Englands Glory.
BY THE Benefit of Wool Manufactured therein, from the Farmer to the Merchant; and the Evil Consequences of its Exporta­tion Unmanufactured. Briefly Hinted, With Submission to better Judgments.

THere is no King nor Prince in the World, known by experience, or upon Record, that hath such means to support their Splendour and Greatness as his Majesty of great Britain, nor has any Coun­try or Nation such variety of staple Commodities within it self, and in such abundance, as hath the Kingdom of England, which are said by some to be a Hundred Native Commodities, which produceth a Thousand sorts of Manufactures: So that if those advantages were duly im­proved, [Page 2] England might be a general Mart for the whole World, and then by consequence be the glory thereof. That those advanta­ges are not improved is too too obvious to all that look into it, by the sore complaints that are frequently made of the great proverty and decay thereof; and indeed (which is worst of all) by that ge­neral desperation of spirit which will not put forth a hand to help, support, or prevent the total desolation of our Country, upon a prepossest opinion, that all endeavours will be rendred fruitless and abortive.

The consideration whereof hath greatly prompted me (who must confess my self the meanest of Thousands more concerned) to use the utmost of my little skill, and unwearied diligence (though but as the Womans mite) to the right management of so great an un­dertaking; that the threatned ruine of all may be prevented, and (of possible) some good part of what is lost may be recovered. And whereas many have taken in hand to set forth these things, some treating of one thing, and other of another, which if all was collected and harmonized, it might very much conduce to the promoting of this weighty affair, of so publick a value: I shall confine my self to those things only, whereof I have had not only credible information, but a considerable (though a sad) experimen­tal knowledge; and in a more particular and especial manner that of Wool, and of its Manufacture and Consequences; which a­mongst many, is the Richest Treasure in his Majesties Dominions, the flower, strength, and sinews of this Nation; a Land uniting the People into Societies, for their own Utility; it is the Milk and Honey to the Grazier and Country Farmer; the Gold and Spices of the East and West Indies to the Merchant, and Citizens, the continued supply of Bread to the Poor: and in a word, the Exche­quer of wealth, and staple of protection to the whole, both a­broad and at home; and therefore of full merit to be had in per­petual remembrance, defence, and encouragement for the most ad­vantageous improvement thereof.

The Wools of England (before it was manufactured within it self) have ever been of great account and esteem abroad, sufficiently testified unto, by the great amity, which it begat, and for many Hundred Years (inviolably) maintained, between the King of Eng­land and Dukes of Burgundy, only for the great benefit, that (from [Page 3]that Commodity) did accrew to that People, insomuch that the English Wools, they receiv'd at 6 d. per Pound, they returned again (through their industrious manufacture thereof) in Cloth, at 10 s. per Yard, to the great inriching of that State, both in the ad­vancement of the Revenues of their Soveraign, and in a full em­ployment (thereby) continued among the People; whereby the Merchants of this Nation were occasioned, (as a People unwil­ling to be wholly dispriviledged of so great a benefit) to transport themselves (with their Families (in great numbers) into Flanders, from whence they held a constant Commerce with most parts of the World; this continued without intermission, between Eng­land and Burgundy, until King Edward the 3d. made his mighty Conquests over France, & Scotland, and as a suitable improvement of so great a mercy, did wisely project, and also accomplish the manufacture of Wools within the Bowels of this Kingdom, to the great inriching of his own People, and also to the Peopling of his new Conquered Dominions; the memory of whose wisdome and care for his People, is worthy to be had in remembrance by English Men, unto the Worlds end.

The said King having thus setled the manufacture of Wools within the Kingdom of England, confined it by a penal Statute, which (at first) reached not only to Goods, Chattels, and Land, but also to Members, and Life it self; but in a short time repealed the two latter thereof, continuing the other in its full force to re­main to future Generations: which exceeding great advantage to the prosperity of the English Trade, hath now continued these Three Hundred Years, by the vigilancy of the Kingdoms Monarchs, and the protection of its Laws, in the continued careful execution thereof upon offenders, with more than a little diligence to pro­vide against the thirsting desires of Foreiners to wrest this Na­tive priviledge (of so great a moment) out of English hands, which by the providence of God (through the great care of our Ancestors) has been (for many Ages) enjoyed by the Nation, as it is indeed its proper right: But so it is, that (for some years past) the diligence of Foreiners, to enrich themselves upon us, has so much exceeded our care to preserve our selves, that it's now come to, if not beyond a question, Who have the greatest benefit of the manufacture of English Wools, they who have no right un­to it, or they to whom of right it doth belong?

That this is indeed so, will appear, by considering that not only Holland, Flanders, and Zealand have long sucked the sweetness of the sinews of our Trade; but France is likewise learning to be too hard for us, as is manifest by the great quantities of Wools, that (of late years) have been transported from England and Ire­land thither; how injurious it must be to us, is also unquestionable, if we consider the consequence thereof, which was (without que­stion) much in the Eye of our Ancestors, as appeares by what is above hinted in Edward the 3ds time, and in several Kings Reigns since.

Every Pack of Wool sent to France, doth prevent us (not only) of the benefit of the manufacture thereof, but of two Packs more besides it self, viz. Thus, it being combing, and combed Wool (for the most part) exported thither, the French (having no Wools of their own, but such as are very course) are not able to make Cloth, or fine Stuff, without the conjunction of ours therewithall; there being none (to my best information) fit for that purpose in all the World, but ours only, all other being likewise course, but Spanish, and that much too fine (especially for Worsted Stuffs, and not in any wise fit for combing; so that without English or Irish Wools there can be no fine Worsted Stuffs, nor a middle sort of Cloth made, in the whole World; neither will any Wools be well mixed together, but English and Spanish, (only for Cloth) because the Spanish is with the English of one nature, being formerly English Sheep, though now much finer, from the alteration of the Climate, and the nature of the Land whereon it is fed, as by good experience appeareth here in England, both neer, and at a farther distance.

Wherefore the exportation of English Wools into France must of necessity be greatly prejudicial to this Nation, not only in the quantity sent over, but also in the advantage which is thereby gi­ven them to manufacture a double portion of their own Wool, (which formerly was little worth) into such commodities, as spoyls us of the a vantage of our proper Trade, not only thither, but also into other parts, viz. in these three respects.

First, The combed of the English Wool makes Wooffe for the Warpes of the French Wool, and so takes up (it may be) as much as the quantity above specified, to every Pack of English Wool, [Page 5]without which, they can (only) with their Wool make Rugs, and at the best, Cloth for Sea-men, and the like.

2dly. Their combings or pinnions, viz. the short Wool that's combed out of the Worsted, serves for their Linnen warp to make some of their Druggets, because their Linnen being fine spun, and coloured, is not discernable to all Persons, to be that we call Linsie Woolsie.

3dly. The finest short English Wool is mixed with the lowest of Spanish Wool, called short Wool, for some of their best Druggets, that is woove for Worsted Chanies, and also for a middle sort of Broad-cloth, about 10 s. or 12 s. per Yard. This is the cause (I judg) that short Spanish Wool is so scarce here in England.

Now if we consider these things together, the dammage of the exporting of this one Pack from England to France, at about 10 l. or 12 l. Sterling, preventing the manufacturing of two Packs more in England, which would be worth one 100 l. Englands loss (in the whole) by the exportation of a Pack of Wool, is little less than 90l. in its first exportation, moreover considering the Custom paid when exported (if manufactured in England) with the Frait and Custom where it is imported; the product of all these char­ges augmenting the 100 l. when sold there, laid out in another commodity beyond Sea, the Custom whereof being paid there, with Frait and Custom (when imported) in England, it's much, if it do not more than double the first principal.

