THE Two Great Questions Further Considered. With some Reply to the Remarks.

Non Licet Hominem Muliebriter rixare.

By the Author.

LONDON: Printed in the Year MDCC.


Since then his Passion has put him out of Tem­per, and transported him beyond the bounds of Decency and good Manners, I shall leave him to come to himself again, by the helps of Time, Sleep, and such other proper Remedies for Men that are Craz'd ad Distemper'd, and Address my self to that part of Mankind who are Masters of their Sences.

Of all Men in this Town, the Author of the Two Reasons Consider'd, was never yet suspected of being a Courtier, an Advocate for standing Ar­mies, an Insulter of Parliaments, but just the con­trary, as will appear, if ever he is call'd to show himself.

But because he took the Liberty to put his Thoughts in Print, on the Extraordinary Iuncture of Affairs on Account of the Spanish Succession, and he finds that some People are mistaken both in him, and in the Intent of his Book; he there­fore Craves leave of the Publick to Explain him­self in some things, in which he little thought any Body wou'd ha' been so weak as to mistake him.

THE Two Great Questions Further Considered.

BEFORE I enter into the Particulars of the Book I am going to vindicate, I must desire the Reader to observe that this Book was wrote before the French King had declar'd He would accept the King of Spain's Will, or had receiv'd the Duke d' Anjou as King of Spain.

And therefore when I speak of the King of France's seizing of Spain, or seizing of Flanders, I desire to be understood seizing it for himself to annex it to the Crown of France, a thing that hath all along by all the Princes and States of Europe, been coun­ted, and really is, inconsistent with the Peace of Europe; and any Man, but such an Author as our Remarker, wou'd understand me so, when I say Page 22, and quoted by him, Page 9. It must certainly be the Interest of England and Holland first to put them­selves in such a Posture, as may prevent the French King's [Page 2] seizing of Spain; and the next Words express it di­rectly, viz. And upon the first Invasion of the Terri­tories of Spain, to declare War against him in the Name of the whole Confederacy, as an Infringer of the Grand Peace of Reswick.

I need but appeal to any Man's Reason whether the French King's seizing or invading of Spain can mean any thing, but the French King's seizing or invading of Spain, and is as explicite as Words can make it, and wou'd certainly be a Breach of the Peace of Reswick.

The Remarker, Page 6. tells the World the Questi­on what the English ought to do, is a Shooing-horn to draw on what some People mightily want a standing Army, and then in his rude Dialect runs on against the Soldiery, and when he has done, to put a Value on his Argument, magnifies our Nation to such a degree, as no Man, who is sensible of the Power and Designs of our Neighbours, can allow to be so much as rational.

I must first answer his presumptive Suggestion, and then proceed.

I take leave to assure all the World that shall read these Sheets, that by all the Expressions of Forces, Po­sture of the Nation, and the like, I do mean, and do de­sire to be understood to mean, such Force, and no o­ther, such a Posture of Defence, and no other, as by the King, Lords and Commons assembled in Parlia­ment, shall be thought necessary for the Safety of the Kingdom, and Support of our Trade and Interest in the World.

[Page 3]Why else do I say, England shou'd put herself into such a Posture? By England, an Englishman always un­derstands the Parliament of England, and no Man in his Wits wou'd imagine otherwise.

Now did ever Parliament in England talk in this Gentleman's Dialect? That we have a Fleet, and no Ar­my, no matter if all the World Confederated against us; and did ever we get any thing by Foreign Alliances? Are Confederacies advantageous to us? And the like.

Surely, they that are of the Opinion that England is able to Fight the whole World, know very little of the World, and do not remember that in this very War had we had no Confederates, the War had been in our own Bowels, whereas this we got by Foreign Alliances, that we carried the War to our Neighbours Doors; had not the Spaniards, Germans, and Dutch, joined in a Confederacy, the French King had met with no Work to Divert him from giving King Iames such a Powerful Assistance as might have prevented our Revolution, none but a Mad Man can deny that 'twas the Union of the Confederates that was the Pro­tection of England.

