The Commons address against the Duke of Lauderdail, presented to His Majesty, May 9, 1679 England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1679 Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2011-04 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2). A38200 Wing E2513 ESTC R32901 12778237 ocm 12778237 93790

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A38200) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 93790) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1034:4) The Commons address against the Duke of Lauderdail, presented to His Majesty, May 9, 1679 England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 4 p. s.n., [London : 1679] Caption title. Imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library.

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eng Lauderdale, John Maitland, -- Duke of, 1616-1682. Popish Plot, 1678. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. 2020-09-21 Content of 'availability' element changed when EEBO Phase 2 texts came into the public domain 2009-03 Assigned for keying and markup 2009-04 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-05 Sampled and proofread 2009-05 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-09 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion
THE Commons Addreſs Againſt the DUKE of LAUDERDAIL, Preſented to His Majeſty, May 9. 1679.

WE your Majeſties moſt Loyal and Dutiful Subjects, the Commons in this preſent Parliament Aſſembled, finding your Majeſties Kingdoms involved in imminent dangers, and great difculties, by the evil deſigns and pernicious Councels of ſome, who have been, and ſtill are in high places of Truſt and Authority about your Royal Perſon, who contrary to the duty of their places, by their Arbitrary and deſtructive Counſels, tending to the Subverſion of the Rights, Liberties, and Properties of your Subjects, and the alteration of the Proteſtant Religion Eſtabliſhed, have endeavoured to alienate the hearts of your good Subjects from your Majeſty and your Government, which we by our duty are bound to preſerve. We have juſt reaſon to accuſe John Duke of Lauderdail, for a chief Promoter of ſuch Councels; and more particularly, for contriving and endeavouring to raiſe jealouſies & Miſunderſtandings between this your Majeſties Kingdom and Scotland, whereby Hoſtilities might have enſued and ariſen between both Nations, if not prevented: wherefore we your Majeſties moſt Loyal Subjects cannot but be ſenſibly affected and troubled to ſee ſuch a perſon, notwithſtanding the repeated Addreſſes of your late Paliament, continued in your Council at this time, when the Affairs of your Kingdom require none to be ſet in ſuch imployments, but ſuch as are of known Abilities, Intereſt, and Eſteem in the Nation, without all ſuſpition of either miſtaking or betraying the true intereſt of the Kingdom, and conſequently of Advſing your Majeſty ill.

We do therefore beſeech your Majeſty, for the taking away the great Jealouſies and diſſatisfactions amongſt your good Subjects, who are oppreſt with great grief and ſorrow, that your Majeſty will graciouſly be pleaſed to remove the Duke of Lauderdail from your Majeſties Councils, in your Majeſties Kingdoms of England and Scotland, and from all Offices, Imployments, and places of Truſt, and from your Majeſties preſence for ever.

A Speech in the Houſe of COMMONS, upon Reading the Bill againſt the D. of York, May 1679.

WE have now the weightieſt matter under our Conſiderations that ever came before us, therefore we ought with the higheſt Zeal to ſpeak our minds boldly for the King and Kingdom: for as the matter is of no leſs importance than to ſecure our Religion to Poſterity, ſo much the rather ſhould we apply our ſelves to manifeſt that we will not be diſcouraged by any ſeeming oppoſition whatſoever.

But as the Lord Chancellor lately told us, This is the time, ſo I muſt repeat it, That it is indeed the time; that is to ſay, the moment: which if we ſhould ſuffer to ſlip from us, it may never be in our power to regain, and then our Children may be bound to Curſe us: for I muſt tell you, That it will be utterly impoſſible ever to ſecure the Proteſtant Religion under a Popiſh Succeſſor, unleſs you do totally diſable him to inherit theſe Proteſtant Countries; and the Tyranny of the See of Rome will infallibly ſteal upon us.