Now, if it be so, that the exportation of one Pack of English wool, exported at 10 l. or 12 l. be neer 200 l. dammage to the King and Kingdom in general, is the consequence; what will be the loss in the exporting of 10. or 15 Thousand Packs into France (in two Years time) is easily accounted (by such) as are concerned in the affaires: And although this evil is almost incredible to many, yet it is too manifest, to such as have made (something) their business to look into it; and not only so, but these further inconveniences must (by this means) arise upon us.

First, The spoyling of our Trade with France in all our Woollen manufactures, as doth already appear, by the Impost put upon the same, there, from 20. to 40. per Cent. since so great quantitie of our VVools is exported thither, whereunto woful experience may be a sufficient witness.

And secondly, In time it will capacitate the French, as well as the Dutch, (if not much better) to under-sell our English Mer­chants, in Forrein Parts, nay (possibly) in our own Country, (to this, I shall only mention the words of a Merchant in Flanders, by Letter to another here, treating on this matter thus, We English have our throats cut, with our own Weapons, wondering at the stupi­dity of the English here, that they should so long omit, to possess the King's Majesty with this deplorable and dangerous case, in respect to the present and future inconveniences thereof.) by reason where­of (as in time the French will not only prevent our English wool­len manufactures, to be sold in France (as before minded) and also in other Forrein Parts, but also bring theirs into England, and sell them for four times the value here, to the great inriching of them­selves, and to the impoverishing of the English, only by new fan­tastick sopperies; for which the English pay not less than some hun­dred thousands in a year, to get themselves into the French mode. So much (indeed) have we been deceived (in this matter) to our shame, as well as to our apparent loss; that whereas (in time of the late War) with the Dutch and French, those French Druggets were thereby much prevented, many English striped broad-cloths rent through into three parts (about 10 s. per Yard, price) being put into the form of French Druggets, were sold in each part at 8 s. per Yard; and so (in the whole) came to 1 l. 4 s. per Yard. So likewise it is certainly true, that many of those Druggets made here in England goe for French, and in order thereunto, directed to French Men in some of our Southern parts, have from thence been conveighed unto London (and there sold for French Goods) to have coloured the business with the Custom-house Officers, to save the Custom of French Druggets. And this continued long, before the cheat could be discovered; but being once found out by the Clothier, (who could not (to his own private advantage) conceal such an apparent injury to his Country, it was soon pre­vented: whereby we may come to see (with clearness) the advan­tage, that that People makes upon our English fansies, by over­selling us in the same kind of commodities, that they make out of our English Wools, joyned (as before minded) with their own; having also an advantage thereunto, by the cheapness of the ma­nufactures thereof, beyond what we can do (the French being [Page 7]very populous, and living harder than we can in England; as is evi­dent by their Linnens, that Paying Fraight and Custom with profit to the Merchant, yet can be afforded cheaper than can be made in England.

But so it is, that the advantage we give them, besides, in the mixture of our Wools with theirs, is such, that whereas their Wool of it self, is not worth above 4 l. per Pack, being mixed with ours, becomes so fit for Worsted Stuffes, as that it comes to be worth no less than 12 l. per Pack. So that all those things con­sidered, it becomes obvious to every Eye, (that doth not (wilfully) close it self) that the exportation of Wool from England and Ire­land is of a dangerous and destructive nature to the very being of the Trade of this Kingdom. Whatever objections have been made (with respect to the Graziers present advantage) thereunto, whose loss may possibly be supposed (by prohibiting exportation) to be about 20 s. in every Pack of Wool that's so exported: In answer whereunto, I have this to say, That though it may be granted, it will be so for a time in this one particular commodity, yet such will (thereby) be the spoyl of the general Trade of the Nation, that what is gotten in one, will be lost in every other commodity, as Corn, Beefs, and Muttons; on each of which, with the Wools, the Farmers and Graziers advantage doth much more than equally depend; besides the inevitable danger of the ruine of our Trade, and so consequently the starving of our Poor, without some ex­traordinary means for their support; who while the priviledge of our Trade is kept inviolate with other Nations, we have money plentifully to expend for the advancement of the Farmers and the Graziers; for that is that which chiefly advanceth the Grazier and Farmer, which is Flesh and Corn, and not the quantity of Wool, as afterwards will more fully appear.

And it hath always been observed (in former and latter times) hitherto, that when the Clothiers have had the best Trade at Lon­don, the Farmer did not loose his share in the advantage thereof in the Country; according to the dispose of providence, who hath ordered Nations, but more especially the People of every Nation, (in matters of this kind) to depend upon each other, and so to rise or fall together, as they are designed to mercy, or to judgment, by the hand of God. These things considered, with a little delibe­ration, [Page 8]it will manifestly appear, that the exporting of our Eng­lish Wool, will not only prove the spoyl of our Merchants and Clothiers Trade, and so consequently expose the Poor to despe­rate straits for subsistence, but (in short time) must of necessity make the Country-mens imployments (of every kind) to come to little, and so make them uncapable of paying Rent.

For, if it be so, that while we have but a little Trade, we can hardly live one by another, What may be expected, if our Trade should be taken away? which is now more in danger (by the French) than it hath been these 300. Years past— And then we may consider, what the price of Wool may be in England, when we by our remisness shall lose our Trade, by the skill and circum­venting practices of Foreiners, and we helping forwards for a supposed profit; For there was not more art and skill in our An­cestors, to bring home the work at first to the Wool, and prohi­biting the exportation thereof, and setling the manufacturing in England, than is now to export the materials thereof unmanu­factured. The necessary consequence will be to bring the Price of Wool (as it was 300. Years agon, when most was exported) to 6 d. per Pound, as appears in a little Piece, called, The Golden Fleece, written by W. S. Gent.) in the Year, 56. although the Cloth made in Flanders of our Wools, at 6 d. per Pound, was then sold here in England at 10 s. per Yard, when at this Day the Cloth made in England of Wool, worth 12 d. per Pound will hard­ly yield 7 s. per Yard, which is above 30. per Cent. worse to the English Trade now, than it was to the Flemmings formerly.

And though for the present, the price of Wool be risen by its exportation, yet if the quantity lately exported (being no less than 20. Thousand Packs) had been kept in England, the quantity (if not with 10. Thousand Packs more) would in time have been ex­ported in the particular manufactures. For if the Wool was not exported to those places beyond the Seas, there to be manufactu­red, they must of necessity have our Woollen manufacture, and then could not have those advantages (as before hinted) by our Wools, to improve the French wool, and short Spanish wool, and their fine-spun Linnens.

By all which, it is so obvious, that in time to come, the VVools in England would be much cheaper, because by the aforesaid [Page 9]means, less Wool would be used in England; and besides that which would be used, the manufacture would be so low, that it could not bear up any price (as is begun already in France, and will sudden­ly follow in England) for it is generally reported, that Wool is as cheap in France at this Day, as it is in some parts where it is u­sed in England. And if it be so now, what in reason can be ex­pected, as the effects of these two things? viz. The first, when the great quantity that is lately exported to France, with those three additions before hinted, that the 20. Thousand Packs helps to work out, and especially most making VVorsted Stuffs, which goes as far by that means, as 40. Thousand Packs of Wool would if used in England, because it would be made more into substan­tial Cloaths, which consumes more Wool, than those light and thin Stuffes do: which is a sufficient Answer to that Objection, that the great quantity of any commodity, that is exported, must be of scarcity, and so consequently raise the price: which I must con­fess, if it was a consumptive commodity, but it is quite contrary in this. For as our experience is, when the VVool was all used in England, (or very little exported) then it was 18 d. per Pound, and when all, or the greatest part was exported, it was at 6 d. per Pound.

