ſlavery, but to make Ship wrack in the Chriſtian Religion and I dare aſſert, that had it no been for the preſſing Offers o France by the means of Teckeley the Sultan had never broke th Truce, nor durſt to have come to ſet up the Standard of the Impoſter Mahomet, before the Capital City of Germany, as he did in the Year 1683. while his Ally was in Alſatia with an Army of 40000 Men, ready to Invade the Empire, (which the Grand Seignior for his part had favour'd) either to make himſelf Maſter of the whole, or to render Tributary that which he could not have kept, and by that means mount ſtep by ſtep to the Monarchy of Europe, little troubling himſelf about the Evils which Chriſtendom had ſuffer'd, neither by the barbarouſneſs of his Army, or of thoſe of the Turks; ſo that Lewis the Great had but gratified his Ambition, and his Paſſion of Ruling lely.

Thus on all ſides, Europe did e it ſelf on the Edge of the Pre pices, and in an Abiſs of Evils, hence it could not be got out of gain but by a ſtroke from Heaven; not knowing which Condition to chuſe, the Ambition of the one, or the Intereſt of the other, the French Tiranny, or the Mahometan ſlavery, finding them hoth equally Unjuſt, Barbarous, and Inhumane, and very oppoſite to Chriſtianity.

There are but few Perſons in Europe, never ſo little Rational, but have been inform'd of all the Advances of France, of Lewis the XIV's Proceeding, of his Ambition, and of his Paſſion to Rule over his Equals, and to render the Kings and Princes of the Earth his Tributaries; and to ſpeak it in plainer Terms, to become the ſole Monarch of the World: As there is but one Son; boaſting already of giving Peace to whom he pleas'd and to Exterminate or Bomb all that ſhould oppoſe themſelves to his good Will and Pleaſure, and like to another Jupiter, caſt his Thunder-Bolts on all that durſt raiſe themſelves againſt him, deſigning, like God, to Rule over Conſciences as well as over the Inheritances.

But the Ambitious Man, who raiſes himſelf on high and dangerous places, not conſidering much how to get down again, never turns his Eyes on the ſide of the Precipice; he runs to his deſire, as if he were in good Intelligence with Fortune, and as if the World was conducted by Fate in lieu of Divine Providence. Mean time, we ſee that God confounds his Deſigns, and ſtops him frequently in the midſt of his Career, forcing him with ſhame, to quit a way in which he thought to have continu'd with Glory. Lewis the XIV. had reſolv'd within himſelf to mount on the Imperial Throne, in the ſtrange imagination he had, that having attain'd thither, not only the Empire, but all the reſt of Europe would bow under his Orders, and at the approach of his Armies; in effect, he ſpar'd nothing to compaſs it, with a Reſolution to Sacrifice all to his Paſſion, and to deſtroy all that ſhould oppoſe it ſelf to his Grandeur. To this purpoſe, he began to oppreſs the one, to deceive the other, and to entertain a third by fair and deceitful Promiſes, ſparing neither ſpecious Titles nor Penſions, to thoſe which he thought might be uſeful to him, by thoſe means, giving to ſome an Apple to play with, while he made himſelf Maſter over the others, and in a manner ſeparated Europe from it ſelf, and every Prince from his Ally, as well as from his true and real Intereſts, which has ever been by all means to maintain an Equality amongſt the Princes of Europe, that their Forces being equally diſtributed, Chriſtendom might be preſerv'd in good Peace, and every State in its own Rights and Liberties: Seeing that from the abaſing of the one, follows the elevation of the other, as we have ſeen; ſince when Charles the Firſt weaken'd his Power by the diviſion of his Kingdoms, and after that, his Son Philip permitting part of thoſe Provinces which had been left to his ſhare to be taken from him; ſo was his Fall the Riſe of the French Kings, who have inſenſibly got the ſtart of their Equals, and have got ſtep by ſtep up to the Supreme Degree, which we have ſeen in this laſt Reign of Lewis the XIV. who during a long time has not ceas'd from gaining Victory on Victory; taking of Town upon Town; and as a boundleſs Torrent, carry all before him which oppos'd his Courſe, his Violence not being to be ſtopp'd but by a Stroke from H aven, and by a Voice iſſuing from the B ittiſh Throne, crying out, Nec plu ultra.

Lewis the XIV. who had already, in his hopes, devour'd a good part of Europe, which lay groaning, and as it were overcome by the evils of a continual War, has been, as it is not to be doubted, extremly ſurpriz'd, to ſee himſelf ſtopp'd on the ſudden, by that ſurprizing Change which has ſo lately happen'd in England; and who can doubt, but that this change of Soveraigns has been a Mortal Blow to him, ſeeing that by that means he not only ſees his Great and Ambitious Deſig •• s overturn'd, and in lieu of a near Ally and intimate Friend, he finds on the Throne none but an unrecon-cilable Enemy, burning with Zeal for the Preſervation of Europe, and with a deſire of Puniſhing th Uſurper? and that which is ye more ſenſible to France, is, tha this New Monarch will not fail o being Seconded by all the Chriſtian Princes. We have ſeen England, in changing of Maſter, to make the face of the Affairs o Europe change alſo, eſpecially in the Low-Countries, the decree of their Ruine having been determined between the Two Kings, Lewis the XIV. and James the II. after that France had long conſider'd, the United Provinces a the only Obſtacle that could prevent it from Conquering the reſt of Europe; well knowing, that thoſe States would at all times Oppoſe themſelves to the Ruine of their Neighbours, puſh'd on by a Motive of Generoſity, of Equity, and of Intereſt alſo: Therefore the King of France, could not perceive which way he ſhould go about to overcome his Opponents, but in mining and in deſtroying totally thoſe Provinces, thereby ſhutting them out of the power of hindring him, or of oppoſing his Deſign, and that he could not do without England's conſent: Wherefore after the death of Charles the Second, he ſo dextrouſly did embark King James in his Deſign, and ſet him at variance with his Parliament, through Religious Motives, by ridiculous demands of the aboliſhing of the Teſt and Penal Laws, (which had been eſtabliſhed for the ſupport of the Kingdom, and the preſervation of the Eſtabliſh'd Religion,) France was aſſur'd, that by that means it ſhould ſet the King and Parliament out of power or reuniting again, and that by thoſe means Lewis the XIV. ſhould oblige that Prince whom he led by the Noſe, to apply himſelf to him for Mony, which he certainly knew the Parliament would refuſe him; that in caſe they ſhould grant it to him, it ſhould be on ſuch conditions which the King would not accept: And thus that ill advis'd P •• nce would not fail to turn himſelf towards France as he has done, and to let himſelf be obſeded and won by fair but falſe Promiſes, to render him abſolute Maſter over his People and his Parliament; with which Lewis the XIV. has ſo long fed and entertain'd with dexterity the weak Imagination of his Ally, that he has lull'd him aſleep into a Lethargy, very oppoſite to his right Intereſt, to that of his People, and even to that of all Europe, of which it may be ſaid, That England holds the Scales.

In the year 1672. France was already working on her project againſt the United States, through the means of England, if we conſider with what weakneſs Charles the Second permitted himſelf to be ty'd up by thoſe Treaties he made, contrary to ſo many Obligations which he had to the ſaid States, and of his particular Intereſt, feeding himſelf with hopes of a ſhare in thoſe ſaid Provinces before they were taken. With what weakneſs did the ſame Prince ſell to France the Town of Dunkirk, and behold with his Arms folded Lewis the XIV. take the principal places of the Spaniſh Netherlands, not only Cambray Valencienne, S. Omers, Erre, but ſo many others al-alſo, which were as ſo many bulwarks to ſtay the fury of Lewis the XIV.

And ever after the Peace of Nimeguen, have not whole Provinces ſubmitted to the French Yoke? And while that under the ſhelter of that Peace, other Soveraigns had diſbanded their Forces, France alone kept his Arms, becauſe it knew what it was hatching, and what it deſign'd to do. The Town of Luxembourg was a Thorn in its ſide, and it would be Maſter of it; and Charles the Second was as little mov'd or it, as if he had been pay'd, to let him do and ſay nothing, and behold unconcern'd that place taken from the Spaniard. Free Europe which little by little ſaw one Province after another, and one Town after another ſubmitted to France, did frequently caſt its Eye towards the Parliament of England, in hopes to receive ſome relief from that part; but France had ſo well taken its meaſures there, that before that Illuſtrious Body was aſſembled, divers Lords at the ſound of Louis d'Ors, were become deaf to the Complaints of the generality, and ſome amongſt them had even loſt the uſe of Speech, and were become motionleſs for the publick good, and that of the Nation; and ſo ſoon as the Houſe of Commons began to harp on that ſtring, the King made uſe of his Authority to prorogue them to another time; and ſo buſineſs run in the ſame courſe again, and gave leave to France to continue its way, to gain Conqueſt on Conqueſt: In the mean time the true Engliſh men, who are the moſt jealous of their Liberties of any Nation, were forc'd to be ſilent, and quietly behold themſelves hedg'd in on all ſides without oppoſing it, nor daring to complain. Thoſe that were lukewarm would frequently ask, Why the Spaniards and the Imperialiſts, who had moſt intereſt in it, did not oppoſe themſelves to that T rrent, and to thoſe French Conqueſts? I confeſs that if they could have done it alone, they ought to have gone about it, and they can never be excus'd for having neglected it; but thoſe who know a little the Affairs of the World, are not ignorant of the miſery Spain is fallen into, during the minority of a King; and that the Netherlands are far remote from the Empire, which has many Heads, and which of truth cannot aſſiſt them without its Allyes that are neareſt to thoſe Provinces, who are the King of England, and the States of the United Provinces.

The Emperor has continually the Turks at his doors, over which he is to keep a ſtrict watch at all times. Beſides, as I have already mentioned, the Empire's compos'd of divers Members, who have each their Soveraign and their different Intereſts, and therefore a long time is required, and divers Springs muſt play, to ſet ſo great a Machine going; and frequently before the reſolution of it be taken, France has done its do, and then it ſpeaks of Peace and of Accommodation, by which means Lewis XIV. has for the moſt part kept his Conqueſts, if they deſerve that Name; after which every one retires home & disbands. France makes ſhew to do the ſame; and if it acquieſces ſo far to disband ſome Troops in one part of the Kingdom, it raiſes others in another; and thus remains ſtill in the ſame poſture to do miſchief, ready to attempt ſome new thing ſo ſoon as it finds any favourable opportunity. In that interval France did not remain quiet, it had its Emiſſaries in all the Courts of Germany, who uſing the ſlight of hand, acquir'd thereby many Creatures; it is a Maxime which has long ſince ſucceeded well with them, and particularly at the Court of England during the laſt Reigns; & thoſe Emiſſaries have labour'd with ſo much zeal and heat, and return'd ſo frequently to the charge, doubling the Doſe when there was occaſion, that they often ſucceeded, and by thoſe means have oppoſed themſelves to the beſt Deſigns which the Emperor and the ſoundeſt part of the Empire could have had.

But ſuppoſe that the Empire had been in as good an harmony as it is at preſent, through the good Union there is betwixt the Emperor and his Princes, and that France had nothing to do but with the Empire alone; I maintain, that by only ſetting it ſelf in a poſture of Defence on the ſide of Germany, it might make 〈◊〉 Maſter of a good pare of the Sp ••• ſh Netherlands, if its Neighbour oppos'd not themſelves to it, before the Emperor could remedy it. Beſides, that ſince the taking of Luxembourg, the paſſage is partly block'd up to the Germans, and all that they could do, wer to draw near to Burgundy, and to Alſatia, or form ſome conſiderable Siege to draw the Arms of France that way; but as that would have hel'd the Germans long in hand, the French King would notwithſtanding do his buſineſs in Flanders.

But if England had had on its Throne, as it has at preſent, a King well intention'd for the welfare of Europe, and the particular good of his own People, he might alone ſtop the French King in the apprehenſion he has of landing Men on his Coaſts in his own Kingdom; and this truth is ſo certain, that Lewis the XIV. as powerful as he has been, as high as he would ſeem to be, has never undertaken any thing that way, but after he had conſulted the Kings of England then Reigning, and even Cromwell himſelf, while he uſurped the Government of the three Kingdoms.

Thus we have ſeen that this Monarch before getting into Flanders, had ſweetned the Court of England by the means of his Honey; he taught them to ſpeak French, and to like whatever he did undertake, and quietly to let him ſo faſt advance, that at laſt it had no longer been in the power of the Engliſh to drive him back. I know that France alone knows how much this has coſt it; but what matters at what rate, ſo one obtains ones Deſires. Thus the moſt Chriſtian King having diſpos'd England on that ſide, and having ſtrength enough, as doubtleſs he has, to ſet a conſiderable Army on foot on the ſide of Germany, (beſides that 〈◊〉 Flanders,) that he is in a condi ••• to hazard a Battle with the Imp rialiſts and their Allies, if theſe la •• had the ill fortune to be beaten, a that may happen, the Succeſs bein various, it is certain, That then th Germans would have much to d to rally again into any Body tha were capable to do any advantageous Exploit that Campaign fo the good of Flanders; there being nothing that waſtes more th Troops that are compos'd of diver Members, and under divers Chiefs than the ill ſucceſs of a firſt Campaign: And there needs ſometime but one Ally to decline the common Intereſt (like the Pin of a Carriage,) to put all the reſt out of power to do any thing, and to break the beſt Deſigns which might have been form'd; and it would be in ſuch like occaſion, that the Pride of France would ſwell, and that the uſurping Torrent would over-run its bounds more than ever on the Netherlands, which would be without hope of Remedies, if they were to wait for ſuccour from Germany, as it may eaſily be judged, by what I have ſaid, and which might eaſily have happen'd, there being nothing impoſſible in it.

Moreover, France which has moſt ſtrong Reaſons to be on its guard, and to always fear, has long ſince ſo well provided for its Frontier places on all ſides, that it will require of its Enemies almoſt a whole Campaign to carry one only of any importance.

Since France has left the way to Italy, the King is ſo fully perſuaded, that the Conqueſt of the ſeventeen United Provinces of the Netherlands would facilitate him the ways to that of Europe, but particularly of the Empire; that he has apply'd himſelf wholly to it, and has always endeavoured to amuſe by illuſive Promiſes, part of thoſe very Provinces, while that he render' himſelf Maſter of the other part under the Dominion of Spain, having firſt lull'd England aſleep, France requiring only the favour to decide alone that Diſpute with Spain.