The Remarker tells us the Revolution was a Mira­cle, and so it was; but, says he, 'Twas a Miracle that we did not do it without Foreign help. I am sure it wou'd ha' been a Miracle if we had; and I Appeal to any Man that has not forgot the State of England at that time to be Judge of it.

That we shou'd not reduce King Iames to Reason by our own Native Strength, was a Miracle, says he; That is, that we did not rise and pull his Army to [Page 4] pieces; if this Gentleman had not forgot his own Story, he cou'd never thus contradict himself.

If our own Native Strength is so much Superior to an Army, that 'tis a Miracle they did now recover themselves without other help; then Ridiculus mus, the dreadful Spectrum of a Standing Army is lost, and all our Danger of being enslav'd is at end.

I have as great an Opinion of the Bravery of the English Nation, as any Man; but it does not use to be the Temper of the English to run on such Rhodo­mantado's.

'Tis no disparageing the English Na [...]ion, to say, That as Affairs now Stand, they are not a match for the French Power without the help of Confederates. I am no Traitor to my Country, as he is pleased to call me, if I own that our Militia are not able to Fight a French Army. But Grant they were, 'tis not Invasion of our Native Country that we are upon, God forbid, we shou'd have Occasion to Provide against that; but 'tis always the Interest of England to keep Danger at a distance, and it has been the Practice of England to do it by Leagues and Confederacies, as the only pro­per Method.

This Gentleman upbraids me with Reading truly; I have Read all the Histories of Europe, that are Ex­tant in our Language, and some in other Languages, and amongst the rest, I have Read that Queen Eliza­beth supported the Dutch, and supplied them with Men and Money, that she did the like by the Hugo­nots of France, and afterwards made a League of­fensive with the King of France; and why? All our Histories agree it was to keep the Forces of Philip the [Page 5] Second, so employ'd that he shou'd not be at leisure to turn all his Power upon her. Thus she manag'd a War with him abroad, and kept England from being the Field of Blood; and this England got by a Confe­deracy abroad.

And I'll give another Instance, which no Man can have the Face to deny; when the Spanish Fleet lay at Anchor, and had yet received no such considerable Damage from our Ships, as to prevent their Landing, the Dutch lay with their Fleet on the Flemish Coast at the procurement of the Queen, and thereby prevented the Duke of Parma bringing over 30000 Spaniards into England, which if they had done, the Fate of England must have been tryed by the Sword, and on her own Ground. Behold the Be­nefit of Allies.

If I have Panegyrick'd on the Reputation of the King at the Head of a War-like Nation, I have done nothing, but what all the World own his Due, and what we have the Authority of Parliaments for, who have own'd him for the Saviour of these Nations from Popery and Arbitrary Power, at the Expence of his own Personal Hazard. I need not Quote the many Addresses of Parliament, as the Voice of the whole Nation, for my Authority: As for places at Court or Pensions, the Author never had nor desired any, but hopes a Man may be allowed to speak what Truth and Honour obliges every Man to do of a King, that has deserv'd so much of the English Na­tion, without the Reproach of a railing Scribler.

I must further Explain my self in Defence of what I thought no Man wou'd have had Baseness enough to [Page 6] Suggest. But when I speak of a sort of a People, who have appear'd such Champions of our English Liberties, as to damn all kind of Force, as useless, burthensome to the Kingdom, Badges of Slavery, and all Arguments to be only pretences for supporting Arbitrary Designs, I should mean by these the Parliament of England.

Far be it from the Thoughts of any honest Man to imagine such a thing; nor is it rational that I cou'd Suggest such a thing of the Parliament, for as his own Words confutes him, The Parliament, says he, ne­ver did damn all Force as useless. Very true, Sir, how then can you imagine any Man cou'd mean the Par­liament who never did any such thing? Nothing can be so absurd, and there I leave it.