The wise Man saith, What is, hath been; and, what hath been, may be again; and so no new thing.

I shall conclude with a short review of the Graziers and Farm­er, present loss: In the greatest Commodity, which pays his Rent, [...] was formerly hinted. Suppose, through want of Trade, Mut­ton be sold but at 6 d. per Quarter (which is but little) being 2 s. per Sheep; and there being some Sheep that one 100. will but pro­duce a Pack of Wool (though some less) that comes to 10 l. which is the worth of the Pack of Wool, (and so proportionably as to Beefs) which is wholly lost to the Grazier.

And for the Corn (as I suppose) there may be about 50 ls. worth, (as far as I can judge in my travels, to One Hundred S [...]p throughout the Nation, which for want of a Trade, it may [...] (at some seasons) come to Thirty or Forty at most; and if a [...] Trade, it may be worth Sixty or Seventy: By which means [...] easily be demonstrated, how the Farmers come to be im­povrished.

The advantage of the Tenant consists in the advance of the greatest Commodity that pays his Rent, which is not in Wool, but in Corn: and it is a necessary consequence; that there being so many Thousand Families depending upon the Cloathing Trade, which (as before hinted) was instrumental to advance the price of Corn, that where-ever Trade is, there People are most populous, and when those Persons are deprived of their Trade, depend­ing wholly upon it, they must unavoidably come to the Parishes: which is in many Places begun already, and Daily increasing; and feared in time will so increase, that the Poor will be expecting more than there will be to contribute to them. And as there be in many Country Parishes Ten that live on the Trade, for One that can live of himself. VVhat will become of those Parishes, when the Trade is gone? So that it may easily be concluded that the Farmers loss for want of Trade is four-fold greater than the Pack of VVool, by the lowness of the price of Corn. And this is the true reason: for those Persons that formerly, when there was a Trade, could lay out Ten Shillings in Corn, have now but Five Shillings, which being multiplyed by Hundreds of Thou­sands in the Nation, it will be no difficult point to see which way the Grazier and Farmer come to be undone, and so are forced to give up their Lands into their Landlords hands: For it is not so much the super-abounding Crops that lessens the price of Corn, but the want of Money. For I have known as much Corn grow Yearly, formerly, as is now, (when Trade was good) to be 20. or 30. per Cent. dearer than now.

LONDON, Printed by T. M. in the Year 1669.

SInce the foregoing papers were printed, I met with an Objection against what was asserted page the 4th. (viz.) The French having that advantage of our English Wool, to help work up theirs being worser; and likewise, that according to my best Information, there was none fit for such purposes in all the world, (viz.) for fine Worsteds, or a middle sort of Cloath, but English and Irish (which is all one;) The Objection were, that there was Wools in most parts of the world; therefore why not proper for those purposes? Answer, that there is Wools was never gainsaid, but that there is such Wool for fineness and substance in all the world, except Spanish, I cannot as yet ever receive, (as before I hinted) any satisfactory accompt. For the better satisfaction of the Reader, I shall give some account of the natures of Wools in England, but first of Spanish Wools: They are the finest in all the world for Cloath, but not so fit for Worsted, being too fine and short, and those Wools also are one in nature with our English, being at first from Sheep that were English Transported thither; and though that be much finer by reason of the Climate, yet is it still one in nature; next to it is Lempster Wool, almost as fine as Spanish; then next part of Shropshire and Stafford-shire, part of Glocester-shire, Wilts, Dorset, Hampshire, part of Sussex, and part of Kent, Summerset, Devon, and Cornwall, most part for Cloath, some small parts for Worsteds. Amongst all these Coun­ties, there is 9. d. per pound difference in the prises of one place, (viz.) Lempster, from some other parts; but then again part of Sussex and Surrey, Middlesex, Hertfordshire, and some other Counties 2. d. 3. d. per pound cheaper then the lowest of the abovementioned Counties; but then for Barkeshire, Bucking­ham, Warwick, Oxford, Leicester, Nottingham, Northampton, [Page 12]and Lincoln, part of Kent called Rumney Marsh, most part of the last mentioned Counties, and part of Irish Wools is so proper for Worsted Stuffs, that all the world cannot be compared with it. And hence it is, that the cares of our Ancestors have been such, (ever since King Edward the 3 d. in most Kings Reignes) there have been some Lawes made or altered, and in some Kings Reigns altered three or four times to make it effectual: and for a memo­rial to future Generations, are the Wool-packs in the Lords House in Westminster for Seats, to put them in mind of what is the foun­dation of the Riches of the Kingdome, that it is by the various streams of the Manufactures thereof, as formerly in the Front briefly hinted from the farmer to the Merchant. I shall now en­deavour to give some particular account how all are conserved; And before I do this, give me leave to insert the Observation of a worthy Author Sir Walter Rawleigh, that I have met withal since the former Papers were Written, who saith, That, then which was in King James's Reign, about fourscore thousand undrest & un­dyed Cloaths yearly were Transported: whereby it was evident that the Kingdome hath been yearly deprived of about 400000. l. which in fifty five years is near 20 Millions, that would have been gained by the labour of poor Workmen in that time, with the Merchants gains for bringing in dying Stuffs, and returns of Cloaths drest and dyed, with other benefits to the Realm, besides exceeding inlargeing of Traffick, and increase of Ships and Ma­riners.

There would have been gained in that time, about three Milli­ons by increase of Customs upon Commodities returned for Cloaths drest and dyed, and for dying Stuffs which would have been more plentifully brought in and used for the same.

There hath been also Transported in that time yearly, by Bayes, Northern and Devonshire Kerzyes white, about 50000. Cloaths counting three Kersyes to a Cloath, whereby hath been lost a­bout five Millions by those sorts of Cloaths, in that time which would have come to poor Work-men for their labour, with Customs for dying Stuffs, and the peoples prosit for bringing them in with returns of other Commodities and Fraights for ship­ping.

Bayes are Transported white into Amsterdam, and being there [Page 13]dyed and drest, are shipped into Spain, Portugal, and other King­domes, where they are sold in the name of Flemish Bayes, setting their own Town Seals upon them; so that we lose the very name of our home-bred Commodities, and other Countrys get the Re­putation and Credit thereof. Lamentable it is that this Land should be deprived of so many above-mentioned Millions, as that our Native Commodities of Cloath, ordained of God for the natural Subjects, being so Royal and rich in it self, should be driven to so small advantage of Reputation & Profit to your Ma­jesty and People, and so much improved and intercepted by Strangers; considering that God hath enabled and given your Majesty power to advance dressing and dying, and Transporting all your Cloaths within a year or two: I speak it knowingly, to shew how it may be done laudibly, lawfully, and approved to be Honourable, feaseable, and profitable.

He observes also the increase of his Majesties Customs, by bring­ing in and spending of dying Stuffs, as also strength in shipping, & setting so many thousands of poor on work; also noting that in the Low-Countrys, where these Cloaths are drest and dyed, they stretch them to such unreasonable length, contrary to our Law, that they prevent and forestale our Markets, and cross the just prohibition of our State and Realm, by their Agents, and Factors, lying in divers places with our own Cloaths, to the great decay of this Kingdome in general, & discredit to our Cloaths in particular. Again, he adds, that if the accounts were truly known, it would be found that they make not clear prosit only by Cloath Trans­ported rough, undrest, and undyed, sixty thousand pounds a year; but it is most apparent your Majesty, in your Customs, your Merchants in their Sales and Prizes; your Subjects in their Labours, for lack of dressing and dying; your Ships and Mari­ners in not bringing in of dying Stuffs, spending of Alum (if not Copperas) are hindered yearly near a Million of pounds: So that Trade is driven to that great hinderance of your Majesty and People, by permitting your Native Commodities to pass rough, undrest, and undyed. Thus Sir Walter Rawleigh.

