All the Works of John Lightfoot Doctor in Divinity, Master of Ca­therines's Hall at Cambridge, and Canon of Ely. Rotterdam; Sold by Reinier Leers, 1686. in Fol. Two Volumes.

MOST of the Treatises which are in these two Volumes, have ap­peared only in English; many of the Learned beyond Sea look up­on them as Pieces perfectly new. This Work hath been translated out of English into Latine. First, as to the Preface; tho' it be not Lightfoot's, because it treats of the principal Subjects upon which Lightfoot hath written, yet we shall mention it, since there is to be found in it very curious Remarks. Mr. Bright speaks there, first of the Useful­ness of Chronology, and shews us that it may be very serviceable to the understand­ing of Sacred History. He brings for ex­ample this passage, 2 Chron. 16.1. where it is said, that in the 36th year of the Reign of Asa, Baasha King of Israel went up against Judah. We must not understand this date from the time in which Asa began to Reign, since Baasha ascended to the Throne of Israel, but the third year of the Reign of Asa, and Reigned but 24 years, that is to say, to the 27th year of King Asa's Reign, 1 Kings 15.33. The same numbers are found in all the Antient Interpreters; so that it is not very likely that any fault should have slipped herein. If we consult Chronology, it tells us, that the year in which Baasha King of Israel made War against Iudah, was the 36th from the divi­sion of the Ten Tribes; so that by the Reign of Asa must be understood, That the Reign of Judah took its beginning from the time that Jeroboam dismembred the Ten Tribes. 'Tis thus that Lightfoot interprets it, p. 80. from his Harmony of the Old Testament. See also p. 81. and 87. It's also remarked, that these two passages of the Chronicles, to wit, the 2d of Chron. 27.2. where it is said, That King Achaias was 42 years old when he began to Reign; and Chap. 23. v. 9. where Iehoiachim in the beginning of his Reign, is said to be eight years old, ought to be trans­lated otherwise, if we suppose that there is no fault in the present Hebrew, because it is contrary to Chronology. But in the Antient Version the first passage is 20, or 22. and in the 2d 18. which makes us believe that there may be a fault in our Hebrew Copies. You may see what Lightfoot saith of Achaias in the preceding Discourses of his Harmony of the Evangelists.

Mr. Bright maintains against Grotius, that the ordinary manner of reading that passage, Isa. 8.8. is better than the corrections that Grotius would have made. It is 65 in the Hebrew, and in all other Translations; and Grotius pretends that it ought to be read 6 and 5, that is to say, eleven. The Author of this Preface shews upon what (he thought) Grotius built this Conjecture, and fell into an Error contradistinct to the the true Chronology of the Kingdom of Israel. He send the Reader back again to the Computation of Lightfoot, who removes all the difficulty.

'Tis not, that he was of the Opinion of Lightfoot, who believed there was no fault in the Hebrew Text; he thought that it was better to follow the Samaritan Penta­teuch way of reading, and the Translation of the Seventy, than that of the Hebrew Text, which saith, Exod. 12.40. that the time that the Children of Israel abode in Egypt was 430 years, whereas they continued no more than 210 years. But it is in the Sama­ritan Pentateuch, and in the Septuagint ac­cording to the Manuscript of Alexandria, that the time of abode which the Children of Israel and their Fathers made in Egypt and in the Land of Canaan, was 430 years, which agrees exactly with Chronology. After ha­ving spoken something of the necessity that there is to study Sacred Geography for the better understanding of the Scripture, he passes to the Original Text and Antient Translations. He shews first by some ex­amples, that the consent of all the Antient Translations with the Hebrew and Samari­tan Texts, proves that those places which may be suspected, have not been corrupted, and that when all the Translations agree with either of these Texts, it is something very considerable in favour of them to whom they are found conformable. Se­condly, He shews that by the same consent one may find divers faults in the Hebrew Texts at this day. As our Hebrew Copies (saith he) are without doubt those which re­present the Antient Originals best, and which ought to be preferred to all others; it would ne­vertheless be a sign of obstinacy and superstition to believe that there is no considerable fault which may be corrected by means of the Translations. There are many examples in [Page 2] other Authors, as in the Epistles of St. Igna­tius, of which Vsher Primate of Ireland, hath corrected divers places by means of the Antient Latine Translations of these Epistles. Afterwards he brings for example that of Psal. 22.6. and 145.14. Exod. 12.14. where one ought according to him correct the Hebrew Text by the Antient Transla­tions, to which he also adds Gen. 49.22. and ch. 4. v. 11. which the Reader may examine if he finds it to his purpose.

