New-England's Faction Discovered; OR, A Brief and True Account of their Persecution of the Church of England; the Beginning and Progress of the War with the Indians; and other Late Proceedings there, in a Letter from a Gentleman of that Country, to a Person of Quality.
Being, an Answer to a most false and scandalous Pamphlet late­ly Published; Intituled, News from New-England, &c.

Honourable Sir,

THO I have but very lately advised you of my Arrival, and given you some short and general Account of the State and Circumstance of Affairs in New-England, at the time I left the place; which I thought might have been sufficient, until I should have the Ho­nour to wait on you personally; but having had the view of a certain Pamphlet lately Published and Intituled News from New-England, &c. pre­tending to give an Account of the Present State of that Country, and finding the same so very fictitious, false and scandalous, published out of a most wicked design to vilifie and traduce some Worthy Gentlemen, who have been better Friends to our Country, than ever the obscure Author thereof was, or knows how to be, and to amuse and perplex others: I could not for­bear out of my Zeal for truth, and the love and value I have for the Peace and Welfare of my Country, to give you the trouble of this Letter, to discover the falseness of the pretended News, and the baseness and ignorance of the Author; who without great difficulty may easily be gues­sed at, and known by his fruits.

And therefore it may not be amiss to acquaint you, that about two years since, one Mr. J. M. pretended Teacher of the Gospel in Boston, pri­vately left that place and came for London, where of his own authority, he set up to be an Agent for the Country, and used all the art and sub­tilty he could, during the Reign of King James, to indear the same into the affection of F. Peters, Mr. Brent, and Nevil Pain, undertaking as well for himself as us to subscribe to the taking off the Penal Laws and Tests, to support the Dis­pensing Power, and to satisfie his own malice and prejudice (without any ground or reason) conceived against the then Government of New-England.

This Man, as it was the Opinion of most so­ber and considerate Men when I left New-England, so I may very justly term the Author and Pro­moter of all our miseries, founded upon appa­rent and wittingly devised Lyes and Calumnies, carried on under pretence of Zeal and Piety, in­sinuated into, and imposed upon many of the common People, hurrying them into mischiefs and inconveniencies now sufficiently seen, felt, and repented of; Him therefore, I will conclude the Author of the before-mentioned Pamphlet▪ the falsities whereof I shall now plainly and brief­ly detect, to prevent your self and others being imposed upon by him, as many of my Country­men and others have too lately been.

And in the first place I cannot omit to take notice of his positive confidence to charge a Com­mission granted in due Form under the Great Seal of England, for the Government of one of Their Majesties Plantations, Illegal and Arbitra­ry; and that Government a Tyranny, which was by virtue thereof exercised with a thousand times more justice and lenity, than when under [Page 2] the pretended Charter, Administration, or Com­monwealth Discipline, without any Authority for the same whatsoever, if the Author had been but as well acquainted with the Law, as he was with the Declaration he refers to, (and no doubt was the first contriver of) he would have been of another judgment, or at least have conceal'd it until the Opinion of his Superiors had been given therein.