But that Lewis the XIV. might accompliſh that firſt Deſign on the Spaniſh Netherlands, there was a neceſſity that the States of the United Provinces, which had a notable intereſt in the preſervation of the Neighbouring Provinces under their lawful Prince, ſhould give their helping hand to their ruine, or at leaſ ſhould look on that Monarch without moving, till he had come on their Frontiers: But there was but little likelihood of that; wherefore the French King foreſeeing well, that thoſe States would never fall in that Lethargy, nor would permit to have their hands ty'd up while a conceal'd Enemy approach'd them, and penn'd them up cloſe, taking from them ittle by little, all thoſe Places which were to ſerve them as Bars, t was for that very Reaſon, that that Monarch did on the ſudden alter his mind, and beholding according to his Deſires, what he had long expected, a Catholick Prince on the Throne of England, who had for divers years been in is Pay, allowing him conſi erable Penſions when yet he was ut Duke of York, and conſequently id entirely poſſeſs and obſeade him: He made uſe of the ill Dipoſition of the new King, in his Concerns with the States General, o that it was no longer difficult or the French King, who waited ut for that moment, to accom liſh his Project; thus thoſe two Kings, the one puſh'd on by his Ambition, the other by his ill In lination, join'd together to Exerminate the Seven United Pro inces, under the fair and ſpecious pretence of Religion, and Extirpating of Hereſie, that t •• other Catholick Princes, who we concern'd in the Preſervation 〈◊〉 the United Provinces, might ne •• oppoſe themſelves to ſuch an ho •• Work, and ſo lull them aſlee If that buſineſs had ſucceeded 〈◊〉 Lewis the XIV. he had, witho •• ſtriking one blow, render'd hi ſelf Maſter, all under one, of t •• Spaniſh Netherlands; and after tha made uſe of all the Forces of 〈◊〉 Kingdom, together with thoſe 〈◊〉 his Conqueſts, to enter into Ge many, and directly March to th Empire, follow'd with an Arm of more than an Hundred Thouſand Men; what Prince of th •• Empire, or the Emperor himſel could have diſputed the Buſine •• with him, or have put a ſtop 〈◊〉 his March?

But for ſo great a Work, it wa neceſſary to faſten England firm •• to his Intereſts, and to pull dow he States of the United Provinces, which was the chiefeſt Buſineſs, 〈◊〉 not being likely, that Sove aigns, who ſo well know their own Intereſt as do thoſe States, hould permit Lewis the XIV. to dvance one Foot of Ground more han he is already, (being but too orwards;) all that Monarchs fair Promiſes, and his kind aſſurances of Friendſhip remaining without ffect, not being able to win them to be deceiv'd: And perceiving that his Credit was at an end in thoſe Provinces. that all the Propoſitions of the Count d'Avaux, his Ambaſſador, were ſuſpected, and that he was ſtill entertain'd with much Circumſpection, (as Lions are fed, ſtill pulling the hand back;) finding himſelf diſcover'd and cried down, not to loſe any more time to flatter and amuſe •• e ſaid States, being not able to accompliſh his ends that way, he eſolv'd to ruine them at the ſame time that King James the II. go on the Throne; he knowing we his Genius, was ſatisfied that there wanted nothing but a Golden Apple to amuſe him; and to follow that itching deſire which tha Prince had to render himſelf Abſolute Maſter over all his Kingdom, to alter the Laws and th Religion of it; and to feed hi •• before hand with the hopes of th •• Spaniſh Indies, that he might n •• longer find himſelf oblig'd to Aſſemble his Parliament, who approv'd not of his Proceeding, no of that great Alliance he had wit France; which, under what ſhap ſoever it was repreſented to them did always appear hiddeous. D ring all that long Interval, an till there were a fair occaſion 〈◊〉 perform that great Deſign, th French Emiſſaries did continuall pour their cold Poiſon in the Engliſh Court, which was quaff'd 〈◊〉 in large Draughts by ſome of th Grandees, which they endeavour'd to Digeſt without noiſe, ſeeing that at the ſame time they thus under-hand ſet forward their Maſters Intereſt; others who were not at ſuch a diſtance, provided themſelves with an Apple againſt draught, as did many others in all the Courts of Chriſtendom.

It was in this contagious time, ſo infected with the French Lewis D'Ors, that Europe was to tremble, and that all honeſt people, that concern'd themſelves in the common Cauſe of the good of Chriſtendom, were to ſhake at the very ſight of that weight which was going to cruſh Europe to pieces, ſeeing that its general loſs had immediately follow'd that of the Seventeen United Provinces; the Emperor nor the King of Spain not being then able to prevent, nor put a ſtop to that Torrent which had chang'd it ſelf into a Deluge; from which, not England it ſelf had been Exempted in its time, if afterward it would not have danc'd to the French Flutes, and obey'd the Orders of its Ambitious Monarch I am willing to make uſe of theſe Terms, ſeeing that all thoſe that are Penſioners of France, are ſo but to Execute his Orders, and to Work to increaſe the Grandeu of Lewis the XIV. not to oppoſe his Intereſts, but on the contrary Sacrifice their Honour and their Lives to them, ſo oft as the Good and the Intereſt of France ſhould require it. If ever Lewis the XIV had obtain'd his end, and had made himſelf Maſter of the Forces of the Seventeen Provinces, as he plotted it in his greedy Imagination, through the King of England's Means, there had then been no ways left for this laſt to retire though he ſhould perceive his Error, as Charles the II. had done and he muſt either by fair or fou means have gone on with that he had begun, through a weak Complacency; and then the Moſt Chriſtian King had rais'd his Voice and Arm at the ſame time, and had ſpoken in Magiſterial Terms to all the Princes of Europe; neither had that of England been left for the laſt, but had been oblig'd to ſubmit to the ſame Fate with all the others, as a Reward for all the good Services that he ſhould have render'd him: I once again repeat, that the Deſigns of France were not new; that long ſince, Lewis the XIV. had had them before him, even before that James the II. had got on the Throne, and during his Brother's Reign, he luckily made uſe of the Dutcheſs of Orlean's Management, who was Siſter to both the Kings, Charles and James. But the Firſt of them, who had continually before his Eyes the Tragical end of his Father, and who was ſtill very ſenſible 〈◊〉 the ſufferings and troubles of his Exile, had much to do to reſolve upon it; and the Apprehenſions which he had of his People did retain him, and hindred him from Aſſiſting France in all things as he was ſolicited to do; and he at laſt did abandon it, as we did ſee by the Peace which he had made with the States of the United Provinces, and then he ſeemingly did relinquiſh the Intereſts of his Ally, not to Prorogue his Parliament, who very plainly did forſee the danger in which the Nation was going to fall, had France continued its Progreſs as it had began in 1672. and the years following.

After the Peace of Nimeguen, the Kings great Deſign againſt the United Provinces, remain'd as buried during the remnant of King Charles his Reign; but he ſoon rais'd it again, for at King James's Aſcending the Throne, France gather'd new Vigour, and beholding there ſo good a Friend, with whom he was tied in Religion and Inclination; Lewis the XIV. fail'd not to ſtrike the Iron while it was hot, and during the Three or Four Years of his Reign, the French Emiſſaries gave divers Aſſaults, and ſet all Hands to work; the French Ambaſſador Barillon, made great Largeſſes, to all thoſe whom he thought propper to do his Maſter Service; the Curtiſans taſted of the Cake as well as divers Miniſters at Court; thus all unanimouſly did labour to perſwade James the II. ſo ſoon as he was King, to ſecond Lewis the XIV. in his Deſigns (divers not knowing them) there needed no great Perſwaſion to attain it, becauſe that Prince was already ſufficiently inclin'd to it of himſelf, and at that time, of all Employs, that of Meſſenger was the moſt neceſſary; there was nothing ſeen but ſuch kind of Perſons on the Road from London to Paris, and from Paris to London, till the Treaty was finiſh'd; of which, the chief matter and knot of the Buſineſs, was the ruine and deſtruction of the United Provinces: All the Religious Orders, and above all, the Jeſuits, did take a great Intereſt in that Buſineſs, and already cried out, The Town was their own; there was a perpetual motion among them; the Ships that croſs'd the Seas on both Parties, were throng'd with thoſe Zealots and Apoſtolick Poſtilions; thus were all things in motion for the Good of France, and for the Advancement of its Monarchs Deſigns, ſome through Intereſt, ſome through Zeal, and others through meer Ignorance: This Buſineſs thus built up with Lime and Stone, concluded and reſolv'd on betwixt the Two Kings, Lewis the XIV. the better to compaſs all things, was deſirous to ſtrengthen himſelf towards the North, but having loſt the friendſhip of the Sweeds, for having fail'd in keeping thoſe Treaties which had formerly paſs'd between the Two Crowns; France having no Proſpect of patching them up again, it took the Party of Denmark, though it was nothing near ſo advantageous to it as was the other: To render it capable of employing it on all occaſions, he ſent thither the Count of Roy, there to Command, with many Officers and Men, but after the Siege of Hambourg, that General being retir'd, the French Party did much diminiſh; beſides, France could not Unite it ſelf with that Crown, in ſo ſtreight an Alliance as it wiſh'd for; and that it were neceſſary, becauſe of thoſe Meaſures which Denmark was to keep with the United Provinces on the account of Trade, without which it cannot do well, neither can it turn it to ſo good an account with France, it having at home all that it could draw from thence; ſo that all that France can at preſent draw from that Alliance, can but at the moſt come but to a Neutrality, provided the Emperor and his Allies will give their conſent.

Lewis the XIV. was reckoning upon that, when he aſſur'd James the Second that the King of Denmark would not diſturb, but on the contrary favour them, in caſe that the Swede ſhould join with their Enemies: It was on that Pillow Lewis le Grand did gently lull aſleep the King of England, together with an imaginary ſhower of Gold, which was to drop from the Spaniſh Indies.

But how great ſoever a Corruption is at Court, there are ſtill ſome good; and the ſoundeſt part of the Kingdom of England, could not reliſh that ſtreight Union which was betwixt their Prince and France, it clearly did ſee, that on its ſide the deſign was to Change the Religion, to Subvert the Laws, Eſtabliſh an Arbitrary Power, and a Deſpotick Government, which tended to the loſs of their Liberties and Priviledges, and to depend one Day on France, which gave them ſuſpicion of every ſtep which the Ambaſſador Barillon, and the Queen did make in that reſpect; but their Zeal did ſo far tranſport them, that at laſt the People, the Lords, the Proteſtant Clergy open'd their Eyes, and thought of delivering themſelves, and with them all Europe, from thoſe ſhackles which were forging for them; and the Heavens granting the Petition of all Chriſtendom, and in particular of the Engliſh Nation, it ſent them a Deliverer, of whom Providence hath ſo miraculouſly ſeconded the Enterpriſe, ſo as to prevent them from falling under an hard Bondage, and under the Government of a ſuppos'd Prince, a Foundling, whoſe Father and Mother remain ſtill unknown, which was to be preferr'd to the Lawful Heirs of the Crown; ſuch a black and unheard of Supplanting, did oblige the Princeſs of Orange, as the next Heir to the Kingdom, to intreat the Prince her Husband, to ſecond the juſt Requeſt of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and of the moſt ſound part of the Kingdom. Thus the Prince, by an Admirable Conduct and a Divine Diſpenſation, did bring things about according to the Hearts deſire of the Nation, without effuſion of Blood, and ſet Succeſſion in its due and right Channel, which was to have been interrupted by the means of that ſuppos'd Child; for the Princeſs having been Crown'd Queen by Succeſſion, and the Prince King by Acknowledgment, after the Throne had been declar'd Vacant through King James the Il's Deſertion; it happen'd very luckily for the Deliverance of Europe, which I ſhall prove in what follows, as being the Subject of this ſmall Book.

In the firſt place, I lay down for an indiſputable Truth, That if Lewis the XIV. and James the II. had compaſs'd their Deſigns and Ends, the United Provinces had been entirely loſt, through the breaking down of their Banks; for that way did he deſign to begin, to take away all means from the Inhabitants of ever recovering from that Diſſolution in which he deſign'd to Reduce them, after they had made themſelves Maſters of the Spaniſh Netherlands; after which, I cannot perceive how Europe could have prevented falling under the Yoak of the French Dominion, having had the King of England for Second, and Invading the 17 United Provinces, and rendring Tributary in imitation of the Grand Seignior, the moſt remote of thoſe Provinces, which he could not conveniently Govern.

I have already given to obſerve, that the Empire alone could not hinder him, by reaſon of the great number of heads, all of different and diſtinct Intereſts, of thoſe Princes that Compoſe it: On the other hand, Spain being not in a Condition to raiſe Forces ſufficient to oppoſe it, nor all of them together capable to reſiſt the rapid motion with which France would invade them after its Firſt Conqueſts.

For to repreſent to us what France can do, and what it has been able to do in all times, we need but to frame to our ſelves a right Idea of things, from Francis the Firſt, to Charles the Fifth, we ſhall eaſily judge that it has alwaies been dreaded; this laſt was both Emperor and King of Spain together; he was Maſter of the 17 United Provinces, while they were entire, he had Burgundy and the French County, as well as Alſatia; he had an abſolute power over the Princes of Germany, and of Italy. This Monarch was without diſpute, one of the Greateſt Princes, not only of his Time, but of his Age; a Great Commander, undaunted in all his Enterpriſes, daring Perils and Dangers, in which he had frequently been, and add to all that his Perſonal Valour, a good Head-Piece, and fit for Counſel, encouraging his Armies by his Preſence, having under him the moſt Experienc'd Captains, and the beſt Generals of his Time, and ſuch Armies that had been tried in all parts of Germany, Italy, and in the Low-Countries, beſides Fleets on the Mediterranian, and on the Ocean.

With all thoſe Forces, his Courage and his Treaſures, though he had to do but with Francis the Firſt, who alone was his Capital Enemy, and who was nothing near ſo powerful as his Succeſſors have been (and as Lewis the XIVth. is at this time, or at leaſt as he has been of late years,) having no other Revenue, but about thirty, or thirty five French Millions, whereas this preſent has four times as much.

Mean time, with all this diſproportion of Forces and of Wealth, this Emperor durſt not attack him, 'till firſt he had joyn'd himſelf with Henry the VIIIth of England, and with the moſt conſiderable Princes of Italy.

By this we find that even from that time the Emperoor did highly conſider the Kings o England, and that if Francis the Firſt, King of France, had firſt ſecur'd Henry the VIIIth's Alliance, Charles the Fifth had not dar'd to attack him; and with all the advantages that the Emperor had of his ſide, Francis the firſt ſtood out againſt him, and without the Misfortune that befell him at the Seige of Pavia, where he was made Priſoner, he had given work enough to his Enemy.

I paſs from Francis the Firſt to Lewis the XIVth, much more powerful in Forces, in Treaſures, and in Demains, than his Predeceſſors, ſeconded, as he believ'd by a ſtrict alliance with England, having no more to manage nor to fear from the United Provinces, I leave to gueſs what he had, and might have done, and how far he had puſh'd on his Ambition; I maintain that then, the Pope with all Italy, the Emperor with the whole Empire, and Spain with all the Riches of the Indies, had not been of power to hinder him from making himſelf Maſter of all Europe.

There is but England alone then that is Capable to make the moſt Chriſtian King alter his Deſigns; and that could not happen, but by ſuch a lucky Cataſtrophe, and ſo unexpected as that which has lately happen'd there, under the Reign of William the IIId. For there was requir'd to be Sitting on the Throne, in order to ſuch a Change, a Diſintereſted Prince, Zealous of the Glory of God, and the good of Chriſtendom: Jealous of the Uſurpation which Lewis the XIVth had made in Europe, Incorruptible, Magnanimous, a Man of Counſel and Execution, underſtanding well his own Intereſt, and who had been highly provok'd by France; that he might not hearken to any accommodation, nor yield any thing, to the prejudice of his Allies. This is what we find entirely in that Prince who has newly Aſcended the Brittiſh Throne; wherefore ſo ſoon as this Heroe had paſs'd over into England, and that a happy Succeſs had ſeconded his Great Deſigns; we have ſeen Lewis the XIVth become motionleſs on the ſudden, as formerly did Atlas, at the ſight of the Meduſa's head, which was ſhew'd him by that Generous Perſeus.