These mistakes concern the Consonants of the Hebrew Tongue. Mr. Bright be­lieves that there are also some slipt in amongst the Vowels, although he would not approve all the examples the Learned have brought thereon. Thus there is accord­ing to him Psalms the 11. and 9. [...] (Therognem) Thou shalt break them with a Rod of Iron; for [...] Thou shalt feed them, (Thirgnem) or thou shalt govern them with a Scepter, &c. The Septuagint having read it in this last manner, since they have translated it [...], Thou shalt feed them. He also brings Hosea 13.14. and Amos 9. and 13. The sense of this last pas­sage is extreamly different, according to their manner of reading and pointing, who followed the Massorites, from the sense that the Septuagint gives it. According to the first it must be translated, So that they shall possess the rest of Idumea; and according to the last which St. Paul hath followed, Act. 15.16. So that the Rest of men shall seek the Lord.

Our Author afterwards saith, that the pointing at this day is not always conform­able to the Analogy of the Hebrew Tongue, which appears by many Anomalies, of which the Massore says nothing, and by divers proper Names which are better written in the old Translations.

The Antient Versions furnish us likewise with divers significations of some words, which without that, would be perfectly un­known to us. We are extreamly confirmed in this thought, when the same words in our neighbouring Tongue have all these signi­fications, as in the Syriack, Arabick and Ethiopick Languages, &c. which have much affinity with that of the Hebrews. But he marks nevertheless that we must not too much confide in this manner of finding out the signification of some Hebrew words by the means of the neighbouring Tongues, be­cause that divers accidents happen too long to enumerate, as when a word changes its sig­nification with another People, by losing its An­cient sound, and acquiring something new, and unknown from the Language whence it was first taken. For example, the English word to Try, is without doubt the same as the French, Trier, nevertheless it has a signification which hath no agreement with that of the French word, to make a Tryal or a Proof of. So to Crack, which comes from Craquer, signifies in English to Boast: To Lett in English signifies both to Permit and to Hin­der, but the Dutch word Letten, or as they now speak, Beletten, which is the same, sig­nifies to Hinder. So we cannot altogether trust to the Conjectures of some Learned men upon the Hebrew word [...] Tsagnir, which is found, Micah 5.2. They believe there, that the Hebrew signifies Great and Little, at the same time, because it hath two significations in the Arabick: It's true that they have founded it upon this, that the Se­venty have translated Little in this place of Micah and St. Matthew, which is not Little.

Mr. Bright comes afterwards to the use that may be made of the writings of the Rabbies, and 'tis in this that Lightfoot hath excelled. As first, from the knowledge of the customs and opinions of the Jews, which altho sometimes very extravagant, we may notwithstanding afford us some bene­fit. Secondly, It may serve to the confirma­tion of the History of Jesus Christ, for it appears by that, that there was one Jesus which had Disciples who lived in such a time, and such a place, who did and said divers things; That there was such places, such opinions, such customs, such ceremonies. It's found in the writings of the most ancient Jews, the same stile and same manner of speaking are seen in the Evangelists, and very often the same thoughts the same Parables and the same Proverbs. Our Author brings from thence some examples that have never been observed before. There is to be found in the Thalmud of Babylon an ancient Tradition of the Jews: It saith, that in the time of the Messia there shall be an extream Impudence, &c. That the Father shall be ill treated by his Son, and the Daughter should rise up against her Mo­ther, the Daughter-in-law against her Mother-in-law, and a mans Enemies shall be those of his own House, &c. By that we see that our Lord according to this ancient Doctrine of the Jews made it known that he was the Messia, when he said, That he was come to separate be­twixt the Son and the Father, the Daughter and the Mother, and the Daughter-in-law and the Mother-in-law, and that a mans Enemies should be those of his own House. Mr. Bright after that marks the places of the Thalmud where there is mention made of Jesus Christ. Thirdly, The reading of the Rabbies is use­ful to convince the Jews at this day, that they ought to understand Him to be the Messia, from many passages of the Old Testa­ment. Which they endeavour to interpret otherwise, tho their Fathers understood it as we do. From thence he brings a great many examples. It is said in an ancient Iewish Book which is called Pelicta, that God had a Dialogue with the Messia in these Terms: God began to make a Covenant with the Messiah, speaking thus to him: Those which have sinned are unknown to thee, and will impose upon thee a Yoak of Iron, by which they will render thee like to a Heifer, almost blind with excess of labour, and at last they shall de­stroy thee: because of their iniquity thy Tongue shall cleave to the Roof of thy Mouth. And wilt thou suffer this? The Messia. It may be that these griefs and afflictions shall endure but for a time. God. I am fully resolved that thou shalt suffer it a whole week of years, but if thou [Page 3] consent not thereto, I shall not impose these suf­ferings upon thee. The Messia. I willingly submit my self on condition that one Israelite may not perish, but that they may all be saved, those that live and dye in my Time, those that are hidden under the Earth, and which are dead since Adam, even the Children which died be­fore they were born, or that are come into the World afore their time; in a word, all that have been created until now, and which shall be hence forth. Altho there is much extrava­gance here, we it may nevertheless disco­ver through all these fictions, that the an­cient Jews have not always promised them­selves a Triumphant Messia, and such as should peaceably enjoy the advantages which the Jews of our times attribute to him. It is plain 'twas believed that the Sufferings of the Messia should be a means to expiate the sins of Israel. 'Tis this which the same Author assures us of, in terms ve­ry clear, which Mr. Bright relates. Fourth­ly, Much use may be drawn from the read­ing of the Rabbies, because therein are found opinions, customs and manners of speaking, which were used amongst the Jews in the time of our Lord, as he shews by some examples never before produced; thus, Lightfoot hath composed all the second Volume of his works upon this Subject: Mr. Bright believes that St. Paul had a res­pect to an opinion of the Jews, when he ob­liged the Women to have their heads cove­red in Devotion, because of the Angels, 1 Cor. 11. and 20. and he cites thereupon a place of the Babylonish Thalmud and some passages of two or three other Rabbies, from whence it appeareth that the Iews thought the Angels had much curiosity to know what passed amongst men, and particularly in anything of great importance.