But since I am charged with intending those whom I really never thought of, nor no Rational Man cou'd suppose, give me leave to tell the World, who it is I do mean, when I say, There are a sort of People who have appear'd such Champions of our English Liberty as to damn all kind of Force as useless. I mean the Pam­phleteering Club, who have set themselves to Blas­pheme God, and Ruin their Native Country, and in Print to sow to the Seeds of Misunderstanding and Distrust between the King and his People.

The Club where the Blessed Trinity is openly de­rided, in Print lampoon'd, and shamefully in the Face of a Protestant Government abus'd and ridicul'd.

That Club of Men who pretend to guide Parlia­ments, and prescribe to them what they are to do; who are so openly against Force, that they leave us naked for a Prey, even to the most Contemptible Treasons.

[Page 7]That Club that sent out a blasphemous Poem lately under the borrow'd Name of Clito, where the Deity of our Saviour is denied, and then the very Being of the English Monarchy undermin'd.

That Club that denies Englishmen the use of their Reason, and will not allow that even the Parliament of England can appoint such Powers as are necessary to our Defence.

These are the Champions of our Liberty, that I di­rectly mean, who damn all kind of Force as useless.

These are they who have sent out this Pamphlet into the World, and have brought the Author of the Two Questions to the Bar of the House right or wrong; these are the Men who tell us Confederacies and Al­liances are useless, and all Forces oppressive that say they are not yet rid of Slavery, because the King has his Guards left; as if Forces in England by Consent of Parliament, cou'd be a Grievance.

Who tho' they cry up Parliaments, as those by whom Kings reign, yet will not allow them to be Judges of what is, or what is no Convenience, but will have the Lord Treasurer, Lord Chancellor, and Lord Admiral be nam'd by the Parliament, because the Word England is added to their Titles.

These, and none but these, are the Persons who I mean all along, when I say, They have deluded the People of England▪ by their specious Pretences; and no­thing can be plainer, than that they have carried on a Pen and Ink War against the Reputation of the King obliquely, and sometimes directly reproaching him, with Designs to enslave the Nation, whom he [Page 8] came to set free, and to rob us of those Liberties which he ventur'd his Life to save.

These are the Men who I mean when I say, they have weakned his Hands, and his Interest at home, which they have certainly done, by endeavouring to lessen his Reputation, and to suggest to his Subjects, that he will invade their Liberties.

These are the Men who think they cannot be an­swered, without concerning the Parliament in their Quarrel; who to bring the King into Contempt with his Subjects, for whom he has done so much, and from whom he has received so many Thanks and Acknowledgments, represent him attempting to de­stroy our Liberties by standing Armies; and if they are answered, pretend to fright their Adversaries with the Parliament, as if nothing cou'd be said to the Point, without reflecting on the Parliament.

To these People let me take the Liberty to say, tho' the Matter of Armies was no way the Case in this Af­fair, that this Author does affirm, and will answer it any where.

That a standing Army in England in time of Peace is not against Law, nor inconsistent with the Constitution of England.

Provided it be by Consent of Parliament. To avoid all manner of Disputes in this Point, my Authority is unquestionable, being the Parliament of England them­selves, or Convention, which is equivolent in the Sixth Article of the Declaration of the Rights of the People, declar'd by the Commons of England. These are the Words:

[Page 9] That the raising and keeping a standing within the Kingdom in time of Peace (unless it be by Consent of Parliament) is unlawful.

This was once urged to these Gentlemen before, but as a thing they cou'd never answer; they took no notice of it, and here I leave it with this Re­mark.

That I do, and every English Protestant will always consent to have such, and so many Forces rais'd, maintain'd, and kept up in England, and no more; as the King, Lords and Commons assembled in Par­liament shall think needful for our common Perserva­tion, and the Safety of the Nation's Interests.

This is the middle way between both Extr [...]ams, and nothing in the Book this Remarker treats so scur­vily, can give any rational Ground to charge me with proposing farther.

Nor has the King himself attempted to keep up any Forces, but with Consent of Parliament, and has ass [...]r'd us he never will.

