THE HISTORY OF His Sacred Majesty CHARLES the II. Third MONARCH of GREAT BRITAIN. Crowned KING of SCOTLAND, At SCOONE the first of Ianuary 1650. Begun from the Death of his Royall Fa­ther of Happy Memory, and continued to the present year 1660. By a Person of Quality.

Bona agere & mala pati Regium est.

LONDON, Printed for Iames Davies, and are to be sold at the Greyhound in Saint Paul's Church-yard, 1660.

To the Right Honourable HENRY Lord Marquess of DORCHESTER, Earl of Kingston, Viscount Newark, Lord Pierrepoint and Manvers, &c.

Right Honourable,

IT was not upon long Considera­tions, but easie re­solutions, that I pitch­ed upon your Lord­ship, and determined to presume upon your pa­tronage [Page] of this small re­view of the actions of his SACRED MA­JESTY,) whose hard fortunes may now de­mand a Subjects prote­ction) since I could no where else find a person who bears so great a [...]ame of true honour & Generosity, nor one whose assured loyalty will make him lesse a­shamed or afraid to own his Prince.

And indeed (my [Page] Lord) when I looked upon these Nations, once I may say almost peopled with Nobles, and now in a great mea­sure deprived both of her nobility and gentry, 'twas easie for me to find out the Prime of those remaining, which a small search told me was your Lordship; who, though you have been no whit behind the foremost in Loyal­ty, yet God hath been [Page] pleased to make others drink deeper in the Cup of affliction then your self.

But all those miseries which either your Lord­ship or other loyal per­sons have suffered, can­not come in competi­tion with those under­gone by his SACRED MAJESTY, who hath drunk up the very dregs of the Cup, and suffered more then can be well spoken; yet all with so [Page] incomparable a pati­ence as worthily de­serves our wonder.

My Lord you are a­mongst the Prime of the Nobility, which God hath yet been pleased to spare this miserable Na­tion; and as you are so, I could not think any person fitter for the pa­tronage of this small piece; since both your loyalty may make you willing, and your power able to protect it.

[Page] If I have soar'd too high either in the sub­ject or dedication, I shall humbly crave your Lordships pardon, and answer to the first; That I was willing to vindi­cate my Sovereign as far as in me lay) from those many reproaches and calumnies cast up­on him by his back-bi­ting enemies; by giving the best account (that either my own know­ledge or the surest intel­ligence [Page] I could get might enable me to) of all his actions, that he might appear the con­trary of what he is re­presented, and dirt be cast in the faces of his accusers. To the second, I wholly cast my self on your Lordship, either to pardon or condemn.

But if my love to his Majesty may in the judgements of some have strained my pen too much in his favour, [Page] I desire it may be impu­ted not to my intent, but passion; for the un­worthy sufferings of so worthy a Prince would irritate any loyal Sub­ject.

My Lord whilst your Lordship shall be gra­ciously pleased to Pa­tronize this small work, that GOD would be pleased to restore his Majesty to be Patron of his Kingdomes & peo­ple, & blesse your Lord­ship [Page] with all imaginary blessings shall be the daily prayer of

Your Lordships most humble Servant, I. D.

To the Right Honourable, Major General Richard Brown, Colonel of the Regiment of horse of the City of London: Alderman Iohn Robinson, Colonel of the Green Regiment of the Cities Trained Bands: Ald. Anthony Bateman Col. of the Red: Ald. William Wale Col. of the White: Mr. William Vincent Col. of the Blew: Mr. Thomas Blud­worth of the Orange, and Mr. Law­rence Bromfield of the Yellow.

Right Honourable,

MAlice and error are the Epidemical diseases of our time and land: so that whoever as a friend to his Countrey, shall presume to discover any thing of a [Page] spirit of Love or Truth, is likely to exasperate not a few. That, I trust, both the Author and my self the Sta­tioner, have endeavoured to do, and therefore must ex­pect to meet with the hard censures and Calumnies of many; yea even of such, of whom we have no worse thoughts then that they suf­fer themselves to be abused with popular mistakes, and unnecessary jealousies con­cerning that most Christian and Illustrious (though now clouded) Prince, the sub­ject of the following Book. Whose eares (according to the Ephesians Hieroglyphick [Page] of Calumny) have been ope­ned too wide to the malevo­lent aspersions of ignorant & ill-interested persons, and are therefore prejudiced against every relation that may re­present him to the World as lovely and desirable. We know Themistocles had the un­happy fate to be rendred o­dious to the people by Aristi­des, gallant persons both, but the latter under a mistake. These we pity rather then be angry at them; and desire to cure them of their beloved distemper by presenting them with this succinct and faith­full History. But yet that I may not be altogether unpro­vided [Page] of a shelter, if the storm of their zealous frenzy should chance to fall upon me (be­sides a recourse to my own integrity, which Ianus-like will make me Tanto frontosior, quanto innocentior) I humbly crave a room under the sha­dow of your wings, where I question not but to lye safe. Your honours have taken a charge upon you, which ob­liges you to maintain the pu­blick and common good in­terest of this Land and City, where

—Res est publica Caefar,
Et de communi pars quoque nostra bo­no est.

Therefore to patronize the [Page] recommendation of his vir­tues for imitation, and of his sufferings for commiseration, cannot be unworthy your ho­nours, which is the humble desire of

Your Humble and Obedient Servant, JAMES DAVIES.

To all loyal Englishmen.
Gentlemen and fellow-Subjects.

I Here present you an History which though now you may, confident I am you very lately could not in reason expect; such was the perversnesse and crookedness of these times, that no loyal subject might without danger attempt to write, nay hardly to speak the truth of his Soveraign: for a sort of men there were, who having by violence usurped his Dominions, thought that they had no surer ground to maintain their unjust possession, then by scandalizing his most SACRED MAIESTY and deceiving of his Subjects, many of whom had not but by such deceits converted their loyalty into Treason.

Yet God I hope will now be pleased to re­turn them to their Allegiance, and give en­couragement to those who have constantly continued loyal, that they may at length once more enjoy happinesse, and every man sit un­der his own Vine and under his own fig-tree; which, the GOD of HEAVEN be prai­sed, we have now greater hopes of then ever.

[Page] If I have in this History-offended any loy­al person, I am heartily grieved, I have im­partially endeavoured the truth, and if I be found in the contrary, reason will easily con­vince me; and I shall be sorry that neither my knowledge or intelligence extended to a more narrow search.

I think I have represented his Majesty no otherwise then any loyal person (for this age requires that distinction) that hath ei­ther heard of or known him will confesse him to be; but if they will not, let them be convinced by that saying of a worthy Gen­tleman long time an attendant upon his Ma­jesty, who having given me a large account of his virtues, at length concluded, That Tully himself (if now alive) could not sufficiently expresse his praise.

Gentlemen, it is to you in General that I present this History, that you may see, and be sensible, to whom you have been loyal, and then I believe that you will judge that your loyalty hath found it's just reward in being loyal to so just a Prince: and if any of you have suffered for him, read but his sufferings, & you cannot value your own. Yet I intend not this at all to his pretended [Page] Tavern friends; which I believe (whilest they are so) are so onely there, and indeed I cannot look upon these as faithfull Subjects; for how can that man be loyal to his Prince, who hath not the power to be true unto him­self. Drunken subjects, though never so loyal, will prove the ruine both of themselves and their Soveraign.

Gentlemen, let those that are truly loyal joyn their prayers with mine for the happi­nesse of his most SACRED MAIESTY since in his we must necessarily include our own, and more then ours, our COVNTRIES.

To the Readers in general.

Courteous Readers.

IF in this History I have displeased any person, they cannot be so much displeased as I am sorry; I have endeavoured to please all, nor have I more then Iustice enforced me to, favoured any; I have laboured (as I profes­sed) to write impartially, where I have not done so, I am confident there will not want Carpers.

If in some particulars affection hath sway­ed me, (though I confesse it a fault) yet it brings it's excuse. What loyal Subject can re­late his Soveraigns sufferings without a pas­sion? what Free born English man's heart begins not to rise within him, when he does but think of those Tyrannies and Oppressions his Native Countrey hath of late groaned un­der? where I have been bitter, it has been with reason; where sweet, with a great deal of Iustice.

Yet one thing I shall desire the Reader to take notice of, that when I speak of the Pres­byterians, I mean not those moderate peo­ple, who are as truly loyal as they are godly; [Page] but some amongst them like wolves in sheeps clothing (such as Straughan and Kerry in Scotland) who only pretend themselves to be Presbyterians, but are in their proof found Sectaries, these are the Flea-bitten Clergy, the Sowers of strife and sedition; and a scandal to those to whom they pretend to be Brethren.

To conclude, that all the Subjects of this Land may with one heart and voice agree together for the Restauration of our afflicted Sovereign, but of our more afflicted selves to just Rights and Priviledges, is the earnest prayer of

A Hearty well-wisher to his Countrey.

THE HISTORY OF CHARLES the II. Third MONARCH of Great Britain, &c.

THe Histories of Englands late oppreessours have alrea­dy cloy'd and overladed the exuberant Presse, whole Volumes daily coming forth; either of the Actions of the late long Parli­ament, or the Life of their aspiring [Page 2] Generall Cromwell, which though adorn'd with all those flatteries, that could possibly proceed from the most beneficed pens, yet cannot in the least justifie their actions to the more sober sort of people; for though their memories may here smell sweet to some, who have ra­ther tasted of their favour, then suf­fered under their oppression, yet do they but render them to the sufferers more infamous, and to the Neuter ridiculous, like the extolling of Don Quixot's Chivalry.

And though there have been some who have adventured to set them out to the life, and paint them in their own colours; yet have ma­ny of these as far exceeded the bounds of Truth, as the others came short of it, rather exasperated by their own, or to please their fellow­sufferers, into so great extremes have either side been lead, out of [Page 3] fear or flattery, anger or passion.

Moderation and Impartiality are the chiefest virtues of an Historian, and therefore he who writes an Hi­story, should chuse such a subject to write on, where neither fear nor gain can induce him to flatter, anger or passion, to too much bitternesse.

Most of our modern Historians have proposed to themselves either profit, advantage or employment by their Works, which hath made them run into their so many grosse errours and flatteries; whilst had they only endeavoured to represent things, persons and actions imparti­ally, they had gained to themselves farre greater honour of true Wri­ting.

I have chosen a subject to write of, which I conceive may lead me to a mediocrity, the Persons afflictions may induce me to pity him, but they will in most mens judgements re­strain [Page 4] me from flattery. Nor need I out of fear, I being now (though un­willingly) out of his reach, mince the truth of his (if any) bad actions.

I confesse the Task I undertake is highly adventurous, my pen may slip, times may change, however my heart shall guide me to an impartia­lity.

Charles the II. Heir apparent to the Crown of Great Britain and Ire­land, and crowned King of Scots, whose History I intend to treat of, was born on the 29. of May 1630. to the great joy of the King, Queen, and indeed the whole Nation; for never yet had England a Prince born of so noble an extract and grand Al­liance, his father by lineal right and descent King of Great Britain and Ireland, his mother daughter to that thrice Illustrious Prince Henry the Fourth, King of France, and wor­thily [Page 5] sirnamed the Great, and Maria de Medicis. By his Grand­mothers side was he near allied to the Kings of Denmark, by the marri­age of his Aunt, the noble Princesse Elizabeth to the Elector Palatine of Rhene, and King of Bohemia; and af­terwards by the marriage of his Roy­all Sister the Princesse Mary, to the Prince of Orange. Thus was he al­lied to most, of the most Potent Princes in Christendome. And hap­py might this Nation have been un­der his Government, if we may be­lieve the vogue of that wisest of men Solomon, who pronounces that Kingdome blessed whose Prince is the son of Nobles.

He was some years after his birth (according to the ancient Customes of England for the Kings Eldest son) invested Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, and was in his minority brought up un­der [Page 6] the care of the Earle of Newea­stle, till in the year 1646. the Lord Hopton's Army, in which he was, being near inclosed by Sir Thomas Fairfax, Generall of all the Parlia­ments Forces in the Devizes of Corn­wall, and the King his Fathers affairs being in a desperate condition all o­ver England, he was by the serious advice of his best friends, perswaded to ta [...]e shipping, and depart for the Scillies, from whence he was by the Parliament invited to return to Lon­don, but he thought it safer for his Person to depart from thence to his Sister at the Hague, till the Royall affairs in England might gain a better posture, which he did, and there found a reception answerable to his birth.

Not long after the King his Roy­all Father, being in danger to be in­closed in Oxford by Generall Fairfax, who returning out of the West, had [Page 7] designed to block it up, took care for his safety, and attended only by Mr. Ashburnham (or as some say, attending on him) went privily out thence, and threw himself upon the Scotch Army then at Newark, who shortly after notwithstanding his confidence of them, for a summe of money delivered him up most per­fidiously and traiterously to his implacable Enemies, the English Army. These after many preten­ces of Treaties, and seeming wil­lingnesse to come to an accord with him, on that black day the 30. of Ianuary 1648. most villanously and trayterously beyond the ima­gination of the World, murder'd him.

Thus far is a short view of those hardships and afflictions undergone by this noble Prince, during his fa­thers life and raign, we will now proceed to those he hath since ran [Page 8] through, which we may more pro­perly particularly call his Own.

Among which the Chief and greatest, and from whence all his other miseries flowed as from their spring head, was the deprivation of his Kingdome and Royalties; For that part of the Parliament of Eng­land which had usurped the whole power or more, were not onely con­tent to take away his Fathers life, but by their Proclamation, deprive him of all right in the Government of those three Kingdomes, which they take upon themselves, contrary both to the Word of God, the Funda­mental Lawes of the Nation, and his own undoubted right by birth, he being lineally descended from that Family which had successively go­verned England for above three hun­dred yeares.

He was at the time of his Fathers death, at the Court of his Sister the [Page 9] Royall Princesse of Orange in the Hague, in expectation to hear rather of the Conclusion of a Treaty then of his Murder, to which effect he writ by the Lord Seymour the fol­lowing Letter to him some short time before his Death.

For the King.


HAving no means to come to the knowledge of your Majesties present Condition, but such as I re­ceive from the prints, or (which is as uncertain) reports. I have sent thts bearer Seymour to wait upon your Majesty, and to bring mean account of it, that I may withall assure your Majesty I doe not onely pray for your Majesty according to my duty, but shall alwaies be ready to do all which shall be in my power to deserve that blessing [Page 10] which I now humbly beg of your Ma­jesty upon Sir,

Your Majesties Most humble and most obedient Son and Servant, CHARLES

And here he staid till he heard the heart-breaking newes of his Fathers Murther, when shortly after he took his Iourney to the Queen his mother in France; hoping there to get aid, but found none which might render him in a Capacitie to revenge his Father's Death, or demand his own Right by force: and in vain it was to think of any fair means to attain it. Yet there wanted not some friends of his in England, who willing to de­monstrate how ready they were to adventure themselves for him and his right, as far as their weak abilities [Page 11] would stretch, caused under hand a Proclamation to be printed, proclai­ming him King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, and advising all his good Subjects to give all due Allegiance to him; but the low con­dition of the Royallists then in Eng­land, and the great strength, and po­tency of the Parliaments Army, made this Proclamation unvalid, and those who at a fit opportunity would willingly have complied with it, were forced to direct their Obe­dience to the contrary Goal.

But though England prov'd thus defective to his Interest, not so much I dare say in Allegiance as power. Yet Ireland is at his Devotion for the Marquess of Ormond and the Lord Inchequin, having made a peace with the Quondam Rebels, he is by joynt consent both of Papists and Protestants proclaimed King in most towns of that Nation, Dublin, and [Page 12] London Derry only excepted, which were kept from their Allegiance, the one by the Lieu. General Iones, the other by Sir Charles Coot, who joint­ly strove to justifie the Parliament of England's late ctions.

He being thus proclaimed there, is solemnly invited to come over to them, to which invitation, his Mo­ther earnestly adds her desires, but the best of his friends and Counsel­lours, as earnestly disswaded him, upon reasons drawn both from pru­dence and Policy, since in probabi­lity the design not succeeding, it would utterly ruine his hopes with all the Protestant party then stedfast to him both in Scotland & England: or that if he would needs venture himself with this party, they desired him at least to attend, whether by a­ny good event of theirs, there might be any probability of successe.

'Tis supposed that this Council swai­ed [Page 13] with him more out of his real af­fection to the Protestant Religion, then any other Politick reason. Yet he immediately after took a journey to the Isle of Iersey, which startled some as though he had intended to have proceeded thence for Ireland, but that suspition proved unnecessa­ry: he was accompanied hither by his Brother the Duke of York. (who was lately come to him out of Hol­land) and many other Nobles and Gentlemen; the Islanders immedi­ately upon his arrival most joyfully proclaimed him King; and the Lord Iermyn Earl of Yarmouth was made Governour of that Island, who con­stituted Sir George Carteret his Depu­ty Governour.

The King sends from hence his Royal Command to the Governour of Gernsey Island, which was then wholly subjected (Cornet Castle only excepted) to the Parliaments force; [Page 14] requiring him to surrender the said Island to him, and that his good Sub­jects there might have liberty to re­turn to their due obedience: but his Command proved ineffectual.

Many affirm, but how true I know not, that the Reason of the Kings removal to this Island was out of de­sign to surprize Dartmouth and some other places in the West, by the Levellers help, who having then made a defection from the Parlia­ments Army in England, were (say they) to have joyned with the Roy­allists for the intents and purposes a­foresaid, but whether so or no I can­not affirm; though I can certainly tell this, that were it so, it proved un­effectual, for the Levellers were soon overpowered and quell'd.

Whilest King Charles was here expecting a Messenger from the States of Scotland, came new's of the unfortunate overthrow of the Mar­quess [Page 15] of Ormond his Army, by Lieu. General Iones before Dublin, which caused a general sorrow among all his followers, for there had been great hopes and expectations of that Army, it amounting to no lesse then twenty two thousand men, and was esteemed able not onely to have ta­ken Dublin, but likewise to have re­sisted Cromwell's then new com­ming Army in the field: yet whe­ther by the carelessness of the Com­manders or security of the Souldiers, I am loath to judge: this mighty Army then beleaguring Dublin, was beat from before it by the be­sieged, and utterly routed by the third part of it's Number.

This overthrow, the repulse of Sir Robert Stuart and Col. Mervin from London-Derry by Sir Charles Coot, and Cromwell's suddain landing in Ireland, whose motion now there was no field Army either to attend [Page 16] or oppose, made his Majesties affairs grow almost as desperate in Ireland as they were before in England.

But the Scots Kirk who had sold their King into the hands of the In­dependent English Army, after they heard that they had condemned him to death, repent them of their Wic­ednesse, wash their hands from any guilt in his bloud; Expostulate with the English sitting in Parlia­ment, about their so severe procee­dings, and protest against having any hand in his Murder; and to make the world believe they had yet some touch of loyalty within them, they had just after his death proclai­med Charles Prince of VVales, eldest Son to the late murthered King Charles the first, and his lawfull and undoubted Heir, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland; and had immediately resolved in the Committee of Estates then sitting to [Page 17] send some sitting persons to treat with his Majestie about sundry Ar­ticles; before his reception to the Crown: but long Debates and de­murrs there were in the businesse be­fore they could resolve what and whom to send.

For some there were in this Grand Committee of Estates, who fee'd or seduced by the Sectaries in England, impeaded to the utmost of their power and endeavours all procee­dings in the businesse, so that once instead of debating what or whom they should send to his Majestie, it came to be a debate whether they should send or no, but at length a letter and propositions was by the prevailing part concluded on, and Mr. Windram Laird of Libberton, appointed to be the Messenger, who on the 25. of September 1649. re­ceived his dispatches, and some time after arrived before his Majestie [Page 18] at Iersey. The chief of their desires was to this effect.

1. That his Majesty would graci­ously be pleased himself to sign the so­lemn League and Covenant, and that he would passe an Act in Parliament that every person in that Kingdome might take it.

2. That he would passe divers Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, which was concluded on the two last Sessions. 1. For approving of their disclaiming Duke Hamilton's last return. 2. For receiving severall Acts made by En­glish for the Militia. 3. That the Kings of Scotland may have no nega­tive voice.

3. That his Majestie would recall the late Commissions given to Mon­trosse.

4. That he would put away all Pa­pists from about him.

5. That he would appoint some place about Holland to treat with their [Page 19] Commissioners. An honour able Com­pany of the most noble Lords in Scot­land, being to be appointed to attend his Majesty, to whom likewise they would send a sufficient provision to maintain him, a train suitable to his birth and deserved Greatnesse.