2. That the War with the Indians was begun, as the Author there relates, or that it was ever affirmed by the Indians, that they were encou­raged thereto by Sir E. A. is wholly false; for in the Summer 1688, when Sir E. A. went to receive and settle the Province of New-York▪ then annexed under his Government, it so happen­ed, that a Party of about Nine French Indians fell upon an Indian Plantation at a place called Spectaclepond, near Springfield, on Connecticott Ri­ver, and kill'd and carried away about Nine In­dians, and after coming to a small Village on that River called Northfield, they killed six Chri­stians, and being pursued, fled; the noise of these Murthers soon spread throughout the Country, and notice was given thereof to all the Frontier or Out-parts, advising them to be vigilant and careful to prevent Surprize by any strange or suspected Indians, and soon after this News came to Saco, (a Town and River in the Province of Maine above three hundred Miles distant from the places beforenamed called by that name,) Five Indian Men, and Sixteen Women and Chil­dren, who had always lived and planted on that River, were seized on, and sent by Water to Boston, some of whom were so old and feeble, that they were forced to be carried when a­shore) on others backs. On their arrival at Bo­ston, the Lieutenant Governor and those of the Council there, examined into the cause of seiz­ing those Indians, and sending them thither; but finding that no Cause was sent with them, nor any ground or reason to hold them in Custody, they returned them to the place from whence they came, to be set at liberty; but before they arrived there, the English near those parts were got to their Arms and Garisons: Other Indians of Ambroscoggen and Kenebeque River, hearing that those of Saco were seized and sent away; forthwith surprized as many of the English in Cascobay and Kenebeque River, saying, they in­tended no harm, but would keep them till the Indians were returned: Upon the Arrival of the returned Indians, they were sent unto, and a day and place agreed upon when both the En­glish and Indians were to be set at liberty, and all to be composed; but the Indians not coming at the time appointed, the English waited not for them, but were not long gone ere they came, and by an English Man and two Indians, sent a Letter to the next Garison, importing their readiness to deliver up the English, and to make satisfaction for any hurt or spoil done by them; who from that Garison were Fired upon and ill treated, and not seeing how what they expected could be answered, some of them discover'd o­ther English Men on a Neck of Land, near the place appointed to meet at, and endeavouring to seize some of them, were engaged into a Skir­mish, where five of the English were killed and several of the Indians wounded, who presently after in rage killed two of the English Captives. In this manner, and no other was the War be­gun; whereupon two Troops of Soldiers were raised, and sent to the assistance of those parts against the Indians, with Provision and Ammu­nition necessary by those of the Council at Boston, and the Indians first mentioned to be taken, were again sent back and Imprisoned, and all in the absence of Sir E. A. Upon his arrival at Boston, and being informed of the above, and that such Indians were in Prison, a Committee of the Council was appointed to examine, and see what Grounds or Cause there was for their Commitment or Detainer; and the Committee reporting they could find none, those Indians were by order of Council set at liberty, to be sent to the place from whence they were brought if they desired it: As for the mischief said to be sustained by the Inhabitants there, it cannot be imputed to those Indians, for it was either done while they were in custody, or since the Rebelli­on and Subversion of the Government, from whence begins the date of our Miseries; and I have just reason to believe, the Author was too far concerned therein, as is evident by his dire­cting of his Letters to Simon Broadstreet Esq Go­vernor [Page 3] of the Massathusets, &c. before it was possible for him to know that he was so, or could have any ground to believe he would be, unless he had contrived or directed it.

3. There was no endeavours used to keep the People ignorant of Affairs in England, nor were any Imprisoned for dispersing the Prince's De­claration; which was never publickly seen or known to be in New-England, till some time after the Insurrection: Tho I have heard, that one Winslow arriving at Boston from Nevis, about the beginning of April 1688. and pretending to shew to several Persons a Written Copy of the said Declaration, was sent for before a Ju­stice, and being examined about the said Wri­ting, denyed he had any such thing; and be­having himself contemptuously, he was com­mitted to Prison; and the next Morning produ­cing the same Paper to the Justice, he was dis­charged without any further trouble or pro­ceeding; and this was all that was acted in New-England, relating to the Prince of Orange's Declaration; so that there was no grounds or reasons to stir up the People to Sedition, but only the ambitious desires and wicked inclina­tions of their former Popular Magistrates and Members, to set up their old Arbitrary Com­monwealth Government, that freeing them­selves from the Authority of England, they might without fear of punishment, break all the Laws made for the encouragement and increase of the Navigation of England, and regulating and securing the Plantation Trade, as is suffi­ciently evident by the several Vessels since ar­rived from Holland, Scotland, Newfoundland, and other places prohibited by the Acts of Trade and Navigation.

And that such was their design, to rend them­selves from the Crown of England, will appear by the free and open confession of some well knowing in that Conspiracy; who have since declared (before Witnesses of undenyable truth now here in England) that the design of seiz­ing upon Sir E. A. and subverting Kingly Go­vernment in New-England had been long con­trived and resolved on, and was to have been done the beginning of January 1688. and that those concerned in the late Revolution were then to have acted the like parts, at which time was no account of the Prince of Orange's intention of coming into England known in that Land.