I have done with this railing Author, and indeed had not meddled with him at all, only to explain my self in the Persons, I mean thro'out the Book he reflects on; and methinks no Man cou'd imagin any Author wou'd be such a Fool to treat the Par­liament of England in such a manner, as I have done the People I speak of, while he knows the Power of the Parliament to crush such a one with the Breath of their Mouth.

Without troubling the Reader any more with my Remarker, or but by the by, where I am oblig'd to come athwart him, I shall take this Opportunity to [Page 10] say what I wou'd ha' said before, had it been known that the King of France wou'd have declar'd his Grand­son King of Spain.

And I shall lay it down as a further Answer to the grand Question.

What Measures England ought to take?

The League for the Partition of the Spanish Mo­narchy being not made publick, and propos'd to the English Parliament, says some, is no League at all, and therefore England has nothing at all to do with it.

If what such say be true, which yet I do not believe, then whenever His Majesty please to call a Parlia­ment, and acquaint them of it, it becomes an English League, for no Man ever yet disputed, but that the Power of making Leagues and Treaties, either for Peace or War, was committed to the Kings of England, nor can he tell us of a League ever made in En­gland, which was first discuss'd in Parliament, when we had a King to be treated with.

All that I have yet said we ought to do, amounts to no more than this, that England ought to put her self into such a Posture with the rest of her Neigh­bours, as that she may be able to preserve the Peace lately purchased at so dear a Rate, and to preserve her Trade, upon which the whole Nation so much depends.

[Page 11]If People will have me to mean a standing Army whether I will or no, I cannot help it; but I say again it may be done without a standing Army, and where is your Argument then? Of which I cou'd say more, but I have not room for it here.

I did affirm it was a weak thing of the King of Spain to pretend to give his Kingdom by Will, and I am of the Opinion we shall hear that he really did not do so; that is, that there was some Pra­ctices made use of to procure such a Will, as in the true Sence of a late Will and Testament makes it void in its own Nature.

But be it which way it will, it is an odd way of devolving the Succession of Crowns; and here I can­not help meeting our Remarker again: ‘That not­withstanding all Deeds of Gift, or other Titles whatever, if the good People of Spain own him as their King, and allow him the Soveraignty, he has the most undoubted Title to the Kingdom of any in the World.’

Though our Author is not worth answering, ha­ving a right Notion in his Head, but not the Sence to put it into English, I shall tell him,

That in the main his Argument is true, and yet the Consequence is false. For,

The good People of Spain, as he calls them, whose Country is their own, have all along agreed that their Crown shall descend by the direct Line, to the lawful Issue of the House of Austria, Successors to Ferdinand and Isabella, in whom the contending Crowns of Arragon and Castile were united; this our Author may find stipulated in the Contract be­tween [Page 12] those two Families, and sign'd to by the Council, call'd by them the great Council of Spain, which is the same thing with them as a Parliament. Thus the good People of Spain acquiesc'd, and have all along submitted to the Successors of that Family, as their undoubted rightful Kings.

Now if it be the Peopl [...]'s Act and Deed, that the Succession of the House of Arragon or Austria shall possess the Crown of Spain, then the Duke d' Anjou has no more Title to the Crown of Spain than the Czar of Muscovy, as I said before, while the Dauphin and the Duke of Burgundy are alive, unl [...]ss the People of Spain legally Convocated had Declar'd the Throne vacant.

And to go on with the Argument in the same Notion of the People's Right to make Kings, which is what these Gentlemen are so fond of.

When the People of a Nation have by any publick Act, Legally made, entail'd their Crown, or commit­ted the Government of themselves, or what he pleases to call it, to such or such a Family, and such and such Heirs, I hope they will allow then that such and such Heirs have a Right, till the same which gave them their Right, in the same legal Manner do publickly rescind, alter or repeal the former Settlement on which that Right was founded.