6. That he would be graciously pleased to give a speedy answer to their desires.

These Propositions were very stifly debated Pro▪ and Con, some were so fierce that they would have his Majesty utterly reject the Sc [...]s Propositions as dishonourable and disadvantageous to his affairs. O­thers were of opinion, that it would more conduce to the Kings Interest to accept of such Conditions as he could agree with the Scotch Com­missioners, which would be a readi­er way to attain the Crown then by Montrosses his designs (who had lately received Commissions from [Page 20] the King to assault the North of Scot­land with what force he could raise) however the businesse was still de­murred and delayed, and no answer for a good while given to the Lord Libberton, who earnestly prest it, till such time as answer could come from Montrosse, then in Holland: and out of France, touching their opinions concerning these Proposi­tions, concerning which Montrosse teturned answer to his Majesty, desi­ring him to hear ken to the Scots Com­missioners, whilst they would propose and agree to any thing which might stand with his Majesties honour for the restoring him to his Rights and Di­gnities. That for himself he should ra­ther be content to endure banishment from his Highnesse sight and person, then in the least prejudice his affairs. Thus this faithfull and loyall servant courted Banishment, as the late fa­mous Earle of Strafford had done [Page 21] death) for his Master's good and ser­vice, but too generous was he, and had too great a sense of goodness and gratitude to grant his request, but re­turned him this answer, That he had so high a sense of his fidelity and loyal­ty all along, and that he had perfor­med so many signall services both for his father and himself, that he could not in honour leave him, and therefore desired him to presse him no far­ther.

The Queen Mother likewise ear­nestly presses her son to the acce­ptance of the Scotch Propositions for a Treaty, as the onely and readiest way for the establishing of him in his Kingdomes. These resolves of his Mother and the Marquess of Mon­trosse, wrought strongly with his Ma­jesty; yet not withstanding they are as stoutly opposed by the Lord Cleve­land, Byron, Gerard, and others, whose chief opposition proceeded [Page 22] from the alledged Treachery of the Scots to his father, That they were Scots still, and might practice the same upon him. But the majority of voices carrying it for a Treaty, it was resolved on, yet in regard it would require some time to frame an answer, Sir William Flemming was sent Agent to the Committee of Estates in Scotland, till such time as the Laird Libberton could be dis­patch't.

Short time after Mr. Windram re­turned into Scotland with a Letter & instructions by word of mouth, whereby he gave the Committee of Estates (who having long expected were therefore more desirous to hear what he now brought) an ac­count how much he found his Ma­jesty compliant to their Propositi­ons, viz. That as to what acted in the two last Sessions of Parliament, he was content a General Act of Oblivion [Page 23] should be passed, but could not approve it. That neither those of Montrosses, nor Duke Hamilton's party in his last engagement should bear Office in State without consent of Parliament. That he had appointed Breda in Holland for the place of a solemn Treaty, for the making of a full accommodation, and agreement between him and his loving Subjects of Scotland.

The Contents of his Letter were as followeth.

For the Committee of Estates of Scot­land.


WE have received your Letters lately presented to us, by Mr. Windram of Libberton, and we accept graciously all the expressions of affection and fidelity therein contained towards us, with your tender resent­ment [Page 24] of our present Condition, and the just indignation which you professe to have against the execrable Murther of our Father: And we believe that your intentions are full of Candor to­wards us, as we are, and alwayes really have been desirous to settle a clear and right intelligence between us and our Subjects of our ancient Kingdome of Scotland, which may be an assured foundation of their happinesse and peace for the time to come, and an ef­fectual means to root out all the seeds of animosity and divisions caused by these late troubles; and also to unite the hearts and affections of our sub­jects one to another, and of them all to us their King and lawfull Soveraign; to the end that by their Obedience to our Royal and just Authority, we may be put in a Condition to maintain them in peace and prosperity, and to protect them in their Religion and Li­berty, as it appertains to us according [Page 25] to our charge and office of a King. And as we have alwayes resolved to contri­bute whatever is to be done by us to ob­tain these good effects, and for the just satisfaction of all our Subjects in this Kingdome.

We have now thought fit upon the Return of Mr. Windram to command and desire you to send unto us Commis­sioners sufficiently authorized to treat and agree with us, both in Relation to the Interest and just satisfaction of our Subjects there, as also concerning the aid and assistance, which in all reason we may expect from them to bring and reduce the murtherers of our late most dear father of happy memory to con­digne punishment, and to recover our just rights in all our Kingdomes. And we will that they attend us on the fif­teenth of March at the Town of Bre­da, where we intend to be in Order thereunto. And in confidence of a Treaty, as also to make known to you▪ [Page 26] and all the World, that we sincerely de­sire to be agreed. VVe have resolved to addresse these unto you under the Name and Title of a Committee of E­states of our Kingdome of Scotland, and will and expect that you use this grace no other wayes for any advantage to the prejudice of us, or our affairs, beyond what we have given this Qua­lification and Title for, namely, for the Treaty and in order to it. Although we have considerations sufficient, and very important to disswade and oblige us to do nothing in this kind antece­dently at this time. Also we hope the confidence which we declare to have in your clear and candid intentions to­wards us, will furnish you with strong Arguments to form in your selves a mutual confidence in us, which by the blessing of God Almighty by your just and prudent moderation, and by that great desire we have to oblige all our Subjects of that Kingdome, and by [Page 27] the means of the Treaty which we at­tend and hope for may be a good foun­dation of a full and happy peace, and an assured security to this Nation for the time to come, which we assure you is wished of us with passion, and which we shall endeavour by all means in our power to effect.

This is the full of his Majesties Letter to the Committee of Estates in Scotland, and much to this effect was there another writ by him to the Committee of the Kirk. But this I the rather fully insert in regard of the ma­ny Calumnies cast upon it, and by it upon his Majesty. His enemies here­by taking occasion to carp upon him, by pretending his inveterate de­sire of revenge, which was so contra­ry to the last precepts given him by his dying father. I think, I need not answer his enemies objection, they by those carps, only condemning themselves of a self-guiltinesse, but [Page 28] to the more sober sort of people I shall referre it, and let them seriously consider whether the beginning, progresse and end of the Letter, de­monstrate him not a man more ad­dicted to peace and quietnesse, then to revenge and destruction.

The principal Objection which his enemies have against him, is, that he desires the aid of his Scotch Sub­jects, to bring the murderers of his Father to condigne punishment; does this shew him a lover of Re­venge or of Justice? I would fain know which of his enemies or of his Fathers Murderers, would not, should I have done the same to any of their so near Relations, have en­deavoured to have brought me un­der the utmost censure of the Law.

But to proceed, these letters are seriously debated both in the Com­mittee of Estates and Kirk, the first [Page 29] order its confideration to a select sub-Committee of their own, consisting of nine, Lords and others, who pre­sent their opinions upon it to the grand Committee, and these provide ready a state of the Case to be pre­sented to the Parliament of Scotland, which was shortly after to assemble. But mean while a select number of the Kirk and State make up a Com­mittee, who by common consent were to consider what was to be done about sending Commissioners and Propositions to his Majesty; these had strong and serious debates; for the arrogant Kirkmen would not have his Majesty admitted into Scot­land, but upon Conditions which should make him wholly subservient to their commands: but the State would have such tart conditions wholly waved; and (though their own were rough enough, yet) at length a mediation is concluded on [Page 30] between theirs and the Kirks. And the Earle of Castles, the Lord Lothi­an, Burley and Libberton, Sir Iohn Smith and Mr. Ieoffreys for the E­states. Mr. Broady, Lawson and Wood are appointed Commissioners for the Kirk.

These having received their Com­missions and Instructions, took their journey for Holland, & arrived at Bre­da, some few daies before his Majesty, got thither. On the 16. March 1649. he also arrived there, and on the 19. the Lord VVent worth Master of the Ceremonies conducted them to Au­dience, being come before his Ma­jesty, who in a large Chamber pur­pose provided, expected them, The Lord Castles in behalf of the Estates, and Mr. Lawson in behalf of the Kirk, having made their Spee­ches, declared the occasion of their coming, and shewing their Commis­sions, they delivered the ensuing [Page 31] Propositions in the behalf both of the Kirk and States of Scotland.

1. That all those who had been excommunicated by the Church, & still continued so, should be for­bid accesse to Court.

2. That all Acts of the Parlia­ment of Scotland should be by him ratified and approved of. That the solemn League and Covenant, the Presbyterian Church-government. The Directory, Confession and Catechisme should be enjoyned in Scotland; and the same used and practised in his family, and an Oath to be taken by him, that He would never oppose it, or endeavour to alter it.

3. That he would by solemn Oath, and under his hand and seal declare and acknowledge his al­lowance of the solemn League & Covenant, and the National Co­venant of Scotland.

[Page 32] 4. That he would consent and agree that all civil matters might be determined by subsequent Parlia­ments in Scotland, and all Ecclesi­astical matters by the General Kirk assembly, as was formerly granted by his Royal father.

To these Propositions his Majesty demanded,

Whether this were fully and wholly all that the Committee of Estates and Kirk in Scotland had to desire or propound? and whether these Commissioners had power to remit or recede from any of these particulars; and further, what they had to propound concerning his affairs in England.

To which the Commissioners replied,

That they had acquainted him [Page 33] with their full power, according to the instructions they had recei­ved from the Committees of E­states and Kirk in Scotland.

Upon which his Majesty made Answers That he would consider of their Propositions, and doubt­ed not but to return them such an Answer as might give his King­dome of Scotland satisfaction: and so dismissed them for the pre­sent.

But let us thus leave his Majesty and Council debating about the Scotch Commissioners propositions, and discourse a little about his affairs under the conduct of the thrice no­ble and Illustrious Marquesse of Montross, who having (notwith­standing the opposition which Ha­milton gave to the design) obtained Commissioners from his Majesty to levy what force he could on that side the sea, endeavoured to the ut­most [Page 34] of his power to effect it, but chiefly among the Princes of the German Empire, where he found large and fair promises, but very little real assistance, onely the Duke of Holstein suppled him with four ships well arm'd and mann'd, though these were likewise by some strange neglect delayed a long time at Am­sterdam, which much retarded the service. Colonel Cochran likewise, who had been sent Agent into Poland to the Scottish Merchants there for assistance of men and money, ha­ving received a considerable quanti­ty of money, and good supply of corn, disposed of the first to his own use, sold the other, and himself re­volted from the service. General King, who was expected out of Swe­den with a party of Horse, came not all; so many crosses there were in the beginning of the businesse as bad Omens to it's future ill successe. [Page 35] But at length the Marquesse fearing least if the King should conclude with the Scots before he had attem­pted any thing, his Commissions would be recalled, fatally resolved to depart Scotland as he was: so with four ships indifferently well ar­med, (but with not above six or se­ven hundred men, and those most strangers) besides a small Frigat of sixteen Guns, and one thousand five hundred good Armes given him by the Queen of Sweden; he set sail, and this was all the strength he carried with him from Hamburgh to assault that potent Kingdome. Two of these ships, and those the biggest; were sent before, and directed to steer their course for the Orcades, but these unfortunately met with a storm; and were amongst those rocky Islands, their men, armes and ammunition cast away, so that a third part of the force raised for this expe­dition was lost.

[Page 36] But notwithstanding these fatal disasters, the sad presages of his ru­ine, the noble Marquess proceeds, and with the small number that was left him, lands amongst the Islands, where he gets together a pretty con­siderable number which had almost the face of an Army, but was for the most part composed of raw and un­skilfull fellows, a party of these he sends out, who without resistance enter the Isle of Orkney, there being no Garrison there; from thence he dispatches Commissions to Scotland, and the Islands adjacent, for the levy­ing of Horse and Foot, which be­cause the inhabitants of those places to which they were sent, could not resist, obeyed; and not long after the sending of those Commissions, Montrosse himself, with those forces he had, and those Gentlemen, resol­ved to engage in partaking of his for­tune, landed in Scotland, at the point [Page 37] of Cathanes, the very farthest land to the Northwest of that Kingdome.

The people here whom he expe­cted to have joyned with him (were so sensible of the miseries of the for­mer war, and now more terrified with the name of Foreigners,) de­serted their dwellings, and fled away, some never stopping till they came to Edenburgh.

The Parliament of Scotland who were now assembled though they had former advice of the Marquesses designs, yet could not tell the place of his landing, but now a­larm'd by the flying Countrey: Da­vid Lesley is commanded with the body of the Army to march directly towards them for fear Montrosse should grow too numerous: and Colonell Straughan, whose valour the States highly approved, is orde­red with a party of select Horse to advance before to hinder the Mar­quesses [Page 38] levyes, and if he saw oppor­tunity to fight him.

Montrosse in the mean time to sa­tisfie the World, and because the people should not be startled at his invasion, whilst the King was upon Treaty, publishes a very patheticall Declaration, declaring the justnesse of his cause, and to clear himself from the aspersion of sinister ends, and that his intention was onely a­gainst some particular persons, who had against the Laws of the King­dome, raised and maintained a war against his Majesties father, and did now by their wiles and subtile practices endeavour to de­stroy the son also; and therefore exhorting all Subjects of that Nati­on to endeavour to free themselves from the tyranny of those who then by an usurped power ruled o­ver them. But notwithstanding this Declaration the Countrey came very slowly in.

[Page 39] Straughan in the mean time ad­vances with all possible speed to­wards the Royal party, whilest Mon­trosse had not for indeed he could not effect any thing Material besides the fortifying of Dunbath Castle: but the Marquess hearing of the Enemies approach, made his whole Forces march at a great rate to recover a passe; yet neverthelesse before they could come at it, the front of the Ar­my, discovered Straughan's forlorn hope, who marching with hast upon the Marquesses Army, found them both almost tired, and out of breath and Order; however a forlorn hope of 100. Foot are drawn out to meet them, who giving them a resolute Charge, forced them to no Orderly Retreat, but being seconded by Straughan's whole body of Horse, they again maintained their ground, resolutely Charging upon the Mar­quesses main Body: the Islanders [Page 40] immediately threw down their arms and cryed for quarter, but the Hol­steiners and Hamburgers made an Orderly retreat for the present into some bushes, which having a short time defended, they were at last en­forced to yield.

This was a sad blow to his Maje­sties affairs in Scotland, there being great hopes, that had Montrosse suc­ceeded and kept them in play, both Kirk and State would have come to milder Conditions with him: Yet the Marquess himself escaped for the present out of this Battel, Though there were near two hundred slain, and twelve hundred taken in the field (for the Country coming in upon them, few Escaped (Amongst the Prisoners of Note, there were ta­ken Col. Hurry, the Lord Frenderick, Sir Francis Hay of Dalgettey, Col. Hay of Noughton, Col. Grey and several other Officers; together with the [Page 41] Kings standard, which contained this Emphatical Motto, IVDGE AND REVENGE MY CAVSE O LORD; and whereon was pour­trayed to the life the Effigies of his Majesties Father beheaded.

But long it was not ere this thrice Heroick Marquess fell into the hands of these his cruel, Obdurate, and in­veterate enemies, for though when he saw the battel at a losse, he had saved himself by escaping out of the Field, and had afterwards to disguise himself changed his habit with a Highlander, yet all could not prevail to his Escape, for the whole Coun­trey was raised up in armes in search after him, and a price set upon his head by the States, but especially the Presbyterian Ministers exhorted the people to endeavour his attach­ment, as a thing necessary to their Salvation.

At length the whole Countrey [Page 42] being up in armes about him, and no way left for this distressed Mar­quess to escape, he thought it better to throw himself upon the Lord Aston, formerly a friend of his, and now out in the search with some of his Tenants, then fall into the hands of his more inveterate and implaca­ble enemies. But this Lord, notwith­standing he had formerly been Mon­trosse's follower, either out of fear or covetousness durst not conceal him; but sent him with a strong Guard to David Lesley; by whom he was di­rectly sent to Edenburgh, and short­ly after brought to his Tryal before the Parliament of Scotland: where all the while notwithstanding those many ignominious affronts and dis­graces thrown upon him (as his be­ing in triumphant manner brought through Edenburgh bound in a Cart) yet he carried himself with so much Magnanimity and Courage, That [Page 43] those of his Enemies, who did not pity him, yet were almost ashamed of their villanies towards him.

The Parliament of Scotland upon the first newes of this Noble Mar­quess being made a prisoner, met, and resolved to passe a sentence upon him before either he was come up, or had at all answered for himself, & though, when they allowed him to speak somewhat for himself, (which he pronounced with gravity void of Passion,) yet he had as good have held his peace; for the sentence be­ing agreed upon, it was pass't to this effect.

‘That he should be carried to the place from whence he came, and from thence tomorrow being the 21. day of May 1650.) be carried to the high Crosse in Edenburgh, and be hanged upon a Gibbet thirty foot high, and there hang for the space of three hours in the [Page 44] sight and view of all people, with his History and Declaration han­ging about his Neck; after which he should be taken down, behead­ed and quartered; his head to be placed upon the Talbooth or Pri­son house in Edenburgh, and his leggs and arms over the gates of the Cities of Sterling, Glascow, S. Iohns town, and Aberdeen. And in case he repented (by which means his sentence of Excommunication might be taken off by the Kirk) the bulk of his body might be buried in Grayfriers, if not, to be buried in the Common burying place for thieves and robbers.’ Thus far did their unparallel'd hatred and malice extend even to his dead Corps.

This Sentence being aggravated by the Chancellor in the utmost terms of horrour that his spleen could invent, was yet mildly and un­passionately received by this Illu­strious [Page 45] Marquess, who answered no­thing to it. But, ‘That he took it for a greater honour to have his head stand on the prison gate for this quarrel, then to have his pi­cture in the Kings Bed-chamber; And least his loyalty should be for­gotten, they had highly honoured him, in designing lasting Monu­ments to four of the chiefest Cities to bear up his memorial to all po­sterity; wishing he had flesh e­nough to have sent a piece to eve­ry city in Christendome, to witness his loyalty to his King and Coun­trey.’

The next day being the day ap­pointed for his Execution, richly ha­bited, in a scarlet cloak laced with gold, but his Soul adorned with con­stant Loyalty the far richer Orna­ment of the two, he marched along the street with so composed a Cou­rage and Gravity, that most of his [Page 46] Enemies either pityed or admired him: being come to the place of Exe­cution, he was some time detained with many frivolous questions of that flea bitten Clergy, being ready to mount up the ladder, he said it was Iacob's ladder by which he should mount to Heaven.

His Speech to the people was short, and that much to this effect. ‘That he was sorry if his end should be scandalous to any good Chri­stian: but that it often hap­pened to the righteous accor­ding to the wayes of the wicked, that they who knew him should not disesteem him for this ignomi­nious death. That he confessed it was the judgement of God upon him for his private sins; but as for his condemners, they were but in­struments. That they had perver­ted judgement and justice, and op­pressed the poor: yet he desired [Page 47] God to forgive them, for he hear­tily forgave them. That what he did in that Kingdome, he did it in obedience to the just commands of his Sovereign, to assist him a­gainst those which rose up against him. That it was not his fault that he lay under the censure of the Church, since 'twas only for doing his duty. That for what was said of him, that he should blame the King, he said, 'twas most false, for (saies he) the late King lived a Saint, and died a Martyr. That if ever he should wish his soul in any mans place, it should be in his. That for the King now living, he was a Prince under whom any people might live most happily, his commands were righteous, his promises faithfull, and his dealings just. Finally, that he commended his soul to God, his service to his Prince, his good will to his friends, [Page 48] and his name and charity to all good people.’

This was the summe of his Speech on the ladder, which, and some pri­vate prayers being finished, he moun­ted up to the top of that prodigious Gibbet, where his History and Decla­ration being tied about his neck, and his hands bound by the Executio­ner, he turned about and gave him some gold, asking; If they had any more dishonour, as they conceived it, to put upon him, he was ready to accept it, and then with a great deal of magna­nimity, bidding the Executioner turn him off when he should hold up his hands, it was accordingly perfor­med.

Thus nobly lived, and thus igno­miniously and yet nobly died: the truest of friends, the loyallest of Sub­jects, the faithfullest of servants, the best of Masters, and the valiantest of Captains. Iames Graham, Marquesse [Page 49] of Montrosse Earl of Rincardin, Lord of Groam and Baron of Montdieu, whose death was not only lamented as a private but rather as a publick loss: most of the Princes in Europe de­ploring the unfortunate fall of so No­ble and Heroick a person; For he was endowed with such winning graces, that wherever he came he was both honoured and esteemed, and where­ever he Com [...]nded, both feared and loved.

His enemies Malice, though he was dead, kept still alive; for after they had beheaded him and cut off his quarters, they would not permit that Bulk of his body which remain­ed to be buried in any other place then the Borough Moor.

But this noble Marquess suffered not alone▪ for soon after Col. Hur­rie (notwithstanding he pleaded the benefit of Quarter,) young Spots­wood of Daersie, (a most compleat [Page 50] Gentleman) Sir Francis Hay, & Col. Sibbalds, two most accomplished persons, though they had all the fa­vour to be beheaded.

There was like wise one Captain Charters, who being put in hopes of life by the perfidious Kirk, upon his recantation, made a long Speech up­on the Scaffold, acknowledging his Apostacy from the Covenant, and desiring to be reconciled to the Kirk, but had notwithstanding his head struck off.

This was the fatal and Tragical Event of his Majesties affairs in Scot­land under Montrosse's Conduct: let us now turn to see how the Trea­ty at Breda went on in the mean time.