For to think to reſtrain a King under the Power of a Penal Law, thereby to ſecure Religion, is no more than to bind Sampſon with Cords, who as ſoon as 'tis ſaid, The Philiſtims are upon thee, will break them all in pieces, and carry the Gates away with him, and leave you open to the Invaſion of the Enemy; nothing therefore can be able to ſecure us, but to clip his Locks: For if the Papiſts do at this time deſigne to ſubvert our Religion under a Proteſtant Prince, how much more will they deſigne againſt us under a Popiſh Succeſſor? What will not the Prieſts and Jeſuits undertake, to procure our Deſtruction, when they ſhall have the favour of the Prince, and are ſecured that the Laws and Statutes made againſt them, ſhall not be put in Execution? for 'tis Coleman's Maxime, That if the Popiſh Religion ſtood upon an equal foot with the Proteſtant, the Popiſh Religion would get the better, as they would manage it; and then our Eſtates could never be ſecure, no, nor our very Lives; and Proteſtants would be diſcouraged, and hardly dare to ſpeak their minds; and Maſſacres may be as frequent and as great here, as they were formerly at Paris: So that 'tis clear we can never reſtrain him.

The Lord Chancellor in his Speech tells you, That when His Majeſty ſhall happen to dye, we ſhall have a convenient time to ſettle Religion and the Nation. Let me ask you, Muſt we act with the Succeſſor, or without him? If we act with him, he will never conſent to any thing we ſhall do againſt him; if without him, we act as a Common-Wealth; and that he will never ſuffer, but perhaps will ſend his Guards and turn us out of Doors, and what will become of us then?

One Reaſon laid down to us likewiſe is, That it is impoſſible for a Succeſſor to raiſe Money, but by Conſent of Parliament: that point may be eaſily anſwered by us, There are many ſmall Burroughs and Towns who chooſe us, where there are but few Voices; how eaſie is it to purchaſe thoſe Votes by Money? if he ſhould lay out Ten or Twenty thouſand pound for the purchaſe, they would ſoon give it him again; and then the whole Nation will be ruin'd without Redemption. The Speech of the Lord Chancellor is onely a Fig-leaf to cover our Nakedneſs, or rather Leaf-Gold to flatter us; or like a Mother who having a froward Child, and upon neceſſity muſt do ſomething to pacifie it, ſhe gives it any thing ſhe hath, but lets it keep it no longer than ſhe pleaſes.

Now I have ſhown you the neceſſity of this Bill, let us next conſider, that the good which will come by it, is far greater than the evil that can enſue upon it; which I will thus demonſtrate: If we give way to a Popiſh Succeſſor, we give away Religion, and have Popiſh Tyranny for a Recompence; and then conſequently, our Eſtates will be taken away; and for an Engliſh man to loſe his Eſtate, is worſe than to loſe his Life, ſince he muſt continue in perpetual Bondage, and be worſe than a Captive ſlave, and ſhall be Prieſt-ridden every day: therefore in my opinion, it is far better for us to reſolve to maintain our Religion, and to ſecure our ſelves by oppoſing any Violence that ſhall be offered to us from abroad, than to be in danger of having our Throats cut every moment, by thoſe that ſhall be amongſt us.

Now let us conſider, whether this may be effected by Law, or out of neceſſity. I will put the Caſe, That if a Prince be born to a Kingdome who is either Lunatick, or otherwiſe diſabled to do the Kingdom any good, ſhall not the Subjects in this caſe proceed to chuſe another who may preſerve the Kingdom, when otherwiſe it muſt of neceſſity periſh? As lately in the Caſe of Portugal, they choſe another to ſucceed, becauſe of the diſability of the former; And ſhall not we then diſable the Duke, who cannot poſſibly do the Nation any ſervice, his Principles being ſo contrary and deſtructive to the Laws, Statutes, and Conſtitutions of this Government, as nothing but ruine can enſue thereby?

Now as to the Point of Law, I muſt ſay, that as for a private perſon to riſe againſt his Prince is Rebellion; ſo on the contrary, when there is an Act of Parliament to diſable him, and that upon ſuch good grounds and reaſons as we have heard read againſt him this day, we ſhall be juſtified by all the World in oppoſing his Claim; and we have had Preſidents of this kind heretofore. And it was Enacted in Queen Elizabeths time, That thoſe who durſt any way diſpute that the King and Parliament could not appoint a Succeſſour, ſhould be guilty of a Premunire.

FINIS.