The Foundation on which the French King had built his Grand Deſign, (the ſtrict Alliance which he had with James the Second) having once given way, all the reſt of the Fabrick is fallen to the ground, and his Caſtles in the Air have gone into Smoak, having no hopes to take any Meaſures in his Deſigns with this his preſent Britanick Majeſty, who, to cut off all his Hopes, and ſtop all his Proceedings, has driven out of England all the French Emiſſaries, reſolv'd never to hearken any more to them, in the Deſign he has to reſtore the quiet and tranquility of Chriſtendom, and to maintain Europe in that Deliverance which He has lately procur'd to it, by his only Elevation to the Throne. I prove my Axiome by that which follows; When a Town is Beſieg'd, and that at the approach of its Deliverer, its Enemies abandon it, and their Deſigns miſcarry, they retire, and though the Heroe which has caus'd its deliverance, be not yet enter'd that Place, it is publiſh'd abroad that the Place is Reliev'd, as really it is. So Lewis the XIVth having a Deſign of Conquering Europe, to Depoſe the Lawful Soveraigns thereof, and to Sacrifice all Chriſtendom to his Ambition, as it is no longer doubted; it being a Truth but too well averr'd and known. That Uſurper has no ſooner ſeen William the IIId Proclaim'd King, but that he has abandon'd his Enterpriſe, and chang'd his Deſign; and in lieu of deſtroying the Powers of Europe, has had no other thoughts but of preſerving himſelf, and his Kingdom. I joyn to the coming of William the IIId to the Crown of England, the ſtrict Alliance there is between his Majeſty of Great Brittain, and the States of the United Provinces, as alſo the Union of the Emperor with all the Princes of the Empire.

I confeſs, that it has been a great Buſineſs to have freed Europe from the danger which threatned it, to have diſpers'd in a Moment all the great and pernicious Deſigns of an Ambitious Prince, that on all occaſions made no ſcruple to break his Faith when that Crime agreed with his Ambition and Intereſt, who, notwithſtanding his Word given to the Contrary, back'd with his Oath, has neither ſpar'd the blood nor the ruine of ſo many Thouſands of Chriſtians, in the bare Opinion, that he ought to do it for his Intereſt's ſake, and to weaken his Enemies; having not ſpar'd even his own Subjects. And if we return to the Primary Cauſe, we cannot but believe, that the Heavens wearied with ſo much Injuſtice, with ſo much Cruelty, and enormous Crimes, and with ſo much blood-ſhed, which Cries for Vengeance, has at laſt rais'd William and Mary on the Throne, and ſuggeſted a good Union amongſt the Princes of Chriſtendom, to ſtop the Barbarous Courſe of Lewis the XIVth.

But it is not enough to have reduc'd the Lyon that Sack'd Europe, to get into his Den, his Claw muſt be pair'd alſo, and his Teeth pull'd out, that hereafter he may do no more harm, and that his Power may be limited, that he may no longer Deſolate our Countries, that he devour no more the Innocent, and that the moſt Chriſtian, Oppreſs no more the Chriſtians. Lewis the XIVth's Policy and Intereſt in the Condition he is at preſent reduc'd, is to gain time, to ſee whether any Change would not happen in England, nor no Conteſtation in Germany; where ore he offers in all places he can Neutrality, that he might find 〈◊〉 thoſe Princes that ſhould not declare themſelves ſome Media ors, or to ſpeak more properly, •• terceſſors near the Emperor and •• e King of England, as well as ear the United Provinces, in the •• r he is of a total downfall, if ngland, and the Empire continue 〈◊〉 they have began, and as it is to believ'd they will do, according 〈◊〉 all appearance, if they love •• eir quiet, their preſervation, and their own Intereſts, as well as the good of their People.

I confeſs that much has been done, eſpecially by the King o England, to have deliver'd Europ at preſent without drawing his Sword, but the future muſt be thought on, and the means mu •• be taken from France, of any more threatning Europe, to ſet it in right Ballance with the Houſe 〈◊〉 Auſtria, or at leaſt in a Conditio of having need of its Allies, an not put an end to this preſe •• War which is kindling in all places 'till that be perform'd.

To ſucceed the better in it, an to animate the more all the Princes of Europe, they ought to ca •• up what France has Uſurped from them, the dammage they hav receiv'd by it, and that whi •• they may receive hereafter; a •• never lay down their Arms, 'ti they all have had full ſatisfaction for the more it ſhall be fore'd t reſtore, the more will its Soveraign be weakned.

I ſet in the firſt Rank the Pope, who by all the Catholicks is corſider'd as the head of the Church, Chriſt's Vicar on Ea ••• , St. Peter's Succeſſor, the Common Father of all Chriſtians, the Diſpencer of Celeſtial Graces, and who being conſider'd as ſuch, ought to be fear'd, reſpected, rever'd, honour'd and obey'd; as to the pi itual, (laying aſide the C n •• ſt which is among the Catholicks themſelves concerning the Temporal) and not withſtanding that Lewis the XIVth names himſelf he Eldeſt Son of the Church, and he moſt devout Son of the Sovevaign Pontiſ, what Mortification has not the good Father receiv'd rom him, ſince his coming to the Pontificate, either in his own Perſon, r in that of his Legates, even pon the dead Corps of one of hem. The extinction of the Regalia in France, is alſo a great grie to the Holy See, as well as th violence us'd againſt divers Convents, for having addreſs'd themſelves to the Pope, and taking advice of his Holineſs. The changing of divers Abbies into Commad ries by the King's own and p •• per motion, is alſo a Contemp which he has aggravated by th forbiddance he has made to th Biſhops not to Conſult the Hol See, even in Caſes of Conſcienc and in ſuch buſineſſes as whic concern Religion: but the mo •• ſenſible of all, was that blow given to the Pope's Authority, i the Year 1682. by the Clergy A ſembled at the King's Command that being with the Infallibilit t the fineſt Flowers of the Trip Crown. The Inſolent Diſcour •• held in a Plea by Monſieur Tal •• by which he accus'd Pope Innocen the XIth (the moſt worthy tha has for divers years been ſea e in St. Peter's Chair) of being a Schiſmatick, and a Supporter of Hereticks. And this, for not having receiv'd Monſiour Lavardin as Ambaſſa for at Rome, who made his Entry into that City in ſuch an offenſive and proud manner, that no Ambaſſadours of Obedience durſt ever have done the like; having caus'd himſelf to be accompany'd by a ſmall Army rather than a Retinue, as if he would have Beſieg'd the Vatican. And though this Marqueſs is at full Liberty at Rome, the Nuncio Ranucci is detain'd in a place call'd St. Lazarus, for fear he ſhould retire from Paris incognito. Finally, the unjuſt ſeizure of the City and County of Avignon, threatning beſides all this, to ſend ſome Troops into the Eccleſiaſtick State, to oblige the P •• e to r •••• e the Bull for the abolition of Quarters, and that for hsi Confirmation of Prince Joſeph Clement of Bavaria to the Archbiſhoprick of Cologne

After ſo much inſulting which the Pope had receiv'd, of which one might make a whole Volum either in his own Perſon, his Authority, or in the Perſon of his Legates, the Pope has judiciouſly done, to ſhew his Reſentment againſt Lewis the XIV. no to relinquiſh any of his Rights, bu maintain the Rank which he ha in the Church, and in the World, by that Spiritual and Tempora Power, which God has put into his Hands, and in having till now ſo generouſly and juſtly oppos'd himſelf to all the French Violences, by which he has acquir'd a Glory which ſhall laſt as long as the World, amongſt all Parties and his Memory will be Rever'd even after his Death: He ought to go on in thoſe right Paths which he has begun, and as Common Father, Exhort all Catholick Princes, to put themſelves in a Condition to abate the Pride of the French King, as a means to bring him into a way of Salvation. To this purpoſe, the Pope ought with all his Power to Aſſit the Catholick Princes, that he may co-operate in ſo good a Work, as his Holineſs has done to the Empire againſt the Turks; and to ſolicite the Switz-Cantons, of the ſame Religion, by his Legates, to Join themſelves to the Emperor and Empire, to confirm that Deliverance which Europe begins to enjoy: Thus the Pope being reſtor'd to his former Dignities, Veneration, and Authority, let the King, his moſt devout Son, make him ſome Reparations and Attonements, for thoſe Faults he has committed, and be ſo humbled, that for the future he may be Wiſer, and out of Power of doing the like again, nor of Inſulting over the Popes and Soveraign Pontifs of the Catholick Church; and in caſe the Pope found no amendment in that King, nor no likelihood of bringing him back to his Duty, he ought, while he is buſie in a War, to lance forth his Excommunications againſt him, and to give his Kingdoms over to the Spoil of his Enemies; the male-contented Eccleſiaſticks, with which his Kingdom is fill'd, will reduce him by Reaſon, and will make him repent having ever meddled with the Rights of the Church.

The Emperor and the Princes of the Empire, have more Reaſon than all the other Powers of Europe, to keep the French King in ſuch a condition, that he may no more annoy them, nor aſpire to the Imperial Crown. Lewis the XIV. has a long time endeavour'd to turn the Empire into the French Family, as in the time of Charlemain, it being a great ſtep for him to riſe to that of all Europe; that is the Reaſon why, ſince Francis the Firſt, the French Kings have always croſs'd the Emperors Elections. But Lewis the Great could find no way to that Conqueſt, but by the total Ruine of the United Provinces, to which he could not attain, but by the aſſiſtance of England; thus his Imperial Majeſty, and all the Princes of the Empire, being fully ſatisfied of this Truth, and that nothing but that Revolution which has lately happen'd on the Brittiſh Throne, could cauſe the raſh Deſigns of the French King to Miſcarry. The Emperor ought no longer to r m in in ſuſpence, nor put off to another time, thoſe Advan ag s which t •• Heavens preſent to him 〈◊〉 this time, to recover all tha France has Uſurp'd from him.

To this purpoſe, his Imperial Majeſty ſhould begin by a Truce, which he ought, without delay, to conclude with the Port, ſeeing that they offer it on very honourable and advantageous Conditions; and let the Emperor hold as ſuſpicious Perſons, all ſuch as ſhall Adviſe him to the contrary they are Perſons that ſin either through Ignorance, or Malice who underſtand not the true Intereſts of the Empire, or too much thoſe of France; he is not to doubt, but that all the Princes of the Empire will concur to the ſame Deſign, of abaſing the Greatneſs of the French Monarch, of which there are but very few Powers in the Empire that have not great cauſe of complaint, and juſt pretenſions to frame, and perhaps, more to pre end to than ever to recover again, if France be not kept in a condition of never offending them more; of domineering any longer, nor of boaſting any more that it can give Peace to Europe when ever it pleaſes. This laſt War, by the rupture of a Truce, which the French King had ſought after, with ſo much earneſtneſs, becauſe it confirm'd Luxemburg to him, and a part of Flanders during Twenty Years, and which he has infring'd without any Cauſe, than his deſire to come to the Aſſiſtance of the Grand Seignior, who was going to ruine, by the vaſt Conqueſts which the Emperor made on that Inſidel: His Moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, was going hand over head to his Aſſiſtance, finding himſelf ſupported with a cloſe Alliance with James the II. formerly King of Great Britain; this Rupture has given new pretenſions of War to all the Princes of Germany, by the moſt barbarous and inhum •• e proceedings which the Fren •• Troops have done there; and I doubt much, whether a juſt P rallel could be drawn from the Cruelties and Deſolations that this King has caus'd to be committed in the Palatinate, with thoſe that the Grand Seignior has made in Hungary; and though this laſt place has been for a long time the Seat of War, yet at the Retreat of the Infidels, they have not committed any thing near the like Extortions, nor us'd the ſame violence, that the French have done in thoſe places that they have abandon'd in the Palatinate, and in the Country of Juliers, and of Cologne; and if there were no other cauſe but this, though there are but too many more, there would need, in my Opinion, nothing but the ſad ſpectacle of the French barbarouſneſs, to animate all the Princes and Members of Europe, to a good and firm Union with the Emperor, which will be the only means to preſerve themſelves, and to prevent France from doing the like hereafter.

Though France is brought low, through the oppoſition of England, in all its Deſigns, yet has it not forgot its ancient Maxims; which have formerly ſucceeded ſo well; it will not ſail to put into practice all the ways imaginable to corrupt ſome Member of the Empire, and to break that Chain of Unity there is amongſt them, to endeavour thereby, to put a ſtop to the Succeſs of their Arms, as it frequently happens, that a broken or rotten Pin, diſorders a whole Carriage, and hinders its March.

France's Crafts and Deceits being already ſo well fore-known, it is requiſite that the Princes of Europe ſhould provide againſt that plague of Corruption, which has ſo freequently infected divers Courts of Chriſtendom; divers are to expect, that not only Preſents will be offer'd to them, as well as Penſions, but equivalents alſo to their Pretenſions, only to remain Neuter: But the Example of the Archbiſhop of Mentz is yet ſo freſh before our Eyes, that it ought to be a fair Mirror for the Princes of the Empire, to Repreſent to them to the Life, the Character of France, and of its Soveraign, which all that proceeding repreſents in Lively Colours, with the breaches of Faith of that Prince, even to thoſe that Side with him. If ever any Soveraign did Act againſt his true Intereſt, and that of the whole Empire, it was that Prelate; but then again, never was Prince worſe rewarded, nor had greater cauſe to repent of his Fault, by the ill uſage he has ha in his Eſtate; which had reach' to his Perſon alſo, if he had no ſhelter'd himſelf from the Threat of the French Envoy.

But he is not the only Living and Speaking Example; the whol Series of time that has paſs'd ſince the Peace of the Pireneans, is but a continued Thread of the falſehood of France. So, that whoever ſhall catch at the Golden Bait which the King lays for them, will have time to Repent themſelves, as the Elector of Mentz has done, and divers others, who have fair'd no better.

But if, by a Fatal Chance, it ſhould ſo happen, that ſome Member of the Empire were ſo unadvis'd, as to be Corrupted by France, and ſeparated from that Union which is its true Intereſt, though it is not to be expected now that thoſe Princes are ſo well enlightned; that Perſon ought to be conſider'd as a rotten Member, Diſcarded, and Treated as an Enemy, though he would remain Neuter, on this ground drawn from the Holy Goſpel, Qui non eſt pro nobis eſt contra nos.

Of Truth the Union of the Empire is of great Importance, and I muſt confeſs, that all its United Forces may be very powerful, but they would be much more, if the Emperor could reſolve to grant a Peace to the Grand Seignior; that ſo having no longer any thing to fear from that Part, his Imperial Majeſty may have his Hands at liberty againſt the Second, which has been much more formidable and more dangerous than the Firſt, and conſequently cauſe all his Forces to Advance towards the Rhine, which would produce Two Effects; the one, that ſuch conſiderable Armies would increaſe that Terror in which France is already. Secondly, it would by that means much better maintain that Union which is already in Europe, with their Allies.

Beſides, it is a general Rule, which the Emperor ought always to obſerve; never to have Two Wars to maintain at the ſame time, eſpecially when he can avoid one of them, as it is in his power to do at this preſent, with great Advantage and Glory.