But before I proceed any farther, give me leave to speak a word or two, concerning the Magnanimous Col. VVil. Sibbalds, who (say some) confessed himself guilty of the Mur­der [Page 51] of D. Dorislaus the English Agent at the Hague, which I must ingeni­ously confesse I believe upon good grounds to be only a Calumnie and Scannal raised from the so far exten­ded Malice of his Enemies, for I can find nothing either in his Speech at death, or in any Records of credit tending to such a Confession, though much against any likelyhood of it: nor can I imagine that any man could with so much resolution as he dyed with, part from this World, and have so great a load and blot upon Conscience. But to proceed,

Great debates there were in the mean time between his Majesty and the Scotch Commissioners concer­ning the Treaty, and great demurres there were upon it, for besides the striving of some Lords who had a kind of a serious Antipathy to the Scots perfidiousnesse, and endeavou­red to perswade his Majesty not to [Page 52] trust them who had betrayed his Fa­ther. The King himself stuck highly as he had reason, about the business of Taking the Covenant; For,

1. There was no reason why he should be enforced to relinquish the Re­ligion of his Fathers, and whilest he permitted to his Subjects Liberty of Conscience, it would be very inconsi­stent with their so earnestly pretended desires of a peace and agreement, to de­ny him the same priviledge which he gave them.

2. That Covenant tendred, and so earnestly prest upon him by them, was an Obligatory Covenant to bind the Subjects to him, and not for him to swear to; and therefore he judged it sufficiently satisfactory to passe an Act for the peoples taking it.

Whilest these demurres and de­layes were in the Treaty, the Scotch Commissioners give a visit to the Illustrious Prince of Orange, whom [Page 53] they intreat to be a Mediator be­tween them and their King. His Ma­jesty like wise withdraw's himself for some time from Breda to the Hague, there to advise with his Aunt the Queen of Bohemia, the Prince of O­range and other friends, about what he were best to resolve on or deter­mine.

But the Estates of Scotland though their proposed Conditions were al­ready unreasonable, yet resolve to adde more weight to the Scale: the Earl of Carnwarth and Mr. Murrey are sent over to the Commissioners at Breda with new instructions and propositions; as,

1. That his Majesty should con­firm all Acts done in some late Ses­sions of Parliament, without any ex­ception.

2. That neither Montross nor any of his Adherents be admitted to come into the Kingdome of Scotland.

[Page 54] But notwithstanding the harsh­nesse of the Conditions, the King is earnestly pressed to come to a full Conclusion with the Scots, Though many Lords of the contrary faction pleaded for an utter rejectment of their propositions, alledging to his Majesty, That the Covenanters hor­rid perfidiousnesse to his Father, might be a sufficient motive and inducement for him not to trust them; That the more willing he was to condescend to their propositions, the more impudent they were still in proposing things most unreasonable; That should he accept of their Conditions, they would so tye up his hands that he would be then but a King onely in Title, which he was without them. On the other side, the Earl of Lauderdale, the Lords Wil­mot, Piercy, and others of his Maje­sties Council who stood for an ac­commodation with the Scots, urged, That his Majesties affairs, both in [Page 55] Ireland, under the Marquess of Mon­tross, and in the Navy under Prince Rupert, were in so weak and tottering a Condition, that no help could be ex­pected from them; That all the Princes in Europe were so imbroyled in warrs of their own, that it was in vain to crave any foreign aid; And that therefore there was no way left for his Majesty to regain his lost Rights and Kingdomes but by complying with his Subjects of Scotland, and though it were upon such Conditions as would at first seem harsh, those Curbs might in time (possession once got) be thrown off by degrees: these reasons swayed with his Majesty, and the Treaty went on with a clearer face then for­merly.

But now there happens a strong demurre, or as most supposed, a bu­sinesse that would wholly break off the Treaty, for the newes of Mon­trosse's ignominious death being [Page 56] come to Breda, extremely incensed the whole Court, and those who were against the Treaty, bestirred themselves strongly, still endeavou­ring to avert the King wholly from it, by telling him, ‘That they had by thus Murdering his Lieutenant, Demonstrated to the World what they would do to him if they had him in their power. That it was an act of rashnesse and desperation to trust them, or to have any more to do with such a perfidious gene­ration. That they only cunningly and subtilly endeavoured to entrap him that they might destroy him.’ But not withstanding their heat, his Majesty conceals his anger, (which doubtless could not but be great, for the death, and the so ignominious death of so good and loyal a Subject and Servant; and that too in his quarrel and for obeying his just com­mands (only he expresses his resent­ment [Page 57] of their so strange proceedings to the Committee of Estates by a Message sent by Mr. Murrey to this effect.

That it could not but grieve and perplex him, to hear, that whilst they pretended to conclude a peace, they proceeded in the way of War; and that whilst they treated of an Accord with him, they shed the bloud of his best Subjects, and that in such a manner, that if true as reported, they could not imagine but it must extremely in­cense him, he therefore desired them to give him an account of their businesse.

To this they return Answer;

That their affections were still reall to him, and that it rejoyced their very soules, to hear that he would be willing to concurre with them in a peace and agreement, That as for the Death of Montross, [Page 58] They desired it might be no obsta­cle in the way, for that they did no­thing in it but with a reall intention to promote his interest.

Thus they endeavoured to excuse themselves, but it was not their ex­cuse, nor their so many reiterated Protestations of fidelity, but the ne­cessity of the Kings affaires, which drew him not long after to conclude the Treaty at Breda (notwithstand­ing the violent opposers of it) by condescending to most of their de­sires.

The conclusion of the Treaty was soon carried to Edenburgh, where the Parliament being met, it was yet by some of those who favoured the Sectarian party in England made a debate, whether they should make a­ny more addresses to the King. So im­pudent were they even after the Treaty was concluded with him, but there were found but thirty of these [Page 59] malevolent persons: so to the major part of the Votes carrying it in the affirmative, it was Resolved that an­other message should be sent unto him, to invite him to make all possi­ble speed to his Kingdome of Scot­land, protesting that they would ven­ture lives and fortunes in assisting him to regain his Right and King­domes; but they not onely debarre him from having those whom he chiefly favoured to wait upon him, but likewise prohibit the Duke Ha­milton, the Earles of Lauderdale and Seaforth, and many other persons of quality's return to Scotland, and they nominate such persons as they thought fit out of their own gang to be officers of his houshold there.

The Iuncto then sitting and go­verning in England, had certain in­telligence all along of the proceeds of the Treaty between his Majestie and the Scots, together with their [Page 60] Protestations to assist him in the re­covery of his Rights in England by some who sat in the Parliament of Scotland, betrayed their counsels, and earnestly solicited the English to assault Scotland, before they were themselves assaulted and invaded, to which effect they prepare an Ar­my without any just pretence, which they give to Oliver Cromwell to command, making him Generalissi­mo of all the Forces of that Com­monwealth in the room of Sir Tho­mas Fairfax, whose Commission was between taken away and laid down.

Some time before his Majestie's departure from Holland into Scotland, news was brought of the unfortu­nate losse of all Prince Rupert's Fleet, most of his ships being either taken, sunk or burnt by General Blake, Ad­miral to the English Navy; so though the Treaty was concluded with [Page 61] Scotland, his Majestie's affairs went every where else to wrack.

At length, all things being in a rea­dinesse, his Majesty about the begin­ning of Iune 1650. took shipping at Scheveleng in Holland, and after a te­dious storm, and narrow scape of some English Vessels which lay in wait for him, arrived at Spey in the North of Scotland. Some Lords are sent down to receive him, & to accompany him to Edenburgh, where two stately hou­ses are richly provided and furnish't to entertain him.

He was all along the Countrey entertained with the general joy of all the people, several presents being given to him by the Towns as he came along. Aberdeen presented him with 1500. l. but the Committee of Estates & Kirk fearing that such diet would make too unweildy to their pleasures, sent an injunction to seve­rall places, requiring them that what­ever [Page 62] moneys they had to bestow, they should bring it unto such Trea­suries as should be appointed by them. Thus they permit not the Subjects to shew their good will to their Sovereign, nor him to receive it.

Nor were the States and Kirk as yet content with those hard condi­tions: but they send him new Pro­positions to Dundee to sign, which after some reluctancy he performed; for indeed he could do no otherwise, being now in their clutches.

The Parliament and Committee of Estates in Scotland had while they expected his Majestie's arrivall been consulting about the framing of an Army, every fourth man in the King­dome is ordered to be trained; and sixteen thousand foot, and six thou­sand horse to be raised for his Maje­stie's present service. Of this Army the Earle of Leven is made General [Page 63] of the Foot, and Holborne Major Ge­neral, David Lesley Lieutenant Ge­neral of the Horse, and Montgome­ry Major General: the place of Ge­neralissimo was reserved for the King, though he never went into the field with his Army.

His Majesty being come to Eden­burgh, is received by the Parliament and Committee of Estates and Kirk, with infinite complements and ex­pressions of fidelity and affection, and with great acclamations of joy from the people, and on the 15. of Iuly is again solemnly proclaimed King at Edenburgh-Crosse, but his coronation yet deferred by reason of the then troubles.

For the English Army, notwith­standing the Scots had expostulaled them the unjustnesse of invading their Countrey, was advanced upon the borders, and at Muscleborough the Scots under Montgomery with a [Page 64] small party, set upon the English Ar­my, but were worsted, and so the two Armies moved at a distance one from the other, till they came as far as Dunbar, where the Scots had got a considerable advantage, by reason of a passe, and bragg'd they had got the English in a pound: but whether by their own carelessenesse and over­security; or the over reaching, cou­rage and valour of the English, I can­not tell, a total loss they had there, the passe gain'd from them, and them­selves wholly routed and disper­sed.

I am the shorter in relating the pas­sages between these two Armies, in regard that though the King was made Generalisssimo; yet he had no influence upon the Army, which might rather be called the States or Kirks then the Kings; for though he was there present, and bore the title of King, yet they had the whole pow­es, [Page 65] and made and revoked Laws and Orders.

The King was then with the States at Saint Iohnstones, when the news of this losse, and that of the Death of his Sister the Princesse Elizabeth arrived much about the same time, and some have been bold to affirm that the latter grieved him more then the former, in regard of the imperiousnesse, which 'twas pro­bable the States of Scotland would have usurped, had the successe answe­red their minds.

And sufficiently imperious were both they and the Kirk already, not­withstanding the ill fortune of their affairs; for, so great was their inso­lency towards his Majesty, in their earnestnesse to purge his house, in extorting Declarations from him against his own party and proceed­ings, and in usurping the whole go­vernment of affairs to themselves, [Page 66] in placing guards of their own crea­tures upon his Person, &c. That his sacred Majesty no longer able to suffer such intolerable affronts and abuses, went secretly away, accompanied onely with four horse towards the North of Scotland, where the Mar­quess of Huntley, the Ealres of Sea­forth and Atholl, the Lords Ogilby and Newburgh, with the Gourdons were ready to appear for him with a considerable party.

Scotland was not at this time only perplexed with a foreign enemy in her bowels, but with civil distempers and divisions; for in the West there was a party under the command of Straughan and Kerr, who declared against the actions of the Committee of Estates,‘for their too much hast and precipitation in the Treaty with the King for their receiving him before he had given any evi­dence of a real change. That they [Page 67] believed his profession of the cause and Covenant was counterfeit, & therefore refused to submit to his power;’ These men were purely for the Kirk against the King's Au­thority.

Another Party there was in the North under the Command of Huntley, Atholl, Seaforth, &c. who declared purely for the Kingly Au­thority disclaiming and disowning all power or order of the Kirk, Par­liament or Committee of Estates. These having gotten together a con­siderable party, it was supposed by the Committee of Estates that his Majesty was gon to them, whereup­on to quiet and allay them if possi­ble, an Act of Indemnity was pas­sed by Parliament for what they had done; but they sleighted it, fell upon Sir Iohn Brown's Regiment, & slew and took prisoners many of his men; Whereupon Lieu. General David [Page 68] Lesley was sent against; but the whole businesse after the King's re­turn to S. Iohnston [...]s ended in a Trea­tie.

The third and greatest party were the Parliament and Committee of Estates & Kirk, who were equally for King and Kirk; these were highly perplexed and discontented at the King's going away from S. Iohns­ton's, and the more because they feared he was gon to the Atholmen, many controversies and consultati­ons were had about it; some were so rigid as to propose, that since he had diserted them, they should look no more after him, but let him take his own wayes; Others were more mild, and would yet have him un­derstand their resentment for his leaving them; nor wanted there some sticklers for his Majesty; at length it was concluded that Major General Montgomery should speedi­ly [Page 69] march after him, and earnestly in­treat him to return to S. Iohnston's.

Montgomery according to his or­der went, and having had secret in­formation that his Majesty was at the Lord Dedup's house in the North confines of Fife; he first surrounds the house, and then sends in a Messen­ger to acquaint the King with the earnest desires of the Committee of Estates; that he would graciously be pleased to return with him to Saint Iohnston's, but his Majesty at first ab­solutely refused, as scorning to en­dure that slavery which they had sub­jected him to, he was in the mean time earnestly solicited by Huntley, and the Gordons to adhere solely to them, which he so much seemed to incline to, that he had almost made the breach implacable between that party and the Kirk; but at length up­on several propositions granted him, he returned with Montgomery to S. Iohnston's.

[Page 70] The King being thus returned, and Huntley's party come in by ad­mitting those with him to bear pu­blick Offices, a general Meeting was resolved on to be held at Saint Iohnston's, which should consist of King, Lords, Barons, Burgesses and the Assembly of Ministers; where­upon the Committee of the Kirk are summoned to meet, but stand off, alledging that Sterling was the more convenient place to meet in; To which the States answered, that they esteemed S. Iohnston's the fitter, that if they would not meet, they should consult for their own securities, but at length they consent; The grand Assembly meets, and all parties seem now agreed. Several Lords formerly in disfavour with the Kirk, are received into Command in the Ar­my, or have liberty to sit in Parlia­ment, such as Hamilton, Lauderdale, Leith, Bucheim, Dedup, and Craw­ford, [Page 71] Major General Massey of the Engl [...]sh was admitted to a Command in the Army. Thus did their divi­sions begin to be Cemented, which else must necessarily have hastened their Ruine.

About this time the King received the sad newes of the Death of the thrice Illustrious Prince of Orange, Brother-in-law to his Majesty, and who had demonstrated himself a true and faithfull friend to him in his necessities; his Lady the Royal Princesse Mary was by him left great with Child, and soon after his death delivered of a Posthume son.

And now on the first of Ianuary the day appointed by the grand Con­vention at S. Iohnston's, the solemni­ty having been removed to Scone the usual place for the Coronation of the Kings of Scotland; First his Majesty in a Princes Robe, was con­ducted from his Bed-chamber by the [Page 72] Constable and Marshal to the Cham­ber of presence, where he was by the Lord Angus Chamberlain pla­ced in a chair under a cloth of E­state; Then the Nobles and Com­missioners of Barons and Burroughs entred the Room, and having shown themselves to his Majesty, the Chan­cellor spake to this effect. ‘Sir, your good Subjects desire you may be crowned, as righteous and lawfull heir of the Crown of this King­dome, that you would maintain the present professed Religion, the National Covenant and Solemn League and Covenant. That you would graciously be pleased to re­ceive them under your protection, to govern them according to law, to defend them in their rights and priviledges by your Royal power, they offering themselves in hum­ble manner to your Majesty with their vowes to bestow land, life [Page 73] and what else is in their power for the maintenance of Religion, for the safety of your Majesties sacred person, and maintenance of your Crown, which they entreat your Majesty to accept, and pray Al­mighty God that for many years you may enioy the same.’

The King to this made Answer.

‘I do esteem the affections of my good people more then the Crowns of many kingdoms, and shall be ready by Gods assistance to bestow my life in their defence, wishing to live no longer, then I may see Religion and the king­dom flourish in all happiness.’

This ceremony performed, the Nobles and Commissioners of Ba­rons and Burroughs accompanied his Maiesty to the church of Scoone; the spurres being carried before him [Page 74] by the Earl of Eglinton, the sword by the Earl Rothes, the sceptet by the Earls of Craford and Lindsay, the Crown by the Marquess of Argyle; [...]mmediately before the Kings Ma­ [...]esty: who followed supported by [...]he Constable and Marshal, his train [...]orn up by the Lords Montgomory, Ereskine, Newbottle, and Machelene; under a Canopy of crimson velvet, supported by the Lords Drummond, Garnegie, Ramsey, Iohnston, Brechin, and Y [...]ter; which six were supported by six Noblemen's sons.

Thus they went to the Church, which being fitted for the purpose, the Honors were laid upon a Table provided for them, and his Majesty asc [...]nded on a stage 24. foot square, and seated himself in a chair to hear the sermon; upon this stage there was another smaller stage erected, wher­on the Throne stood. His Majesty being seated on the Chair, a sermon [Page 75] was preached by Robert Douglas Mo­derator of the Commission of the General Assembly: Sermon being ended, the National Covenant of Scotland, & the solemn League and Covenant were distinctly read; which done, the Oath was ministred in these words:

‘I Charles King of great Britain, France and Ireland, do assure and declare by my solemn Oath in the presence of Almight God the sear­cher of all hearts, my allowance and approbation of the National Covenant, & of the solemn League and Covenant; and faithfully ob­lige my self to prosecute the ends thereof in my station and calling; and that I for my self and succes­sors shall consent and agree to all Acts of Parliament enjoyning the National Covenant, and the so­lemne League and Covenant: and fully establish Presbyterian [Page 76] Government, the Directory of Worship, Confession of Faith, and Catechisms in the Kingdome of Scotland, as they are approved by the general Assemblies of this Kirk, & Parliament of this King­dome, and that I shall give my Royal assent to Acts and Ordi­nances of this Parliament passed, or to be passed, injoining the same in my other Dominions. And that I shall observe these in mine own practice and Family, and shall ne­ver make opposition to any of those, or endeavour any change thereof.’

The King having thus solemnly sworn, the National covenant, the solemn League and Covenant, with the Oath subjoined, was by him un­derwritten in the presence of them all; which done, the King ascended the other Stage, and sate down in the Throne. Then the Lords great [Page 77] Constable and marshal went to the four corners of the Stage, Lyon king at Arms going before them, who spoke these words to the people: Sirs, I do present unto you the King, CHARLES, the Rightful and un­doubted heir of the Crown and Dignity of this Realm; this day is by the Par­liament of this Kingdom appointed for his Coronation. And are you not wil­ling to have him for your King, and become subject to his commandments? At this action the king stood up, and shewed himself to the people round about, who expressed their consent by their joiful acclamations, crying, God save King CHARLES the Second.

Then his majesty descended from his Throne into the chaire, where he sate to hear the Sermon, of whom the minister accompanied with som others of his Tribe, demanded if he were willing to take the Cornonation [Page 78] Oath, according as it was contained in the eighth Act of the first Parlia­ment of King James the VI. his Royal grandfather. The King an­swered, he was most willing. Then was the oath read aloud by the Lyon King at Arms in these words.

‘Because that the encrease of Virtue, and suppressing Idolatry craveth that the Prince and Peo­ple be of one perfect Religion, which of God's mercy is now pre­sently professed within this Realm. Therefore it is statuted and ordai­ned by our Soveraigne Lord, my Lord Regent, and three Estates of this present Parliament. That all Kings, Princes, and Magistrates whatsoever, holding their place, which hereafter at any time shall happen to reigne and beare rule over this Realm, at the time of their Coronation, and receit of their Princely Authority make [Page 79] their faithful promise in the pre­sence of the Eternal God: That enduring the whole course of their lives, they shall serve the same Eternal God, to the uttermost of their power, according as he hath required in his most holy Word, revealed and contained in the New and Old Testaments, and according to the same words shall maintaine the true Religion of Christ Jesus, the preaching of his holy Word, and the due and right ministration of the sacraments, now received & preached within this Realm, and shall abolish and gain-stand all false Religions con­trary to the same, & shall rule the people committed to their charge according to the will and com­mand of God revealed in his fore­said Word, and according to the laudable Laws and Constitutions received in this Realm, no waies [Page 80] repugnant to the said Word of the Eternal God, and shall procure to the utmost of their power, to the Kirk of God, and whole christian people, true and perfect peace in time coming. The rights and rents with all just priviledges of the crown of Scotland, to pre serve and keep inviolated, neither shall they transfer or alienate the same. They shall forbid and repress all in all Estates and Degrees, Lea­ses, Oppression, and all kinde of Wrong in all Judgement. They shall command and procure that Justice and Equity be kept to all creatures without exception, as the Lord and Father of mercies be merciful unto them. And out of their Lands and Empire they shall be careful to root out all Hereticks and enemies to the true Worship of God, that shall be convict by the true Kirk of God of the a­foresaid [Page 81] crimes; and that he shall faithfully affirm the things above written by the solemn Oath.’

The Oath thus read, the Minister tendered it to the King, who kneel­ing and holding up his right hand, sware thus. By the Eternal & Al­mighty GOD, who liveth & reign­eth for ever, I shall observe and keep all that is contained in this Oath.