If this be true, then where is this Publick act of the People of Spain to rescind the Former Title of the House of Arragon? To say they have not disclaim'd the Duke d'Anjou, what a ridiculous Argument is that, the Settlement they have agreed to, is not Re­peal'd, nor the Great Council of the State been call'd to Debate it; nor is their any need of it, [Page 13] for the Heirs are in Being, the Throne is not Va­cant.

Now if you will form a Legal Title for the Duke d'Anjou, on this Gentleman's Notion of the Peoples Right, it must be thus.

The Dauphin is the Immediate Heir, but he refuses to accept of the Crown for himself, and his Eldest Son; then the Great Council of the State, which is the People of Spain, ought in this Emergency to have been call'd, to Consider to whom they wou'd dispose of the Crown, or to whom they wou'd Submit; and if this be true, as I am sure by this Doctrine it can­not be otherwise, they may as well bestow their Crown on the Emperor of Morocco, saving his being a Ma­hometan, as on the Duke d'Anjou.

Also, if all Titles be deriv'd thus from the People, and any one that they will Accept, is Lawful King: Why shou'd I be blam'd for saying, 'twas a weak thing for the King of Spain to give away his King­dom by his Will, which he had no Power do?

It had been much wiser to have call'd the Great Council of the Nation together, and ha' caus'd them to settle the Succession, as they thought fit, as the only Persons who had a Right to do it.

Another Consequence I must draw from this Do­ctrine of the People's Right, which the Gentlemen are not Historians enough it seems to know.

If it be the Peoples Right to dispose of the Govern­ment as they see fit, as in the Case of a Vacancy of the Throne No body doubts; then let the Title to the Crown Spain, be whose it will, 'tis none of the Duke d'An­jou's; for in the famous Treaty of the Pyrenees, where [Page 14] the Match was made, from whence this Title does proceed; the Reconciliation made by the French to the Crown of Spain was Sign'd on both sides, by the Princes of the Blood on behalf of the French, and by the Grandees and Plenipotentiaries on the behalf of Spain; and this was to signifie, that it was an Agree­ment, not Personal only, but National; and that there­in the People of Spain did renounce all Subjection to the Issue of that Marriage.

Now to pretend this can be rescinded by the Will of the late King, or the call to the Duke d'Anjou from Six or Seven Councellors nominated by the King, this is to destroy all the Pretence of the Right of the Peo­ple, and so humbly Conceive by their Doctrine, the present Title of the Duke d'Anjou is fallen to the Ground.

What the People of Spain may do when a French Power may have put the Duke d'Anjou in Possession, and they see no Body to help them, I cannot tell, but at present he has no visible Title, either from the Call or Consent of the People, or by Legal Succession.

'Tis next proper to Enquire what is all this to us who is King of Spain?

I Confess I see less Cause to apprehend Danger from Spain, under this way of Succession, than I shou'd have done if the French had attempted to Possess it as a Devolution to their Monarchy, and put it all into one Government, which is what I meant, and what any Man that understands English must under­stand by it, when I said, Page and quoted by him, P. 13.

If the French carry the Spanish Monarchy.

[Page 15]Truly, If the French carry the Spanish Monarchy, that is, obtain the Possession of it to themselves, I appeal it to all the World if we are not in a dan­gerous Condition; and how foolish is it to say with our Author, P. 14. I care not who is King of France or Spain, so the King of England Governs according to Law. 'Tis a barbarous and impudent Reflection on the King, who never yet has broke any of our Laws, and has no Relation to the Case in hand, but to show that the Publisher wants Manners as well as Sence.

But now the French King has resolv'd to make the Duke d'Anjou King of Spain, what is our Danger from that?

I shall not go much on Conjecture, but I shall go on the same foot as before.

France can Propose no Benefit fairly by it, but the drawing the Spaniards off from the Confederates, and Leagueing them with himself.

If he will do thus, he will strengthen his Interest ve­ry much, as well as weaken his Enemies; but then He must be sure not to Encroach upon the Spanish Mo­narchy; which if he does as I said in the other part of this Discourse, he will find the Duke d'Anjou King of Spain, as well as a Prince of Bourbon.