Now if it was thus with England so long agoe, when the Wool was spun and made here into substantial Cloath; and that for want only of dressing and dying, many Millions were lost to the King and Kingdom: What then hath been the loss of so many [Page 14]thousand Packs of Wool exported (without any improvement; especially that to France, the consequence of which is more pre­judicial (as hath been demonstrated) than can be imagined (ac­counting but one hundred pounds dammage by one Pack of Wool,) of which there are no less than ten thousand yearly, if not much more exported, by which there is dammage a Million of pounds sterling, yearly to this Kingdome, (besides the suffer­ing of the Poor for want of Imployment) out of which his Ma­jesties dammage cannot be less then 100000. pound yearly: The lessening of Shipping, and discouragement of Mariners; the Walls of this Kingdome hereby deserve also to be consi­dered.

Next then to his Majestyes loss, is that of the Merchant▪ and Cloathier; after which must follow detriment to all other per­sons depending on Trade, there being such a Connexion of Trades one to another, and (the whole of Trade being enlarged by the abounding of Laborious People. Those supply the Far­mers and Graziers with money, for you to supply the Gentry. They again scatter it amongst the Tradesmen, as may be wit­nessed by the building of the City of London, how Provision and all Consumptive goods are advanced by it: by which circulation all degrees are either imployed, enriched, or both; and hence naturally comes Content, Harmony, and Pleasure, one in ano­ther; the Poor being by Imployment delivered from fear of want, the Gentry, Merchant, and Tradesmen, by the establish­ment of Trade therein. This Rationally is the strength of any People, Poverty and Idleness brings their shame and Ruine, which would unavoidably follow want of Trade. And so much the more where the greatest Trade hath been; if it fails, the greater Po­verty is and will be. And to instance, as here, in London, the Trade in Provision is the more, so by Consequence it must be dear, and so best for all; so of the other hand, if the City should be forced to keep so many thousands, when all their work is done, as is now in the Building, it would be a great burden: so the case is in England in this particular, where great Trade have been formerly kept, and drawn several Families thither, and have raised Commodities there; but when it sails, it is a misera­ble state and condition those places are in. To return, in short [Page 15]there is such Connextion and dependency one upon another in England, that if one fail, all the rest more or less, either more near, or remotely are concerned; as in the natural body; when a­ny member fails, the whole suffers thereby; and as all Trades and degrees of men may suffer by one mistake in Trades, and in none more probably. I will say then this of Wool, as Mer­chants, Artificers, Farmers, Sea-men, Fisher-men, being the peo­ple, which by their study and labour do principaly, if not only bring in, or give occasion to the bringing in of wealth to the Na­tion, and other kind of people (viz.) Nobility, Gentry, Lawyers, Physicians, Schollars of all sorts; Shop-keepers are they that re­ceive from these, and distribute it again, and all are consequently concerned in this rich Treasure of Wool, because this being a Ma­nufacture at home, sets more hands at work than half the Nati­on.

May I not with modesty and within Compass, say three parts of Laborious and Industrious people? considering that most of the shipping is imployed in this affair, and also so many Trades that depend immediatly upon this of Cloathing, that most of other Trades are but for Provision, either in Food or Conveniencies for Cloathing: and so from his Majesty to the meanest, all are more or less concerned, The King mostly; not only in that his People are by that most imployed and provided for, nor in that such a Staple Trade, the like whereunto the world hath not with good Advantage thereby is maintained; but because so great a Revenue comes directly into him upon the Trade, occasioned thereby: Thus as the King gains, or suffers most, so the persons that have the greatest Estates or Trades, and so all proportion­ably to the Beggar. And also considering that an accustomary thing begets such an habit that is hard to reduce; as in our rough and undrest Cloath to Holland, so it will be with all our Manufactures in France; nay I am informed that the French hath not only imposed a great Tax upon our Woollen Manu­factures, from twenty to forty per cent, but have also (as is affirm­ed, beside that their imposition) absolutely prohibited our Cloaths coming there. I am the more large in the demonstration of this affair, not only because this hath cost me many years la­bour and study to consult all sorts of concerned persons, be­sides [Page 16]mine own experience about it; nor because it is so hard to convince people of the meanst capacity, but some of the wiser sort, how to cure this dismal malady: which some despairing of, have rather thoughts of setting up some other Manufacture in Lieu of endeavours to prevent the exportation of Wool and Manufactur­ing of that at home, looking thereon as a thing not to be over­come, (as that of Linnens in some capable parts of England) and a better improvement in the product of sorrein plantations, which may also be set upon together herewith as an addition; so as seve­ral sorts of persons may be set better on work, not capable of this employment, and yet no prejudice to this of Cloathing: for all other Countryes have the advantage of England, or are equal to us in other Manufactures proper to their Countreys, but not in this of Cloathing: and it will be found that all Trades in England, wholly distinct from this of Cloathing, bring not the tythe of ad­vantage that this doth.

Since men cannot rationally believe the effects to be greater than the cause, the most of other Manufactures either is in being, or brought to use, by the Manufactures of Wool; even from the Farmer to the Merchant all are concerned in this of Wool, as may hereafter more appear. It now remains that we sum up Englands loss by the exportation of our Wool to Forrein Parts; not only in the advantage we might have by the Manufactureing thereof, here in England, as formerly noted; but also in the im­porting af Dutch Cloath, and more in French Manufactures, because England improves not their own Wools; and of the hu­mour of English people, in putting such a value upon French fan­cies, when themselves are in a better capacity, if improved, to produce the like, or better, and save the following sums.

1. One Million of pounds Sterling yearly, in the Exportati­on of our Wool.

2. Five hundred thousand pounds in rough Cloath, which is but half what Sir Walter Rawleigh observes in his time.

3. One hundred thousand pound yearly, in Importing French Manufactures superfluous.

4. Many thousand pounds in Importing Dutch Cloath.

5. And lastly, the evil consequences thereof in loseing our Ship­ping, which would be encouraged thereby, & are the strength or [Page 17]Walls of our Kingdome, as more particularly doth appear here­after.

Having now discovered the dammage, it is to England, in the Transportation of Wool from the King to the meanest, I shall endeavour also to discover the methods how it is done; and before I shall prescribe Remedy (for it is not enough to know distempers, especially such that are so Consumptive,) it is re­quisite to know the cause of those distempers; or else the sup­posed Remedies will in time come to be a disease, as it is too much in this case at this day in England: where the causes are mistaken, the Remedies are consequently misapplyed, whereby a disease in supposition becomes one in effect; the methods or ways of this evil are—First, in Rumny Marsh in Kent, where the greatest part of rough Wooll is exported from England, put aboard French Shallops by night, ten or twenty men well armed to guard it; some other parts there are, as in Sussex, Hampshire, and Essex, the same methods may be used, but not so conveni­ently. The same for coombed Wool from Canterbury, they will carry it ten or fifteen miles at night towards the Sea, with the like guard as before; but for other parts it must be done partly by the Remisness of the Officers of his Majesties Customs, and easie Composition for the forfeitures of the Bonds, as more shall appear anon.

And then for coombed Wool in other parts, some is shipped off from London for Bales of Drapery; nay some at Lime, and also at Exon, where there is ten thousand pounds Sterling weekly laid out in the woollen Manufactury, which is most for Work­mens wages: I know no place clear; and then another reason, why persons are not detected, is, because all the wools that have been taken in those parts, where most hath been exported, have been suffered to go off at the same places after Judgments past, and by the Officers, to the same persons at a low rate, being under rated to those very men that intended to ship it at first: so that the evil is never like to be avoyded that way; only that which is taken, happily may be a little the dearer, to keep the Trade going; for I have enquired, and cannot understand, but of two parcels of wool that have been seased on in Kent, that have been used in England, but all sent away, and so his Majesties provi­dence [Page 18]is cheated, who keeps Servants at great wages to prevent such abuses.