Then was the King disrobed by the Lord Chamberlain of the Prince­ly Robe, with which he entred the church, and vested with his Royal Robes, & so supported as before, he removed to the chair placed on the North side of the Kirk, whither the sword was first brought from the ta­ble by Sir William Cockburn of Lang­town, Gentleman usher, who delivers it to the great Chamberlain, and he making a short speech, delivers it to his Majesty, by whom it was given into the great Constable's hands, [Page 82] and by him girt to the King's side.

Then his Majesty sitting down in the Chair, the spurs are put on him by the Earl [...]marshal. After which Archibald Marquesse of Argyle, takes the Crown into his hands, and after a short Prayer made by the minister, puts it upon his Majesties head.

Which done, the Lion King of Arms, the great Constable standing by him, called the Nobility one by one, who came all, and kneeling, and touching the Crown upon the King's head with their right hand, swore thus: By the Eternal and Al­mighty God, who liveth and reigneth for ever, I shall support thee to the utter­most. The obligatory Oath was like­wise read to the people, they hold­ing up their hands.

Lastly; after the Earls of Craford and Lindesay had delivered his maje­sty the Scepter, he returned again to [Page 83] the Stage, where he was installed in the Throne by the Marquess of Ar­gyle, and after a short exhortation of Master Robert Douglasses, returned to his Pallace with the Crown up­on his head in the same manner as he came.

This is a full relation of the cere­monies performed at his Majesties Co [...]ion at Scoone on the first of January 1650. which I the rather fully insert, because the World may take notice of those hard Covenant Pills which the Kirkmen made him swallow.

Presently after the coronation the King and Nobles returned in a most solemn manner to S. Johns town; the Kings Majesty having a guard to at­tend him, consisting of most Lords and Gentlemen's sons, and the Lord Lorne, son to the Marquess of Argyle was made Captain of it.

And now his majesty intends with [Page 84] all possible speed the raising of an Army, (for the Scots having had all this while no Army on the other side the Fife to oppose the English proceedings, they had reduc'd all places there under their force, even Edenburgh Castle it self) to which effect he orders his Standard to be set up at Aberdeen, himself nobly re­solving to be Generalissim [...] his Army: the other general commands were now given as well to the Roy­alists as Presbyterians; for Duke Ha­milton was made Liev. General of the Army, and Middleton Lieu. Ge­neral of the Horse.

The levies came in apace to the general Rendezvouse, which was appointed on the East part of Fife, whither his Majesty in person went to encourage his souldiers, whom he found both encreasing in their numbers, and much reioiced at his presence.

[Page 85] The Parliament of Scotland which had adiourned to give time for his Majesties Coronation; being met again, there were strong endea­vors of the Kings, that several Lords of the Royal party should be admit­ted to their seats in Parliament; but the Assemblies of the Kirk at Sterling and Aberdeen as strongly oppose it, and shew themselves discontented both at this proposal, & likewise at the new Levies, in regard they were there admitted to commands in the Army, as they now desired to have place in Parliament; yet notwith­standing these murmurings, they were upon their reconciliation to the church, and passing the Stool of Repentance, re-admitted to their places in Parliament, such were Duke Hamilton, the Marquesse of Huntley, the Earls of Calender, Craw­ford, and others.

But stil not only many of the Mi­nisters [Page 86] (notwithstanding there was a select Committee appointed to ex­amine and punish such persons who any way confronted and murmured against any designs or acts of State) raile against these proceedings; but some of the Nobles too are discon­tented, insomuch that the Earle of Sutherland utterly refused to con­cur with them, and if he could pos­sibly, would have opposed them by force.

And indeed very many or most of the Presbyterians were discontented; For the Royal party by the admissi­on of those Lords and others, was grown stronger then the Kirk's, and now bore all the sway, which made the proud Marquess of Argyle, and other Covenantier Lords murmur at, being afraid lest in time they should wholly be laid aside, they ha­ving already seen one of their party begun with; for the Earl of Louden, [Page 87] who customarily had the Lord Chancellorship of the Kingdome, was removed from his place, & the Lord Burleigh constituted Chancel­lor in his stead.

Yet on the Covenanters side there wanted not some Ministers, such were Mr. Robert Douglass, and Mr. David Dicks, who endeavoured to beget a right understanding in both parties, that these sparks of discon­tent might not at last burst out into a flame, as 'twas very much feared they would; but rather that in this time of danger they might lay aside all animosities, and unite together against the common Eenemy, who else would be the ruine of them both.

And now his Majesty to keepe a correspondency abroad, sends the Earl of Dumferling Ambassador to the States of Holland; he had likewise at the same time several other Am­bassadors [Page 88] or Agents abroad in the Courts of several Princes, to require aid; but never found more then what fair and sugared promises pro­duced.

And about this time Sir Henry Hide being sent over to England from Constantinople, (whither he had bin sent as Ambassador from his Maje­sty to the Grand Signior) by Sir Tho­mas Bendysh his means, who was then Ambassador for the Republick of England, (but yet deem'd a per­son of more loyalty to his Prince, then to have sent his Ambassador to be murder'd, if he could have avoid­ed it) after somewhat a formal trial, suffered death on a Scaffold before the Royal Exchange in London, for having taken Commissions from his Soveraign.

And not long after him Captain Brown Bushel, who though he had formerly been an enemy to his Ma­iesties [Page 89] father, yet now suffer'd death upon the Tower-hill London, for ha­ving done some signal services by sea for his present Majesty.

But to return to the Kings affairs in Scotland, where the special busi­nesses in hand were, the compleating the levies to 15000. foot, and 6000. horse, which went on apace; and the fortifying the towne of Sterling, which his Majesty intended for the place of his chief residence, to the hastening of the which his Majesty went often in Progress to view the Works, and encourage the pio­niers.

And time it was to hasten those Works, for the English drew every day nigher & nigher towards them, having already taken the Fort of Blackness, which lay between Ster­ling and Edenburgh; which was ne­vertheless not accounted so great a loss as the surprizal of the Earle of [Page 90] Eglington and one of his sons by a party of English horse at Dumbarton; for this Earl was a person of a great deal of power in that Nation, and his taking very much obstructed the going forward of the Levies.

But Sterling being almost fortifi­ed sufficiently, his Majesty removed his Court hither; where whilest he was, his Birth-day being the 29. of May, was kept through Scotland, with all such tokens of joy, as are u­sual upon such occasions; but the town of Dundee exceded all the rest, for besides their equal expressions of Joy, they presented his Maiesty with a rich Tent, six pieces of Field Ordinance, and set out a Regiment of horse towards his assistance at their own charge.

At Sterling likewise were the head-Quarters kept; most of the Scotch Army Quartering about it, whither Middleton's leavies from [Page 91] the North being come, and amoun­ting to about 8000. men, it came to be a dispute whether these should be a distinct Army by themselves, or be joined with Lesley's Southern Levies; but at length it was thought most convenient to joyne them; and his Majesty to prevent those animosi­ties which might arise between Mid­dleton and Lesley for the General­ship, took upon himself the Com­mand of the whole.

From hence his Majesty sent a messenger to the Parliament still sitting at S. Johnston's, with these de­mands:

1. That the Act about the Clas­sis of malignants should be revoked and disannulled, and that an Act pass for its repeal.

2. That there might be no more any mention of the name of malig­nants amongst them.

3. That Duke Hamilton, the Earls [Page 92] of Seaforth and Callender &c. might have as full command in the Army as any others.

The demands were strongly de­bated vro & con in the Parliament; the Marquess of Argile and others of the covenanted strain, endeavou­ring by all means possible to oppose them; yet at length, though with much difficulty, they were carried in the affirmative, it being urged by the more moderate sort too, that the granting of these would be the only way to take away all animosi­ties between those parties which they intended to unite.

The Parliament having granted these things to his Maiesty, and gi­ven large Commissions and Instru­ctions for the compleating of the le­vies about the beginning of June dis­solved, leaving all things (in relation to civil and intestine distempers in a calm and quiet) all parties seeming [Page 93] to be pleased, and their actions uni­ted towards the opposing of their common Enemy Cromwell.

Whilest these things were thus transacted in Scotland, a great and terrible plot was discovered against the Juncto then ruling in England & their government in assistance of his Majesty to his just Rights▪ This de­sign was chiefly laid by those Pres­byterians who had been such dire Opponents of his Majesty's blessed father of happy (yet unhappy) me­mory, viz. the greatest part Presby­terian Ministers, who had most of them formerly belcht out such fire­brands from their Pulpits as had set both Church and State in a combu­stion; but now whether out of a re­al sence of their errour (which I have the charity to believe it was) they had a desire to return to their Allegiance to his son their lawful and native Soveraign; or out of an [Page 94] ambition by joining with their Scottish brethren (which I am loath to judge) to get the power again in­to their hands, which was snatched from them by the Independent En­glish Army, and the Iuncto of Secta­ries in England, they had laid a de­sign to raise both a contribution of money, and levy men for his Maje­stie's assistance here; but their plot was betrayed by the intercepting of letters in a ship forced by foul wea­ther into Ayre in Scotland; but bound with provisions for the Isle of Man, whereupon the chief underta­kers in London were apprehended, viz. Mr. Cook, Mr. Gibbons, Mr. Chri­stopher Love, Mr. Jenkins, Dr. Drake and others, of which two, viz. Mr. Gibbons, and Mr. Love were con­demned by a High Court of Justice, and suffered Death on the Tower Hill, for that cause against which they had once so strongly declared.

[Page 95] But to return again to the chiefe Scene in Scotland. The English Army had long had a desire to bring the Scots to a field-battel, which his Majesty upon sundry good reasons and serious advice declined: So Cromwel endeavoured to the utmost of his power to force them to it, & therefore several times fac'd his Ma­jesty's Army which lay encamped at Torwood, within three miles of Ster­ling, but could not yet draw them out of their trenches, the chief rea­son being imagin'd to proceed from their stay for Argile, Huntly and Sea­forth, who were gone into their se­veral Territories to compleat the King's Levies.

Cromwel perceiving that he could not draw the Scots to a Field-bat­tle, upon a sudden draws off his Army, and transports sixteen hun­dred Foot, and four Troopes of Horse over unto Fife, on such a [Page 96] suddain that it startled his majesties whole Army; and Cromwell with an unparallel'd expedition faced again the royal Army with a resolution to fall upon their Rear, if they should attempt a motion thitherwards; but they offered not to stir; for already order had been given to Sir John Brown Governour of Sterling, to march with four thousand Horse & foot to drive out that party of Crom­well's which were already landed in Fife; of which intelligence being brought, Lambert and Okey with two Regiments of Horse, and two of foot are with all possible hast wafted over to reinforce the party already there; with which additional sup­ply of men they routed Sir John Brown, who expected none but the first landed party, taking himself & several other Officers of quality pri­soners, & killing two thousand up­on the place, and taking near 1200. [Page 97] prisoners: and shortly after Crom­well transports most of his Army over the Fife, and resolving to stop the pas­sage which the Scots had over by Ster­ling, marches to S. Iohnstone's and takes it almost upon summons.

His Majesty seeing the English Army was advanced so far North­ward, thought it in vain to attempt the forcing them back; and knowing that the Scots naturally fight better in anothers then in their own Coun­trey, resolves to advance with all possible speed into England, where he yet hoped, notwithstanding the dis­covery of the late design, to find some loyal souls to joyn with him for the Recovery of his Right and King­domes.

Many were there who opposed this intention of his Majesty, and among those Dvke Hamilton was one of the chiefest, whose dislike may suffici­ently appear by his Letter to Mr. [Page 98] Crofts after their Advance to this ef­fect;

We are now laughing, (sayes he) at the ridiculousnesse of our present state; we have quit Scotland being scarce able to maintain it: and yet we graspe at all, and nothing but all will satisfie us, or to loose all. I confess I cannot tell whether our hopes or fears are greatest; but we have one stout Ar­gument, Despair: for we must now ei­ther stoutly fight or die: all the Rogues have left us, I shall not say whether out of fear or disloyalty; but all now with his Majesty are such as will not dispute his Commands.

But notwithstanding his dislike, and his and others oppositions, yet the Kings resolve takes place, and on Iuly the 31. 1651. his Majesties Ar­my began to advance from Torwood near Sterling, steering their course directly for England, which they entred six dayes after by way of Car­lisle; [Page 99] This march of the Royal Army made Cromvvell with the greatest part of his forces imme­diately recrosse the Frith, and forth­with send Major General Lambert with a select party of Horse and Dra­goons to fall upon the Rear of his Majesties Army, whilest they hoped that Major General Harrison who then lay near the borders with about three thousand Horse and Dragoons, would attach them in the Front; shortly after Himself followed with the rest of the Army which could be spared, amounting to about eight compleat Regiaments of Foot, and two of Horse.

But then this, greater preparation is made against him in England, for the Iuncto then sitting at Westminster not only interdicted all aid or assist­ance either of men or monyes to be given to his Majesty under the pe­nalty of High Treason; but also in [Page 100] all or most of the Countries had cau­sed a numerous force to be raised, the Church-Militia of the City of London being likewise sent out against him; and for the present impeading of his march, two thousand of the Coun­trey-Militia of Staffordshire, and four thousand out of Lancashire and Cheshire, under the command of Col­lonel Birch, had joyned with Harri­son.

But besides all this, many of the Royal Army had in their march de­serted their Colours, and near a fourth part of the Army was wan­ting, but these were most of them such, as were not very well affected to the businesse nor cause they went about; and therefore there was but little misse of them, for the rest of the Army marched on chearefully, and continued to the utmost push sted­fast and loyal; and were so conten­tedly obedient to all Military Disci­pline, [Page 101] that 'tis believed that in all their march through all that in part of England they hardly took the va­lue of sixpence forcibly.

But notwithstanding this unwon­ted civility of the Scotish Army, and his Majestie's earnest invitations, the Countrey came very slowly in, whe­ther besotted, dulled and contented with that slavery they then lay under or over-awed by an armed power, I cannot well tell, but such was their backwardness, that few or none be­sides the Lord Howard of Estrich his son with a Troop of Horse came in to him, during his long tedious march through England.

Nor did his Majesty with his Ar­my take that course which was expe­cted by most he should; for the great fear of his Enemies, and great­est hopes of his friends were, that he would march directly for London, but he contrary to their expectations, [Page 102] being coming into Lancashire, struck off at Warrington, either doubting the enterprize for London too hazardous, or out of the hopes had of the forces, it was expected Major General Massey might raise in Glocestershire, which was the then generally vogued reason.

But before his Majesty could passe over Warrington Bridge, he had oc­casion to try the stoutnesse of his souldiers; for here Harrison was re­solved if possible to stop him, and was endeavouring to that purpose to have broken down the Bridge; but his Majestie's forces by a swift march from Charley, prevented his design, and forced him to an engagement. The dispute was somewhat hot and long, but at length his Majesty got the better; for he gained a free pas­sage over the Bridge, though with the losse of some men.

This bridge gained, his Majesty [Page 103] marched on towards the West, with­out any opposition: and indeed with as little assistance or increase of num­bers: yet being all along as he came, proclaimed King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, by an English man, whom he had created King at Armes.

Being come to Tong Norton, his Majesty sent a Trumpet with his Royal summons to Colonell Mack­worth Governour of Shrewsbury, which ran thus.


BEing desirous to attempt all fair waies for the recovery of our own, before we proceed to force and ex­tremity, and (where the controversie is with subjects) accounting that a double victory which is obtained with­out [Page 104] effusion of bloud, and where the hearts that of right belong to us are gained as well as their strengths. We do hereby summon you to surrender unto us our Town, with the Castle of Shrewsbury, as in duty and allegiance by the Laws of God and the Land you are bound to do, thereby not onely pre­venting the mischief which you may otherwise draw upon your self and that place, but also opening the foredoor to peace and quietness, and the en­joyment of every one both King and peo­ple, that which pertains to them, under certain and known Laws, the end for which we are come.

This Summons was accompany­ed with a Letter from his Majesty exhorting him, as he was a Gentle­man to return to his duty and Allegi­ance, upon promises of Pardon and re­ward.

[Page 105] To both which Col. Mackworth returned answer thus;

For the Commander in Chief of the Scottish Army.


BY your Trumpeter I received two Papers, the one containing a proposition, and the other a direct summons for the rendition of the town and Castle of Shrewsbury, the Custody whereof I have received by Authority of Parliament; and if you believe me a Gentleman (as you say you do) you may believe I will be faith­ful to my trust, to the violation where­of neither Allurements can perswade me, nor threatnings of force; espe­cially when but paper ones compell me? what principles I am judged to be of, I know not; but I hope they are such as shall ever declare me honest, and no way differing herein (as I know) from those engaged in the same employment [Page 106] with me; who should they desert that cause they are imbarqued in, I resolve to be found as I am, unremoveable,

The faithful Servant of the Commonwealth of England, H. Mackworth.

Thus flat a denyal did his Maje­sties Royal summons receive here; nor did his Commands to Sir Thomas Middleton Governour of Chirk Ca­stle in Flintshire, for the levying of men for his service, find better suc­cesse.

But from hence his Majesty di­rects his course for Worcester, where he arrives on the twenty second of Angust, and notwithstanding some resistance made by the Parliaments souldiers, quickly enters by the help of the towns men, who joyfully re­turned to their Allegiance and Du­ty; here 'twas again solemnly deba­ted [Page 107] whether they should remain here or march for London, and was at length concluded that in regard of the Long and tedious marches that the Souldiery had had, it would be much better to tarrie here; that after some refreshment they might be able with more vigor and courage to endure the brunt.

The Earl of Derby who had some few daies before his Majesties arrival at Worcester brought him a supply of two hundred and fifty foot and sixty horse, which he had brought with him out of the Isle of Man, and was returned back into Lancashire, out of hopes that by his influence upon that Countie he might get a more numerous force there, having got together a consi­derable partie, was routed by Col. Lilburn, who was there with a partie to watch his motions; and was first engaged by the Earl, out of a [Page 108] design he had to hinder Lilburn's joyning with a Regiment of Crem­well's; which was sent for the same purpose towards Manchester, but the Engagers themselves were de­feated; and most of the Earles chief Commanders and the Gentlemen of note with him taken prisoners, such were the Lord Witherington, Sir Thomas Tilsley, Sir William Throg­morton, Col. Boynton, and sundry o­thers.

His Majesty being now at Wor [...]e­ster and resolving there to stay and endure the utmost brunt, all prepara­tions possible are made, for the forti­fying of the place and gaining all advantages possible; to which pur­pose a Line and several Mounts were quickly raised by the Pioniers, and all passes about the Town and to­wards it secured.

But Major General Lambert on the Republick's side, sending sud­denly [Page 109] a party of Horse to discover the difficulty of the pass at Vpton, (where Major General Massey (for his Majesty) lay with a party of about 300. Horse and Dragoons) those de­sperate fellows being not above fifty in number, adventured over upon one piece of Timber, which had been carelesly left from arch to arch. And though Massey's men took the allarm, yet was Lambert so quick in sending over relief to his Soul­diers (whom the Royal party had beleaguered in a Church) that the pass was clearly gained, and Major General Massey forced to retreat (though as honourably as ever man did) for himself still brought up the Rear, in which service (though his Horse was slain under him, and him­self shot in the arm) yet he got off with a very inconsiderable loss.

And now Caomvvell's Army began to joyn with all those parties, which [Page 110] had conspired there to ruine his Ma­jesty, whom they accounted already like a Bird in a Cage; for his Royal Army consisted (at the most) of not above 10000. fighting men, whereas the Army that then beleaguer'd and encompassed them was one of the greatest that had (during the whole time of the late warre) been raised in England, amounting (according to common computation) to some 50. or 60. thousand Horse and Foot; so that (as I have been well infor­med) this Army, though in a more sanctified strain, bragg'd and insulted more over his Majesty, then the French Army at Agincourt did over the thrice Illustrious King Henry 5. Yet notwithstanding their assurances of making him their prize: it plea­sed God (though not to give him the successe that Henry the 5. had) yet to deliver him out of their bloud­thirsty hands.

[Page 111] When I speak of the Armies in­sulting over his Majestie's misery; I hope the Reader will understand me in the generality; for though many, and perhaps the major part were glad at these his straits; yet many noble and candid loyal souls there were, whom nothing but a tyrani­cal impulsion could have forced to have born Arms against their law­full Sovereign. It being well known that thousands were forced out of several Countreys to serve against their wills, and them too put into the brunt of the battel, as though de­stined for the slaughter.

But for all these numerous forces which encompassed the Royal Ar­my, they were chearful and resolved to sell their lives at a noble rate, his Majesty by the example of his un­daunted courage, principally encou­raging them: so that many vigo­rous sallies were made upon their E­nemies, [Page 112] and though their supernu­meraries forc't them to a retreat, yet was it very seldome or never igno­bly.