But if the King of France shou'd put the Duke d'An­jou upon such Methods of Government, as shou'd re­cover the Spanish Greatness, and make that Wealthy Nation Masters of themselves again, as they formerly were, and find out ways to Unite the Interests of the two [Page 16] Nations, the Ballance of Power in Europe is again quite overturn'd, and there is our Danger.

Before I descend to Particulars, I'll explain the Terms, to avoid the Impertinence of another Remarker.

If the King of France shou'd find out a way to Unite the Interest of the two Nations, by this I un­derstand in short, making the Prosperity of one, ne­cessary for the Safety of the other, and so vice versa.

I cou'd explain my self how this may be done too, but 'tis too large for a Pamphlet, joining Interests is joining Nations. Affinities, Leagues, and Treaties, are trifles; where has there been more Inmarriages, than between the two Northern Crowns? And yet never more Jealousies, nor difference of Interest.

Where has there been more Antipathies, more con­trariety in Temper, and Religion, than between the Dutch and Spaniards? And yet their Interest has o­vercome all Animosities, and made them strict Con­federates.

To say a strict Confederacy and Conjunction of In­terests between Spain and France will do us no harm, is the Effect of a stupid Ignorance; and no Man can say it, but he that has the Face to say Foreign Alliances are of no use to us.

'Tis plain, the Trade we drive to Spain, is without Dispute, the best, the greatest, and most profitable Trade we have; 'tis plain and known to all Men that understand that Trade, that 'tis driven by way of Factory, and carried on by Englishmen, and by Eng­lish Stocks; I'll lay the present Case upon one Article only.

[Page 17]If the French obtain so much by their Amity with Spain, that upon every Breach with France, our Mer­chants and their Effects shall be seized in the Spanish Dominions, as is the Custom of the Country: When­ever the French please to Insult us, we are at their Mercy; if we break with them, we are ruin'd.

Why have we all along been so tender of a Peace with Spain? Why so careful not to Affront them? Why so ready to Protect them with our Fleet and Forces, but because our Effects there are so Considerable, that the very Soul of our Trade is De­pendant upon it, and is there no Danger in having all this lye at the Mercy of the French?

Some think all the World must Trade with us, and our Manufactures will Force their own way, and the French can do us no harm, says our Wise Remarker, ‘If the Lords of the Treasury wou'd take care to pre­vent the Exportation of Wooll.’

He might as well ha' thrown that upon the Parlia­ment too, unless he can make it out that the Lords have not prevented it.

But he is as blind a Merchant, as he is a Geographer, when he says, P. 21. Portugal is environ'd with the Territories of France and Spain, when every Body knows, not a Foot of the Territories of France comes within a Hundred Leagues of Portugal; and in the same Page talks of Forces Landing in Holland, and forcing their way thro' the Spanish Netherlands into Germany, which is no more that Road out of Holland into Ger­many, than to go to West-Chester, is the Road to Edin­burgh? I suppose this Gentleman never went up the [Page 18] Rhine in Germany: And then to mend the matter, tells us that is the Way to come on the back of Spain, in which he forgets to Consult his Map again, where he wou'd ha' found the whole Kingdom of France, with the Swiss-Cantons, or the Savoyards, between Spain and the nearest part of Germany, besides the Alps, and the Pyrenees to get over, and the French to be sought with: This is such a Marcher of an Army, the Devil wou'd not be a Musqueteer under him.

And thus Infatuated he is in Trade; tho' there were really no Wooll went out of England, yet the French, Dutch and Germans would always be advancing up­on our Manufactures, our English Wooll is a great Com­modity in France, but in Holland, and at Hamburg, 'tis not half so valu'd, and yet they out do us in many of our Manufactures.

Besides, Scotland and Ireland are Back-doors, at which our Wooll manifestly goes Abroad in quantities, the rest is by Stealth, and what can the Lords of the Trea­sury do in that. But he that loves to Cavil, will have something to say to every Body.