4. It cannot be said, that ever any unlawful Levies of Money were made upon the Subject un­der the Government of Sir E. A. for all that was raised in his time, was by virtue of a Law made and practised for about Fifty Years be­fore, which was continued and confirmed by express command, under the Great Seal of England, for support of the Government, and was but a Rate of one Penny in the Pound, to be annually collected by War­rant from the Treasurer, which those who late­ly assumed the Government, tho without any Lawful Power or Authority, have so far exceed­ed, that for about Six Months management, they have caused seven Rates and an half to be levied; and I have since advice that they have ordered Ten Rates more to be exacted.

5. By the Actings and Proceedings of these New-England Reformers, it is easily to be seen, what regard they had to Religion, Liberty and Property; having now had the opportunity to make themselves Persecutors of the Church o [...] England, as they had before been of all others that did not comply with their Independency▪ whom they punished with Fines, Imprisonment▪ Stripes, Banishment, and Death, and all [...] matters of meer Conscience and Religion only: The Church of England, altho commande [...] to be particularly countenanced and encouraged, was wholly destitute of a place to perform Divine Service in, until Sir E. A. by advice of the Council, borrowed the new Meeting house in Boston for them, at such times when [...] thers made no use of it, and afterwards prom [...] ted and encouraged the building of a Ne [...] Church for that Congregation, to avoid [...] manner of Offence to their dissenting Neig [...] bors, which was soon compleated and finish [...] at the particular charge of those of the Chur [...] of England; whose number daily increasin [...] ▪ they became the envy as well as hatred of th [...] Adversaries, who by all ways and means po [...] ble, as well in their Pulpits as private [...] endeavour'd to asperse, calumniate, and [...] [Page 4] fame them, and so far did their malice and bi­gotry prevail, that some of them openly and publickly hindered and obstructed the Minister in the performance of the funeral Rites, to such as had lived and dyed in the Communion of the Church of England: And a most scanda­lous Pamphlet was soon after Printed and Pub­lished by Cotton Mather, Son of the beforemen­tioned, J. M. intituled the unlawfulness of the Common-prayer Worship, wherein he affirms, and labours to prove the same to be both Popery and Idolatry, and several scandalous Libels both against the Church and Government, were spread and scattered up and down the Coun­try, insinuating into the Common People, that the Governor and all of the Church of England were Papists and Idolaters, and to stir them up to Faction and Rebellion, for which the said Cotton Mather, and others, were bound over to answer according to Law; but was su­perseded by their Insurrection. And the Ju­stices having issued their Warrant for the obser­vation of the 30th of January pursuant to the Statute, the same was called in and suppressed, by Captain Waite Winthorp one of the Council, who in the Commotion, appeared the chief Man and Head of the Faction against the Govern­ment, which he twice swore to maintain and support, and tho at the time of the Revolution, most of the Principal Officers in the Govern­ment were of the Independent and Presbyte­rian Party, yet their malice and fury was not shewn to any of them, but only used and ex­ [...]rcised against those of the Church of England, whom (as well the Governor as other Officers [...]f the Government, and principal Members of [...]hat Church) they seized and most barbarously [...]mprisoned. The Church it self had great dif­ [...]culty to withstand their fury, receiving the [...]arks of their indignation and scorn, by hav­ [...]g the Windows broke to pieces, and the Doors [...]nd Walls daubed and defiled with dung, and [...]her filth, in the rudest and basest manner ima­ [...]nable, and the Minister for his safety, was [...]rced to leave the Country and his Congrega­ [...]on, and go for England, the Persons Impri­ [...]ned were kept and detained, without any [...]arrant, Mittimus or cause shewn, and several of them had their Offices and Houses broke o­pen, their Goods and Estates taken away, spoil­ed, and embezelled: And when application was made to the new assumed Authority, for the be­nefit of the Habeas Corpus Act, and other Laws made for the Liberty of the Subject, and secu­rity of their Property; the same was denyed with this reason given amongst others after­wards there published in Print; that till the unhappy time of Sir Edmund's Government, the Laws of England were never used, nor any Habeas Corpus granted in New-England, and therefore not to be expected then; and about Ten Weeks after their Confinement, several of the Chief Officers were by the House of Re­presentatives voted not bailable, for no other cause or pretended Crimes than for being im­ployed by the Crown, having therein so faith­fully and truly behaved themselves, that none could justly lay any Crime to their Charge. By this means many suffered Ten Months Impri­sonment, and others less, being turn'd in and out of Goal, as the Arbitrary pleasure of their New Rulers should be verbally known: In their new Erected Courts, they have publick­ly declared, they have nothing to do with the Laws of England, and several of Their Maje­sties Subjects, have been not only Fined and Imprisoned, by the Arbitrary Will of the Ma­gistrates, without any lawful Tryal by a Jury of their Peers, as the Laws of the Land di­rect; but for pretended Crimes sentenced to Death, without any lawful Authority or Le­gal Form of proceedings, and some of them Executed.