And then another cheat is under a pretense of wool from Hampton, to the Islands of Jersey and Gernsey, & sometimes from other parts which is against the Law; for there is no wool to be exported to those Islands, but only from Hampton, and that by Law should be by weight: but now it goes by gross, by the pack when it should be weighed, but I believe not one pack in ten is weighed, for three packs is put into one. Then from Ireland, which is the greatest mischief of all to England, and much in­creased since the Act was in force against Cattel, the Irish wool can be sold as cheap in France, Holland, and Flanders, as it is in those places where wool is used in England, which is a great augmentation to us of prejudice for Foreiners to have our wool so cheap as we in England, having other conveniencies to underwork us as formerly hinted. The wayes there must be by the carelessness of the Officers, in not taking solvant security and exactness in the weight of wool, and true examination of the re­turns of their Certificates, and partly by easie compositions, if not before bonds are forfeited, and happily much combed Wool there packt up as before, as bailes of Cloath, or barrels of Beef, and shiped as Irish Cloath; and in all points so cunningly carry­ed, as they are seldome discovered, and never sealed as the Sta­tutes in that case made and provided, do strictly require.

Here see what W. S. saith: Now to shew you more particular­ly these abuses, how the Laws are crossed and daily obstructed to such as endeavour to serve their Country, by such as ought to encou­rage the prosecutors; sure there will be very many practises of evil consequents discovered; for first in the Custom-House, where bonds are taken, to the intent that these prohibited Commodities pass not by means of Mariners out of the Nation, but only from Port to Port for accommodation of such parts as want such Commodities; they are very Remiss and careless in taking of the Sea-mens dis­charge of their Obligatory Conditions; where also it is usual with the Sea-men to bring fradulent Certificates, and so to cheat the Kings Providence, who keeps Servants at great wages purposely to prevent such abuses; or if there be a regular return of there Bonds, [Page 19]yet there is commonly a fraudulency in giving them, for the Masters of ships will so continue their designe, as he who is Master at giv­ing the Bonds, and is legally bound, shall immediatly pass his In­terest to another man, who taking charge of the Vessel and Voy­age, is notwithstanding not engaged in the Poart Bond; and therefore, neither is he accomptable for breach of their conditi­on, again, when the Port bonds are justly taken, and as justly re­turned; yet to prevent the true and real detection of the offender, and to dishearten the legal prosecutor, some friends of the offender will clap an information against him, purposely to hinder and divert others, and soon after will let the Prosecution fall at his pleasure; nay, it hath been said, and peradventure not unjustly, that such pre­venting informations have been amidated to the over-throw of the regal information; but when all is granted, and a full and formal hearing, and decree passed to the just condemnation of the offender: Yet when judgments and inquieries are granted, and do without er­rours of the Clarks, (which is not always,) impower the Sheriffs and their Bayliffs to see Execution thereof made; it is familiar with those Officers to return a non est inventus, [...]or a mortus est, viz. Not to be found, or dead, even then when the Offenders and the Officers have been known to be drinking together, at that very time when the Writ should have been executed.

After all this, one step farther will shew how charrety it self a­buseth Justice; for let all the former proceedings be granted, and be candid, and clear, and that the Law be indeed justly and legally executed; the offender in custody, and nothing remaining; but that he honestly discharge hiasself with money, seeing Bail will not be admitted; nevertheless upon a lamentable Petition, and urging a great charge of Children to the Bench, the Offender is usually ad­mitted to compound for Ten in the Hundred, or less, when by his offence he hath gained a Hundred for Ten, or more, and peradven­ture hath undone a hundred Famelies or more in so doing: Yet all this while the honest Prosecutor, the only man that appears for the good of his Country, who ought by the Law to have the full benefit and advantage of the Law gratis, it being enough that he spend his time for the promotion of the publick Weal, after it hath cost him se­ral [Page 20]great sums of money, & large expense of time, to bring the Offen­der to Tryal and Conviction, is dismissed with little or no satisfacti­on, unless he be rewarded with the brand of an informing Knave: Surely they who made these Lawes for the benefit of themselves and their own Country, did intend a more current and just passage towards them, than thus to be obstructed and baffeled. Such a­buses as these made Theodosius say as it is Recorded, that a wise man did himself injustice by hazarding his Wisdome and Estate for the benefit of his Nation; and therefore some have not spared to urge that Customs and Impost, and Toles and Taxes might be taken away from honest laborious hazardous Trades and Adventurers, and be put upon litigious Suits at Law, and such as make benefit of their corrupt breath, that is to say upon such Law­yers as abuse their Clyents, and such malicious Clyents as abuse the name of a just innocent Defendent. Nor is the Loss in these by their Transportation all the injury, but when honest men well affected to the good of their Country, do detect these Caterpillers of the Common-wealth, who make so vast gain, as hath been denoted upon the materials so carefully prohibited, when they do endeavour by due course of Law to make stoppage thereof, and to have the of­fenders punished; so many are the evasions, such combinations and interest in the Officers, who ought to punish the Offenders; such favour have they in Courts of Justice, and deceptions in the Return of Writs, and in general such affronts and discouragements as the dearest Lover of his Country, or most intrusted in Trade, dares not attempt to prevent that mischief which his eyes behold to fall upon his Nation, or which his own person feels to pick his pocket. Thus far Mr. W. Smith.

To prevent all these inconveniences, it cannot be done without some alteration of some Laws, which is an Act of State; and I do presume his Majesty doth already, and the Parliament will al­so consider of it; as to accept of any helps that may be contri­buted to them. In short, I am of opinion, that if four things were done, there would be in a few moneths such an alteration, which, if I should now insert, would be Incredible: yet I shall hint it; 1. To revive some former Act made in Parliament for [Page 21]a certain season, as in the 4th. of Hen: 7. and revived thrice af­terwards, which was done upon the same complaint, as now is; which if in force with some alteration, would be one stop: A se­cond is, for all persons to be accomptable for their wool, because there is time after it is bought to be wayed up, and setched away out of those Countreys, where the danger is for to get acquain­tance for those persons, and to give security, as it is, from Port to Port, then being the same danger near the Sea. Thirdly, for Ireland, to have it confin'd to convenient Ports, both in Ireland and England. And when all is done, there must be some persons of known Integrity, and not mercenary men that must have the care and inspection over all. Fourthly, In those Countreys where no Cloathing is, it would be requisite for a Store-house for small parcels of Wool, and a Bond given that none be sold to Fori­ners which is of so eminent advantage, as is by some said to the Dutch, to be profit to the publick, Millions of pounds Sterling per annum; and to instance one case Sir Wal­ter Rawleigh accounts by this in his remains, page the 173, and 174. that in one year and half was drawn to the Hollanders, Hamburgers, and Embdenors, at the least two Millions of pounds Sterling, from England for Corn, in a time of scarcity in England.

And if a Bond is so advantageous for such Commodities that are liable to he much impared in long lying; it's doubtless abun­dantly more advantagous in such a stable Commodity as wool is; and if practised would be of such a use to England, that I think would enrich England more than I will now stand to account.

I may add a fifth, which is, that there may be a short and quick Tryal of Offenders, and that in such place as the Offender may have least oppertunity for Evasions.

We will conclude the whole with a short survey of some par­ticular Immunities which Cloathing hath conferred, upon England with which the glory of it extends to the very utmost inhabited parts of the world, and without which, the Ark of Gods mercy, and the glory of this Land is like to depart.