After all these remarks we find a little abridgment of the Life of Lightfoot, where as occasion serves, there are divers Re­flections intermixed, which we shall men­tion briefly. The thoughts of Monsieur Si­mon, are there refuted, touching the abridg­ment of a new Polyglot, which he hath pro­posed in his Criticks, and touching the Au­thentickness of the Vulgar, &c. He also re­futes the Interpretation that Lightfoot hath given in the Epistle to the Corinthians just before cited. For altho Mr. Bright had a great esteem for Lightfoot, he thought him­self not obliged to receive all his opinions or defend whatsoever he hath said. He saith he is not of the same Opinion with our Author, who believed that the least point of the Bible is a Divine Institution, and that all therein is mysterious even unto the least irregularities. Mr. Bright Criticises on two or three remarks of Lightfoot upon the Rabbies, founded upon the faults of the Copier, which he explains after a mysterious manner.

As the Life of Lightfoot composed by Mr. Bright was too short, Mr. Stryp hath joined thereto another more large, which is fol­lowed with a collection of divers things concerning the person and writings of our Author. Therein we see the manner of his Study and Employ, with the esteem they had of him in England and elsewhere, &c. those who love to know the least particu­lars of the lives of great men, will here find what will both divert and instruct 'em. There is an account in his Life of some of the reasons of the controversies between the Divines assembled at Westminster, who had undertaken to reform, during the Civil Wars, what they called Errours in the Church of England. Lightfoot opposeth stifly some of their opinions, as may be seen in the third Article of the Collection that is added to his Life. We shall find in the eighth a List of his Works, which have not been finished, which were mostly concerning the History of the Hebrews, with the ex­plication of some Book of the Holy Scrip­ture. One part is in English and the other in Latin. He hath even given himself the trouble to write all the Texts of the Evan­gelists and to dispose them into an harmo­nious method. It is offered to any Book­seller that will Print it. In what respect­eth the Harmony we may advertise the Publick that Mr. Toignard hath promised to publish it at the end of his, wherein shall soon be seen the method which he hath made use of in a place of Iosephus, where he compares the Iudaick Antiquities with the Books of the Iewish Wars. This last Harmony is now in the Press and will soon appear abroad. Before we consider the works set forth by Lightfoot, we cannot for­bear speaking of the loss that hath been sustained in a Map of Palestine, which he had effected with much care, and traced with his own hand. 'Tis a loss doubtless very great to such as desire to be instructed in the Sacred Geography, because there is no Card of Iudea left, that can satisfie those who are but indifferently versed in this kind of learning. We have nevertheless endeavoured to supply this loss received by that of Lightfoot, working therein upon his Ideas, and in giving a Map of those places whereof this Author makes mention in his Geographical Remarks, and which have been placed according to his observations. But altho many faults are in this Map cor­rected which are found in all others, we shall yet find it a trouble, to persuade our selves, that the notions of Lightfoot could be followed to such perfection as what he had done himself.