It is not to be doubted, but that the French King does highly dread ſuch a Truce; that he will openly and moſt powerfully Act with the Turk, and the King of Poland, and that he will have his Emiſſaries, conceal'd, at the Court of Vienna, that will labour under-hand, and on deceitful Pretences, to prevent the Imperial Council from concluding any thing with the Turks Envoy, at this preſent at Vienna. To be ſure, he will neither ſpare Money nor Religion to attain his end therein.

To the Grand Seignior, he Promiſes to enter into Germany with a Powerful Army, to Ranſack there, as he has done already, thereby to draw the Emperors Forces on that ſide, and give the Great Turk the means and leaſure to breathe again, and to Aſſemble new Forces to endeavour to regain what he has loſt.

To Teckeley, and the Princes of Tranſilvania, Walachia, and Moidavia, without enquiring of what Religion they are, he aſſures conſiderable Sums to continue the War begun; he has frequenly ſent ſome to the Firſt, and if the others would break off with the Emperor, and join with the Grand Seignior, he would furniſh them wherewith to Pay their Forces.

As for Poland, that will perform enough for France, if its King will but remain quiet, and not attempt any thing, as he has done ſince the two laſt Campaigns, and prevent by great pretenſions the Concluſion of a Truce with the Port. Lewis the XIVth has Springs that are ſufficiently ſtrong to detain him, and to obtain what he pleaſes of that Crown, perſwading it that it is not ſuitable to her Intereſt, to have the Emperor proſper ſo much, &c.

At the Court of Vienna, the French Emiſſaries Labour through indirect means, to perſwade the Emperor's Councellors, that his Imperial Majeſty may with eaſe maintain the War againſt the Turk and France, and that it concerns his Glory not to ſlacken in ſo fair a Courſe, that he ought to go and plant the Croſs of Chriſt on the very Battlements of the Seraglio at Conſtantinople; but ſuch pretences are at great diſtance from their Maſters thoughts, for it is very certain, that the French King had rather ſee once more the Creſcent on St. Stephen's Church at Vienna, than the Croſs on St. Sophia at Conſtantinople.

Lewis the XIVth at this time, is like to a Man in great extremity of danger, that is ready to ſink, he makes Vows, and promiſes all things, to get out again, and takes hold of all that comes in his way, to keep himſelf ſome moments longer above water. Thus this Monarch has turn'd himſelf all manner of ways to find out a Mediator that would aſſiſt him to get our of the danger he is in. He has addreſs'd himſelf to the Elector of Brandenburg, the King of Spain, and to the Pope; but at this preſent, knowing of no better ſhift, and finding that all the Chriſtian Princes do abandon him, he has apply'd himſelf to the Turk. And finding that no Chriſtians will any longer confide in him, be covers himſelf with a falſe M sk of Hypoceiſie; he demonſtrates to the Houſe of Auſtria, that the Roman Catholick Religion is in danger, and that it periſhes with him, that it has been hrough his Care and Zeal ſo many Converſions have been made in his Kingdom, and that he was ready to have done as much in England, if there had not been a League made againſt him. But with all theſe ſugar'd words, he at the ſame time Leagues himſelf with the Enemy of Chriſtendom, at that very time he enters the Palatinate, and puts all to the Fire and Sword, he offers to the Grand Seignior to joyn himſelf with him on the defenſive part, and not to lay down his Arms, 'till the Sultan has recover'd Hungary. At the ſame time he offers to the Pope, that if the Emperor will agree with him, he will lend him forty Gallies to aid him to Conquer Conſtantinople; and offers to Re-eſtabliſh King James in his Kingdoms, provided that the Emperor and the Empire will Conclude a Peace with him. All theſe are fair Flowers that conceal a Serpent under them, who will certainly ſting the hand of him that will but touch them.

Theſe are the French King's Deceits, which he has Inherited from Mazarine, to trye whether by ſuch fair Offers he might not break the Union of the Empire.

But Flanders, the Palatinate, the Countries of Juliers, and of Ments, Treves and Colen, remain unreprochable Teſtimonies of his Breaches of Faith, and of his Hypocriſie; he having nothing leſs in his thoughts than the Chriſtian Religion. For thoſe Offers which his Ambaſſador Guichardin has made to the Port, ought once for all, to undeceive all Chriſtendom of that Catholick Faith of which he makes ſo great a ſhew.

But not to reſt any longer on the Illuſions and Deceitful Offer of France, which ought to be ſuſpicious to all the Princes of Europe. I ſay that the Emperor and the Empire ought not to ſtop in the very beginning of ſo fair an Opportunity which England offers them, nor lay down their Arms, 'till they have recover'd Burgundy, the French County, Alſace, but particulary Strasbourg, Philip burg, Fribourg, Briſack, and all that France has Uſurp'd on that ſide of Europe. Moreover, Reſeated the Electors Palatine, of Mentz, Treves and Colen, in their Territories and Rights, with an entire reparation of all thoſe Wrongs and Damages which he has done them by his Forces and Incendiaries Reſign Cardinal Fuſtenberg into the hands of the Emperor, or of the Pope, to anſwer to thoſe things that ſhall be alledg'd againſt him, and that he is already accus'd of.

But that which is moſt juſt and neceſſary, is to reſtore the Duke of Lorain to his Dukedom, which ought to be reſtituted in the ſame Condition that it was in the time of his Predeceſſors. Policy requires that this Dukedom ſhould be ſeparated from France, becauſe that would be a means to weaken France. It would be to fix a Thorn in its foot, thus to Re-eſtabliſh the Succeſſor of the Ancient Soveraigns, to ſupport and uphold it, that it might no longer be liable to fall under the Forces of France, nor to acquieſce to any Treaty prejudiciable to it, nor ſo much as to have any great Communication with them, becauſe that the Duke of Lorain being once reſtor'd to his Eſtates, neither he, nor his Suceſſors ought nevermore to truſt to the French Kings; but ought daily to ſet before their Eyes, with what perfideouſneſs his Predeceſſor has been Treated.

Thoſe Great Victories which that Prince has gain'd with ſuch great Succeſs and Glory over the Turks, the re-union of Hungary to the Empire, which is due to his ſole Valour, does well deſerve that all Chriſtian Princes ſhould Conſerve themſelves for this Great Heroe; Joyn to that the Obligation which his Imperial Majeſty has with that Duke, by his Mariage with the Queen of Poland.

It is not to be doubted, but that William the IIId. King of Great Brittain, will Contribute with all his Power to ſo Juſt and Laudable an Enterpriſe, even neceſſary for the quiet of Europe; and that his Britanick Majeſty will impoſe it as a Law on Himſelf to bring it about, if he once undertakes it. But to Compaſs this with more eaſe, The Duke of Lorain ought before all things elſe to propoſe a Liberty of Conſcience in all his Dominion, and free Exerciſe to all Proteſtants, in all the Cities and Borroughs where there are any. That will be a means to draw on his ſide, the Aſſiſtance of all thoſe of that Religion, as well as that of the Allies, and of their Subjects, in laying aſide the Counſels of a Company of Monks, which continually beat over and over in divers Catholick Princes Ears, to make them act the contrary, and to puſh them forward to a Perſecution, which will ever prove hurtful to their Perſons and Sates.

The Duke of Lorrain ought not to let ſlip ſo fair and ſo favourable an occaſion, which perhaps will never offer it ſelf again in all his Life time, nor that of his Succeſſors; his Intereſt and that of his Family obliges him to embrace it, and to ſoliciate the King of England as well as the Emperor; and thoſe Princes who Compoſe the Diet of Ratisbone, who are already inclin'd to it, by the barbarous Proceedings of the French, they, doubtleſs, will not fall to eſpouſe the Intereſt of that Prince, in conſideration of thoſe Services which he has render'd to Chriſtendom; and to labour in his Re-eſtabliſhment, as well as in that of others, the rather, becauſe that Lorrain being in that Duke's Hands, will ſerve as a Bar to the Empire; but as I have already ſaid, that Prince ought to Labour particularly to bring the Emperor and his Council to grant a Truce to the Grand Seignior; without which, I cannot ſee his own Concerns can have any good Succeſs. This he ought to conſider, before ſending back the Turks Envoy, leſt he ſhould ſlip the Occaſion; for after that every one will take new Meaſures.

The Emperor never had, nor never will have a fairer Occaſion to entirely Maſter France, than that which at this preſent he is furniſhed with, by the coming of William the III. to the Crown of England; which ſeems as if God had produc'd that Effect, during the time of that great Union of the Princes of the Empire, to give an Opportunity to his Imperial Majeſty to Subdue France; being thereunto excited by the ill Uſage they have all receiv'd from the French King, and the barbarous Proceeding which he has us'd of late in Germany, which has been but a continuation of thoſe Cruelties which his Dragoons have exercis'd in his own Kingdom; which has not only alienated from him the Hearts of his Subjects, but has ſtruck an Horror in all Chriſtendom; he has depriv'd the Moſt Chriſtian King of all his Alliances, and has reduc'd him, to ſee himſelf oblig'd to have recourſe to the Swor Enemy of Chriſtianity, the Turk

All theſe Advantages are found in this preſent juncture; more over, Lewis the XIV. the bor Enemy to the Houſe of Auſtria is now at Wars with all Chriſtendom. If his Imperial Majeſty takes not advantage of thoſe Conveniences which the Heavens ſeem to preſent him with, he ought not to expect any Acknowledgments from France for it, nor that the King will think he hath done him a kindneſs in ſparing him; for as he has the gift of Uſurpation by Inheritance, if he can but raiſe himſelf up again from that Mortal Wound he has receiv'd, he will come, as did the Grand Viſier, (after he has, if he can, diſunited and ruin'd the Empire) and Encamp his Army before Vienna. That Itch has held him a long time, and Lewis the XIV. has Inherited it from his Predeceſſors; for ſince the Death of Ferdinando the III. thoſe Kings that have Reign'd in France, have always endeavour'd to poſſeſs the place of Charlemain, and in 1683. His Moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, who was very well Inſtructed of Mahomet the IV's Deſigns, and who had inſtigated Teckeley to Rebellion, did think then, that he had obtain'd his Hearts Deſires, and that he had got the Wind of the Emperor, for he thought it impoſſible but that Vienna ſhould fall under the Power of the Grand Viſier's Forces. The King had Forty Thouſand Men ready on the Borders of Germany, in the Deſign to put himſelf at the Head of them, and to enter into the Empire, to have himſelf Proclaim'd Emperor, as the ancient Romans did, at the Head of his Army. His pretence had been, That his Imperial Majeſty, not being in condition to preſerve Chriſtendom, he was come to ſupply his Place; and as the Deliverer of Europe, free it from the Oppreſſion of the Infidels, though he himſelf had Invited them in, and had deſign'd to put it in Irons. To make good the Truth of what I alledge, I muſt ſay, that this Monarch, who thought himſelf aſſur'd of the taking of the City Vienna by the Turks, and himſelf, conſequently, of the Imperial Crown, had already caus'd the Imperial Eagle to be plac'd over his Effigy, in his own Coin, publickly declaring before his whole Court, That the Empire had remain'd already long enough in the Houſe of Auſtria, and that it was high time it ſhould return into his Family. The French Mercenary Pens, and the French Flatterers, had already ſet forth divers Pieces in that Kingdom, which tended to that purpoſe; ſome •• re Intituled, The juſt Pretenſions of the King on the Empire; others, The Decay of the Empire; Theſe were the fore-runners of what the King deſign'd to do, that when it ſhould come to paſs, Europe ſhould not be ſurpiz'd at it, and the Blow not ſo much ſelt by the Houſe of Auſtria. It is a Maxim that has been practis'd in France during this Reign, when the Council had a deſign of Oppreſſing the Subjects by any Impoſition, or to tread them down by any Declaration, the noiſe of it was ſpread abroad Six Months before, that when the Blow ſhould fall, the People might be prepar'd for it, and ſo found not the Evil ſo great as it really was, becauſe it was expected.

All the French Kings Pretenſions derive from Charlemain, who, though King of France, was Elected Emperor, but Charles being Dead, the Electors were in right of Electing another capable to Govern the Empire, and to Defend Chriſtendom, without being oblig'd or wedded to the Perſon of the French King.

But I find, without Diſpute, that the Emperors have much more Right to the Kingdom of France, and that it is better grounded than that of the French Kings on the Empire, of which the Three Biſhopricks of Thoul, Metz, and Verdun, are dependences which France has Uſurp'd, and to obtain peace and quiet the Emperor has been forc'd to bid them an eternal Farewel.

All Hiſtories ſhew us, that formerly the Gauls did depend of the Empire, and was look'd upon by the Emperors of the Weſt, as an Imperial Dependency, and feudatory to it; in effect, the Archbiſhops of Treves did take upon them the Quality of Imperial Chancellors in that part; and Charles the VIII. King of all France, as he was, was not aſham'd to take upon him the Quality of Vicar General and Perpetual of the holy Empire.

Moreover, Conrad being come to Paris, caus'd himſelf to be receiv'd there as Superior, by King Charles, Sir-named the Simple, and the Emperor Sigiſmond, in the Reign of Lewis the XI. made his Entry in that Capital City, with all the Marks of Soveraignty, preceded at Noon Day (in imitation of the ancient Roman Emporors) by a great number of Torches of White Wax Lighted, took his Seat in the Preſence of the King, in the Parliament, Created Knights, and there it was that he Erected the County of Savoy into a Dutchy, and acknowledg'd that Duke as Prince of the Empire. The Emperors, no more than the Crown of France, over loſe their Righ •• and I think they ſhould have th •• ſome Prerogatives as ſuch Kings, 〈…〉 own themſelves 〈◊◊〉 , and o •• never loſe any thing, •••• ate, engage, nor ſell.

But we are not here to rake 〈…〉 Aſh s of the Empire's anci •• t ••• gh s, but only to prevent the French King from making ••• y ones, and •••• wards to poſſeſs them, ſeeing that his Generals do publickly declare. That they know no other Right but Power, and the only pleaſure and good-liking of their Monarch, of whom they make a God on Earth, Viro immortali.

At this preſent, the French King beholds all Europe in Ar ••• againſt him, and he finds h ca •• or well parry that Blow; that England's lifted up Arm threaten him with a toral Ruine, and becauſe he cannot eaſily withſtand all thoſe Powers that are United againſt him, he endeavours, at leaſt, if he cannot win them to his Party, to divide them from the other, by that Neutrality which he propoſes to them, in deſign of accompliſhing two things, if he obtains it.

The Firſt is, to diminiſh the number of his Enemies, and the ſecond, that by that means he may gain a free acceſs near r thoſe ſeparated Powers, ſlatter ng himſelf with the hopes to draw them afterwards to his Party, through advantageous Offers, but much ſooner, if he can but never ſo little rouſe himſelf up again, from that Apoplexy in which he is fallen.