6. It is very true, that since the Impri­sonment of the Governor, and alteration of the Government in New-England, the whole County of Cornwall, great part of the Pro­vince of Maine, and part of the Province of New-hampshire, are over-run and destroyed by the Indians; but the occasion thereof has been by that Insurrection, and the withdrawing of the Forces left in those Parts by Sir E. A. and deserting the Garisons there, which was also the loss of the Fort at Pemaquid, and above three Hundred of His Majesty's Subjects, and notwithstanding the Malice of the Author can­not [Page 5] be the least imputation on Sir E. A. who during the time of his Government, kept the whole Dominion from injury, save what was done at first by surprizal, as by every honest Man will be confessed, for what was done in releasing the Indians before mentioned, was not an Act of Favour but Justice, nor done by him alone, but with advice of the Coun­cil, and I can see no reason, why either the Indians or English should be Imprisoned, or Restrained of their Liberty without sufficient cause, or why if one Indian commits an Of­fence, all must be blamed or punished for it, tho they are things too often used and practised by our old Charters in New-England.

Neither were the numbers or quality of those Indians capable of doing such mischiefs, tho the follies and madness of the People since their Revolution, have encouraged and pro­voked many to be their Enemies, and increa­sed their numbers, and no doubt given the French fair advantages to come into their assi­stance.

The Fort of Pemaquid was burnt by the In­dians, and the Guns sometime after fetched from thence, by some of the Forces sent from Boston, and brought thither by them, so that what is mentioned about the Dutch Privateer is wholly false.

7. As to the pretended bloody Fight, said to be between the English and Indians, it was only after this manner: A Party of about three hundred English and Friend Indians, under the command of Captain Benjamin Church, being over-night landed at a Town called Falmouth in Cascobay, in the Province of Maine, the next Morning early, a Party of Indians of a­bout two hundred came to attack that place, who meeting with one Anthony Brackett, and his two Sons going to his Farm, a little di­stant from the Town; they Fired and Killed them, and by that alarmed the place; and thereupon a Party was sent to discover, who advised what they were, and that they were very near the Town; the whole number of Men being all called together had Ammuni­tion delivered them, but by reason of the unsizableness of their Guns and Shot, they were forced to beat their Bullets into Slugs, which made it late before they could March to the Enemy, who in the mean time had the opportunity to post themselves advanta­geously behind Fences, Hedges, Old Trees, &c. and in that manner they engaged; and af­ter about two hours dispute the Indians re­treated into a small swamp, and our Forces left them with the loss of Eleven Men, and Seven wounded, of which Five after dyed; but it was not known that one Indian was killed: And this is all we can brag of in that Service, which was only fortunate, in that the Forces were there, when the Indians came to attack the Place, which else proba­bly they would have carried, tho it's believed, had our Forces been ready early to have at­tacked and pursued the Enemy, some greater advantage might have been gained, but by late advice I am informed that Place is also de­serted.

There is little dependence on those we call our Friend Indians, for they are as great Stran­gers in the Eastern Country as the English, and will not travel or venture farther than they, tho, being used to the Woods, may be quicker sighted to discover the Enemy. You may per­ceive the fiery Zeal of the Author and his Cor­respondent, who will not admit of a charitable Expression or Character of his suffering Neigh­bours, but after they have been the cause of all their Miseries and Ruine, must expect no other comfort from them than to be accounted and termed Heathenish English Plantations; for which I cannot conceive any reason, unless that many in those Parts have been differently edu­cated from those of Boston, and are of the Church of England, whose Forefathers, for that very cause only, were forced to remove so far to es­cape the lash of their Persecutors in the Massa­thusets Colony.