The first Work that we meet with in this Volume, is an Harmonious and Chronolo­gical disposition of the Text of the Old Testa­ment. The Sacred Writers are so little ty­ed to the order of Time, and those who have collected them into a Body, had so lit­tle regard to Chronology, that the Jews form thereupon a constant explication of the Holy History, to wit, that in Holy Writ there's no before nor after. Our Au­thor proposeth to himself to remedy this in­version of Method, in making an Abridg­ment of all the Holy History, and placing every event where it ought to be in his [Page 4] Judgment. He hath added in the Margin the year of the World, and that of the Ju­dicature or Reign of those who governed Israel, and he hath taken care to mark the precise date of all the events whereof he could have had any certain knowledge. Those that he hath placed by his own con­jecture have no date. In the Margin he hath added the reason why he hath there in­serted these places, without undertaking to refute the reasons of those who place them elsewhere, lest he should make his volume too large. He hath only proposed his opinion upon the difficulties that repre­sent themselves, and leaves them to be judged by the Reader. His opinions are often very new, as will be easily acknow­ledged if they compare what he saith, with what is to be found in other Interpreters. As for the rest he confesseth what he hath written is but an Essay, and advertises the Reader that he ought not to expect it very exact.

1. The Text of Genesis Chronologically disposed, reaches to p. 22. and Lightfoot ends the History of this Book by a Citation from the first of the Chronicles, which he believed ought immediately to follow the death of Ioseph. 1 Chron. 6.21, 22.23. In this place are to be found the years of the Patriarchs, and the years of Promise joyned with those of the World.

2. The Books of Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers joyn'd together, continue the holy History, p. 38. where the Establishment is seen of the half Tribe of Manasseh on that side Iordan. There are only two places of two other Books inserted amongst those of Moses. Lightfoot believes that the 88th and 89th Psalms were composed by Heman and Ethan Sons of Zerach, which lived, accord­ing to him, in the time that the King of Egypt oppressed the Israelites with excessive Labour and Taxes. The Author thinks al­so that Iob lived in the same time, and that he was the Grand Son of Nahor, Abraham's Brother, and that Elihu one of those which speaks in his Book, and who was his near Kinsman, is the Author of this work. This he asserts in p. 24.

3. Afterwards comes Deuteronomy follow­ed with the Abridgment of the Books of Ioshua and Iudges. The History of Ruth is inserted between the time of Ehud and De­borah. The Author takes notice but of one word in chap. 3. and 13. v. that has an ex­traordinary point, and but of one other in the 19th chapter of Genesis of the same nature. Our Author seeks there the myste­ry of it.

4. Lightfoot continues his Chronological Abridgement of the Sacred History, by some Texts of the Book of Samuel, of the Chronicles, and of Kings put together, according as the order of events requi­red. Here are also many Psalms, with the occasions and most difficult passa­ges of the Canticles explained, after the manner of our Author, that is to say, ac­cording to the method of the Rabbins, who only guessed at many things in ancient History. Whereof see an example in C. 58. about the explication of Psalm 58.35. but as neither the time nor the Authors of all the Psalms are not known, Lightfoot could not range them in Chronological order. Which has obliged him to place the Book of Psalms, after the the 35th chapter of the 1st Book of Chronicles. In this place he makes divers reflections upon the gathering together of these Sacred Songs, Ps. 71. He tells us the Book of Proverbs, and the Song of Songs, was written when Solomon had fi­nished the buildings he had undertaken. He believes that the Song of Songs was com­posed by this Prince upon his Marrying the King of Egypt's Daughter, who (that being a very hot Country) was Brown, as it is Cant. 1.5, 6. but his chief end was to re­present the Spiritual Marriage of Jesus Christ with his Church, under the sensible Type of his own with an Egyptian. As for the Ecclesiastes, Lightfoot places it much la­ter, and thinks it a work, that he composed in the time of his Repentance; see Pag. 26. from this place the Books of the Kings and Chronicles, are Printed in Columns, so that one may see at first view the conformity and difference which is between them, as there is in this History many Chronologi­cal difficulties, so Lightfoot is more exact to mark the years of every Prince.

5. Being come to the Reign of Vzziah, whom the Scripture also calls Azarias, he saith, that before that time there always had been some Prophets, but that none of them had left his Prophecies in writing. And according to him, 'twas in this time that the Prophets begun to write. On this occasion he describes the order and end of the Prophecies of Hosea, Ioel, Amos, Oba­diah and Ionas; he maintains that the first occasion of the Prophecies of Hosea, was the death of Zacharias Son of Barachia. As all that this Prophet saith cannot relate to one time only, so he here mentions but the four first Chapters, the others are each in their place. He hath observed the same order in regard to the rest who have pro­phesied in divers times. Those, according to his Judgment, whose Predictions have been delivered in the same time, are insert­ed entire in the places where Lightfoot speaks of what happened at that time, as Nahum, Zephaniah, &c.