But now the fatall day draws nigh, a day before so eminently auspicious to Cromwell, and as unfortunate to the Scots, viz. the third day of Sep­tember. The sight was occasioned thus: Cromvvell Fleetwood, and o­thers of the Republick party, had af­ter the gaining the pass at Vpton, en­deavoured to make themselves a clear passage to the City, that their Army might joyn in the Leaguer, to which end and purpose they orde­red the making of two Bridges, the one over the Severn, the other over Thame, over the last or which passes Lieut. Gen. Fleetwood went to attach the West side of the Town, which so allarum'd the Royall Army, who then lay within their Leaguer at St. Iones, that to prevent their drawing [Page 113] nigher, they sayled out with the greatest part of their horse and foot, and a stiffe encounter there was, 'till over powred by numbers more then by valour, which they demonstrated to the utmost of mens strength: they were forced to retire again into their Leaguer, leaving more of their Ene­mies dead bodies in the field, then of their own.

But whilst this encounter was on the West side of the Town. Crom­well having pass't his Army over Se­vern, he march't directly to the Town on that side, whereupon his Majesty in person, and in the head of the Horse, sallied out upon him, and that with so much valour and cou­rage, that Cromwel's own life-guard, and the best of his old Souldiers. (who were thought almost invinci­ble) vvere forc't to retire, 'till secon­ded by those numerous supply's of fresh souldiers, vvho served only like [Page 114] the Turkish Asapi, to blunt the Roy­all swords, so that their wearied arms no longer able to hold out, were forced to retreat, and at length (not­withstanding the generous example of his Majesty, who performed things worth wonder) to a disorderly flight; and notwithstanding his Majestie's earnest endeavours (in which he had his horse twice shot under him) to bring them again to a rally, yet it pro­ved fruitlesse; for the Cromwellian Army pouring forth their numbers upon them, permitted them not so much time, but following them close at the heels to the Town, to­wards which they fled, entred pel­mel with them.

And now notwithstanding their flight, and the danger of their own lives; yet had they so much care of their Sovereign, that the whole cry through out both Town and Army was nothing else but Save the King, [Page 115] Save the King; for him they knew it was that the Iuncto's Army chiefly looked after, and indeed in great danger he was; for notwithstand­ing the earnest desires of many of his friends, and particularly Duke Ha­milton, who pressed him to have a care of his safty, and reserve his per­son to a more fortunate day; yet his Majesty was hardly induced to quit the field, nor would he till he saw all absolutely lost; for Cromvvel's Army having as I said followed the Royallists into the Town, and got possession of one side of it, and after by two or three strong assaults upon the fort Royall (where the Cheshire men (never before found so disloyall to their Prince; and therefore found now their due) who out of three thousand men sacrificed the lives of 1600 to the Ghosts of those new Royallists which were all put to the sword in [Page 116] it) it vvas taken by storm; and now when it was almost to late, his sacred Majesty thought it high time to pro­vide for his safety; and so vvith some Nobles and Servants not vvithout a great deal of difficulty, (for hovv could it be othervvise vvhere there vvas such hard search made for him,) he quit the field, and by the most unfrequented roades that they could possibly find out, rode to the Farme­house of a Noble Gentleman on the borders of Staffordshire, vvhere they no sooner arrived but his Majesty disrobed himself of his princely Or­naments and accoutrements; and particularly of a Chain of Gold or spannar-string worth three hundred pounds sterling, the present of a Scottish Lord, vvhich he bestovved upon a servant of his there present▪ vvhich done for his farther disguise, he proceeded to the cutting of his hair, and the Cote affording neither [Page 117] shears not scissars to perform it, it was by the Lord Wilmot cut off with a Knife.

And now every one is comman­ded to shift for himself, and this poor Prince left alone to the sole prote­ction of the Almighty, he choosing none but one friend to accompany him, with whom he wandred into a Wood, (within four miles (say some) of Wolverhampton, where finding a hollow Oke, he was now content to make it his Pallace, for here he for some daies concealed himself, his Friend still towards night going out to provide him some refresh­ment during this his solitary confine­ment.

In the mean time the Lord Wil­mot who was commanded with the rest to seek his fortune, was by chance pursued by some souldiers, but meeting with a Countrey fel­low formerly a Souldier in the Old [Page 118] King's Army, he was by him se­cured though somewhat strangely, for he carries him into a Malt-house belonging to Mrs. Iane Lane, and having no other convenient place to hide him in, clapt him under the kilne, though there were then some fire in it, and the malt smoaking on the top. In the mean time the soul­diers then in pursuit of him, entred the house, and having made about three quarters of an hours search e­very where else, but not at all suspe­cting the kilne, where they saw the fire, they departed, and the Lord Wilmot was taken out of the kilne almost ready to faint with the extre­mity of the heat.

The countrey-fellow having thus secured this Lord, acquaints Mrs. Lane with what he had done, and she extremly glad of it, gets him to her house, where in conference she enquires of the King's safety. The [Page 119] Lord Wilmot gives her the former relation of his miseries and distresse, which forces tears from the tender hearted Gentlewoman, she earnest­ly entreats him to take some course for the finding out of his Majesty, and conducting him to her house, she being resolued to venture her life had she ten thousand, for the sa­ving of his Royal Majesties.

The Lord Wilmot glad of so hap­py an oppertunity to serve his Maje­sty, and so great a probability of se­curing him, the next night finds him out, and conducts him from the Royal Oak to the House of Mrs. Iane Lane, where after a large con­doling of his hard fortune, consulta­tion was had for a conveniency for his Escape beyond sea, and at length it was concluded that Bristol would be the most convenient place to take shipping, That his Majesty should ride before Mrs. Lane by [Page 120] the name of William, servant to Mr. Lastel her father in Law, who was likewise to go with them; and thus it was immediately given out, that Mr. Lastel and Mrs. Lane were to take a jonrney into the West, to visit some friends, and shortly after they set forward.

In this journey there happened many accidents worthy commemo­ration, and first, the King's Majesty riding now as servant to one of the faithfullest of his subjects, in a Live­ry cloak, though not without that respect that durst be given to him; complains to Mrs. Lane that the Cloak wearied him, whereupon she desires Mr. Lastel to carry it, and long they had not rid so, but they meet upon the Road her Brother-in law, who amongst other questi­ons demanded of her, if her father must carry her mans Cl [...]ok, to which she readily answered, that it was so [Page 121] big that it often endangered the throwing her off the horse, and that she had therefore desired him to carry it.

The next, and indeed most impor­tant, accident of all was, that coming into a Town which they were to pass through, there was a troop of horse there to be quartered, drawn up, which at distance caused some fear; but at length with a resolution they passed on, and the Captain ta­king them for honest travellers, made his Troope open to the right and left, and so permitted them to pass.

Another accident there happen­ed, which one may say was almost comical in this Tragedy; Mrs. Lane coming into the Inne, leaves his Majesty under the name of William her servant, in the Kitchin, with whom the maid enters into dis­course, she asks him where he was [Page 122] born, and what trade he was, he an­swers, at Brumingham, & a Naylor's Son; and after a great deal of other discourse, the Jack being down, the Maid desires him to winde it up; which he willingly undertakes; but goes the wrong way about it, and somewhat prejudices it; at which the maid grew angry, asking him where he was bred, and telling him he was the veryest clownish booby that ever she saw in all her life; wch railing of hers made his Majesty not­withstanding his present misery, go out of the room smiling.

Mrs. Lane notwithstanding his Majesty went as her servant, yet had a greater respect for him before o­thers, pretending him her Tenant's son; but on the Road she would al­wayes ask what he would have to dinner or supper; and what piece of that he liked, which she would al­ways be sure to get made ready, and [Page 123] give him, he stil sitting at the lower end of the Table.

But to come to the end of their Journy; being arrived at Bristol, they lodged at the house of a noble Gen­tleman there, and Kinsman to Mr. Lastles: the King finding it to be a house of a great resort, feigns him­self sick of an Ague, and so keepes his Chamber all the day, coming down only at nights; but one night coming down, and being somewhat cold, he craves a glasse of Wine of the Butler, who carries him into the Butlery: This Butler having before served his Majesties Father in the Warres, looking earnestly upon him, suspected him to be the King; so easily wil Majefty appear, though veil'd in the utmost disguises; and thereupon pulling off his hat, told him very ceremoniously, That he might command what Wine he pleased; of which the King tooke [Page 124] no notice, but drinking off his Wine went out: Yet the Butler could not satisfie his suspition, but went up to Mr. Lastell's and demanded of him how long he had had that servant? Whereupon Mr. Lastells was very angry at his boldness in daring to ask him such a question: but the Butler still persisted, and whispering told him, that he believed it was the King: Whereupon Mr. Lastells seeing he was discover'd, sends immediate­ly up for his Majesty, whom he ac­quaints with the Butler's discovery of him, with whom the King was somewhat angry, in regard he did not first acquaint himself with his suspition, it not being impossible, but Mr. Lastells might not have known him to be the King: but upon pardon asked by the Butler, it was granted by the King, and he afterwards pro­ved very instrumental in his Maje­sties conveyance through the Coun­trey.

[Page 125] But here at Bristol, the chief de­sign they had in hand failed them; for though there were a little Bark lay there, judged most covenient for the businesse; yet the Master would for no reward transport a sin­gle person, though he was so honest as only to deny it, and made no far­ther search or inquiry concerning the Person, which might perhaps have tended to a discovery.

This design here failing, his Ma­jesty desired to be brought some miles Westward, to the house of a worthy Gentleman, whom he knew to be a trusty friend; where com­ing, he findes the Gentleman in the Field with his Servants: Having discovered himself to him, he was by him conveyed to a conveni­ent stand 'till night, (having first taken leave of his true friends, who had thus far conducted him with the danger of their Lives and Estates) from whence he was in the dusk [Page 126] conveyed into the House, and there carefully concealed for a week, till such time as preparation could be made in some Western Port of a pas­sage for him, but coming afterwards there where it was provided, chan­cing to dine with a Parliament-Co­lonel then there, he thought it the safer to loose the benefit of that pas­sage, then adventure to imbarque himselfe singly, which might breed suspition, and perhaps have bin the means after so many deliverances, to have betrayed him into the hands of his enemies.

This passage then likewise failing him, he returned back to the place from whence he came, and there concealed himself three weeks lon­ger, till in the end it being resolved on, he by the assistance of Mr. Ph. was conveyed through the most by­ways they could imagine, to a Gen­tlewomans house in Sussex, where [Page 127] he lay some few daies, til a person of true worth and honor made provi­sion of a faithful master, who with a small Vessel wafted him to a smal Creeke in Normandy, to the great content of the Kings sacred Majesty, and all his loyal Subjects, and to the honour of the Master with due re­ward, as in time may appear.

Perhaps the Reader may think it tedious that I have given so large a relation of his Majesty's escape from that fight at Worcester; but it was a work so full of wonder and provi­dence, and so many false relations there are abroad, that I could do no less then recount all those miseries & hardships which this poor Prince endured for the sakes of us his sub­jects & more would he wilingly have endured, even death it selfe, to the redeeming of us from the tyranny and oppression which we then groa­ned under.

[Page 128] But let him that shall look upon the several passages of his, read them over and over, consider the several difficulties he passed, the many dan­gers he was in to be betrayed, the countrey being up round about, the summe of money set upon his head, for which, many hundreds out of covetousness made it their business to search for him; and they wil con­fess ingenuously, that God was ne­ver so merciful to any people, as to us, in delivering his sacred Majesty so wonderfully out of the hands of his Enemies, who breathed out no. thing but his death and destruction, that we may yet have hopes to be a happy Nation.

But let us now return to give a ful account of this dismal loss at Wor­cester, in which most of his Maiesty's foot were either made a prise or a sa­crifice to their enemies swords; of the horse there escaped 3000. out of the [Page 129] field, but were most afterwards ei­ther taken or knockt on the head by the Countrey in their flight; three thousand were judged flain in the Field, and about seven thousand ta­ken prisoners; whereof the chiefe were; the Earls Derby, Lauderdale, Cleaveland, Shrewsburgh, and the Lord Wentworth; and many other noble persons taken in the pursuit: And the chief of those taken in the battel were, the Earls of Carnwarth and Kelly, the Lord Synclare, Sir Iohn Packington; the Maior Gene­rals, Montgomery and Piscotty; and the Virgil of this Age, that thrice▪ worthy Mr. Richard Fanshaw, Trans­latour of the renowned Pastor Fido, and Secretary to his Majesty. As for the thrice noble Duke Hamilton, he was taken, but not overcome; over­powred, but not vanquish't. For af­ter having made a most Heroick re­sistance, he was reduced under his [Page 130] enemies power, more for want of strength then valour; but death en­tring in at those wounds which he so gallantly received in defence of his Soveraign, soon after released him. Major General Massey, though he escaped the field; yet his wounds be­ing desperate, he was forced to sur­render himself to the Countesse of Stamford, and was by her son, the Lord Grey of Groby, after the recove­ry of his wounds, sent up prisoner to the Parliament, and by them com­mitted to the Tower, from whence he not long after escaped, and went to his Majesty beyond sea.

This strange and wonderful Vi­ctory (as the Juncto at Westminster gave it out to be, though they had six to one in the field) made that se­ctarian party cock-a-hoop; and to make it the greater, publick days of Thanks-giving are appointed to make God the patronizer of their [Page 131] villanies, murders, tyrannies and treasons; and now they boast in all their discourses how clearly it might appear that God owned their cause, and disowned their adversaries.

I think a modern Writer hath suf­ficiently confuted that commonly received tenent of Politi­tians, See Modern Policy. That success de­notes actions to be either just or unjust. I shall therefore leave the sober Reader here to satisfie himself, and refer it to him, whe­ther such do not justly deserve O­vid's wish:

—Careat succèssibus opto,
Quisquis ab eventu facta notanda putat.

Let him for ever in success be poor.

That thinks it justifies his cause the more.

[Page 132] But this Nation is so highly sensi­ble of the injustice put upon them by those who pretend so much right in their Cause, that there's no Loy­al Subject but will think according to reason, that it was not the justice of their cause, but our own and the Nation's sinnes which caused God to raise up these men as scourges both to Prince and people; and to the Prince onely for the Peoples sake.

Some I have heard, which out of a spirit which I cannot well define, have endeavoured to brand his Royal Majesty with Cowardize in this battel; which from whence it could proceed, unlesse from their own coward nature, which would insimulate another in that of which themselves are guilty, I cannot ima­gine; since Cromwell the greatest of his Enemies (because the most desi­rous of his Kingdoms) yet had so [Page 133] much of truth in him, as to give a high and noble Character of his Valour.

But to proceed, We have now said enough of this fatal battel, the seeming ruine of the Royal Interest in England, unless God of his mercy be pleased to restore it for the good, peace and quiet of these Nations, since without it we cannot hope to enjoy any.

His sacred Majesty being landed in France near Havre de Grace; from thence with a Noble Lord in his Company, posted directly for Roan, where they stayed to alter their disguises, and furnish them with ha­bits answerable to their Qualities; his Majesty from thence having dis­patch't Letters to the French Court to acquaint his friends there of his safe arrival, which doubtlesse cau­sed no little joy in those who were real to him, and almost despaired [Page 134] ever again to have seen him. The Duke of Orleans sends his own Coach to fetch him, & several per­sons of quality go to meet him; by whom he was attended to Paris, and there received with all possible ex­pressions of joy, lodgings and atten­dants being forthwith provided for him in the L [...]uure; where at his first arrival he was visited by the Queen his Mother, & the Duke of Orleans, who of all persons in the Kingdome exprest himself the most ready to do him service; and the next day visits him again, accompanied with his Daughter Madamoiselle. He is likewise courted by the Dukes of Beaufort, Longueville, Guize, the Marshal Thurine, and many other Peers and Nobles of France, who all congratulate his safe deliverance.

And now his Majesty having lost all hopes of any further means of attaining his Dominions by force, [Page 135] leads here a retired life; yet living in regard of his high alliance & ex­traction, in great esteem with all the French Nobility: Insomuch that notwithstanding his present low condition, there was very great talk of a match to be made up be­tween him and the Madamoiselle de Orleans, the richest Princes in Chri­stendom; yet by some means or o­ther it came to no effect though the Queen of England his Mother, was an earnest promoter of it, and also of the Duke of York to Longneville's daughter.

Whilest these things were trans­acting, hapned that lately reconci­led Fracture between the Prince of Conde & Cardinal Mazarine, most of the Princes of the Blood siding with the first; & the King of France (who was newly declared of age to sway the Scepter himself) with the last. The cause of the quarrel was [Page 136] that extravagant power which Ma­zarine a stranger had usurped in the government of the Kingdome, both depriving the Princes of the Blood of their Right, and oppressing the people; whose daily murmurings more encouraged the Princes a­gainst him: This power he had got into his hands in the Regency of the Queen Mother, whose grand favou­rite he only was.

The Princes therefore, though they could not during her Regency who so much loved him, yet hoped they might effect something now the King himself is come to govern; to which intent they charge him with several miscarriages of State, which the Cardinal defends, and the King also enclines to his side by the instigation of the Queen his Mo­ther; yet nothing but the Cardinal's banishment will satisfie the Prin­ces, who join the Duke of Lorain to [Page 137] them, then in the service of the Spa­niard, with an Army of ten thousand men; so that they intend with his assistance (if they could not obtain their desires by fair means) to have forc't it.

Thus these differences were arri­ved at such a height, that nothing but a Civil War was like to ensue; which made his Sacred Majesty of England use his utmost endeavours to compose and stay this breach, be­fore it came to an utter overflow; to which effect he daylie went to and fro betwixt the King & the Princes; endeavouring to bring them to a re­conciliation, urging by his own ex­ample the miseries and calamities that must necessarily fall upon every man's head by a Civil War, telling the King that the late Example of his Royal Father of happy memory, might be an inducement to him to be at peace with his Subjects, ra­ther [Page 138] then embroil his Kingdoms in a bloody War, by which though he might for the present gain the bet­ter; yet in the end he would still be sure to have the worse.

Yet these Arguments, and his Ma­jesty's earnest endeavours for peace and reconciliation, produced no­thing, but only contract an unjust odi­um upon him from both parties for his good will; the Princes believing that he counselled the King against them, and the Cardinal again him: So that he lost the love of both by endeavouring to make them love one another; yet notwithstanding the ill successe he had, this Noble Prince stil pursues his pacifick inten­tions, til such time as he gains a con­ference between the King, Cardinal and Princes: but this proves ineffe­ctual; for the Princes heightened with the aid they expected from the Duke of Lorain, instead of coming to [Page 139] an accord, onely exasperate differ­ences.

Yet his sacred Majesty ceases not, but indeavours to bring them yet to a peaceable compliance; and in order thereunto procures another con­ference, where he himself would be Moderatour; but this proves as in­effectual as the former; For the Prince of Conde was above all others outragious, and would come to no agreement, except Mazarine were first banished France; and the French King as violently persisted in his re­solution against it, alledging, That he had approved himself both a faithfull servant, and an able Minister of State. So instead of agreement, both sides prepare for Warre, yet are both sides equally angry, and exasperated against his sacred Majesty for his good will towards them and the nation, the one and other party ima­gining that both he and his Mother [Page 140] had given counsels opposite to their designs.

But that which above all exaspe­rated the Princes against his Majesty of England, was the sudden luke­warmness of the Duke of Lorain in the businesse: For though he had drawn off his Army, as though he had complied with their resolutions to come to a battel; yet being sent for by the Princes to advance to­wards Paris, he refused to come, which made the Princes believe there had been some underhand­dealing with him; and that which most of all increased their jealousies that King Charles had a hand in it, was this, The Duke of Beaufort co­ming to the Camp of Lorain to de­sire him in the name of the Princes to come up and fight, found there his M [...]jesty & his Brother the Duke of York in private conference with Lorain, who withdrawing when [Page 141] Beaufort appeared; & Beaufort find­ing the Duke's aversness to the en­terprize confirmed him, and he con­firmed the Princes of the King of England's endeavours, whereby he had withdrawn Lorain from their party: This coming to the peoples ears who were absolute favourers of the Princes, and invetrate ene­mies to Mazarine, so extremely in­censed them against the English Prin­ces, that they threaten violence and indignities to their persons, and are not afraid to affront the Queen their Mother, in her Coach; which made his Majesty to avoid the popular fu­ry, retire himself from the Lovure to St. Germane.

Nor is the Cardinal less incensed, though under a more politick vail: For though both Princes & People might imagine and believe that his Majesty had counsel'd things oppo­site to their intentions, yet the Car­dinal [Page 142] very wel knew that he had ad­vised the King as the best course, to consent to his departure out of the Kingdom; and that if he had endea­voured to draw Lorain from their party, 'twas only out of a desire he had to expedite their agreement; he therefore resolves to thwart him in all his designs.

And so he did to the utmost of his endeavours: For his Majesty though suspected by the Princes, in his several conferences with Lorain to have endeavoured to divert him from them, was onely transfacting with him for the recovery of his Kingdome of Ireland out of the hands of the English Republick; to which effect several Articles were drawn up between the Duke of Lo­rain, and the Lord Taaf; two of which were:

1. That the Duke of Loraine should transport an Army of [Page 143] 10000. men at his own charges into Ire­land, there to join with such as should be found Loyal, for the Recovery of his Majesties Rights in that Kingdom.