But the Emperor and his Allies, to break his Meaſures and deſtroy his Deſigns, ought not to allow of any Neutrality to any Prince, State, nor City of the Empire, but to hinder him, if poſſible, from ſoliciting the Swit -Cantons; on the contrary to g r them to join to the Empire, and if they cannot be prevail'd with ſo to do, oblige them to call borne thoſe Forces which they have in the French Service, or at leaſ permit the raiſing in their Territories a like number of Men by the Emperor and his Allies; it being pre-ſuppos'd, that a State can never be counted Neuter, ſo long as it furniſhes Forces to one of the Parties that are in Wars together; beſides, ſuch a Neutrality is of evil conſequence to the others that pretend to the ſame: There are but very few States that are not glad to ſ e their Neighbours weaken'd, that they may draw advantage from their Diſorders, and get to themſelves the Trade, and to ſee them from a ſecure place ruine one another, while their Neuter Subjects enrich themſelves, and improve by the ſpoil, as the Archbiſhop of Ment did think to do, if he had not been cheated by France; to his great ſorrow he has made tryal of Lewis the XIV th's Maxims, who has no ſooner laid his ſinger on a place, but that he endeavours to thruſt in his whole body, and to drive from thence the Lawful Lord. Though all has known this, yet divers hitherto have been ſurpris'd with it, they call out for help, when they thiink themſelves loſt, as we have ſeen in divers little States which he has appropriated to himſelf; and he had done the like to Geneva, had not the Laudable Cantons oppos'd themſelves to it. The Switz perceiving that his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty did by that deſign to ſmooth a Path for himſelf into their Country, and into the States of the Duke of Savoy, if they durſt but have ſtirr'd never ſo little after that Conqueſt.

I now paſs to the Cantons of the Son zers, by reaſon of their Proximity to the Empire, and Alliance with the Emperor; they have no cauſe of being better ſatisfied than many others are of Lewis the Great, if they would but return from that blindneſs wherein they are, and make ſome Reflections on what has paſs'd, only ſince his Reign; h w that he amuſes them on the one ſide, while he is undermining of their Union on the other, together with their Liberty, and their Power; incompaſſing them ſo cloſe on all ſides, as if he would ſo girt them in, that they ſhould not be able to ſtir themſelves. His Deſign is to make them Tributary, 〈◊〉 of Money, but of divers 〈…〉 of Men, when he has 〈◊〉 or them, and when they ſh uld be of moſt uſe to him: to that particularly ends the Uſurpation of the French County, which was formerly their Barr, the Fortreſſes of Hunning, and of Crenſack, and ſo many other Forrs and Bridges which the King has cau 'd of late to be buil round their Coun rey.

It is that way do the Lewis d'Or tend, which the French Ambaſſador does ſo freely ſcatter about in the Cantons, and ſo many fair promiſes, and French Compliments, with which the Lords are ſed, 〈◊〉 rock them aſleep; but in he mea time, I humbly deſire that thoſe Gentlemen would make a ſerious Reflection on the ill Treatment and Contempt lately put on their Ambaſſadors, and by that they ſhall judge, whether they have any great cauſe to reckon on, and to truſt to the Friendſhip and Promiſes of that King; and let them not flatter themſelves, if the King could have made them ſubmit to the French Yoak, long ſince had he done that buſineſs, becauſe he well knows the need he has of them, that the Cantons can ſupply him with a great number of good Souldiers, and that he can build and reckon on their Alliance. I know that in Switzerland, as well as elſewhere, there are Mercenary Spirits, that would willingly Sacrifice their Country to their proper Intereſts; who promiſe much to France, without conſidering well what they do; and if the King had enter'd into Germany as he had purpos'd to do, as I have before mention'd, the Cantons had had great cauſe to fear, that divers Towns whoſe Magiſtrates had been brib'd, had follow'd the fatal Example of Strasbourg. To this purpoſe the King has always endeavour'd to divide them in their hearts, as well as in their Religion.

But ſome will ſay, that Things have not happen'd ſo, and that they are ſtill in a good Condition. I grant that, and I anſwer that the paſs'd danger ought to render us wiſe for the future; the Swallows know their times, why ſhould Men neglect theirs? Wherefore above all, the Switzers ought not to let ſlip ſo fair an Occaſion, by which they may ſet themſelves at reſt for ever. I Conjure them to it, by that which they hold moſt dear in the World, their Liberty, Religion, their Children, and their own Preſervation; let them remember they are born free, that they depend but on God alone, and on their Valour, and that they ought to maintain themſelves in thoſe fair Priviledges, which their Anceſtors have acquir'd to them by their Swords, and their blood; being arriv'd at the moment in which they may preſerve them; they ought not to fall aſleep at the ſound of the French Gold, it is not with this as with the Tide, which returns every day; and it may be that England ſhall never again be Govern'd by a King repleniſh'd with ſuch good Sentiments, and that ſhall be ſo well fix'd to the General Intereſts of all Chriſtendom, as is that Prince who Reigns there at this preſent. It is a good fortune, which muſt be taken hold of by the foretop, for fear ſhe flyes away. It is not to be doubted, but that at this very preſent, the French Ambaſſador does indefatigably Labour with the Cantons, and that he offers much more than his Maſter deſigns to perform: and he tails not to tender alſo the Arrears due to them, provided the Cantons will permit the raiſing of new Forces, or only accept of a Neutrality. As if the King did offer them any thing more than their own, which he ought to have pay'd them long ſince. I very well know that divers Perſons, whoſe eyes this Reimburſement cauſes to be open, would willingly grant what the King requires of them, in the belief that they might obſerve a Neutrality with that; juſt as if the Emperor had granted it, and at the ſame time permit Forces ſhould be given to his Enemy; which would be two things very incompatible, and which no Monarch would ever endure, if he were in any Condition to prevent it. Wherefore I once more repeat, that the Cantons ought to make ſerious Reflections on the preſent State of France in particular, and on that of Europe in general; and rouſe up from that dullneſs and Mercenary humour in which they are kept, in the fear the French King has, that the Switzers ſhould awaken on the ſudden, and open their eyes to their true Intereſt. It lyes at preſent but on a ſtrong and generous Reſolution, to get out of all dangers, prevent ever relapſing into them again, and ſet themſelves in a Condition to depend on none but themſelves. To this purpoſe, they ought to joyn themſelves to the Empire; and then require from the King that he ſhould demoliſh thoſe Fortreſſes which he has caus d to be built, contrary to former Treaties, and in caſe of a refuſal by an authentick and general Decree, recall their Forces, and with thoſe very Troops that are ſo well Diſciplin'd, and thoſe they have already, go themſelves and execute that which France refuſes them, and pull down thoſe ſtone Tables which he has ſet up. Beſides, let the Lords of that Republick conſider that the more Souldiers they lend to France, the more Men they loſe; whoſe hearts are inſenſibly alienated from their own Country, by Death, by Offices, by Penſions, by Mariages, and ſome by the Change of Religion; and theſe laſt are young Vipers, which will one day gnaw their own Mothers bowels.

I know that the Switzers with divers others, have ſome years ſince fear'd the Forces which France has (to make it ſelf dreaded) allways kept in readineſs, after Peace and after the Truce alſo; which Forces made it to ſpeak with Confidence, and required nothing but with threatnings; being the only Prince in Europe that did ſee himſelf in a Condition to Undertake, and to Act, before others were in a Condition to Defend themſelves, which made him to be fear'd by his Neighbours, and procur'd him Alliances, but particularly that of King James, with which he thought himſelf ſufficiently ſtrong to overcome all Europe, beginning as I have already ſaid, by the United Provinces.

I doubt not but all theſe Conſiderations might have a great influence over the Cantons, and oblige the Switzers to grant to France that which perhaps they had not done at any other time, but now the ſtorm is blown over, the Cauſe of that Pride with which the King did threaten, being vaniſh'd into ſmoak, the fear ought to ceaſe alſo, and there ought not to remain any conſideration capable to retain the Switzers under the Rod of Lewis the XIVth. Let them return to their priſtine Liberty, and to their right Intereſt. Let thoſe Gentlemen know, that Kings are Great no longer than they are happy, and that they are fear'd no longer than their good fortune laſts. I therefore maintain, that that Imperiouſneſs (with which France was us'd to draw advantages from the Cantons) is at an end, now that it finds it ſelf over-whelm'd from all ſides, that all its Alliances on which it founded all its new Uſurpations, are vaniſh'd, and that at this preſent he has almoſt as many Enemies, as there are Princes in Europe. If they have not yet all declar'd, they will not ſtay long, they only wait to ſee the Dance begin, to joyn themſelves with the Allies, as we have lately ſeen the Republick of Liege, which has ſcorn'd its threatnings, and embrac'd that Party which it apprehended to be the moſt advantageous, and the moſt neceſſary for its State. Which ſufficiently ſhews the ſmall regard that it had at preſent for the French King, who is no longer in a Condition of doing any great Damage in an open War, ſince England h s turn'd the Muzzle of her Cannons againſt him, and that the Prince on whoſe Alliance he ſo ſtrongly built his hopes, is no longer in a Condition to do any good or hurt to Europe; for in lieu of ſuccouring his Allie, he himſelf ſtands in need of him: he drains France; the Calf in time will kill the Cow, with drawing her too hard; it is a new Charge to Lewis the XIV, and that Unfortunate Prince ſees himſelf on the brink of a Precipice, which by a ſpecial Grace from Heaven he may yet avoid, by retiring into ſome Convent.

The Laudable Cantons ought to make other Reflections, and have other Conſiderations at preſent than they formerly had; they ſhould too lift up their Eyes towards England, and behold Hi Britanick Majeſty William the IIId as their Friend and Allie, profeſſing the ſame Religion, and who, during His Reign, will make it a point of Generoſity, and of Honour to Succour them againſt all the Aſſaults of the French King. If they declare themſelves, both through •• e Tye of Communion, and that of Eſteem, which that Great Prince has for them, even His great and generous Deſigns ought to ſerve to make them re urn to their ancient Rights and Liberties, cauſe their aincent Limits o be made good again for greater ecurity; but then they ought not o remain quiet all the while, with heir arms folded, but labour with ll their power, and aſſiſt to bring bout ſo great a good, and advan ange, which the Heavens offers hem. To that purpoſe, they ould Exemplarily puniſh all thoſe ercinary Perſons, whoſe hands, •• d their Honours have been defiled with the French Money. Inceſſantly cauſe their Forces to return, which are in the French Service; in caſe of diſobedience, declare them Rebels, and Confiſcate their Means; oblige thoſe Fathers who have Children there, to call them home on great Mulcts, never to admit to any Employ nor Dignity either in Church or State, all ſuch as ſhall contradict theſe Orders, and never ceaſe 'till the Fortreſſes are demoliſh'd, and Burgundy, the French County, Alſace, and Lorain reſtor'd to their ancient Maſters and Soveraigns, that they may be as ſo many Bulwarks to the Cantons: all which they can eaſily do in this Conjuncture, which at this preſent ſo favourably offers it ſelf, and which they ought not to let ſlip, ſeeing there is at this preſent, between the Proteſtant and the Catholick Cantons ſo good a Harmony, and firm Union, that the Pope s wholly inclin'd to cauſe thoſe of is Party to keep it ſtrictly as a ne ceſſary good for the quiet of Chri tendom, and the ſafety of Europe, s well as to abate the Pride of France: All this will happen, in eclaring for the Emperor and Empire.

I come now to Spain, formerly heir Soveraigns Govern'd from ithin their Cloſets, a good part f the World, but ſince Philip the d its great Power has began to ecay; and that of the Kings of rance to increaſe, at the ſame time hat that of the Catholick Kings ecreaſed. I ſhall not ſeek after e Cauſes of it, becauſe that is be de my Subject; I ſhall only ſay y the by, that the Liberty of onſcience in France has much •• ntributed to its Elevation; and •• at contrary-wiſe, the privation 〈◊〉 it in Spain, has caus'd there •• eat Evils, and the loſs of Trade, hich is the Soul of States and •• ngdoms.

The Marriages which the Kings of Spain have Contracted with France, have been ſo many Levens of Diſcord, and of War, which have always prov'd very hurtful to Spain; and not to go back any further than to the late Queen, who was a French Woman as much by inclination, as ſhe was by Birth who by the ſubtle and dextrous Counſel of the King her Uncle' Ambaſſadors, had always ſome new buſineſs to propoſe to th King her Husband, who moſt tenderly lov'd her. By thoſe mean that Princeſs had acquir'd a grea aſcendent over the King's min ſometimes prejudicial to the go •• of his Kingdom; for whoſe proſp rity ſhe had not all the Conſider tion ſhe ought to have had; ſ •• having no Children to Succeed 〈◊〉 it, and ſtill in fears, that remaini •• Barren, after ſome conſidera •••• time ſhe might be Divorc'd, a cording to the Laws and Statut •• of that Kingdom

All the ſtudy of the ſaid Queen was (but moſt particularly a little before her death) to labour hard for the advantage of France; and at the laſt, her greateſt buſineſs was, to intercede with the King for that Money which was come to Cadiz, on the French Account, in the laſt Fleet that was come from the Indies. And we have ſeen that contrary to the right Policy, and the true Intereſt of Spain, the Queen ſucceded in it, for that Money ought to have been ſequeſtred under the King's Seal, 'till the Council had ſeen what Courſe the Affairs of Europe had taken in theſe preſent Conjunctures. Spain had no want of pretences, it had juſt cauſe to have kept back, without blame, thoſe 14 Millions, which of truth were Counterbands, ſeeing that no ſtrangers have the liberty to negotiate in the Spaniſh Indies, under pain of Confiſcation, 'till his Catholick Majeſty had ſeen what ſatisfaction he ſhould receive from France, on all his other Demands and Pretenſions; and in caſe he receiv'd none, he then might have been his own Pay-Maſter, as it is frequently practis'd, even amongſt private Perſons; but what I ſay here, is, after Death the Phyſician, ſeeing the Birds are flown, there is no remedy for this time, but for the future, the Perſons concern'd, will conſider better.

Another of the late Queens application, was to bring the Catholick King to accept of a Neutrality which France offer'd him; that joyn'd to the recovering of the Money we laſtly mention'd, was the only buſineſs of the Ambaſſador Rebenac: But while they were thus acting againſt the Intereſts of Spain, God has taken that Queen away in the prime of her Age, before ſhe could render that laſt piece of ſervice to her Uncle the French King, which was ſo neceſſary to him at this preſent. How can it be help'd? I confeſs that it is a very great loſs for France, but it muſt comfort it ſelf, as Sp in has done, for parting with the 14 Millions. France, ever ſlye and cunning, made uſe of a ſpecious pretence to oblige the King of Spain to accept of the Neutrality, endeavouring to perſwad him, that by that means he ſhould become a Mediator betwixt France and the Empire, as if the Moſt Chriſtian King did not know the ſtrict Union there is betwixt thoſe two Monarchs, which make but one Houſe, and Family. Thus their intereſt being but one, and that of the Emperor being the ſame with that of the King of Spain, which is well known to his Chriſtian Majeſty; let any judge, whether France being certain of that Truth (which is not to be doubted) had a deſire to referr her Concerns into the hands of the Catholick King, except ſhe were at the very laſt gaſp, not knowing what Saint to Pray to. But the moſt probable, and the moſt receiv'd Opinion is, that the French King makes his laſt Efforts to diminiſh the number of its Enemies: and though Spain ſhould be ſo weak, as the French Partiſans would make us believe it is, and that at moſt it could but ſtand on the Defenſive part: The French muſt have two Armies on foot, to prevent the Spaniards from advancing. The one in Catalonia, and the other in Flanders, and peradventure a third in Navarre, which might take him up at leaſt Fifty Thouſand Men, which he might have employ'd elſewhere. If Spain had accepted of that Neutrality, and if Lewis the Great, mean time had overcame the Empire, what would have become of Spain afterwards? after all what aſſurance has it that France would more religiouſly obſerve the Neutrality than it has the Peace, and the Truce, and who had been its Caution, that when the French King had had an opportunity, he had not fallen on ſome place of the Netherlands, and it may be, on Navarre, and Mentz all at one time, when the Governours were fallen aſleep in the arms of a Neutrality, as in a deep Lethargy, as they did preſently after the Peace of Nimeguen; in which the Marqueſs of Grana was repoſing at eaſe, filling his Purſe, by ſparing the entertaining of a number of Forces, which were ſo neceſſary to him, while he had to do with ſo dangerous a Neighbour, who no longer remember'd Treaties, than while he Sign'd them, becauſe they were at that time of uſe to him, he never wanting afterwards Pretences, when he would break them.