First, the reducing of Cloathing to England in Manufacture as well as in Materials (which must a thousand times repeat Eng­lands gratitude to the memory of that ever renowned King Ed­ward the Third) hath produced such opulent and magnificent societies of Merchants, as the whole world cannot again demon­strate, that is to say, first, the Merchant Adventurers Company, whose Governours, President, Consults, and the like chief Offi­cers are not of less esteem, where they please no seat themselves, then are the Residentiaries of the greatest Princes, and so much the more Cordial is their welcome, as each mans profit leads his affection beyond his Reverence to publick Embassies, because Proximity to a mans personal interest sits nearer in his thoughts then when he is involved in the publick concernment.

This Company hath by their Policy and Order, supplanted those societies of the Hance Towns (as they are called) who vending an inconsiderable number of Cloaths, and at low rates, did never the lesss account England obliged to them for their Markets and Shipping: Whereas at this day the Merchant Ad­venturer do utter ten times as many Cloaths Annually in the same Markets at far better prices; And in answer to the ship­ping which England had in those times from those Countreys at dear entertainment, this Trade of Cloathing, and this particular Company of Merchants, have furnished the Navy Royal from time to time, and upon all occasions with such strengths as they have not feared, if they have not awed the greatest Naval Forces sayling upon the Ocean, he that may have the favour to peruse their Records, shall find what oppertune Service they did for their Country in the year Eighty-Eight, and since upon all mi­litary occasions wherein this Nation hath been embroyled with any other▪

Next, the East-Land Company hath planted the Trade of Cloathing all about the Baltick Seas, which at this day imployes many Warlike Ships, and gives at great increase of Marriners to the no small growth of Englands strenth at Sea.

The Muscovia Company have discovered the passage by the North Cape, and the great Trade of Greenland, what wealth oc­curs to England by the Turky and East-India Company, is not easie to be numbered; their shipping also being as strong, and [Page 23]rich as any that swim upon the Seas. How one of them hath by the trade of Cloathing only engrossed all manner of wealth com­ing from the Levant Seas; And how the other of them hath established the rich Trades of Silks, Spices, Jewels, &c. In the Southern parts of the world, is by all Admired, though by none to be valued, and what strength of shipping these two Compa­nyes have produced, as they have been wonderful, so they have been formedable to all Nations: what Contribution the Cloath­ing Trade with Spain and France hath given to Englands mari­tin power, is by those Countrys themselves feared, as well as by England found to its great security: And as these unvaluable blessings have befallen England by the Trade of Cloathing, po­litickly and providently drawn into Societies, Companyes, and Corporations; so the loose Transactions of Trade in other for the Countreys have rendered them so poor at Sea; as were it not shipping of England and Holland, the very life of Commerce would perish, would return to the same Wilderness; & uselessness as it is now in Greenland and the West-Indies, where civil Go­vernment hath not once been heard of.

Again, If comparison be made for richness of Trade between Cloathing and any, or all other substances of Merchandises, whereby any Nation, but more especially England, may be en­riched, neither the Silks nor Furs, nor Wines, nor Spices, nor Bullion it self or all other Countreys can render that account of its own, or can in proportion equalize England, in Cloathing, Food, Shipping, Strength of people, and wealth of money.

About the Manufactureing of Wool.

THat this rich Treasure in it self, of far more worth than the Golden Mines of India to England, is so much de­generated, or adulterated in the Manufactureing there­of by many of the Manufactors, some of which wanting skill, others principles of honesty, the Laws in that case being so much, neglected in England, and want of some new Laws for the new Drapers, hath occasioned the woollen Manufacture to be rendered contemptible both at home and abroad, and so much the more, or the rather, because the Dutch, Flemins, (and it is feared in time the French also) do by care and industry indea­vour to excel our English; the consequence is to loose our English Trade, and this principally by a liberty taken, so that ho­nest and conscientious persons come to dammage by some o­thers false way of gains, according to Mr. Childes third head in that of Trade, and Interest; that the Advantage the Dutch have of us in all their Native Commodities is their exactness, by which meanes their creat is so, that it is taken by its contents, (and ours not) which is very advantageous, which is done by the qualifications of those persons that have the oversight, and are intrusted in that affair, which is not done in England, but gene­rally the contrary.

In general all States and Common-wealths are supported by two providential works (viz.) Reward and Punishment; for as no Law can compel men to be corporally laborious, or studious in know­ledge & literature, unless rewards be annexed to all such compulsion; so no providence can attend the preservation of profitable designes, [Page 25]either in Learning or Trade, unless such punishments be enjoyned: This opinion that profound Senator Cicero alledgeth from Solon, one of the seven wise Graecians, and the only man of them which gave Lawes; and this is the weak and frail Estate of men and Nati­ons, that unless they be as well encouraged in their endeavours, as punished in their misdemeanors, they will speedily become Liber­tines, and ruin all as is too too much feared in this case in England at this day; and as before about the Wool, so the working for the greatest part hath been confined to England this three hundred years, and untill these late years has been so preserved, by the diligence of such Officers as have been ordained and impowered, carefully to see the Manufactures kept under those rules which the Laws have provided for their perfection; and seeing this Nation is by God peculiarised in these two blessings (viz.) Wools and Ma­nufactures, and through the vigilancy of its Monarches safe guard­ed by Laws, that the native Manufactures might not be undermin­ed by the practices of Foreiners; their ancient providence exacts from the present age the same preservation (as before in the Wool) that the Dutch do not undermine us out of all. Again, we may be taught by their diligence, who though they have few or no native Commodities, yet are rich and thriving; (and we who have all, are poor and decaying at least the Country) who spare no attendance in overseeing and searching the true makeing of their Manu­factures as above, for their exactness, giving therefore power and Commissions to persons of more than ordinary worth amongst them (whom they call cure or care Masters) to see every thing according to the Law; and wherever they find a defect, they make a default upon the Cloath, which first is recompensed by a fine to the State for abusing the Laws, and afterward remains to admonish the buyer, who thereby may guard his purse; and in case the Cloathier be abused by any of his Work folks, he checks his dammage upon the true offender in his wages. Now in England there is so much the contrary, that many persons take liberty for want of a regular or legal course followed, either for time or forme in working; there is not any of the Relations to Cloathing which doth observe such an exact rule of Apprentiship (which is not the least cause that the Manufactures of Wool are so abusively and deceptiously made in England) notwithstanding it is enjoyned in very strict and penal [Page 26]manner by the Statute Lawes; the chief inconveniences of which, is, that the Trade so general in use, and maintenance of even num­berless Families, doth by its own vast exorbancy convert into Cor­ruptions, and so those great multitudes of people become discredited, beggered, and finally ruined, to the destruction of themselves and the Nation which gave them so great a Blessing.

Another prejudice and not the least, is, that the Nation which hath given them being, and invested them with such materials for Cloathing, is dishonered by false and abusive works: And it is not a little scandal to that Nation which God hath perticularly endow­ed with those blessings which others want, when its people shall di­vert those good things which God hath bestowed upon it to evil and deceptious practises; In this consideration it is observable (by some) how little comparitively is the Drunkenness of those Countrys which produce Wines, and wherein lies their personal riches, and their Nations Honour, though their other sins may sufficiently swell, their ultimate account; yet doubtless it strengthens their last Apo­logy, in that they abuse not that endowment which God hath made the original of their Being and Subsistance.

Another consideration is, the Cheat it puts upon all the world, for though every Country hath not the benefit of the Manufacture in themselves, yet are there few of them condemned to such igno­rance as not to discern the Couzenage which false Cloathing puts upon them, in which case to the aforesaid dishoner they add a curse, and it was a chief care in Jacobs practise for a Blessing, that he turned it not into a Curse; how much more is this of consideration, when the blessing comes by gift, and not by design or procure­ment.