I think I have stated a Case wherein a Union of In­terest between France and Spain will be very Fatal to Trade. I Refer the Reader to what I have hinted in the former Book for more of the like.

I descend now to Matters of Strength; all Men must allow that the Prosperity of this, and of most Nations, depends upon Peace; for if Peace be not preserv'd, Trade must suffer; and if Trade suffer, the Poor suf­fer, and so on.

[Page 19]Now, as is already noted, the Ballance of Power is the Life of Peace, and here is your Ballance broken; as I said before, I say again; it is not enough to say we have a good Fleet, tho' it be the best in the World, and I do not think our Remarker can prove that to be a Contradiction any more than he can prove that to go by Germany is the way to come on the Back of Spain.

If our Fleet were Masters at Sea, 'tis true it might pre­serve us from Invasion, and we are not afraid of it, but a Thousand Men of War wou'd not entirely suppress the Privateers of France and Spain from injuring our Trade, and snapping up our Merchants; nor wou'd a Fleet ever reduce the French in Conjunction with the Spaniard to Peace with you, if they were whole and unbroken in their Land Forces.

Nor is it enough if a Fleet cou'd secure our Ships; if your Peace be precarious, 'tis no Peace; and if you are not a Master for your Adversaries, you shall have no Peace at all any longer than they please.

Why do all Nations covet to strengthen themselves by Leagues and Confederacies, but to put themselves into a Condition to be fear'd by their Neighbours; and if we leave our selves without Forces, and without Al­liances abroad, we are like to be very little valued by Neighbours.

From all these Considerations I think this Conclusion is very natural. That England ought so to act, as to oblige the French to perform all the Leagues, Articles and Agreements which they have entred into with us, and which the King for Preservation of our Peace and Trade has thought fit to engage them in for.

[Page 20]Of what Value will the French King make any Trea­ties with the English Nation, if at his Pleasure they shall be laid aside, without any Notice taked by us: If he esteems us not in a Condition to resent a Breach of Faith, when our Interest is so much engag'd, what Notice can we expect he shou'd ever take of us in any Treaty.

This is certainly the way to make it true, that no Na­tion will trouble their Heads to confederate with us; if when we have confederated with them, we let the Enemy insult us all, and bauk our Confederates in such Resent­ments, as the Nature of the King requires.

If the French King can be reduc'd to Reason without a War, and an Army or Fleet, no Doubt 'tis best, but any of them are less Evils than a Union of Interests be­tween Spain and France, and such a Confederacy, as may hereafter league against England, to the Destructi­on of our Confederates, and of our Trade.

The Debate here is not a standing Army in England, but the Kingdom of Spain falling into the French Inte­rests, let the King and the Parliament alone to the Me­thods, if it may be done by paying Foreign Forces, or by no Forces, in the Name of God, Amen: But to say 'tis nothing to us who is King of Spain, is as ridiculous as to say 'tis no matter to us who has the Kingdom of Ire­land.

And if I were to speak of annexing the Spanish Do­minions to the Crown of France, I believe it would be less Loss to England to give the French the whole King­dom of Ireland, than to suffer it.



THE Reader is desired to mend the following Errata's that have escap'd the Press, the Author living in the Country, and not having revis'd the Proofs till after the Book was printed off. In the Preface, line 3. read the Contempt; p. 2. l. 10. for Reasons r. Questions; p. 3. l. 6. r. that if we have; p. 4. l. 4. f. now r. not; p. 6. l. 1. f. but r. that; l. 23. dele to; p. 7. l. 21. f. no Convenience r. not Convenient; p. 9. l. 1. r. Standing Army; p. 11. l. 11. f. late r. last; p. 13. l. 30. r. Crown of Spain; p. 14. l. 2. f. Reconcilia­tion r. Renunciation; l. 14. dele so; p. 16. l. 12. f. Inmarriages r. Intermar­riages; p. 17. l. 29. f. that r. the; p. 18. l. 1. f. in r. into; p. 20. l. 11. f. King r. thing.

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