2. That the Duke of Lorain should by his Majesty be invested with the Pow­er and Title of Protector Royal of Ire­land.

These Articles though drawn up, never came to be signed; the cause of which some have imagined to be the disability of the Duke to perform the Enterprize without the Aid of some other Prince; but we may in more reason guesse, it proceeded from the strenuous endeavours of Mazarine (his Majesty's so lately made-enemy) to divert the Duke's Army, then from any other cause.

Many in England upon hearing of these Propositions made to the Duke of Lorain, (which I must con­fess [Page 144] some believe to have never proceeded any farther then Dis­course of the Dukes) feared his Ma­jesties too great inclination to the Romish Religion, which fear his af­ter-retirement at St. Germain's, con­vinced there was no need of: For here he spent his time wholly in Piety and Devotions, according to the best Worship of the Church of England, never forgetting to pray for those his Enemies who were not only content to have deprived him of his Kingdomes, but conti­nually belched forth both slanders and maledictions against him.

His Majesty having staid at S. Ger­maines till such time as the heat of the popular fury was over; which decreased still towards him as they found Mazarine more averse to him, returned again to the Lovure; where during his abode, his brother the Duke of Glocester (who had a [Page 145] long time been detained by the Iun­cte of England in the Isle of Wight, and was lately permitted by them to go to his Sister the Princess Roy­all in Holland) came to him, accom­panied from the Hague by Sir Mar­maduke Langdale and Sir Richard Greenvile; he was at his arrivall at Paris honourably received by the King of France, and Queen Mother; and courted according to his birth by the rest of the Grandees and Peers of the Kingdome.

Likewise during his Majesties a­bode here, arrived his Quondam Preserver Mrs. Iane Lane, who after she had taken leave of his Majesty at Bristow, returned home; and lived for some space in a great deal of se­curity, not doubting she could be be­trayed: Yet at length by what means I know not, (though indeed I have heard of many relations that I dare not relate any) it came to light; yet [Page 146] she had some timely notice of it, whereupon she who had formerly disguised his Majesty in a Serving­mans habit, now disguises her self in that of a Country wench; and that trots on foot (to save her life which she was like to loose for having for­merly saved his sacred Majesties) quite crosse the Countrey to Zar­mouth, where she found shipping which convey'd her safe into France; great search after her departure there was made for her, but in vain; which so incensed the Souldiers that they burnt down to the ground that poor Cottage where his Maje­sty first took shelter after his Escape from Worcester.

She being arrived in France, sends a Letter to the Court, whereupon his Majesty almost overjoyed at her Escape who had been the cause of his, immediately sends some persons of quality in Coaches to conduct [Page 147] her to Paris, whither being near come, himself with the Queen his Mother, the Duke of York, Glocester, went out to meet this Preserver of the life of their Son, Sovereign and Brother; the Coaches meeting, and she being descended from her Coach, his Majesty likewise de­scends, and taking her by the hand, salutes her with this gratefull ex­pression, Welcome my life, and so put­ting her into his own Coach, con­ducts her to Paris, where she was en­tertained with the applause & won­der of the whole Court: & she could indeed deserve no less; for I believe neither past or future ages can or will ever parallell so great a pattern of female Loyalty and Generosity.

Whilst his Majesty was thus pas­sing away his time in France, more in contemplation then action. Oli­ver Cromwel made General of all the Iuncto's forces in England, Scotland, [Page 148] and Ireland, finding now a fit oppor­tunity to put his long-laid ambiti­ous designs in execution, had dissol­ved that Iuncto which had usurped the Kingly power or more over England, and taken upon himself) though not the title) yet the Royall power & authority over these Nati­ons, which the people, though un­willing, yet were forced to submit to; and though he had not at first any basis whereon to ground his new usurped Regality; yet in stead of one Iuncto he pluckt down, he ea­sily sets up another, which I may the more justly call so, in regard there was not one of them chosen by the free Votes of the people, but by his own Arbitray Election, & those such persons who knew well enough what they had to doe before they met: these after a short time of sitting (without doing any thing besides the making of some impertinent [Page 149] laws which were forceably imposed on the people) surrender their power (as dying men do their souls to God) into his hands that gave it, who by the help of the Officers of the army, & Lamberts instrument, makes himself immediatly King of England, Scotland & Irelaand (which govern­ment he had often swore against) though under the title of Protector.

This (I must needs say) Noble Tyrant, having got the Dominion of three such Kingdomes into his possession, made it now as much his study to preserve himself safe in his Estate and Grandezza, as he did be­fore to acquire it; to which purpose he thought it most suitable to that design, to make some remarkable disturbance amongst the neighbou­ring Princes; then to contine that War (begun by the Iuncto of Parlia­ment) with the Dutch, to which pur­pose several motions of a Treaty passed.

[Page 150] His sacred Majesty, though he had sundry times before solicited the as­sistance of those United Provinces for the regaining of his Right in his Kingdomes, now more earnestly upon secret intelligence of the first motions of this Treaty, sends the Lord Gerard his Embassadour to the United States, more earnestly in­treating them to own his Interest then before▪ proffering, that if they would vest out a squadron of good Ships under his Flag, he would com­mand them himself in person.

His Sister, the Princess of Orange and other of his friends in the Low Countries, addicted to his Interest, earnestly prosecutes his desires, and use their utmost influence on the States of the United Provinces for the performance of his propositions. Nor are there five of these Pro­vinces, nor Van Trump himself their Admiral unwiling to comply with [Page 151] him. Only the Province of Holland, the most potent at sea, stands out, chiefly out of the disgust they had lately taken to the family of Orange, whose Interest and command they were fearfull, might be restored, should his Majesty, who was Uncle to the young Prince, be invested in his Territories.

His Majesty likewise to advance his hopes of their assistance, when Monsieur Bortell came from those United States to negotiate a League with the King of France, used his ut­most Interest to promote the Trea­ty, and in fine brought it to a de­sired period: notwithstanding the United States sent no other answer to his Embassy then a cold Letter of Complements.

His designs thus failing him here, he directed himself to a more hopefull course, by interposing himself a Me­diator with the Pope & other Catho­lick [Page 152] Princes for an accord and peace between the two mighty Crowns of France and Spain. And indeed two such potent Monarchs had been in better capacity with their joynt forces to have assisted him (had the peace went forward, as there was great hopes) then the United States of the Netherlands; but Cardinall Mazarine by a piece of secret State-policy, endeavoured to obstruct all proceedings which might tend to a Treaty or accord.

Nor was this Cardinal's Spleen to his Royall Majesty yet allayed; for his supposed Council against him in the forementioned difference be­tween the King and Princes; but far­ther to prejudice him & his affairs, he endeavours the promotion of a peace betwixt the Protector of Eng­land & the French King his Master, which, though opposed by all the force & Interest that either himself [Page 153] or the Queen his Mother had in the French Court; yet was by the Car­dinal (whose will was a law all o­ther government in that Kingdome being but a meer shadow) vigorous­ly carried on, and an Ambassadour sent over to treat of an accord: where having been sometime in England, his Majesty was by secret intelligence informed that the chief Article insisted upon in the Treaty (by the Protector of England) was the excluding himself, relations and followers out of the Kingdome of France and it's Territories; where­fore least the treaty should be sud­denly concluded upon those terms, and he ceremoniously excluded, he thought it more honourable himself to leave that Kingdome of his on accord; and having taken his leave of the King of France, & the rest of the Nobility accompanied with his Cousin Prince Rupert, he departed [Page 154] for Germany, where the Lord Wil­mot had long been Ambassador for him to solicite aid and assistance.

Yet notwithstanding his Brothers the Duke of York and Glocester, staid still in France. The first having un­der the Command of the Marshal of Turine against the Spaniards perfor­med such Eminent services as had made him deservedly esteemed a most valorous and prudent Prince; insomuch that notwithstanding his Youth he was made Lieu. Generall of the French Army, and thought so well worthy that Command, that when Turine (the most esteemed Generall the French have for a long time had) lay desperately sick, and it was expected that he should breath his last; he was by the King of France sent to, to desire him, that seeing there were so little hopes of this life, he would nominate such a General of his Army as he might judge fit to [Page 155] succeed him: To which Turine answered, that if his Majesty would have his affairs prosper, he should make choice of a No­ble, valorous, and fortunate Generall; which if he did, he could make of choice of no fitter person then the thrice Heroick Duke of York.

As for his Brother the Duke of Glo­cester, he remained at the Pallace Royall in Paris with the Queen his Mother; who shortly after the Departure of his Royall Majesty, endeavoured by all the bonds of filial obedience and the most prevai­ling Arguments could be used, to per­swade him to become Roman Catholick: (no [...] did she alone) but the Queen Mo­ther of France, and the prime Nobility of that Kingdom, attempted the same: when the Rhetorique of the Court could not prevail, the most eminent for learning set upon him, with that depth of reason, as long acquired study and their own interest, could oblige them to use, or furnish them withall: nor were Arguments and Rea­only used, but the highest temptati [...]ns this world could present, to a Prince in Adversity; such were a Cardinals Hat, and a Revenue suitable to his Dignity: [Page 156] when these could not prevail, the indig­n [...]tion of a Royall Mother was poured forth upon him, which brought him the deprivation of his Tutor, his Servants, and all Comforters in these temptations: But that Noble Prince was so far indowed (during this affliction) with the Principles of the Religion of the Church of England, besides that naturall piety and constancy, flowing from his most religious Father of blessed Memory, that by the depth of Truth and Reason, he defended himself against these attempts. After this he is committed to the care of one Mr. Walter Mountague Abbot of Nantueil, living at Pontoise, who keeps him in very closely, and works, and persists still in ende [...]ou­ring to pervert him, using the Argument of Duty and obedience to his Mothers commands, which she did injoyn him to doe, or never more to see her face, (which from that day to this he hath not seen.) This Noble soul replyed with a sorrowful heart, That as the Queens Maje [...]ty was his Mother, he ought her duty; but as his Bro­ther was his King and Sovereign, he ought him Duty and Allegiance, which he could not dispute. Whilst he is at Pontoise the [Page] most noble and religious Lord [...] takes occasion to go wait upon the Duk [...] according to private instructions received from his Majesty (who to his great sorrow had advised of these particulars) he is ad­mitted with much trouble to the presence of the Duke, who imbraced him as his De­liverer, & with some difficulty, urging the commands of his Majesty, and his own ar­guments; he is delivered to his care, who conducts him with a speciall respect and diligence to his house in Paris, where he is entertained divers daies with all ho­nour, & confirmed with all diligence, by that learned Lord, in his so well imbued Principles, untill the arrivall of the Mar­quesse of Ormond, who by the Kings Command, receives, and conducts him to his Majesties Court.

His Majesty in his journy towards Ger­many came first to Chatillon a Castle be­longing to the Prince of Conde, whither he was accompanied by his Brother the Duke of York [...] and his Cousins Prince Rupert and Edward Palatines; here Prince Edward and the Duke of York left them; the one going to Bourbon, the [Page 158] other returning to the Army: (where he continued a good while after) his Ma­jesty and Prince Rupert continu [...]d for some few daies their journy together, 'till the Prince parted from him to go visit his Brother Frederick at Hidelberg; his Majesty passing through Cambray and Leige to the Spaw; where he took up the first place of his Residence in Ger­many, whither his Sister the Royall Princess of Orange came to visit him; and they no doubt during the time of their being there, were as merry as two such afflicted Princes could.

But let us a little leave his Majesty at the Spaw and look into his Kingdomes where Cromwell that he might secure him­self, in his ill-gotten Estate, endeavours by all means possible either to take away the lives or wholly impoverish and disa­ble his Majesties loyal Subjects; who are continually charged with something, which he by his usurped power takes hold of to destroy them: several persons are ap­prehended and charged with a design to have seized on the Tower, and proclai­med his Majesty King of those Kingdoms which by right were his: for tryall of [Page 159] which persons, a High Court of Justice, (a thing we now in England know very well) was erected for the tryall of those persons, and Col. Iohn Gerard, Mr. Peter Vowel, and Sommerset Fox were condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered: (for no lesse then High Treason for­sooth, though there were then no Act in being making it Treason to conspire against the Power then in being in England) But somewhat of the sentence was remitted, and Col. Gerard was beheaded, and Mr. Vowel only hanged, Mr. Fox reprieved.

I have always observed that in all the tryals made by those High courts of Justice for plots (as they call them) there hath still been some one person, who though brought to try­all, have either not been condemned though look't upon by the people as eminent in the businesse as any) [Page 160] and though Condemned, yet have been reprieved; what others guesse of it, I will not determine; I know what I do.

The truth is, that his Majesty had alwaies the ill fortune to have such false servants about him as have for the Lucre of money either betrayed any enterprize of his for the gaining of his right, (the Protector especially being very prodigal in such expen­ces: his intelligence as most affirm, standing him in no less then two hundred thousand pounds per an­num) or else those persons engaged for him, being many of them deboist fellows, (and who often ran upon designes uncommissioned) have in a Tavern both layd and betrai'd their own undertakings; or else some here in England, who have undertaken in such businesses, have either for fear or gain betrayed both their Prince, friends and Countrey.

[Page 161] Thus much for England; let us now take a view of his Majesties af­fairs in Scotland; which Kingdome was not yet wholly conquered, for the Lords Seaforth, Atholl, Glen­carne, Kenmore, and Glengary, and several others who had some of them been formerly followers of the Noble Marquesse of Montrosse, by Commissions to the Earle of Glen­carne had levied sundry small par­ties in their several Territories; which all joyned, would have made up a considerable Army, besides the help which they expected Middle­ton should bring them out of the Low Countries, they therefore made all possible speed to joyn; but in their match the Earl of Glencarne is set upon by Col. Morgan, his par­ty routed, himself hardly escaping.

This defeat of Glencarn's who was the chief, though it discouraged the rest, yet made them not wholly [Page 160] desist; for they had yet hopes of those supplies which they expected Middleton to bring out of the Low-Countries, who at length arrives & brings with him Monroe to be his Lieu. General, he being Commis­sionated General; which highly dis­pleased Glencarne, who had been the greatest instrument of his Ar­mies raising (which was now joyn'd and made up a Considerable body) who protested that he would not raise an Army for others to Com­mand, so high a dispute there was between Glencarne and Monroe; in­somuch that many affirm, though some say the contrary, that it came to a Duell, in which Monroe was worsted and disarmed by Glencarne; however the dissention still conti­nues, for Middleton pretended that he had not power to take away Monro's Commission which was gi­ven him by his Majesty, & Genclarn [Page 161] scorning to be under him, being of Nobler blood, and accounting him­self as good a Souldier, deserts the Army with five hundred Horse in his company, & goes in to General Monck, with whom he makes his Composition.

Yet notwithstanding his deser­tion (caused by those differences amongst themselves for superiority, the only way to ruine any designe) Middleton pursues his businesse and Commission, and had made up a pretty considerable Number, when Generall Monck engaging him at Lougherry after a hot dispute totally routed him, scattered his party, and had almost taken himself Prisoner, but he escaping returned again into Holland.

Thus his Majesties ill fortune still attends his affairs, God still permit­ting his Enemies to taper up in the World & advance themselves, not [Page 164] that he in the want of us, but that we in the want of so Noble a Prince, might be yet farther Miserable.

But let us return again to his Ma­jesty at the Spaw, where he having staid a while, courted by all the ad­jacent Grandees, at length takes his journey in company of the Princesse Royall his Sister towards Colen, where being arrived, they were re­ceived with all possible honour and demonstrations of joy and affection, the great Guns discharging at their entrance, and the Deputies of the City coming out to meet them in solemn manner, & conducting them in great pomp to the pallace provi­ded for them by the chief Magi­strate of the City.

Shortly after their Arrival, the Grandees of the place entertained his Majesty and his Royal Sister at a sumptuous Banquet or Collation, where they expresse in many cere­monious [Page 165] complements, the high re­sentment they had of his Majesties condition, and the great honour which he did them, in being pleased to come and visit their City.

After a short time of abode here his Majesty was envited by the Duke of Newburgh to his Pallace at Dunsell-dorf, where he & his Sister were most sumptuously and Royal­ly entertained for some daies; and here the Royall Princesse took her leave of her Brother his sacred Ma­jesty, and returned for Holland, the King accompanying her on her way as far as Red nguen, and from thence returned back again to Colen, where he was joyfully received.

And now more of his Majesties [...]oyal subjects are put to the wrack [...]n England by tyrannizing Cromwell; general design must needs be laid over all England, and perhaps might [...]e so, though Cromwell knew it well [Page 164] enough before it was like to take any effect, which appeared by his se­tling the London Militia in the hands of his own Criado's, his apprehend­ing of Sir Henry Littleton, Sir Iohn Packington, and many other of the Royall party; yet he lets it still go on, that he might have the better colour for keeping his Scaffold in ure, whilst he having certain intelli­gence of all proceedings from his hired Agents, had care to prevent them when they just came to the height, that he might then lay the surer hold on the undertakers: so now, though he was sure to prevent all risings which might be near Lon­don, yet he lets others in the Coun­tries more remote to go on so farre, as they might only raise to a head, but not have any secure place of strength to retreat to, in case of a defeat, where they might again have made a head. The surprizal of [Page 165] shrewsbury and Chirke Castles are to that effect now prevented. But a partyin Dorset & Wiltshires made a bo­dy, consisting most of Gentlemen, who surprized Salisbury, took away all the Horses, and Marched to­wards Cornwall, where they expect­ed a greater force to rise with them; but being eagerly pursued by Cap­tain Crook with a party of Horse, were overtaken at Southmolton in Devonshire, and after a hot dispute, most of them either slain or taken; but Sir Ioseph Wagstaffe, the chief Commander of this small loyal par­ty escaped. The Captains, Penrud­dock, Grove and Iones were taken, & afterwards being tried by a Com­mission of Oyer and Terminer, were condemned to death: Captain Iones was reprieved, but Grove and Pen­ruddock were beheaded at Exceter, The last of which parted nobly with his life, and died with a resolution, [Page 168] worthy of the cause for which he suffered. Many others likewise were hanged for this enterrize.

Yet these and their fellows might have come off better, had other Counties as they promised, risen to their assistance; for all the Countries in England had designed (as they say to rise; but whether besotted, dull'd and fearful, or else prevented by a force upon them, I cannot tell; but sure I am they fail'd. Yet in York shire there were two parties up in several places, but dissipated by their own fears, at Hexam Moor the Gentry in that shire had a Rendezvouz, of whom Sir Hen. Slingsby was taken, & remained prisoner in Hull, till such time as he was brought up to London, where he suffered death under pretence of another design; as shall in due time be declared.

But now the Protector finds ano­ther course to rid himself of all such [Page 169] English men as were Loyal to their King and Countrey. Several of those who were active in the late design and had been taken, are out of the Prisons hurried aboard Ships; and though they were free-born Eng­lish men, and many of them Gentle­men, sent to be slaves in the Foreign Plantations; nor were they alone served so, but many who though they had not actually stirr'd, yet be­ing by the Protector known as per­sons not very well affected to his Tyrannical Government, were pri­vately taken out of their houses and shipt away in like manner; it not being enough for him when he had impoverished them by taking away their Estates to look upon, and in­sult on their misery at home, but to make them as much as in him lay the scorn and derision of the World by selling them to those Plantations, a punishment usually inflicted on [Page 170] none but thives and vagabonds. Yet I hope those Noble soules who were thus dealt withall, account those miseries and hardships they have endured but little in respect of the cause for which they suffered them.

But to return to our Princes a­broad. The Duke of Glocester in his journy from Paris with the Marquess of Ormand touched at the Hague, where he found his Sister newly returned from her journey with his Majesty; and having staid with her some time there, she accompanied him to visit their Brother the King again at Colen, with whom she staid till after the Fair at Franckford, whi­ther his Majesty accompanied with his Royal Sister, the Duke of Gloce­ster, the Marquesse of Ormond, the Earl of Norwich, the Lord Newburg, and seueral Ladies and persons of Quality went in progresse; part of [Page 171] the way they went by Land, and the other part by water; being com­plemented in all Princes Countries through which they passed, by their chief Ministers of State, and saluted with the great Guns from their Towns and Castles: but particu­larly being come into the Terrrito­ries of the Elector of Mentz they were saluted by his grand Marshal, who in the name of his Master the Elector, invited his Majesty, the Princesse Royal, and the Duke of Glocester to his Court; but in re­gard that the intent of their progress was to see that renowned Faire at Franckfort which now drew nigh, his Majesty sent the Lord Newburgh back with the grand Marshal, retur­ning thankes to the Elector for his civilities; but desiring to be excu­sed rill their return, when his Ma­jesty with his Royal Sister and Bro­ther would not faile to come and [Page 172] give him thanks in person, and so his Majesty with his Noble compa­ny continued their journey.