And further, great may be the thought of heart, when the sins of false Lucre and Covetuousness (which is Idolatry) are in full pur­suance of such as have the full plenty to make weight and measure, yet make it the Art of their practises as well as the practise of their Art, to Cozen both the wise and weak: It can be no great wonder, nor without abundance of presidents, if God for sins of such wilful­ness remove his blessings, (with which this Nation is peculiarly enriched and dignified,) and give them to a people which will ren­der him a better, more just, and more profitable account of his Ta­lent; and its no news, that though England be by the Almighty, [Page 27]chiefly ordained to produce the Materials, yet the Manufactures be given to a people, which will render him a better Account; all this and much more is expected, if the Native people continue to a­buse the Native Commodity, as of necessity they must, when they know not how to use it. The wisdome of our Ancestors hath been liberally manifested in this particular. First, That the Manu­factors be constantly made Apprentices for seaven years at least, the contrary is one great reason, that by ignorance so many abuses are, that are unremidable: Another reason, why Apprentices are ge­nerally confined to seaven years servitude, is to the end, that pro­fessors (in each Art) multiply not beyond the support of their Trade, which were not to increase good Subjects, but Vagabonds, which doubtless was not the intention of King Edward the 3d. (ever to be remembered by an English man, when in his design in bringing Cloathing to England, a chief part was to multiplie his people, as by his Native and Alleageant Subjects (such as by and by you will understand) he might securely possess the Conquests wherewith God had blessed him, which were beyond any Christian Prince's in his time. It is utterly against reason that a Nation can be poor, whose people are numerous, if their Industry be compelled and incouraged, and their Idleness be punished and reformed. It is the opinion of some, that it's not the barrenness of a Countrey which can forbid this Maxim. The Scots are an abounding and numerous people, and they have a soyle which to a Traveller eye, seems to produce nothing towards a so vast maintenance of the body of that people; yet are they in all parts of the world a warlike and honoured Nation, helpful to all Princes in their Wars, and ready upon occasion to return to the Assistance of their Brethren, be their case good or bad. The Dutch are a numerous Nation, daily mul­tiplying in a Country which hath in comparison nothing of its own growth to support them, either in Food or Cloathing, yet they want nothing neither in necessaries or wealth, because they are industri­ous. What Crick of the Seas do they leave unvisited? and in ship­ping are so stored as most parts of the world do love or fear them. Now a great increase (at least) of good people (as above hinted in King Edward) rests upon the regulation of Trade; for its not the number of workmen, but number of good workmen which increaseth Families, and it's Families which increaseth and spreadeth good [Page 28]people; the other for want of knowledg and skill, being fixed no where, because their labours will not maintain themselves, much­less Families: For who will use a workman, who hath neither skill nor credit, when he can imploy one that hath both?

Of principle importance therefore is the Regulation of Appren­tiships, both to the best increase of people, and to the honest, credita­ble, and wealthy Manufactures of Wool, and especially of Cloath­ing, (being the Antient'st Manufacture) for want of which not only the former denoted faults are daily found in their works, but good work-men are undersold and ruined (as formerly hinted) by bad, and the whole Nation involved in great dishonour, as after you will hear.

Now Justice, which all men cry up, and few practise, is a ver­tue both divine and humane; Divine Justice is either from God to man, wherein his Providence is his Justice, by which he governeth the world, or it is from man towards God, and then its piety, whereby he returns to God prayse and glory for his numberless blessings in Republicks, Cityes and Towns, its Equity, the fruit whereof is Peace & Plenty; in domestick relations between Man & Wife, it's Ʋnity and Concord; from Servants to Masters, good Will and Diligence; from Masters to Servants, its Humanity and Gentleness; and from a man to his own body, health and hap­piness. There is none of all these Relations but is necessary and important to the Reformations in the abuses, defaults, deceptions, and grievances committed upon Cloathing, which in this discourse have in some measure been discovered, and by which both God and man are justly provoked.

The Justice we are to use to relieve the complaints before exhi­bited, is either distributive, or Commutative; Justice distribu­tive, is to give each man his deserts, whether it be honour or punish­ment: And Commutative Justice, is in bargaining, bartering, exchanging, or in any transactions between man and man, to use all means to keep Promises, Covenants and Contracts; and for a man to be have himself as he would have others do to him, to receive the Innocent into protection, to repress and punish offenders, without which, common intercourse and humane society must necessarily be dissolved; and for preservation whereof, I have read, that in An­tient times, the Fathers have not spared their own Sons.

The Aegyptian Kings, to whom Antiquity gives the priviledg of makeing Laws, the Graecians, and Romans deified Justice, and would not violate it towards their Enemies; so just also were the Lacedemonians, and so free from distrusting each other, as even for the publick safety, they used neither Locks nor Barrs, insomuch that one asking Archidamus, who those Governours were, which so just­ly, happily, and gloriously governed the Common-wealth of La­cedemon: he answered, that they were first the Laws, & afterwards the Magistrates executing those Lawes: for Law is the rule of Justice, and Justice the end of the Law, which indeed is the Life of all.

The ready way to rectifie abuses about Cloathing, were to compare them with the rules of the Law provided for them, for which there is Law, (and new Laws where they are wanting) nevertheless holds not in all points. For instance, the Law em­powers the Merchants and Drapers to be their own Searchers, and to punish the Cloathiers Purse, as they find his works to be faulty; and so they do, to the no small grief of the Cloathier: but the Retayling-Buyer is not hereby at all relieved; the Dra­per selling to him these faults, for which he was before paid by the Cloathier; the Merchants do the same, by causing their Cloathiers to bring their Manufactures into the Merchants pri­vate Ware-Houses, where their own Servants are Judges, who upon searching the Cloath, do make, and marke faults enough, for which they have reparable abatements; but themselves a­gain do practise all fraudulent wayes they can to barter and ex­change those faults away, without giving any allowance for them. I speak not of all but some; and though sometimes they be detected, yet find they means to save their purses, whilst their Nation suffers in honour, and the Laws are vilified to Foreiners, who stain the Justice of the Nation with weakness and fraud. True it is, that in the Netherlands, where their cunning is as piercing, as their practice is common, they (even every buyer) do search with diligence, and make themselves reparations, first to the Merchants great loss, and so in course to the Cloathiers no small dammage: But in all this, the State remains much disho­noured by the scandal, and rob'd of those Fines which the Lawes [Page 30]in punnishment, do give to the publick Revenue, which if they were rightly and legally attended, would render a vast gain to the Common-wealth by a general Reformation.

Now in finding out the causes why Manufacture in Cloathing becomes so abused, there may be good use of the Drapers and Merchants knowledg and skill; yet the application of the reme­dy is a work of State and Policy, in making and executing the Laws proportionable to the grievance, in which instance it doth not hold; for though the Merchants and Drapers be able Sear­chers of the abuses, yet they are not competent reformers of the grievances, because they are interested in participating of those gaines which the faults occasion and intend. Therefore it is re­quisite▪ that both Cloathiers, Merchants, and Drapers, may be joyned by the Magistrates approbation,

Nor is this all the abuse; for in such parts of the world as the Buyers are not in ability of knowledg, like the Dutch, who make Cloaths themselves, and especially in those parts where the diffe­rence in Religion is so great, as it is between Christians and Turks, there the corrupt Merchant causeth the Name of God to be Blasphemed: for when those people; (whose eye and judg­ment gives them not so good information as doth their proof and wearing) do find themselves cheated in their Garments, they presently conclude that there is no fear of God in that place, nor obedience to their Rulers, for Conscience, which must assuredly procure much scandal to Christian Religion.