A Neutrality in this juncture of time, is very hurtful to Spain, and to its Allies; but above all to the Emperor and to the Empire, Spain would do, as if when Two Brothers were Attack'd, one ſhould look on his Companion with foulded Armes, while he was diveſted of all, expecting his turn to be next; whereas, if they both defended themſelves at once, they might either overcome their Enemy, or drive him away. What aſſurances has Spain, that if the French King could overcome the Empire, he would not Attack it next, as he would doubtleſs do? Wherefore, his Catholick Majeſty ought to make a laſt Effort; in this preſent Conjuncture, he ought to conſider th t France has taken from him Liſle, Valiencienne, Cambray, St. Omer, Erre, and many other places in the Provinces of Flanders, Namur, Hainau, Luxembourg, and in fine, the City of Luxembourg, which was as a Bull work to the reſt of Flanders and of Brabant, as well as to the other Provinces, while England remain'd with folded Arms againſt its own proper Intereſt, having been brib'd to let France do what it pleas'd. King James, as zealous a Catholick as he was, did conſent that Lewis the XIV. ſhould ſeize on the remainder of the Netherlands, while he ſhould ſit himſelf with the Spaniſh Indies, as his Ally had promiſed him he ſhould; thus did they, without any ſcruple, diveſt their Catholick Neighbours of their Rights, and ſhar'd them amongſt them, without caſting of Lots. If that Prince had not abandon'd the Throne, that Neutrality might have been very conſiderable; but now the Caſe is alter'd, in quitting of the Crown, he has Diſarm'd himſelf, he is now but like a Waſp without a Sting, which buzzes about, but cannot ſting. Spain has loſt in him a conceal'd Enemy, and a falſe Ally, who ſold to France that which belong'd not to him, and that conſented to the ſeizing on Goods wherein he had no ſhare; but God, who laughs at the deſign of Men, would not permit that thoſe of James the II. ſhould come to perfection. Providence, for the ſafety of Europe, has beſtow'd his place to another Prince, and has conducted, as 'twere by the hand, William the III. to the Throne; he, according to all appearance, is to be the Inſtrument through which God will give reſt to Chriſtendom. Thus Spain, in lieu of an Enemy which it had in James the II. late King of England, recovers in his Succeſſor a good Friend and Ally, faithful to his Word, and who being join'd to his Allies, may all together labour effectually to eſtabliſh the King of Spain in his ancient Rights and Dominions, and cauſe France to Reſtore what it had Uſurped from it.

This Foundation being as firm as it is certain, Spain ought to join with thoſe who labour for its reſt and quiet, by that of all Europe, to put in a readineſs all its Forces, in Catalonia, Navarre, and above all in the Netherlands, where the People muſt copiouſly bleed their Purſes, towards the Entertainment of an Army, capable to defend it ſelf againſt the French Aſſaults; let them conſider the barbarouſneſs and inhumanity with which they have Treated thoſe Towns that have ſubmitted to them, under good Capitulations, and ſuch Conditions as had been made by the Dauphin himſelf; let them make Reflections on the cruelty with which the French King has treated his own Subjects, againſt the promis'd Faith, and if after that, the humour takes them to ſubmit to the French Yoke, it may then be ſaid of them, as it is ſaid of certain People, that they are born to ſlavery.

Let Spain further conſider, the great pretenſions the Dauphin thinks to have on the Netherlands, on a material Right, notwithſtanding all the Oaths and Renunciations which the King his Father made of them at the Pirenean Peace and at the time of his Marriage with the Infanta, on the Iſ •• f the Pheſants, at the foot of the Altar, communicating at the greateſt and ſublimeſt Miſtery that is in the Catholick Church, which he has afterwards ſlighted; and if he defers taking Poſſeſſion of what he pretends to, it is not that he renounces it, time deprives him of none of his Rights, it is only for want of an opportunity which has not yet been favourable enough to him, and that his Neighbours, the States of the United Provinces, are a ſtumbling block to him, and a perpetual Obſtacle, which he could never ſo well mannage as he did J •• es the II. becauſe thoſe Lords know better their Intereſt, than that poor Prince ever did. We know that Flanders has always been a one to pick for the Fr r •• King and ſo long as they will find ſ mething to gnaw on they •• ll not think of going to Sp in; but if they had once made an nd of that bit, and well digeſted it, if that which employs them on that ſide was over, what would hinder them from pouring all their Forces into Catalenia and Navarr and from entring with a powerful Army into Spain, and even March to Madrid? wherefore, the Spaniſh Intereſt is to ſtrongly unite it ſelf at this preſent with the Empire, with England, and with the United Provinces, to ſolicite them, not to lay down their Arms, till they have recover'd Burgundy, the French County, all the Uſurped Cities in Flanders, Hainan, Namur, and Luxembourg; without which, it will in ſucceſs of time, relapſe again into the ſame Straits as it hath been in the Reigns of Charles the II. and James the II. of Great Britain; if once for all, it delivers not it ſelf at this preſent from that danger, whence it ſeems already to revive and recover, by the ſudden change of Affairs in England. Mean time, let the Spaniſh Council be wary not to be deceiv'd by the French Illuſions, who promiſes all when troubled, and ſtands in need of help, who ruines it ſelf with Promiſes, but reſtores it ſelf again with performing none of them, more abounding in Crafts than in Integrity; the danger paſs'd, a Fig for the Saint; let the ſame Council hold for certain, that when ever the French King has any regard for Spain, it is a ſign he is at the laſt gaſp, and that he knows not whither elſe to go: If that Council can be fully perſwaded of this Truth, it will not fail to adviſe his Catholick Majeſty, to make all his Efforts, and to ſend all the Money he can poſſible to the Governour of the Netherlands, to put themſelves in a condition to ſuſtain the firſt fury of the French, after which there is nothing more to fear, for the Allies will give it ſo much Diverſion, even in France it ſelf, that its King will no longer think of going to attack others, for ſo ſoon as the Germans and the Hollanders ſhall have clear'd the Countries of Colen, Juliers, and Treves, the Governour of the Netherlands ſhall not want Men, as he has already experienc'd by that Succour which has been ſent him: But the Marquiſs of Guaſtanaga ought not to grow ſupine upon this, he ought to put himſelf in a condition to help himſelf, he may by that acquire a great deal of Glory, in the condition thoſe Provinces which depend of his Government are in; above all, he ought very well to ſupply the Town of Namur, its Neighbour has Courted it long, becauſe it opens to him a fair and large way all along the River Meuſe.

I add to what I have ſaid before, concerning the Death of the Queen of Spain, that ſeeing ſhe has left no Succeſſor, through her Barrenneſs, to the Crown of Spain, ſo neceſſary for the good of the Kingdom, and for the quiet of Chriſtendom, it appear'd as a kind of neceſſity for the one and the other, that the King ſhould forthwith think of entring into a ſecond Marriage with ſome Princeſs of a fruitful Family; I know that policy (to endeavour to recover Portugal) would adviſe to look on that Infanta, but the ſterility of the Queen of England her Aunt, has made the Council of Spain to fear falling into the ſame accident again; if France had had more Princeſſes to Marry that had been worthy of his Catholick Majeſty's Choice, (as Spain may thank God it had not) it had not fail'd to propoſe them, to make up a match, in the hopes thereby to have obtain'd a Neutrality, becauſe all thoſe Marriages have always produc'd ſome advantages to France. But having nothing to fear that way, Spain has been oblig'd to turn towards Germany, and to fix in the Family of the Prince Palatin Nienbourg, there was ſtill remaining there a beautiful Princeſs, Siſter to the Empreſs, and to the Queen of Portugal; though elder than this laſt, ſhe had no mind to go to Portugal, by ſome certain foreknowledge ſhe had, ſuch a Marriage would have contracted a more ſtrict Allianee betwixt thoſe Powers and Portugal; the German Ladies are uſually fruitful, that Princeſs comes not from a Houſe, whoſe Intereſt ſhould make them to deſire Barrenneſs, there being therefore nothing to ſear on that ſide, there is no queſtion but that the Queen-Mother has us'd all her Power, as well as the Empeperor, to accompliſh it; and that on the contrary, the French Emiſſaries have labour'd with all their ſubtleties to prevent it; but their ill fortune has been ſuch, that their Credit has been very inconſiderable in thoſe Courts; they are like thoſe petty Saints, who no longer work Miracles, and whoſe Feaſts are over; their falſehood is but too well known already all over Europe, wherefore now they begin to take their March into the new World, to the Kingdoms of China and of Siam, where thoſe good People believe that all Perſons are as honeſt as themſelves, ſo that it will not be difficult for the French to impoſe upon them; but as to Europe, we are now in a time that no Prince will have any Alliance will France, much leſs with any of its Princeſſes as Wives, ſeeing there is general complaint of them, for having caus'd Diſorders in all the States they came to.

The United Provinces are highly concern'd to keep low the French King, to take from him all deſires of moleſting them, nor to go ſo far towards them, as the Conqueſt of the Netherlands of Spain. It was always the aim of Lewis the Great, according to the advice of Mounſieur de Sulli, formerly Ambaſſador of France into England, in the time of Henry the IV. who gave him to obſerve, that the conjunction of the United Provinces with France, was the only means to reſtore it to its ancient Grandeur, and to render it Superior to all the reſt of Chriſtendom. Formerly the French Kings had their folly fix'd on Italy, believing, in imitation of the ancient Romans, that it was the Gate they were to paſs through to attain to the Univerſal Monarchy, but having found that way too Thorny, and that Country having frequently been the Church-yard of the French, they have grown weary of it, and have turn'd themſelves towards the Low-Countries, where hitherto Lewis the XIV. has ſucceeded better, and he had found out a means to continue there his Progreſs, if the Heavens had not prevented it, by the change in England. I know that the United Provinces had had nothing to fear, if the Netherlands of Spain had been in a condition to maintain themſelves with their own ſtrength, or if the late Kings of England had had the ſame Sentiments which Queen Elizabeth had, and if Charles and James the Seconds had ſaid to Monſieur Barillon, that which that Queen ſaid to Monſieur of Sulli, That neither France nor England, nor any other Prince, had any thing to pretend to the Netherlands, that ſhe ſhould not ſuffer that the King his Maſter ſhould have any thoughts that way. Perhaps the Lewis D'Ors were not currant in thoſe Days in that Great Princeſſes Court, as they have ſince been, and that that Princeſs did better underſtand her own true Intereſt, than divers Kings who have ſucceeded her have done. But thanks to Heaven, thoſe Kings are paſs'd, and God has at this preſent ſeated on the Throne a King who underſtands very well his Intereſt, and that of the Nation, much better than did his Predeceſſor, and who following the Traces of that Great Princeſs) was no ſooner got to the Government, but he ſent back Monſieur Barillon, to tell his Maſter, that he had nothing to do in the Netherland, end that he would prevent him from any fur h r Uſurpation in thoſe parts The Elevation of that Great P •••• e o •• the Throne of England, is a fatal Blow to the greatneſs of Lewis the XIV. (we muſt have ſo much Charity as to confeſs it) but at the ſame time it produces the Quier and Repoſe of all Europe; it is a Bit clapp'd in the French Kings Mouth, which retains him from a running ſo far as to the United Provinces, and that ſhelters them from all his Inſultations, and from all his Threatnings, and furniſhes them at the ſame time with M ans to reſiſt him vigorouſly, and to clip his Wings ſo ſhort, that he may not fly any more beyond his juſt bounds; it is a bitter Pill which he is forc'd to ſwallow, and which ill make him to diſgorge, and 〈◊〉 re-eſtabliſh thoſe bounds which 〈◊〉 had remov'd during his Neighbours weakneſſes, in a profound nd univerſal Peace.

The United Provinces, as well 〈◊〉 divers other States, find them •• lves deliver'd now from that dan er that threatned them, and it 〈◊〉 now their turn to ſpeak aloud, nding themſelves aſſiſted by ſo owerful an Allie as England; they •• ay demand the Reſtitution of all •• e Places of the Spaniſh Nether •• nds, which have been taken from •• em ſince the Peace of the Pi •• eans, becauſe thoſe places ſerve 〈◊〉 preſerve them, and as bars that 〈◊〉 a large Territory betwixt them, nd ſo dangerous a Prince; beſides hat, the damage they have ſu •• ain'd in their Trade is very conderable and gives them cauſe of reat pretenſions. France has ſup lanted and deceiv'd them in di ers occaſions, and it has endeavour'd to lull them aſleep, eſpecially in the laſt place, by the Count d'Avaux its Ambaſſador; through vain promiſes (which Father Limojou the French King's Almoner, call'd Illuſory) and in which there was no ſincerity nor good Faith, as we have ſeen in all his Proceedings after the Peace of Nimeguen, and that it has been but a continual Uſurpation. That this King might the longer and with more ſafety enjoy thoſe Places that he had Uſurped, a •• Truce was patch'd up for Twenty Years, during a full Peace, which he likewiſe broke in few Years after. After he had Fortified thoſe Conquer'd Places, made his Alliance with James the II. and deſtroy'd (by an unheard of Cruelty which is natural to him) the Proteſtants in his own Kingdom, as he aſſure by his Declaration of the revocation of the Edict of Nants, that he had made that Truce but in order to deſtroy them, notwithſtanding all the Proteſtations to the contrary, which the Count d'Avaux had made to obtain it; and to deceive with more eaſe, in the opinion, that after he had made an end with thoſe Proteſtants, whom he accus'd of having Dutch Hearts, and Intelligences with them, 'twas to that end that he ſeiſure tended, which was made of all the Books and Papers belonging to their Conſiſtories, hroughout the whole Kingdom, o know the Sums they had ſent nto Holland during the War; nd ſeconded by the King of Eng and (then Reigning) he ſhould ver-run the United Provinces, and leave for a time thoſe of the Spa iards) conſidering them always he only ones that could croſs his Deſigns, and hinder him from aking his great Conqueſts over urope. But now Fortune has urn'd her back to him, and by the event, we find that he has not caſt up right, and that his Moſt Chriſtian Majeſty had not reckon'd on the Elevation of the Prince of Orange to the Crown of England, by that fall of his Ally; who has broken all his Meaſures, and deſtroy'd his Alliances, open'd a way to the S ares to attack him in his own Hold, and to reduce him to Guard his own Kingdom no longer to think, but to defend himſelf; it is no longer now th time of the Peace of Nimegu •• which was made up on its conſideration, but through the Treacher of France, as the baſeneſs wit which it has obſerv'd it, as we •• as the Treatiſes of Trade, ſhew 〈◊〉 ſufficiently; and that the Ki •• had quite another aim than th States-General had propos'd 〈◊〉 themſelves at the concluſion 〈◊〉 that Peace, and afterwards of the Truce. Seeing that the King h violated all Trading, and decla •• War to the United Provinces, on he frivolous pretence, and on the ccount of a ſorry Prieſt, the Cardinal of Furſtemburg, a Rebel to his Lawful Soveraign the Emperor, and to his Superior the Pope; who during his whole Life, in ieu of adhering to the Service of the Church, to which he had deſign'd himſelf, has made it his buſineſs to diſturb Chriſtendom, and to give occaſion to ſpill blood in Europe, and notwithſtanding all that, the French King has prefer'd the Intereſt and Friendſhip of that Man, odious to God and Men, to that of their high and mighty Powers, and to their Alliances, which he had ſought after with ſo much earneſtneſs and proteſtations, by the Peace in 1678. Thus France having firſt broke, the States ought to make uſe of the means which God puts in their hands, by the aſſiſtance of the revolution of England, which has not only produc'd them a ſtrict Alliance and ſincere Union but a conſiderable Aſſiſtance alſo that by that Union and that mutual Aſſiſtance, they may oblige the French King to repent of his unjuſt Proceedings, of all thoſe barbarous Actions and Oppreſſions which he has committed in Europe, to bring him back to Reaſon and Juſtice, and to put him in a condition to make no Innovations for the future, ſo long as that happy time ſhall laſt for thoſe Two Nations; they both ought therefore to make a laſt Effort to maintain themſelves in that precious liberty, which they at preſent enjoy, by a ſpecial favour of Heaven, that is that ineſtimable Gem which France has endeavour'd to Raviſh from thoſe happy Provinces; but God having deliver'd them from all the Threatnings of Lewis the Great, and from the deſign he had projected to entirely deſtroy them, he muſt be frighted in his turn, and his Court muſt be fill'd with ſuch a terrour as he never has had ſince his coming to the Crown, which may ſurpaſs that which he had at the Baricado of Paris, ſince he has no longer in his Kingdom thoſe that delivered him from it, and who he has ſince ſo ill rewarded.