8. We have no reason to brag of our Armies Pursuit after the Enemy, for it was never known that any Party last Summer went twenty Miles from our Settlements (or Place where they had done us mischief) after them, neither, accor­ding [Page 6] to the methods taken, would it avail if they had; for tho they knew the Indians are in Arms, and taking all the Opportunities to at­tack and destroy them, yet no suitable Provi­sion was made in our out-Towns and Fron­tiers for their Security and Defence; but after Advice given to Boston of a Town or Settle­ment being burn'd and destroyed, in about a Fortnights time an Army or Party of about two or three hundred Men would be sent to the Place to see if it were true or not, and whe­ther the Indians did not stay for their coming; which Army of ours, usually abide thereabouts till they have eaten and consumed what stock of Cattle or Sheep the Indians had left, and then return home again.

That any Captives escaped from the Indians, affirm, that the Indians say, they are encoura­ged by some Gentlemen in Boston vigorously to prosecute the War, is mere Invention, and a most false and groundless Imputation, unless by such Gentlemen in Boston are meant Foster and Waterhouse, two of their own Party, who being of the Conspiracy to subvert the Govern­ment, sometime in March, about a Month be­fore the same was put in Execution, loaded a Brigantine with Provision and Ammunition at Boston, and entered her for Bermudoes, but sent her to the Eastward amongst the French and In­dians, then in actual War with us, and furnish­ed and supplied them therewith, when the Governor and the Forces were out against them and had reduced them to the greatest want and necessity both for Provision and Ammunition; and soon after the Revolution, that Vessel re­turned from those Parts with her Loading of Bever and Peltry, which was publickly known and talked, but no notice taken thereof, the grievous effects of which, the Country well knows, and are since very sensible thereof.

The two Captives that last escaped and came to Boston, related, that by the Service done by Sir E. A. the last Winter was Twelve-months, against the Indians, they were reduced to that necessity both for want of Ammunition and Provision, that in the Spring following they resolved to come in and surrender themselves at Mercy, which they no doubt had done ac­cordingly, if the Revolution at Boston had not happened, the Forces being drawn off from the Eastern Parts, Garrisons deserted, and they sup­plied with Ammunition and Provision from Boston, which was the only encouragement they had to renew and continue the War upon us, and has much increased the Numbers of our Enemies.

'Tis true, the Mohawks (tho a small) are a warlike Nation, and have been long Enemies to the French in Canada, and now in War with them; but that no ways affects us in New-England any otherwise than as it is some Diver­sion to the French; for those Indians that war against us are in a direct opposite part of the Country, remote from them, and can be sup­plied from Canada, Port-Royal, and Nova Scotia, altho those Mohawks endeavour to obstruct it; and I could never hear any Offer made by them to that purpose, or that they would engage against our Enemies, for we never had any Ac­quaintance or Correspondency with them, to influence them to our Assistance, they being very remote from Boston, and always under the Government of New-York: but I have been in­formed by Letters from Persons of good cre­dit at Albany, that when the Agents sent from Boston to treat with the Mohawks, and renew their Peace and Friendship with them, and de­sire their Assistance, proposed the same, the Mo­hawks replied, That it was unnecessary for them to come so far to renew their Peace, since to the Indians Knowledge, there had been no War between them, and that they had not on­ly by Words, but by Action, manifested their good Heart to the English, particularly to New-England, since they had by means of the Go­vernment of New-York engaged themselves in the last Indian War, for their Interest, against the Indians their Enemies, by which means much Christian Blood was saved, altho but lit­tle notice of their Service has been taken by those who had the benefit thereof; that they were then in War against the French, and would not increase the number of their Ene­mies, until they certainly knew that those [Page 7] Eastern Indians assisted the French against them. This is the sum and truth of that Negotiation, which cost us above four hundred Pounds Ex­pence; and what Advantage or Credit we are like to get thereby, all Men may judg [...].

We of New-England (I find) are too apt to boast of what we neither understand n [...]r have any assurance of, and build too much on mi­staken Notions and false Grounds, as in this Case of the Indians.

9. The Story about the Mohawks, Jesuits, and Eclipse of the Sun, has not been heard of or acted in any part of New-England, but, as I am informed, is an old Story taken out of some History of the Spanish Indies, and only insert­ed by the Author to enlarge his strange News, and fill up his Paper.