It hath been noted that the original of money, was from sheep, affirming that the Antient Signature upon money, was a Sheep; and its further observed, that Mercandizes were the cause of mo­ney; and there being no greater Merchandize than are from the Sheep, it is evident, that there is nothing more requisite to­wards the enriching this Nation (whose peculiar blessing rests in Sheep) than strictly to hold the Manufactures to the letter and rule provided for their just making; and that the Laws be un­partially executed; and it being apparent that this Nation can­not be rich without a constant utterance of Cloathing, nor can that be done without a perfect reformation in the particulars of the works.

It doth undeniably follow, that Cloathing must be purged [Page 31]from its Corruption, or England must be poor. It is therefore the Manufactors which abuse the Wool, and thereby impro­vidently give advantage to the Dutch: whereas a perfection in the making of Cloaths in England, will capacitate the English to undersel the Dutch.

Now for a true Reformation and Regulation of those dam­mages that have befallen England, by the false and deceptions Manufacturing of Wools, and to bring the Trade to its primi­tive worth; we must rightly understand the cause of those de­fects, or else we can never prescribe suitable remedies as before, but the contrary; the supposed remedy will be worse that the disease. The principle or grand cause of all our misery, in all these things formerly spoken to both in Transportation of Wool, and the bad Manufacturing thereof, is by that division in Trade, both in Merchant and Cloathier, by which meanes it falls out that by the consequence of one mans single Act, a thousand per­sons may be undone; this I have observed in several persons in this Kingdome, and I know no way so profitable to prevent (at least some of that mischief) as by incorporating the Manu­factures, and faithfulness therein; as witness Norwich, and Cole­chester; the misery is the liberty, taken in that which is of ne­cessity a Union, as before by a Law, and more liberty by a Law for some in matters of Conscience, for compulsion can never make that unity as the Law of that Relation doth require, in this as in all others things, to do to others, as we would have others do unto us, which is the Royal Law of Heaven) The great and main inducement to these two things, as good reason (if we will have Trade) to observe the Dutch in both these things, as not the least cause of their riches, (having nothing of their own growth com­paratively with England,) yet are a Rich people, and much by our Commodities, whilst we are disputing whether it be good for us: And I cannot pass by what I have heard of the Follies of the Indians, that will part with a rich Treasure for a Trifle; so we are to the Dutch and French by their policies and circum­venting practices, which draw from us, and still covet to ex­haust the Wealth and Coyne of this Kingdome, and so with one Commodity (as formerly the Wool) to weaken us, and finally [Page 32]beat us out of our Trades in other Countreys, and thus they do (especially the Dutch) more fully obtain their purposes by their convenient priviledges, and settled constitutions, by which they draw multitudes of Merchants to Trade with them, and many o­ther Nations to inhabit amongst them, which makes them popu­lous and there they make Store-Houses of all Forein Commo­dities, wherewith upon every occasion of Scarcity and Dearth, they are able to furnish Foreiners with plenty of those Commo­dities, which before in time of plenty they Engrossed & brought home from the same places; which doth greatly augment Power and Treasure to their Stocks, besides the Common Good in set­ting the Poor on work, as in several particulars mentioned by Mr. Child.

1. By having in their greatest Councils of State and Warr, Tradeing Merchants that have lived abroad in most parts of the world, who have not only the Theoretical knowledg, but the Practi­cal Experience of Trade; sby whom Laws & Orders are contrived, and Peace with Forein Princes projected, to the great advantage of their Trade.

2. Their Law of Gavel-kind, whereby all their Children pos­sess an equal share of their Fathers Estates after their Decease, and so are not left to wrastle with the World in their Youth, with inconsiderable assistance of Fortune, as most of our youngest Sons of Gentlemen in England are, who are bound Apprentices to Mer­chants.

3. Their exact making of all their Native Commodities.

4. Their giving great encouragement and immunities to the in­ventors of new Manufactures, and the discoverers of any new Mysteries in Trade, and to those that shall bring the Commodities of other Nations first in use and practice amongst them, for which the Author never goes without his due reward allowed him at the publick charge.

5. Their contriving and building of great Ships to sayle with small charge, not above one third of what we are at for Ships of the same burthen in England. And compelling their said Ships (be­ing of small force) to sayle alwayes in Fleets, to which in all time of danger they allow a Convoy.

[Page 33] 6. Their parcimonious and thrifty living, which is so extraor­dinary, that a Merchant of one hundred thousand pound Estate with them, will scarce spend so much per annum, as one of fifteen hundred pounds Estate in London.

7. The Education of their Children, as well Daughters as Sons, all which, be they of never so great quality or Estate, they always take care to bring up to write perfect good hands, and to have the full knowledge and use of Arithmetick and Merchants Accounts.

8. The lowness of their Customs, and the height of their Ex­cise: which is certainly the most equal and indifferent Tax in the world, and least prejudicial to any people, as might be made appear, were it the subject of this discourse.

9. The careful providing for, and imployment of their poor: which it is easie to demonstrate, can never be done in England com­paritively to what it is with them, while it's left to the care of eve­ry Parish to look after their own only.

10. Their use of Banks, which are of so immense advantage to them, that some, (not without good grounds,) have estimated the profit of them to the publick, to amount to, at least one Million of pounds Sterling, per annum.

11. Their toleration of different opinions in matters of Religi­on, by reason whereof, many industrious people of other Countreys, that dissent from the established Government of their own Churches, resort to them with their Families and Estates, and after a few years co-habitation with them, become of the same Common In­terest.

12. Their Law-Merchants, by which all controversies between Merchants and Tradesmen are decided in three or four dayes time, and that not at the fortieth part (I might say in many cases not the hundreth part) of the Charge they are with us.

13. The Law that is in use among them for Transference of Bills for debt from one man to another.

14. Their keeping up publick Registers of all Land, and Houses Sold or Mortgaged; whereby many chargeable Law-Suits are pre­vented, and the securities of Lands and Houses rendered indeed, such as we commonly call them Real Securities.

15. The lowness of Interest of money with them, which in peace­able times exceeds not three per cent. per annum.

To Conclude with a short Survey of those things in General, see­ing my time will not permit to enlarge upon it particularly (accor­ding to my purpose) nor so to Correct the former Papers for want of time, being exposed to much Travel, I must humbly beg the Reapers pardon for some Errors passing the Press in my absence.

The first thing observed in the Dutch, is to have experienc'd persons in all Councels skil'd, as Wel Practical, as Theoretical knowledge, which is without all peradventure of such advan­tage, that nothing but experience of it can put the value.

The second I shall not touch.

The third I have at large to eated (viz.) of the advantage in exactness in all Commodities, of which we have sufficient expe­rience at home as well as abroad, that one and the same Com­modity for goodness, yet if one have the reputation more than the other, it shall not only have a quick Market, but shall yield 10 or 15 per cent, more than the other. I speak this of what is matter of Fact in the woollen Manufacture in my own knowledge

The fourth is the Incouragement to those that are any way beneficial to the Publick, which is contrary in England to its shame, as well as to its apparent Losse▪ hence it is that those per­sons that are imployed in publick affairs, that have not principles of honesty, are liable to those temptations of Bribery and [...], being beyond my speare.

Time permits me not to make any further recapitulation. But for my Language in the whole, the Ingenuous peruser will, I trust, rather value my serious Intentions (while I write to matter of Controversy, but what may redound to the Honour and Advantage of his Majesty and Kingdoms) than criticize upon my defect of Scholastick phrase, or Logical method; who be­ing never enriched with opportunities of education thereto, yet have so much of a Christian and true English-man, as to wish every Reader Happiness both here and hereafter.



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