There needs but a deſcent on his Coaſts to give it him in good earneſt, and that is therefore what he apprehends the moſt, and that unhinges him before hand, finding the heart of his Kingdom tainted, and the Enemy at home, who waits but for an opportunity to declare. It is not a Sampſon who is no longer tied with ſuch new Cords as never were ſtrong enough to retain him, and to ſtop him; but a Sampſon whoſe Locks are cut, and whoſe Eyes are put out, who turns and winds on all ſides, to find out ſome body to lead him out of the Precipice wherein he finds himſelf; he has given the hand of Aſſociation to the Grand Seignior, he will ſoon find a pretence for it, it is doubtleſs, he'll ſay in his Manifeſt, to endeavour to Convert him to the Catholick Faith, for that is the wet ſheet with which he covers himſelf at preſent againſt the ſtorm which is going to fall on his head, which grows giddy ſo ſoon as he thinks on that deſcent; five hundred leagues of Coaſt confound him, not knowing where his Enemies will Land; there needs but ſome falſe allarm, and at the ſame time a real deſcent, to ſet all thoſe Troops he has along the Coaſts in diſorder. Joyn to that the attack at the ſame time of his Enemies by Land, he muſt undoubtedly bow under thoſe preſſures, and much more yet, if ever the Allies are ſo happy as to enter into the heart of his Kingdom, then he may pack up his tools, and go ſeek in Poland that which King James has found with him; for to follow him to Rome, he would not be better welcome there than the Marqueſs Lavardin. 'Tis his own Concern, let him look to it betimes, that King knows that it is impoſſible for him to prevent a deſcent, let him keep never ſo good a Guard by Land, and though he be never ſo ſtrong at Sea, he has too much of ſhore to keep, wherefore he has order'd his Generals to burn his own Country ten Miles round, when ever the Engliſh ſet footing on it, and to his Fleet to retire into the Mediterranian, where he pretends to be the Lord of the Sea.

But 'tis likely that his Reign will be but ſhort there, for the Engliſh and Dutch having ſufficiency of Ships, it will be eaſie for them to drive it into the Port of Tholon, where yet it will not be abſolutely ſecure, thirty good Veſſels will make them flye to it, having no longer any place of retreat in Spain, and the Italians not being able to endure them ſince the buſineſs of Genoua. England, and Holland need not to ſtrain very hard to fit out together 120 Sail of Ships, yet that number will be ſufficient to overcome France by Sea, and to ſet that Kingdom into the higheſt Conſternation. In the Year 1673. De Ruiter (that great Sea Heroe, whoſe Memory, and Val ur ſhall laſt as long as the Worl ) with a much leſs number of Forces did beat the French and Engliſh joyn'd together againſt that State; but now that the Engliſh Fleet ſhall be joyn'd to that of the United Provinces, France will be extreamly put to it, and Monſi ur of Segnelai will have as much need of good Counſel as of Money; but ſay the French, if we can do nothing in Europe, we will preſerve our ſelves for America; where they think they will do much in ruining ſome Plantations of the Engliſh and Dutch that have ſettled themſelves there, during the time that the Cities and Provinces of France will be ruining; mean time that fear that he ſhall cauſe to the Savages, will not Cure him of his.

The good diſpoſition in which all Europe is, and the Revolution of England, ought highly to encourage the States of the United Provinces, now that they find themſelves ſupported by all Chriſtian Princes, who have with their High and Mightineſſes but one and the ſame Deſign, which is to pull down the Pride of France, and that in deſtroying their Common Enemies, they may find themſelves deliver'd from future danger, by the ſole motion of England. It is another advantage to the ſaid Provinces, to find themſelves in good Intelligence with their neareſt reſt Neighbours, who are at their door, and that the Arch-Biſhops, and Biſhops of Colen, Munſter, and Liege, are all Unanimouſly bent to embrace their Intereſt, and that France can no longer do in regard to thoſe Prelates, that which ſhe did in the year 1672. But on the contrary, they joyn now with the good party, to oppoſe themſelves, as do their Allies, to the French King's Inſultations, who endeavours to make us believe that he has ſtill very great Ties with Denmark, ſeeing that in his Declaration of the 12th of laſt March, he grants to all thoſe Refuged Perſons that have left his Kingdom, half of thoſe Revenues they left there behind them, yet with that Proviſo, that the Officers ſhall go and ſerve in the Troops of the King of Denmark. But becauſe that Kingdom cannot do well without a Trade with Holland, it ſeems that it would be a good piece of Policy to make him expound himſelf, for it would be a breach which his Daniſh Majeſty would make to the Alliances, and he would be falling in his Faith in the Treaties, to con ent that Officers ſhould be drawn out of the Troops of his Allies; beſides it ſeems as if the Affairs of Europe could not permit at this time any Neutrality to any Prince under what pretence ſoever: that being granted, Denmark ought to make his Choice, and in his Choice, to conſider well the advantage he draws from the United Provinces, the Trade and Profit that reſults from it to his Subjects, and the advantage that the King's Treaſure receives by the Entries and Exportations, (and let them take care not to fall again in the ſame Conſternation, in which they were the laſt year, for ſcarce would the Affairs ſettle again a ſecond time) on the contrary, he can draw no Succour from France in the preſent Condition it is, and though it promiſes to keep it in the poſſeſſion of Holſtein, that can be but a Chymerical Promiſe, ſeeing Lewis the XIVth can no longer preſerve his own Provinces, nor keep his Cities, part of which he undermines, through a foreſight he has, to be oblig'd to abandon them at the approach of ſo many Enemies. Thus ought Denmark Inviola ly to joyn it ſelf to that whi h is ſo •• id, which is Uniting with the United Provinces, have never any thing to unravel which may br ak he Alliance, nor give occ ſ on to come to a Rupture, and follow their Intereſt, as the Shadow follows the Body, and generouſly contemn ſome pitiful Penſion, ill pay'd at the beſt, which France ffers; it is a broken Reed which will hurt his hand, and a Will' oth' Wiſp, which leads to a Precipice. L t his Daniſh Majeſty but repreſent to himſelf the advantage of being free, and that a King ought to depend but of God, and of his own Sword: it is good being in a Condition of making Choice, and of following ones true Intereſt, without being tied by Penſion , which are but gilded Shackles, that are not the lighter for it, Sweed, which the King of Denmark has continually at his heels, and who has no Cauſe, no more than many others, of praiſing Lewis the XIVth, not to have any Conſidera ion for thoſe Powers that ſhall Allie themſelves with that Monarch, who det ns from him the Dutchy of Deux-Pont, and conſiderable Sums of Arrears due to him, which he would never pay in ſpight, becauſe his Sweediſh Majeſty would not continue with him the Alliances which had been Contracted. The ſame will happen to Denmark, if they take not care beforehand; But when it once finds it ſelf deceiv'd, then will it have recourſe to the States of the Unired Provinces; and to the Emperor, but perhaps a little too lat ; mean time, it cannot be thought that the Emperor, and the Princes of the Empire will look with a quiet temper on the Alliances of the King of Denmark with their commou Enemies, nor even that he ſhould remain Neuter, for ſtill that is the way to ſerve him indirectly, and to give the People the means to carry into France all the Proviſion that it will ſtand in want of, their Merchants growing Rich by the Spoll of thoſe that Fight. I would gladly ſee how the King of Denmark would defend himſelf, when his Allie Lewis the XIVth ſhall ask him for Powder, and Salt-peter for his Money, which is that he has moſt need of at preſent. Mean time it is eaſie to judge that that would be a great prejudice to the Enemies of France, and that it would deprive them from a great advantage, which it is likely they might obtain by their Enemies want of Ammunitions; wherefore in ſuch a favourable juncture, the Allies will not endure any thing to their prejudice, nor that can impead their Enterprizes. It is much better for Denmark, immediately to embrace that party, as being its true Intereſt, than to deferr doing ſo, 'till France has had a blow.

The Moſt Chriſtian King reckons much on the King of Poland his Allie, there is betwixt them a very great Commerce of Money, and of Letters, that is no News, every body knows it, though one ſhould not make it ones buſineſs to prye into it; thoſe Meſſengers which ſo frequently paſs to and fro ſhews it ſufficiently, and no body is ignorant that the French Intereſt is entirely predominant in that Court, That King Employs for the moſt part French Men for his Miniſters in the Foreign Courts. The Queen is ſtill French in her inclinations and heart, as well as by Birth; (that is a quality which all the Princeſſes of France carry along with them, when they are Married out of the Kingdom) they meddle with Affairs; and that which ſhe underſtands not well how to mannage, ſhe is inform'd in by Monſieur the Marqueſs of Bethune her Brother. The Grand Seignior has been infinitely oblig'd to him during the late Campaigns; and though that War would not produce any great advantage to the King of Poland, yet he is for no Truce, he has his particular Reaſons, which he is not oblig'd to tell: If that Prince after the deliverance of Vienna had gone forwards with his Victories, long ſince had the important Fortreſs of Caminieck been in his hands. France flatters him with words that are but wind, aſſuring him that it ſhall be put into his hands by agreement, but who knows whether it will in a little time be in a Condition of keeping that promiſe. It is an unhappineſs for Chriſtendom, that Lewis the XIVth has found ſo much Credit in that Court, and that the French Coin is ſo well known in thoſe parts. It were well for Prince Jacob, if the King his Father did cleave more cloſely to the Emperor, than he has done ſince Vienna, and that preferring the General intereſt of Chriſtendom to that of France, he ſhould give his helping hand towards a Truce, to prevent by that means Europe from falling into a greater Miſchief than it is lately got out of. But let us turn our ſelves towards its Deliverer.

Though the Engliſh are a Nation which is naturally War-like, Undaunted, and whoſe Courage frequently runs even to raſhneſs, they loving that Liberty in which they are Born: yet it may be ſaid, that England, during the Reign of its two laſt Kings, has Conrributed to the downfal of Europe into Slavery, when it could have prevented it with one word, through a deceitful hope, that it could ſave it ſelf from ruine, either by the Situation of the Country, and by its Forces, or by the Illuſory promiſes of France. All the Princes of Europe have always pris'd very highly the Alliance with England, even in the time of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, (as we have ſeen before) thoſe Kings have held the Ballance in Europe, ſo long as they have not ſwerv'd from their true intereſts, and that they have not ſold their freedom to France. Henry the VIIIth did compare Spain and France to the two boles of a pair of Scales, that that ſide weigh'd it down on which he lean'd. He ſpoke juſtly, f r the Monarchs of that Kingdom being well united with their Parliaments, may ſtile themſelves the Arbitrators of Chriſtendom: It is not without reaſon then that France has flatter'd them, during the two Reigns that have preceded this, and Lewis the XIVth thought himſelf at the top of all his De •• gns, when he did ſee James the •• d on the Throne, making open p ofeſſion of the Roman-Catholick Beligion, perhaps with a little more paſſion than became a King; but that was the weak ſide by which the French King would catch him, and detain him in his Bonds; for that Prince, ever ſubtle and crafty, did hit him on that ſide on which he was moſt ſenſible, to 〈◊〉 prejudice of his Honour, and againſt the inclination of the Nation, and the Parliaments expectations. Mean time Lewis the XIVth had ſo well manag'd his Allie, that it may be ſaid, he already Triumph'd over him; and that through all his Managements, Intreagues, and Lewis D'Ors, he was become Maſter of King James his Fortune, by the ſubtlety of his Miniſters, who lull'd him aſleep on ſpecious. Offers of Sixty Millions, and of 60000 Men, to ſupport him againſt his Enemies, and even againſt his own People, if they would have reſiſted, and ſet themſelves free; France little caring for the evil conſequences that this Commerce could not but produce, ſo it did its own Buſineſs, and render'd that Prince odious to his Allies, and to his Neighbours, as well as to his own Subjects, who began to feel the ſmart of a pernicious Council, either in their Liberties, Laws, or Religion; and ſeeing themſelves preſs'd down by a Tirannical Authority, and Deſpotick Power of an obſeded and gained King, by France, and wholly devoted to its Intereſts, the Engliſh have found themſelves conſtrain'd to prevent their falling into the ſame Predicament their Neighbours were in, to have recourſe to their Liberator, that in being themſelves deliver'd, they might delive •• all Europe alſo from that ſlavery in which it w •• going to fall, and to that pu oſe •• er the Throne to the Prince o Orange, and to the Princeſs his Spouſe, as the lawful Heirs to the Three Kingdoms; and God having granted the Nations Vows and Petition, he has ſo well conducted that Great Prince's Enterpriſe, that it may be ſaid, he has led him by the Hand, and ſeated him on that Throne that was deſigned for him without any effuſion of Blood. This Miracle we have ſeen, but our Offſprings will ſcarce believe it; it is an happy and more than happy change, ſeeing that it will render a calm and quiet to all Chriſtendom, and that he reſtores to Europe its Liberty. It was William the III. that Providence had deſign'd, through the Aſſiſtance of the States of th U •• ted Provinces, to be the glorious Inſtrument of ſo great a Work, capable to cauſe once more the dumb Son of Cr ſſus to ſpeak, if he were yet living. But in the place of that Prince, Europe, that was become in a manner Dumb, through thoſe great Evils that it ſuffer'd before-hand, has ſet up the Standard of Liberty and of Deliverance. Since that Prince and Princeſs of Orange have been Seated on the Throne, all Chriſtendom begins, as it were, to revive again; Catholicks and Proteſtants, all raiſe up their Heads againſt their Oppreſſor, as when a Tree is fallen, every body runs to take their ſhare of the Bows. But to accompliſh the Work, Two Things are requir'd; Firſt, a good and firm League amongſt the Chriſtian Princes, who have under-gone, and who ſtill fear to fall under the French Kings Uſurpation, ſhould he get off of this preſent danger, ſo that nothing may be able to diſſolve that Union, and that no private Intereſt, nor Elderſhip, ſhould prevail over the general Good, and that he who ſhall ſeparate from that Union, ſo neceſſary to Chriſtendom, ſhould be look'd upon as a Perturbator, and a common Enemy, and ſet in the number of the Turks, and the French, to be ſet upon as a Deſerter, and Traitor to the general Good of Europe. That Neutrality have no Place in Chriſtendom; that he who is not for us is againſt us. Aſſuredly that League being ſo well Cemented, all the offers of France, nor the ſatisfaction that it might give to ſome of the Pretenders, nor being able to break the Union, it is moſt certain that all will bow to the Allies; that they ſhall enter, Drums beating and Colours flying, into their Enemies Country, where they ought by all means to take up their Winter Quarters the next Seaſon, to prevent Lewis the XIV's Forces from entring into the Country of the Allies, as he deſigns, and to give him at Home ſo much Buſineſs, that he may not go ſeek for ſome elſewhere. For if they enter not into France, but that the Allies content themſelves with taking ſome Places which he has formerly ſeiz'd on, with a deſign to amuſer them to get time, as Mentz, Bonn, Keiſerwaert, and others, that are about his Kingdom; that would be doing nothing at all, ſeeing the King has ſtill his end, and that he holds thoſe Places but to buſie the Allies during this firſt Campaign, either to tire them, or to drain them through length of time, or to Alienate ſome. That is Lewis the XIV's chief end, and the beſt Advice that he could take in ſuch a preſſing juncture, in which he finds himſelf at preſent. But if that for his good, and for the ill of Europe, he can break down the Dike, though the Breach be never ſo ſmall, he will drown all Chriſtendom, and the laſt evil would be worſe than the firſt. To avoid this miſchief, no Prince of the League ought to ſuffer any French Emiſſary in his Territories, they ought to be Baniſh'd as Infected Perſons, and not Pardon the very firſt that ſhall be found, not ſparing even the Church Men; thoſe are flying Plagues, who like ſtinking fleſh Flies, infect all places they light on; it is a dangerous Seed, which is to be rooted quite up.