But it must be admitted, that with those Mohawks and other Indians several French Priests and Jesuits have dwelt and inhabited, and en­deavoured to propagate their Religion amongst them, which is more than any of our English Priests or Teachers have done; for altho by the Piety of our Forefathers, considerable Sums of Money have been given, and a Corporation erected for the Evangelizing of the Indians in New-England, a very small progress hath been hitherto made therein; and now scarce any Endeavours or proper Means used at all for their Conversion, tho large Sums of Money are annually sent over and disposed of amongst the Brotherhood, on that pretence, which the Go­vernment, or those chiefly concerned therein, would do well to enquire after, now there are so many of that Country here capable to give an Account thereof, that so good and pious an Undertaking may be neither neglected nor per­verted.

10. It is too true, that great Devastations have been made in New-England by the Indians since the Revolution there, which those that subverted their Majesties Government have been and are the sole occasion of; and that the Fort of Pemaquid, a considerable Frontier next the French, hath been taken, the whole County of Cornwal, greatest part of the Province of Maine, and part of the Province of Hampshire, are de­stroyed and deserted, besides other Mischiefs in the Massathusets Colony within thirty Miles of Boston; the loss and damage of all which, when I left New England, was not computed at less than one hundred thousand Pounds, besides the loss of above three hundred of their Majesties Subjects, and the whole Fish, Mast, and Lum­ber Trade, and all Out-parts forced to Gari­sons.

But that so considerable a Force (as is pre­tended) was sent out against the said Indians, is a Misinformation; for there was not one Man sent from Connecticott last Summer, nor had they resolved to be concerned in the War, tho much persuaded thereto by those of the Massathusets: and when I left those Parts, and for some Months before, there was not a Sol­dier out; and they have reason enough to ap­prehend an Attack from the French as well as Indians, in the Spring, so soon as the Rivers are open, and the Snow off the Ground; which (by their present ill Management of Affairs, want of Authority, and the many Di­visions amongst them) they will not be in a posture to resist, nor to defend and secure them­selves and Country.

11. I did hear before I left New-England, that about sixty Men were ordered to march for Albany from the several Towns on Connecti­cott River; but whether they were to assist those of Albany against the French, or to reduce them under the Subjection of that Rebel Leslier, (who by the evil Instigation of those of Boston and Connecticott had usurped the Government of New York, which those of Albany always re­fused to submit to, but continued as they were,) was a great Question, and can only be known by their Fruits and Service.

The base imputation, which the unworthy Author of that scurrilous Paper would cast on Sir E. A. and other Persons concerned in Their Majesties Government, I think are not worth my taking any particular notice of, since both his, and their Actions do plainly shew them of whom he so speaks to be Faithful and Loyal Subjects: And from the whole scope of pro­ceedings in New-England; it is most plain that [Page 8] the late Subverters of the Government had no manner of regard to Their Majesty's Interest or Service, but when they had as far as possible ruined and destroyed the same, thought them­selves obliged to endeavour their own Security and Preservation, which if His Majesty doth not speedily help by settling of the Government, and giving them further assistance from hence, they are not in a condition to maintain, but will endanger the loss of the whole Country; As is evident by the farther late advice we have of the French and Indians Incursions upon those parts, the loss of Schenectade a considera­ble frontier Town near Albany, and of several settlements on Piscataqua River, with about two hundred more of Their Majesties Subjects kil­led and carried away Captives, and the several other Parties of French and Indians, we hear are out, designed to fall on other parts of that Country, and feared on Albany it self.

This Sir, is the true, tho miserable State and Condition of that Country, as can be particu­larly made appear whenever it shall be inquired into, and must pray your Assistance to endeavor a Redress of its present inconveniencies, and that we may obtain Their Majesty's favour for a happy settlement, that so considerable a Do­minion, on the prosperity of which, depends the Welfare of Their Majesty's other West-India Plantations, may not be ruined and destroyed for want of Their Gracious Protection. Beg­ging your Pardon for this tedious discourse, I presume to subscribe my self,

Honoured Sir,
Your Most Humble Servant, C. D.

LONDON, Printed for J. Hindmarsh, at the Sing of the Golden Ball, over against the Royal Exchange in Cornhill. 1690.

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