Being arrived at Franckford, ad­vice was brought to his Majesty that the Queen of Swethland (who had some time before voluntarily sur­rendred her Kingdom into the hands of Carolus Gustavus her Kinsman) was passing that way in her intended Journey for Italy, whereupon his Majesty sent a Noble Lord to acquaint her Royal Highnesse the Queen Christina, that he was ready to wait npon her at what place soe­ver she should be pleased to appoint for an interview; her Majesty recei­ved the message with a great deal of affection, telling the Messenger That she was highly obliged to his Majesty of England for so great an honour, and that if he pleased, she would not fail to meet him at Con­ningstein a villiage not farre from [Page 173] Franckford, where his Majesty for the time resided.

And accordingly there these two Potentates, (both equally deprived of their Kingdomes, onely with this distinction, the one voluntary, the other by force and Tyranny) met; The Queen of Sweden being there first attended his Majesty: & he being come was immediately admitted, in a room there purposely provi­ded; and having had neer half an hours private discourse with her, the Duke of Glocester was admitted, and presently after the Lords that attended his Majesty; there passing between their two Majesties many ceremonious complements; and so after a little longer discourse they took their leaves. The Princess Roy­al being a little indisposed went not to this interview.

His Majesty having tarried at Franckford as long as seem'd con­venient [Page 174] to that Royal Company in his departure thence according to the promise he had before made by the Lord Newburgh; passed through the Elector of Mentz his Countrey, resolving to give him a visit, but that Noble Prince had so much of ho­nour in him that he met his Majesty a great part of the way, and condu­cted him with his Royal Company to a Pallace of his, where he sum­ptuously entertained them for three or four dayes; and then himself in person accompanied them a good part of their way to Colen, from whence shortly after his Majesties arrival there the Princess Royal de­parted for Holland.

In the mean the Protector of England having a good while before made a peace with the Hollander, fearing that the Nation should grow rebellious to him, if they lay free from Warres, which would fill [Page 175] their purses; resolues to keep them low, and at diet; to which effect he begins a war with Spain at first in his Western Territories, but soon after (that businesse not succeeding) in his Europaean quartars, which made Mazarine with all hast possible en­deavour the concluding the League Offensive and Defensive with the Protector, which being by him con­sidered to be as benificial for his own interest as for the French, was easily and willingly assented to; but the chief Article of this Peace was that his Majesty, the Dukes of York and Glocester with all their relations and friends should be expelied out of, and no more admitted into the Kingdome of France.

Certainly had the French King had but the least touch or sense of honour, he would have counted this the hardest condition in the World, or indeed he would never [Page 176] at all have treated with the Prote­ctor, but that he should yield to such a condition, as to banish out of his Kingdome those who came to him for succour and relief in the utmost extremity that ever Princes were put to, and these too his nearest re­lations, being Brothers and Sisters children: And this to make a league offensive with him who had murde­red their Father, and expelled them out of their Dominions. What was this? but the owning of that mur­der, and aggravating their oppressi­ons instead of relieving them. But neither honour nor relation can stand in competition with self Inte­rest.

His Majesty had before fore-saw what the event of this treaty would be, and had therefore wisely with­drawn himself from France to pre­vent a complemental Explusion. But the Duke of York, who in regard [Page 177] of the great command which he had in the Army, had stai'd there till the conclusion of the League, was now warned to depart with all his reti­nue (consisting of a gallant number of young English gentlemen bred up under his valour and conduct) not­withstanding those many great ser­vices which he had performed for that Kingdom, in requital of which he had only a complemental Apolo­gy made him for the necessity of his departure, & a small time respited for his stay, during which he was vi­sited by the Duke of Modena then, in France, and other French Grandees; but more especially by the Marshal of Turine, who extreamly loved im and above all others expressed a sor­row for his dismissement; but at length the day perfixed being come, his Grace having solemnly taken his leave of the King of France, the Queen his Mother, and the rest of [Page 178] his friends at the French Court, he takes his journey towards Flanders, accompanied by the Earle of Yar­mouth, and severall other English Lords.

For upon the rupture of the peace between Oliver Cromwell and the King of Spain, Don Iohn de Austria, Governour Royall of the Low Countries, for his Catholick Ma­jesty (commiserating our Kings un­fortunate Condition, now that his Interest might stand them in some stead,) had sent the Count De Fuen­saldagne, his Ambassadour to his Ma­jesty of Great Brittain, then resident (as I said before) at Colon, inviting him into the Low Countries, and assuring him in the name of his Ca­tholick Majesty all possible service and assistance: which invitation his Majesty graciously accepted, and soon after took his journey from Co­len towards Flanders, and being [Page 179] come to Bruges, the place appointed for his reception, he was received with all honour imaginable, and conducted to a Pallace purposely provided for him, where he hath for the most part ever since remai­ned.

Hither the Duke of York came accompanied as aforesaid, having first in his way touched at Brussels, where he was magnificently enter­tained, and complemented by Don Iohn, to whom he freely proffered his service in the Wars, which was accepted with a great deal of thanks, & though he had not at first a command given him correspon­dent to that which he left in the French Army, yet was his prudence, courage, valour, and conduct in no lesse respect, as afterwards by the Spaniards esteem of him appeared, From thence he went to wait on his Majesty at Bruges, where he was re­ceived [Page 180] with an affection correspon­dent to the near alliance with his sacred Majesty.

Before his Majestie's departure from Colen, there happened a disco­cery of one of those persons, who under pretence of waiting upon him, Captain Manning by name) discovered unto the Protector all his Designes and Counsels, who being found out was by his Majesties Command sent to a strong Castle adjacent to Colen, there to be kept close prisoner. But all the Court being highly incensed against him for his perfidiousnesse, one of his Majesties Servants (though con­trary to order) pistol'd him as he was lighting out of the Coach at the Castle gate, giving him lesse then the due regard of his so abominable treachery.

The Duke of York being arrived (as I said) at Bruges, was highly car­ressed [Page 181] by all the persons of quality there resident; and his Majesty, (who not withstanding Cromwell's earnest endeavours, either to dis­patch, disable, or make slaves of his loyal subjects, had nevertheless some true friends io England, who were still ready to venture lives & estates for his so just cause) had got toge­ther a considerable number of such English and Scotch, whose Loyalty had banished them from their ha­bitations, and who were ready at all occasions to assist both his Majesty and themselves for the recovery of his and their just rights and estates; but the continual advice which Cromwell alwaies had from those treacherous persons which he main­tained about his Majesty, made all enterprizes tending to the regaining of his Kingdoms, and redeeming of his subjects liberty ineffectual.

This Army which his Majesty had [Page 182] quartered near the sea side to be ready on all occasions for transport, was afterwards (since there was no apparent hopes that his Majesty might make any succesfull use of them) imployed in the service of the King of Spain.

For his Majesty of Spain had then great need of men in Flanders, the English Protector having according to articles agreed upon between him & the French King, sent over six thousand foot for his assistance in his wars against Flanders, in considera­tion of which help the English were to have Dunkirk, which was agreed on to be beleaguer'd by the joynt­forces of France and England.

Whilst in the mean time the Pro­tector Cromwell is by a parcel of a Parliament, of which Sir Thomas Withrington was Speaker, invested with his power, and installed in Westminster-Hall, and now he con­ferres [Page 138] those dignities which were formerly the Kingly rewards of loy­alty, upon his co-partners and fol­lowers, and whether in mockery of that Government which he had so violently endeavoured to abolish, or out of a perjured intention to set­tle it in himself, which he swore not to endure in another, he established a Pageant House of Lords, who though then made to rule & domi­neer over the Nation; yet were for­merly most of them persons not fit to be servants to some mean Me­chanicks: this was that Govern­ment which he had so solemly sworn against; but when men have once forgot their Loyalty to their Soveraign, what vices will they not run into.

But to return again to Flanders. The English and French Armies had according to the articles concluded on betwixt them beleaguer d Dun­kirk, [Page 184] which Don Iohn knowing to be a place of great importance, and an inlet into Flanders by sea for English Forces, used his utmost endeavours to raise the sieges; to which effect he levied what Forces he could, either by his own or his Majesties influ­ence, & having made up a considera­ble Army himself in person, accom­panied by the English Dukes of York & Glocester, together with those for­ces formerly addicted to his Maje­sties service, advanced towards the joyntforce of the French & English then beleaguering the Town, who understanding by their scouts of his approach, left such Forces in the leagure as might secure them within from a sally, and drew up towards Don Iohn, who had encamped near Fuernes: the French and English were (notwithstanding those forces they had left in the trenches) much more numerous then the Spaniards [Page 185] both in horse and foot, which made them the more resolved in the Encounter; for though the others came to raise the siege, yet the besie­ger were the first assaulters.

The first brush began with a for­lorn hope of English infantry, con­sisting of above three hundred, who desperately charged upon a party of the Spanish foot (which had advan­tageously d [...]n themselves upon a rising ground, and seconded by Lockart's Regiment, commanded by Lieutenant Colonell Fenmick, and some other additional supplies of English Infantry, routed not only them, but the other bodies of Spa­nish foot drawn up on the same manner. In this charge Lieutenout Colonel Fenwick received his mor­rall wound, and some other Eng­lish Commanders were slain out­right.

The Spanish Cavalry seeing their [Page 186] foot so easily put to a rout, began likewise to flie, nor could by any en­deavoors be perswaded to stand; whereupon the French Horse who had all that while stood still, and seen the English do execution on the Enemies foot, with a full career pur­sue their flying Enemies, of whom they found little opposition, but on­ly what was made by the thrice va­liant Duke of York's R [...]giment, who for a time made the whole French Army to stand, & saved the lives of many of their flying friends, which else had been sacrificed to the Ene­mies fury, whilst in the mean time they dedicated their own lives or persons to their safeties.

For after they had made a very noble and gallant resistance, over­powred by numbers, and having no supplies to refresh their wearied bo­dies, they were forced to yeild to their Enemies numbers, or trust to [Page 187] the swiftnesse of their horses heels; but very few of them escaped, a­mong which were the Dukes of York and Glocester, though the first was not heard of till three daies af­ter, which made some suspect that he was taken by the French Forces, but by Turine after at a fit opportu­nity nobly releast.

I may particularly take occasion here to commend the valour of the Duke of York's own Troop, who indeed bore the brunt of the whole Battel, though I cannot deny but they were seconded by some very Noble spirits of the Spaniards; but the personal valour of Mr. Henry Bendish son to Sir Thomas Bendish Ambassadour for the English Nation in Turky (who had the ill fortune to be taken prisoner) must not be for­gotten.

Let us now change the Scene a little to England, where the Prote­ctor [Page 188] begins to die the Scaffold in as deep a purple as the Vest given him at his late Instalement bore; and that not onely with the bloud of those seculars that were loyal to their Soveraign, but having as he thought now secured to himself the Govern­ment, his hand reaches to the sacred Clergy, nor will he strike at a reed or a shrub amongst them, but imita­ting the Ancient fable of the Iupi­trian Thunder, strikes at the Olym­pus, the Atlas, the mainest pillar and support of the Protestant Religion; for no lesse then the Reverend Do­ctor Hewet's blood will now satisfie his insatiate Cruelty; a man whose vertues and piety as they were be­yond expression, so I think was the manner of his death beyond ex­ample.

This Doctor & Sir Henry Slingsby (who had ever since the forementi­oned rising in Yorkshire layn prisoner [Page 189] in Hull Castle) with many others are accused of a design to have seized on the Tower of London and the Magazine at Hull both in one day, the one by a divine, the other by a Pri­soner; but these persons must have several others to be their assistants, and that especially in London, who while the Doctor was securing the Tower, must fire the City of London in several places.

Those that make plots may as easily discover them, and with as much ease prevent them; the Pro­tector could do both: but to make some shew of a great deel of fear in the businesse; Worthy Alderman Tichburn then Lord Mayor of Lon­don is immediately commanded to settle the Militia, the Protector tel­ling him (as he easily might) that there was a grand design in hand (probably of his own contriving) against his Government, that the Marquess [Page 190] of Ormond had lately been in England transacting about it; that the Common Enemy (for so was his sacred Majesty then styled) lay ready with a potent Army, & ships hired to transport them on the Sea coasts of England, and that therefore the Militia should be settled in con­fiding hands, meaning such either whose interest or fear must render them faithful to the Protector; shortly after, according to the common course, the persons to be accused are apprehended, the chief of which were Dr. Hewet, Mr. Iohu Mordant brother to the Earl of Peterborough, Col. Ashton, Capt. Henry Mallory, Mr. Woodcock, Iohn Betteley, Edmund Stacy, Henry Fryer, Iohn Sumner, and Oliver Allen; who were all ac­cused to be complices of this grand design.

And because no English Law could take away these mens Lives, [Page 191] The ordinary Tyrannical way of a High Court of Justice must do it; Sir Henry Slignsby (who was brought prisoner from Hull▪ Castle) was the first who came before them, and is accused for having endeavoured to draw the Governor of that Castle from his Allegience (excellently good!) to the Protector, and plead­ing not guilty, yet was by two Wit­nesses found ready, convicted and condemned.

Dr. Hewet being come before them (according to the example of his Royal Master King Charles the first) refused to plead or own the Iu­risdiction of the Court, for which contempt (as they were pleased to interpret it) he had the same sen­tence pronounced against him, and was afterwards together with Sir Henry Slingsby executed on Tower­hill.

Mr. Mordant brother to the Earl [Page 192] of Peterborough disavowed likewise the Authority of the Court; but at last being induced to plead, was ac­quitted, so was Mr. Woodcock, Mallory, Fryer, sumner, and Al­len were sentenced but reprieved; Ashton, Stacy, and Bettely were hanged, drawn and quartered in se­veral places of London.

And here we must not forget the magnanimous death of Iohn Bette­ley, who having made a Speech, clearing his Innocency and the just­ness of his Cause, undauntedly leapt off the Ladder, and died a worthy sufferer for the Royal Interest.

His sacred Majesty (during these strange Murders and oppressions of his Subjects in England by a power which had usurpt the Regality) is forced to sit still; his urgent necessi­ties not giving him leave either to revenge their deaths or redeem the surviving, who heavily groaned un­der [Page 193] the yoke, his onely remedy now was his prayers to God (which he pursues with an earnest devotion) that he would be pleas'd in his good time to deliver his faithful Subjects from those miseries and burdens they then struggled under, and without doubt God hath heard, and will perform his pious desires.

As an introduction to which it pleased the DIVINE MAJE­STY to take out of this world the grandest opposer of his Majesty's Right, OLIVER CROM­WELL, who from a mean begin­ning had raised himself by force to be the arbitrary Governour of these Nations, is by the Almighty called to give an account of his actions be­fore the High Tribunal of Heaven, where are neither false witnesses nor interessed Judges, and that on the same day on which he had gained two such signall victories over his [Page 194] Majestie's forces at Dunbar and Wor­cester, viz. on the third day of Sep­tember.

Yet he thought he had so certain­ly secured the Government of these three Nations for himself, and that he nominates his son Richard for his Successour, a person, to speak the truth, as not at all endowed with his fathers courage, so not at all inclined to his ambition: one, whom if fame lies not of him, could have willingly been content to have surrendred his Protectorship to the Kingship of the lawfull heir, and (by law) undoub­ted Successour.

But those Officers of the Army, whose ambition, though not in so high a degree, had so engaged them as Complices to Oliver Cromwell in his high late designes against his King and Countrey, had so great a load of guilt upon their consci­ences, that they could not hear of, [Page 195] much less agree to the admission of his sacred Majesty.

Nor was it indeed only thus, but some ambitious spirits there were, and particularly Maj. [...]eneral Lam­bert, whose high-flown thoughts made him fancy Idea's in his brain, and forc't him to attempt the enter­prising to make him Commander of these three Nations, as Oliver (by his means) had done before, which designes of his in the sequell, ruin'd him, and discovered those grand cheates and abuses which that party had put upon the Nation, endea­vouring to enslave them to their own arbitrary power, whilst they pretended those strangely taken names of Religion and Liberty as hereafter will appear.

And these passages I shall the more fully insert, as tending so much to his Majesties Interest here, & to the undeceiving of his good subjects, [Page 196] who are not blinded with Interest which the Usurpers had endeavou­red to make the most potent men in the Mation, i. e. such as had the grea­test sums of money, by selling such cheap penny worths of the Kings, Queens, Bishops, Deans and Cha­pters lands, which together with the purchases of the Estates of such loy­all subjects to his Majesty, as those in power were pleased to stile De­linquents, had near infatuated a good part of the Nation.

But to proceed, let us now begin with these distractions. 'Tis an old Proverb in English, When thieves fall out, then honest men come by their Goods: may it now prove as true as old, which (God be praised) we have some reason to hope.

Oliver Cromwell, the greatest, though most heroick enemy of his King and Countrey being dead, his son Richard was proclaimed Prote­ctor, [Page 197] and for some times seemingly complyed with; but Lambert's am­bition which had long lain hid, be­gins now to appear, and something he whispers into the ears of the Ar­my, which mixt with the great love they had formerly for him, easily creates a dislike of Richard's Go­vernment, which afterwards grows to such a height, that by a joynt-Conspiracy the Protectorship is dis­joynted, and Richurd deprived of his Government, the taking away of which he as willingly consents to, as they are ready to deprive him of it.

This was the first jarring which this Generation had amongst them­selves, which notwithstanding was composed by the Protector's easie consent, without the shedding of one drop of blood. But there yet remained to his Deposers the great­est task, since they were sufficiently sensible that though they had pull'd [Page 198] down one civil Government, they must be inforc't (though never so unwillingly) to set up another.

For they very well knew, that they had already so much gull'd the Na­tion, that they could not but now be sensible of their many abuses; yet they fly to their old pretences of Religion and Liberty: and under that pretence (since they must at least establish the face of a civill Go­vernment, they call again (Resol­ving to have one like themselves) that Iuncto which was formerly dis­solved by Oliver, those that murdered their King, and had for some years en­slaved their Native Countrey.

Yet I cannot tell whether it were their inclinations in the Generall, or Lambert's particular perswasions, which called these men even out of the grave of infamy to sit again in the House, and rule as Lords Para­mount over these Nations, though I [Page 199] have a great deal of reason to believe ir was the latter, since Lambert's am­bition, might rather prompt him to begin with those men, and con over an old one, experimentally taught him by his old Master Oliver, then hazard the venture of a new lesson.

But this Iuncto being thus recall'd to their seats in the House, and the exercise of their former Arbitrary power and authority by their Quon­dam servants of the Army, accept of the invitation; and accordingly met in the Parliament House, whether likewise there assembled severall of those Members which had formerly been secludec and debar'd sitting in 1648. These demand now an e­quall right with the others, either to Consult or Vote; but as they had been formerly violently thrust out: so they are now forceably kept out by the Officers of the Army.

This causes another as great di­straction [Page 200] of their affairs. For these secluded Members do not only dis­pute their right by Law and Reason (which could nothing prevail with sword-men) but Sir George Booth and some others levy Armes now more truly in defence of Parliamen­tary priviledges then those raised in 1642.

This small Army rtised in Che­shire, gave Lambert as fair an oppor­tunity to put in execution his ambi­tious designes, as possibly could be; for he being sent with the greatest force of the Army against Sir George easily overcomes him, takes him prisoner, and retakes those Holds which he had possest himself of, and so returns victorious.

This fortunate successe revived his antient credit with the Army, and now he begins to practise the ruin of those which he had so lately set up, that he might give full scope [Page 201] to his own Ambition. They found out his designes, but yet not being a­ble to hinder them, are forced short­ly after to submit to a dissolution.

Thus was this Nation hurried in­to changes of Government, and A­narchicall confusions, by persons who endeavoured only to promote their own ends and self-interest; yet by these strange endeavours of their own, they only lost themselves, for the people, beginning now to disco­ver their juggles, do as much detest them; and though they might for the present force the people to a submission by sword-law; yet could no Government whatsoever, by them establisht, be firm or dura­ble, since it must be settled contrary to the Genius of the people.

For even those who were former­ly such strong enemies and opposers of Monarchy or Kingly Govern­ment, undeceived by those many [Page 202] delusions which they see put upon the Nation (by those who preten­ded so much to Religion and Li­berty, and the settling of a Free State or Commonwealth, whilst they in­tended onely their own ends) are now as much affected as they were formerly disaffected with Monar­chicall Government, finding that thofe who adventure to change a settled Government before they have determined of another in its stead, run into fancies and Chyma­ra's, and vainly endeavour to build castles in the air. but to proceed.

This party being thus divided a­mong themselves, there were great hopes, and certainly, greater wishes that that power wherewith they had for some years past, arbitra­rily governed the Nation by turns, might at lenght come to a period, which by the eye of reason was now in greater proability then ever, they [Page 203] by their intestine divisions running headlong to their own ruine.

Fleetwood, Lambert, and the rest of the Officers of the Army, have now the sole Authority, and having the longest sword, make their wills a law; yet somewhat to satisfie the people, and to make at least the face of a civil government, they set up a new kind of a thing which they composed of themselves, and some other choice persons which they call a Committee of Safety, and to these they give full Authority over these three Nations, without ever asking the peoples consent.