The Allies ought not to be concern'd at the great number of Men there is in France, they are young Vipers that will eat a Paſſage through their Mothers Belly to get at Liberty: Not the Tenth Part of that great People have cauſe to be contented, and the moſt ſound part waits but for its Deliverance, on what Side ſoever; and it may be ſaid that Lewis the XIV. is not better belov'd in his Kingdom than James the 〈◊〉 . was in his. It is certain, that when the Prince of Lorrain ſhall appear before his own Subjects, they will receive him with the ſame Joy that the Engliſh have receiv'd the Prince of Orange: I ſay the ſame of Burgundy, and of the French County, and of divers other People, who wait but for the happy Moment of their Liberty.

The Second thing to be done, is a powerful Fleet, which the King of England is to keep continually at Sea, that in conjunction with that of the States General, he may be Maſter of the Sea, and not only give an Allarm on the Coaſts of France, but make a deſcent alſo in Two different places, ſo ſoon as poſſible it can be done; then will that Kingdom be in a Combuſtion, and the King of it will loſe the North, not knowing what place firſt to Succour, as a City that the Fire ſeizes in all Places; and thoſe that ſhall Land there may be aſſur'd to be Seconded by a great number of the Inhabitants, all along that Coaſt, and from the Neighbouring Provinces. William the III. now Reigning, ought to be certain that his Predeceſſors have not for nothing preſerv'd that Title of King of France; the Rights of Kings never grow out of Date, they are always Pupils, and at liberty to claim what has wrongfully been taken from them. So long as England ſhall ſubſiſt, the Kings will have a double Right to France, which will never be loſt ſo long as Henry the V. ſhall have any Succeſſors to the Crown of England; he was Son to Margarite of France, and ſhe Daughter to Philip le Bell, whoſe Sons deceas'd without Succeſſors to the Crown of France, and that Henry, as a further Right, Married the Daughter of Charles the VI. Being come to France, it was decreed by the States of the Kindom, that he ſhould be their King after the Death of Charles the VI. and in that Quality the Queen his Mother in Law, made him Heir of all her Means, and of the Crown of France. I am perſwaded, that there would not need any thing near ſo much to Lewis the XIV. to frame an irrevocable Pretenſion on England, and that the Royal Chamber of Metz would very readily confirm it without the leaſt trouble, but there is no ſuch thing; on the contrary, there has happen'd a time, in which all the deceits and ſubtleties of France begin very much to unſtitch, and to be thread-bare. William the III. has overturn'd the Bankers Tables, which the French King's Emiſſaries had ſet up in all places; their falſe Coin is no longer currant; their Money is cry'd down, their Lewis D'Ors, which were Worſhipped as the Heathen do their Puppets, are grown odious to honeſt People, at leaſt the occaſion of their Diſtribution; and they are no more capable to corrupt at this time, than is the Copper of Sweede.

Thus France beginning to be cried down by all Chriſtendom, and to be ſlighted in all the Courts of the Princes of Europe, it has chang'd its Game, and endeavours to imitate thoſe ancient Curtiſans, who being grown old and wither'd, are caſt off, and abandon'd by every body, who alter the Paſſion once had for them, which obliges them alſo to an alteration, in turning Biggots and Superſtitious, endeavouring to counterfeit Mary-Magdalen, thereby to regain that eſteem of the People which they had loſt by their debauched Lives. Thus Lewis the XIV. to draw on new Friends and Allies, the better to oppoſe himſelf to the King of Great Britain; and perceiving that all his Credit with the Catholick Princes is at an end, that none will any longer confide in him, and that his Maxims are cried down, he has taken in hand other Means, much more ſubtle than the precedent were; he no longer ſpeaks to them of his own Intereſts, but he now Proclaims to them, That they muſt come to the Aſſiſtance of the Catholick Religion. That it was aimed at, when King James his Ally was Attack'd; and that he has no other deſign of making War, but for the ſupport of that dear Religion, eſpecially by the re-eſtabliſhment of that Prince on his Throne; that if all the Catholicks would but join with him, or remain Neuter, that he alone will undertake to Re-eſtabliſh him, and at the ſame time the Catholick Religion, in England and Scotland, and after, hat, beat down Hereſie in its very Center. But all this while, Lewis the XIV. is far from telling what he conceals under thoſe ſpecious Pretences, which would be, that after he had pull'd down William the III. overcome the Proteſtant Princes, he would do the like to all the Roman Catholicks, one after another, and thus become Maſter of Europe.

〈◊〉 er ain, that the diverſity of Religion has always been as a large and vaſt Abiſs, betwixt the Catholick and the Proteſtant Princes, but the Cruelty and Perfidiouſneſs of the French, has fill'd up that Abiſs, and levell'd the way between them, and all difficulties are at preſent laid aſide. Even the French King himſelf, unknowingly, has given a help in hand to the Buſineſs, with all his Power; for while he endeavours to perſwade all the World, that he has no other aim than to promote the Catholick Faith, and that he Preaches in all places his Converſions, that he importunes the Pope to join with him for the Defence of the Church, and juſt in the height of ſuch a fair Miſſion, in all appearance, he orders his Troops to enter into the Territories of the Catholick Princes, to Attack thoſe of the Prelates of the Church, and even to inſult the Pope, though Head of that Religion which he proteſts he would defend, burning and deſtroying all over Germany, where his Troops but ſet their Foot, without exception of Religion, nor of Perſons, Sacrificing to their Rage the moſt Sacred Places, their Inſolence not ſparing ſo much as the Monaſteries of the Virgins, devoted to the Service of God, nor their impiety the Image of our Saviour, and that of the holy Virgin his Mother, which they have Treated with the greateſt Indignation and irreverence that any Atheiſt could have been guilty of, acting in all places like Men that had no Faith, and that acknowledg'd no God; and all this too, as the whole World knows, againſt the promis'd Faith of Treaties, and Capitulations, which they own they have agreed to, but to enter the further, and with more eaſe into Places, and to put in Execution their Wicked and Pernicious Deſigns; the King threatning to Caſhier thoſe Officers that ſhould not execute with all barbarouſneſs, and exactly with the laſt extremity, the Orders of the Court; as if they had been ſent to put an end to the Would by Fire, before the appointed time by Divine Providence.

After all this, how can ſo cruel and ſo inhumane a Prince take upon him the Title of Moſt Chriſtian, and while that by an over-plus of Crimes he joyns with the Turks to exterminate and ruine Chriſtendom, aſſuring thoſe Infidels, that he has not taken up Arms but to come to their Aſſiſtance, and to procure them t •• 〈◊〉 to recover what they have loſt in Hungary, and to return before Vienna. It is no ſmall trouble to that Moſt Chriſtian King to have miſt his oportunity, during the laſt Siege of Vienna, not to have advanc'd with his Army (which was ready at hand) into Germany, without expecting as he did the taking of Vienna; but he then believing the loſs of it inevitable, he thought he ſhould deferr his March but a few days, and the better conceal his wicked Deſign, and that then the pretence would not only be plauſible, but juſt alſo, to all appearance, becauſe it had been to prevent the Turks from entring any further; but at the ſame time to render himſelf Maſter of the reſt of Germany, and of all the Ernpire alſo; which ſhould have been his ſhare towards the defraying of the Wars; ſo he had divided with Mahomet the IVth all the Territories, both Catholick and Proteſtant, of Germany. If after all theſe Contrivances, one may ſtile ones ſelf a Zealot to the Catholick Religion, I referr it to the Judgment of the Pope; let us then ſay rather, that he is a Wolf in Sheeps Cloathings, cover'd with a falſe Piety, to devour the Chriſtian Princes one after another; That was Cardinal Richlieu's Maxime, Not to value what he Promiſed, nor his Faith in the obſervation of Treaties, ſo he but ſerv'd the French Intereſt: And doubtleſs it is from thoſe rare Leſſons, that this Zealous French King has ſo well improv'd, and which he endeavours to imitate ſo exactly, before thoſe of the Goſpel, which forbid us to do to others, that which we would not have done to our ſelves.

But if we look on Buſineſſes nearer at hand, we ſhall not wonder at the King's preſſing for the Re-eſtabliſhment of James the Second, and that he leaves no ſtone unmov'd, to reſeat him on the Throne: We ſhall find at laſt that it is not ſo much Religion as Intereſt that moves him to it, and that the return of that Prince to his Kingdom, is moſt neceſſary for him, much more than the Eſtabliſhment of the Cardinal of Fuſtemberg, in the Arch-Biſhoprick of Colen. It cannot be believ'd that it is the natural affection which he has for thoſe two Princes that make him act, or the Zeal to Religion, as he publiſhes, but his Ambition, and the Preſervation of his Kingdom. For if Prince Joſeph Clement, and the preſent King of England, would but embrace the Party of France, and Unite themſelves with that Monarch, he would ſend the Cardinal to Strasbourg, and King James where he was in Cromwel's time, or into ſome corner of the State of Modena; and if the Town of Algier wou •• •• w ſend Ships into the C •••• 〈◊〉 he would not only ha b ••• 〈◊〉 with their Prizes in h •• P rts, but would give them Liberty alſo to build a Moſq ••• t ere, if that Town ſhould require it. I ſee no greater diff •• ulty nor Crime in that, than in lending his Forces to Re-build ſome in Hungary, and to pull down the Chriſtian Churches. Theſe are then the fruits of this great Zeal. of which the French boaſted in Rome, and at Madrid. Now let us turn our faces towards Truth. It is not Religion that puſhes the French King, but he has the Shepherd at his heels, the Nets are ſpread on all parts for him, and he has no proſpect of eſcaping; and in that dread he is, he would embrace the Alcoran, if he ſaw it would ſhelter him from the new King of England's Reſentments, whom he has reaſon to fear, as the moſt dreadful and moſt powerful Enemy that he has at preſent, or ever had; with whom there is no Compoſition to be made, though Lewis the XIVth ſhould return four times as much as he has Uſurped from him, when he was yet but Prince of Orange. Perceiving then, that by the means of William the Third he has all Europe on his hands, and that he muſt leave ſome Fleeces behind him, no wonder he extends his hands (though in vain,) towards the one, and the other, to find out a Mediator, to draw him out of that Danger in which he finds himſelf: But he, having taken his Eternal farewel of all Faith and Honeſty, and it having abandon'd him, every body does the ſame, daring no longer to truſt to him, 'till firſt he has been depriv'd of his Savageneſs, of his Ambition, of his Pride, and of his inſatiable deſire of Uſurping the Goods of his Neighbours; and that is what will not happen, 'till he has firſt been humbled by Loſſes, either in his Armies, or of ſome of his Provinces; and that he has been oblig'd to reſtore to every one that which he has ſtoln from them; and that is what may be advantageous, and neceſſary for his poor People, and to all Europe. In vain he Flatters himſelf with an accommodation with ſome of the Allies, whom he pretends to divide from the Union in which we ſee them at preſent, and by that means to draw himſelf out of the Briers.

This King has been inexorable to the Cries of the Poor, whom he has Ruin'd and Tormented; of the Widdows and Orphans, whom he has ſtript Naked; the Heavens will return it upon him, as well as all his Enemies; who will return him double the Evil which he has done, and will force him to ſwallow down the bitter Fruits of his Ambition, and breach of Faith, and to Diſgorge all his Uſurpations which he has Baptis'd with the ſpecious Title of Conqueſts; and return to his Subjects that Liberty of Conſcience, and places of Hoſtages which he has forc'd from them, againſt the Faith of Edicts, under the pretence of Converſions; reſtore to all his People in general the General States, for the ſurety of their Perſons, and Means, whereas they now groan under the heavy preſſure of the Intendants theſe are Monſters, which our new Hercules muſt vanquiſh; which God has given to free Europe from that ſlavery in which part of it was already reduc'd, and wherein the reſt was going to fall, the Irons being already ſet in the Fire for it, by the means of James the II. who abandoning his own Intereſt, and that of his Nation, had given his Conſent and Aſſiſtance to the ruine of Europe; and had enter'd into a League with the Uſurper, to make it to fall under the ſlavery with more eaſe and greater expedition. But the Heavens, who have granted the Vows and Petions of all Europe, has broken thoſe Chains by the means of a Republick, of which he had made his Prey; for it may be ſaid, without ex geration, that the States of the United Provinces have given the firſt blow to break thoſe Shackles, through the Aſſiſtance they have given of Money, of Forces, and of Ships, to the King of England, when he was yet but Prince of Orange. Wherefore Europe ought to conſider them as he Cauſe of its Deliverance, and the Reſtorer of its Liberty, the Refuge of all the Affl cted, the •• etr at of thoſe whom Lewi the XIVth had Perſecuted, and ſtripp' ; and the Azilum of all good People, who ought in gratitude to hazard their Lives for the Support of a State, who has free'd hem from the Lyon's jaws, and has receiv'd them with ſo much Humanity and Charity, which doubtleſs ſhall be the Cannons with which they ſhall deſtroy their Enemies, and the Heavens will render them Victorious, and their Names ſhall laſt to the laſt of Ages.

FINIS.