This Government is far more the scorn and derision of the people, then the other, yet notwithstanding their spirits are by constant use so subje­cted to slavery, that their assinine backs are forced to endure this as well as other more intolerable bur­thens, they not daring all this while [Page 204] to adventure the regaining of their Liberties, nor indeed do other then by their tongues expresse their hate and anger.

But all this while those divisions of theirs, and the peoples being wea­ry of them, and extremely for his Majestie's interest, it being a rule in Politicks, that the peoples hatred to an Usurper doth alwayes produce their love to a lawfull Prince, nor had they before, 'till deluded by those Tyrannizers any time to con­sider the miseries of their lawful So­veraign, which now they begin to compassionate, and seeing him the only person whom these men ende­vour by all means possible to keep down, hatred to their tyrannies, makes the people naturally desire his restauration, and him whom be­fore they thought justly expulsed, they think it both Justice, and Cha­rity to reinstate, as much considering [Page 205] it to be their own as his interest, ex­perience having taught them the difference between the Govern­ment by one gentle Prince, and ma­ny Rusticks.

Thus far did these mens divisions invest his sacred Majesty with the love of his people, who in the mean time lives retiredly at Bruges, expe­cting either what the good will of his subjects might do for the resto­ring him to his Right, or what the successe might be of that Treaty which was then (the grand action of Europe) in agitation between those two potent Monarchs France and Spain, from whose joynt-forces he might expect so great a supply as might have reinstated him in his Dominions by force, a course most of all opposite to his Majestie's nature, who even in private things never at­tempts any thing by violence, which he can obtain by intreaty.

[Page 206] Yet great hopes had the Royallists both in England & abroad, that this Treaty would produce some good effects; yet it went on very slowly, and after a great deal of tediousness came to a cessation, and from that to an interview between the two grand Officers of State, Don Lewis de Haro, Count De Olivares, chief favourite to his Catholick Majesty, & Cardi­nall Mazarine, chief Minister of State to the most Christian King; these being met upon the Frontier, his sacred Majesty of great Brittain, was invited thither by Don Lewis de Haro.

His Majesty received this invita­tion at Diepe in Normandy, whither he had privately withdrawn himself (as likewise had his Brother the Duke of York to Calice) that they might be in a readinesse to have come over into England, upon any fit opportunity, they having received [Page 207] many invitations from their friends here, about that time when Sir George Booth was up in Cheshire, & all England in a manner gaping for him. But Sir George being (as I said before) overcome, his Majesti's and the whole Nations hopes fail'd, and the fanatick power still continued Pa­ramount.

His Majesty therefore from Deipe begins his journey towards the fron­tiers of Spain, which journey he in­tended to make privately, and being first come to Roan, he was there no­bly entertained and feasted by Mr. Scot, an English Merchant, who ac­companied his Majesty to the Pro­testant Church, about three miles from the City, where with a great deal of Devotion and attention he heard a Sermon.

From Roan, his Majesty accompa­nied with the Marquess of Ormond, the Lord Digby, Mr. Oneen took [Page 208] Post, steering their course directly for Bayonne (near which the two great Officers of state were to meet) not staying in any place, but endea­vouring by all means possible to travel undiscovered as was before resolved.

Being come near to the end of his Journey, advice was sent to Don Lewis de Haro of his Majesties ap­proach, who immediately (accom­panied with a very gallant Train) came forth to meet him, and being come near unto him, Don Lewis a­lighted from his horse, and notwith­standing the place where they met was very dirty, kneeling down, he clapt his hands about his Majesties Knees, and with a great deal of Hu­mility kissed them.

His Majesty was from hence con­ducted with becoming Ceremonies, to the place appointed for his ac­comodation (Don Lewis riding all the [Page 209] way bareheaded by him) where he was entertained with all possible splendor and gallantry.

Many overtures and propositions there passed, between his Majesty and Don Lewis de Haro touching what aid and assistance might be granted him by his Catholick Maje­sty, for the regaining of his rights and Kingdoms; his Majesty endea­vouring by all means possible, to promote and further the present Treaty between France and Spain, and to bring it to a happy conclusi­on, by the Marriage of the King of France to the Spanish Infanta, it ten­ding so much to his Interest, that till the conclusion of it, nothing could be effected by those Princes, which might any way promote his Right or possession.

To all his desires or propositions, the noble count De Olivares returned pleasing answers, and carried him­self [Page 210] with so much respect towards him, that he could not have been more submissive to the Catholick Majesty of Spain his Master.

His Majesty having some time been treated here, returned back a­gain through France, being ac­companied some part of his way by Don Lewis, and repassing the rest pri­vately by Post as he had formerly passed it, till he came to Charinton & Paris, where his Mother was, with whom he staid some few dayes (though he was not now Courted and caressed by the French Nobility as formerly (and then returned to his residence at Brussels.

His Majesties private departure from Brussels, and his privacy du­ring his whole journey, made it cer­tainly believed, that both he and his Brother the Duke of York, who lay at Calais, were come over into Eng­land, and that they lay here concea­led, [Page 211] expecting according to the e­vent of things, either to discover or secure themselves: nay so certain was the belief even those in power had of it, (who had not so good in­telligence as Oliver Cromwell) that many persons were apprehended for them, and particularly one Mr. Colt was taken for the Duke of York, and kept in prison for him, till such time as certain news arrived in Eng­land of the Dukes return to Brussels. Several other persons likewise suf­fered imprisonment for being pres­sed to be like either his Majesty or his Brother.

His Majesty living retired at Brus­sels, the continuance of the differen­ces in England among those who had usurped his power, doth still highly promote his interest. For though Lambert had routed Sir George Booth, and by it declared ab­solutely against a Free Parliament [Page 212] (for which, as the undoubted right of the Nation, Sir George Booth and his Party took up Arms, yet the people could not be content, but now once put in the way, they began violently to hanker after their long lost Liberty.

Nor could the turning out of the Rump (for so had the people out of Disgrace termed the Iuncto which then sate) whom then inveterately hated, any whit now sweeten them in their slavery, but they continual­ly murmured out & agravated their oppressions one to another, and though they came to no violence, yet 'tis suspected it was more out of the hope they had that Generall George Monck, (who was then mar­ching with his Army out of Scot­land) should assert their Liberties, (which somewhat allayed the popu­lar fury) then out of any fear or Cowardise.

[Page 213] But in the mean time their expe­ctions seem'd utterly to fail them, for the Rump had by their industry so inveigled most of the Army from Lambert, that by their help they re­turn & take their seats in the House and dissolve his Committee of Safety, command the Soldiers of his Army to repair to their appointed Quar­ters, and Order Generall Monck to bring up his Army to London, in all which they are punctually obeyed; Lambert's Souldiers deserting him, and Generall Monck according to their orders, marching up his Army quite through England.

Yet the Nation had so great hopes of the Noble General, that in all his passage through England, [...]he is courted with addresses from the Gentry of every County, remonstra­ting the distractions they long had, and were still like to lye under, and inteating that they would be (as they [Page 214] hoped hee'd prove) the Deliverer and saver of his Countrey; that to settle them in some way of Govern­ment, a Parliament might be called by the free Votes of the peo­ple, that they might no longer be Governed by such Wolves, as onely made a Prey of them, nor their Go­vernours be subjected to the awe and force of an exorbitant Army. To all these desires he returned an­swers, promising such things as might be for the good of the Nation

But being come to London (where he was received with a great deal of joy) he put the people almost quite out of hopes of him, nay rather into a fear, that instead of proving their deliverer, he would be the means to enslave them; for by the command­ment of the Rump, he enters the Ci­ty with his whole Army, imprisons many of their Common Council, digs up their Posts, and breakes down [Page 215] their Gates, whilst the stupifi'd Ci­tizens, having now fear added to their slavery, durst hardly murmur at, but with sighs and nods bid adieu to their Liberty.

Yet notwithstanding this vio­lence, the Noble Generall revives their hopes, and retiring him­self into the City, refusing to be subject to the Iuncto's command Shortly after he admits those Mem­bers of the House of Commons which were in 1648. forceably excluded by the Army, for having given their Votes that the Rings Concessions at the Isle of Wight Treaty, were suffi­cient grounds for a peace and settle­ment: who having taken their pla­ces in the House, we had now got a step towards our ancient happinesse, one of the three Estates of the King­dom, viz. the House of Commons, be­ing permitted to sit freely, a thing [Page 216] not known so us in twelve prece­dent years: God of Heaven of his mercy to these Nations, grant, that the other two may in his due time admitted to the discharge of their power and trust, that these Nations once so famous under that Govern­ment, may no longer continue to be the scorn and derision of foreign Countries.

And great hopes there is now that these Kingdomes may again return to be happy, since disloyalty (the first cause of their miseries and distracti­ons) begins, blessed be God, every day to be depressed, and loyalty to flourish, many of those who formely with a zealous fury broak their oath of Allegiance to their King, wishing now that they had a King to shew allegiance to; & perceiving that all innovations of Government are not whatsome would have themseem to be, viz. ways to liberty & freedom, [Page 221] but meer baits of ambitions self­minded men, to hook in the peo­ple to slavery.

But to return to his Majesty in Flanders; of whose itenary life we have already given you a par­ticular account; it will not be impertiment to say somewhat of his sedentary and retired living, that by his oeconomy we may judge of his Monarchy, and of the government of those few sub­jects in his Family, of that of his three Kingdoms.

His Majesty hath spent most of his time, wherein he hath been out of his Dominions, in Flanders under the protection of the Ca­tholique King of Spaine; nor had he ever any where else so setled a Court and habitation, as here, where his chiefe attendants are the Lord Chancellor Hide, the Marquis of Ormond, the Earle of [Page 217] Norwich, the Lord Wentworth, the Lord Digby, and many others, Nobles and Gentlemen, whose loyalty to his sacred Majesty and his Royall Father hath made exiles to their Country; a parti­cular number of which he makes use of for his Councell, doing nothing without serious and ma­ture advice; and yet being of so stagacious a judgement that what­ever he sayes is seldome contra­dicted by the most judicious of his Councellors, not out of feare or flattery, but out of a reall as­sent to, and concurrence with his judgement.

And indeed those great opportu­nities which he hath had, by his so long being abroad, of diving in­to the great Councels of Forrein Princes and States, must necessa­rily make him a person of a very perspicuous understanding, en­dow [Page 219] him with all those qualities which may deservedly attain the name of Great, and render him as well an able Statist, as a King; he having during his expulsion travelled through, and lived in the Countries of three the most potent Princes in Christendome, viz. the Emperour's of Germany, and the Kings of Spaine and France; and so to the Germain resolution added the Spaniards prudence, and the Frenchmans expedition.

To these extraordinary helps which never a Prince in Christen­dome can boast of, we may yet adde, those more then ordinary gifts wherewith nature hath been pleased to endow him, which being so extreamly impro­ved, we can hardly now discern; but that it may be known what they were, take the character of [Page 220] an Honourable Lord upon his death bed, who speaking of him when about fifteen or sixteen yeers of age, hath these words: Truly I never saw greater hopes of vertue in any young person then in him: Great judgement, great under­standing, strong apprehension, much of honour in his nature, and a very perfect Englishman in his inclina­tions. So that both nature and industry have seemed to use their utmost endeavours to make him a perfect Prince, his very afflicti­on turning in this to his benefit, and making him in knowledge and sufferings (the Refiner of knowledge) unparraleld. Some forreign Princes as well envying, as pittying hi [...] expulsion.

This perfect knowledge of his he hath indeed had but small oc­casion to practice, except a little in Scotland: where, I think, hee [Page 221] demonstrated himselfe a person so prudent and carefull in his affairs, that it is beyond my pens expression.

His Subjects good was his only care; nor did he ever act any thing but what might tend more to theirs then his own interest; still consulting whether it might benefit them, not himself.

His Letter to Col. Mackworth Governour of Shrewsbury suffici­ently demonstrates his affection to his very enemies; he would win, not conquer the hearts of those who though they have broke their Allegiance to him, yet hee would esteem still his Sub­jects.

He would not conquer with blood, lest he should be thought a Tyrant. He endeavours by faire means to attain the love of his Subjects, that what ever his very [Page 222] enemies think of him) he may approve himself to be a just Prince.

And did fortune give him po­wer, yet would he rather at­tempt blandishents then force. He knows that whilst he kills a Subject he weakens his kingdom. Rebels themselves may be found usefull; and though justice can not, yet his Majesties clemency will admit their pardon; but if they resist to the utmost, their blood is on their own heads. What man is not willing to destroy him who he knows would be his mur­derer.

Thus is his justice and his cle­mency mixt together; he would not kill, where he might with safety save. [...]r does his unspot­ted innocency raise fancies or fears in him. As he is guilty of nothing, so ther's nothing hee [Page 223] fears. Whilst he endeavours to be true to his subjects, those endea­vours force a belief in him that his subjects will be true to him.

His very nature enclines him to a compassion. He pitties those that will not pitty themselves; and whilst they are conspiring his destruction, his prayers procure their safety. Nor can the utmost of their injuries provoke him to a retalliation. He hath learned not only of God, but of the King his father, to forgive his enemies.

Nor is it his desire to obtain his Kingdomes that makes him wil­ling to forgive his enemies, but his desire to forgive his enemies that makes him willing to obtain his Kingdoms: he counts the pos­session of his Royalties but as a transitory dignity: the pardon of his enemies a Divine and lasting one.

[Page 224] Neither is his piety lesse then his justice, they are both in the Superlative degree, he hates wickednesse, not because the world should see him glory (that would make him an Hypocrite) but because God abhors it; tis Love not Fear makes him Reli­gious, he Fears God only because he Loves him.

He hates not the Vicious, but abhominates their Vices, his ha­tred extends not to persons, but to things; He dislikes not the Swearer, tis his Oaths he abhors he hates not the Drunkard but his Drunkennesse.

Yet does his mercy extend be­yond their sins, as he is a King so he is a God, he is gracious to par­don, as well as just to punish; nor can a submission or reforma­tion but overtake his remission.

His constant service of God ex­cites [Page 225] others to live by his exam­ple, he sleeps not without invok­ing the blessing of the Almighty, nor do his eyes open without a returned thanks, He knows 'tis God alone which can restore and protect him: nor can the wick­ednesse of man prevail against Him.

Nor does his publick devotion shew him less zealous then his pri­vate, the one demonstrates him full of Zeal, the other void of Hy­pocrisie; he would have others holy as well as himself; he knows that saying concerns him, being a King, above all private Men, Non nobis solis nati sumus.

Private persons are not alone born for thēselves, muchless Kings, the publique concern is their duty: 'tis not enough for the Master of the house that he be godly, whilst his Family is wicked. There [Page 226] must be Precept as well as Exam­ple: and if need be, correction as well as instruction.

This makes his Majestie deser­vedly famous; he counts it as great a fault to suffer a sin in ano­ther whilst he hath power to cor­rect it, as to commit it himself; he knows that what crimes soever a Magistrate suffers willingly to be committed, he brings upon his own head.

He is therefore above all things carefull not to father vice, lest he should be accounted vicious: he detests that in another which did he commit, he knows he might justly detest himself for▪ and en­deavours by Example to reforme that in others which he knows were it in him would seem odious to them.

He abhors vice, as well because it is so, as because God abhors it. [Page 227] His nature inclines him to ver­tue, and as he cannot admit 'its contrary in himselfe, so he cannot endure it in another.

His constancy in Religion is no less conspicuous then his piety. His discerning judgement knows what is truth, and that truth is followed by his setled will; Yet he hates not the Popish Religion, but their Idolatry; he abhors not them, but their false worship: He loves all that know Christ at all, but wishes that they might know him more.

His stedfastnesse in Religion proceeds not from self-interest; he sticks not so much to the true Protestants, because he knows the English to be addicted to that Religion; because hee thinks it for his benefit; because he ima­gines that it would prove very difficill to obtaine his Crown [Page 228] and leave it. But, because he knows it to be true.

He knows the Prince is born for the people, as well as the peo­ple for the Prince. He knows their interests to be inter woven. He knows that without them he cannot stand; yet will he sooner loose them then relinquish ve­rity.

He is the perfect pattern of Pi­ety but more of Patience, his afflictions have not made him repine, he knows God to be just: he believes that as God restored Iob twofold, so will he likewise restore unto him his Kingdomes. Yet he thinks it just in God to suffer them to be detained from him.

He laments more his Subject slavery then his own Exile, he grives that they have been so long blind, yet rejoyces for their sakes that they have now a Glimme­ring; [Page 229] he constantly prays for the restoring of their fight, not so much because they should re­store his, as their own Rights and Priviledges.

He is inwardly troubled and perplexed at the many Schisms, Sects, and Heresies that are raised in the Church of England, he is sorry that their rise is from some mens envy towards him; he pi­ties, and his pitty produces his prayers for them. He is willing that though they will not obey him, yet that they may serve God.

He was never heard to curse his Enemies, many times to pray for them, and desire God to forgive even his Fathers Murtherers; his good will surpasses their cruelty: And whilst they are conspiring his Destruction, he is praying for their Salvation.

He is a perfect Enemy to all [Page 230] Debauchedness, he is sorry those who pretend themselves his friends in England are so great a scandal to him: He wishes that they would so carry themselves, that he might adventure to own them as his Friends; for he un­derstands not the good will of those who drink his Health for the liquors sake, nor wishes for their help who over their Sack only swear they will Fight for Him.

He is no greater a hater of vice then a Cherisher of vertuous Ac­tions, he loves them in his very Enemies, and often grives when he finds occasion to think that many of them will rise up in Judgment against his most pre­tended Friends.

He is most exactly just in all his Commands, and faithful in performance of all his Promises. [Page 231] Take the Character given him by the dying Marquesse of Montrose For his Majesty now Living (saith he) Never People I believe may be more happy in a King, his commands to me were most Iust, in nothing that he promiseth will be fail: He deals justly with all Men, &c. So punctu­al is he, that when a word is once gone out of his Mouth he will rather suffer by it then break it▪

To conclude, he is the pattern of Patience and Piety, the most Righteous and Justest of Kings. The most knowing and experi­enced of Princes. The Holiest and the best of Men. The seve­rest punisher of Vice. The strictest rewarder of Virtue. The con­stantest perseverer in Religion. And the truest lover of his Subjects.

This a short Character of his illustrious Majesty, which I fear [Page 232] those that know him will rather think to come short of then reach his due praise, so sweetly vertu­ous is he in all his Carriages, so affable in his discourse, so void of passion and anger, that he was never yet heard or seen in Chol­lor, the utmost extent of any pas­sion that ever was discerned in him, being towards one of his Menial Servants, who justifying himself in what he had done a­miss, his Majesty with some mo­tion told him that he was an in­solent Fellow.

Yet this is that Prince whose vertues we have given leave to Forraign Nations to admire, whilst we our selves have rested as well ignorant of his deserts, as destitute of our own Liberty whilst either infatuated or blind­ed by those who have Tyranni­cally usurped governments over [Page 233] us, we have been contented to sit still and see him expulsed and exiled from his due Rights and Royalties, and our selves from our Freedome and Priviledges.

Nor hath God alone been mer­ciful to us in endowing his sacred Majesty with such Heroick vir­tues, but he hath given us a stock of noble Princes, who seeme to emulate Virtue in one another, and grow up like Royal Oaks to maintain the Honour and Glory of this Nation, but are yet and have a long time been the dis­grace of it, all the Nations in Eu­rope laughing at the English folly, who slight that happinesse which they might enjoy.

As for the illustrious Duke of York his Fame is spread so farr o­ver the World, that my self have heard the very Turks commend and applaude his Vallour which [Page 234] was so esteemed of among the French, that before he arrived at twenty one years of Age he was by that King thought worthy the command of Liev. General of his Army's, which he managed with such care and prudence that sel­dome any affair he took in hand, produced not its desired success; and since, his being in requital of his services, complemented out of that Kingdome of France, though he hath not had such eminent commands conferr'd on him by the Spaniard, yet have they al­waies thought him worth the Highest imployment and re­spect.

As for the Duke of Glocester, he is esteemed by most to be fitter for a Counsellour then a Souldier. His Carriage is grave, and some­what severe; of a Sagace Genious and understanding, & very much [Page 235] prying into State Affairs, which have made most judge him the fitter for a Council board.

These three Princes, are like three Diamonds or Pearls which we have ignorantly cast away, & not come to know the worth of them till we come to want them, Their vertues having made them resplendent throughout all the World, and rendred them, if we justly consider it, the only means whereby we can attain to happi­nesse; for what Nation can be more blessed then that which hath for her Prince a just King to Govern, a Valiant Duke to De­fend, and a Wise Counsellour to Advise.

May the God of Heaven then open our Eyes and let us at length see our Errour, and heartily repent of it, by [Page 236] calling our Native Soveraign to the possession of his due Rights, Which the Divine Majesty (I hope) will be Graciously pleased to grant.


On his Majesties Picture. Anno 1659.

BOth Good and Just: though forc'd by Tyrants powers.

Hard Fate denies thee to be Great: or ours.

Illustrious CHARLES, more loss to us then we

Three wretched Nations can be gain to thee.

Yet Thou'lt reigne; since, though Traitors force denies,

Angels will bring the Scepters from the skies.

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