6. The Book of Esdras immediately fol­loweth the first of Chronicles. It was then that Cyrus published his Edict, by which he permitted the Jews to return to their Coun­trey; for tho' Darius of Media, or Astyages, as the Greeks call him, lived at that time, it was made in the name of Cyrus his Grand­son. Lightfoot makes divers remarks upon this Darius of Media, to p. 113. in explain­ing the 5th Chapter of Daniel; and to p. 136. he speaks of several things during the Reign of Cyrus, and the Succession of the Kings of Persia. Lightfoot inserts the History of Esdras after the 4th Chapter of Esdras. He believes the Assuerus mentioned [Page 5] in this History was also called Artaxerxes, and that he was called Assuerus, from the name of one of his Predecessors, which is spoken of in Dan. 9.1. to wit, the Grand­father of Cyrus, whom the Greeks called, according to Lightfoot, Astyages. He makes this Assuerus immediately to follow Cyrus.

7. Nehemiah and Malachy end this work, and the Spirit of Prophecy having ceased among the Jews, the Books that they have since made, have not had the same Autho­rity as those that preceded them. Lightfoot explains here the difficult Chronologies that he meets with in his way.

2. The Harmony of the Old Testament is followed with some remarks upon, Gene­sis and Exodus; the first are entituled Paucae ac novellae observationes super librum Geneseos, quarum pleraeque certae, caeterae probabiles sunt; omnes autem innoxiae, ac raro antea auditae. It is a Collection of divers Rabbinical Remarks, or like in subtilty to those of the Rabbins: They conjecture at many things according to the custom of these ingenious Doctors; for example, That the first natural Day in the Climat of the Garden of Eden, was thirty six hours long, even as the day whereof mention is made in the 10th Chapter of Joshua; That the Moon and some Stars were created before the Sun: That it was at the full before the Sun ap­peared, which then augmented its Light; but that the Earth hindering the sight thereof, it appeared not to Adam till six days after, who saw it in its first quarter after that the Promise had cleared the darkness of the Fall: That the clean Beasts were created in each kind to the number seven, whereof three pairs were destined to the propagation of their kind, and the seventh to be sacrificed by Adam after he had sinned; but that there was but one pair of each kind of unclean Animals, &c. His Remarks upon Exodus bear this Title; Manipulus spicilegio­rum è libro Exodi, ubi solutio probabilis scrupu­lorum quorundam manifestorum, & explanatio difficiliorum textuum, qui hoc libro occurrunt, antea ab aliis raro exhibitae. These Remarks keep much of the subtilty of the preceding ones; therein is nevertheless seen a method a little more conform to that which the In­terpreters of the holy Scripture commonly follow. Every Section contains particular Remarks which have no connexion one with the other; and there are 59 Questions, which we cannot undertake to make an exact Extract of. We shall only bring two or three of them, by which you may judge of the rest. Lightfoot believes that the 88th and 89th Psalms are the most An­tient Works that remain amongst us, and are made by Heman and Ethan Sons of Ze­rach, as hath already been remarked, who lived in the time of the Egyptian Slavery. He makes answer to those who oppose him therein, that Ethan speaks of David. (1.) That this might be a Spirit of Prophecy, as 'tis spoken of Samuel in Psal. 99. which the He­brews believe to be of Moses. (2.) That Prophet having left some Writings, they have been polished and augmented by others, who had also the gift of Prophecy, according as certain things present, past, or to come, required it. This will plainly ap­pear (saith Lightfoot) if we compare the 18th Psalm with the first of Sam. chap. 22. Obadiah with Ieremiah, c. 49. v. 14. 1 Chron. c. 16. with Psal. 92. & 105. 2 Pet. c. 2. with the Epistle of St. Iude. He believes that this piece of Ethan hath likewise been po­lished in David's time, and that several times the name of David was then inserted, from Section the 30th, unto the end. Our Author endeavours to describe the Taber­nacle and Priestly Habits. In giving the measure of all the parts of the Tabernacle, he speaks of the heighth of the Altar for the Burnt-offerings, which was three Cubits. He saith, that if every Cubit had been three foot, no man could serve at the Altar which had not been nine Cubits in heighth. He therefore reduces a Cubit to a Foot and half, so that the height of the Altar was but four feet and an half. According to Light­foot, this is the measure that was observed in the Dimensions of the Temple. As to the rest, he remarks with care the mystical significations of each part of the Sacred Building, in the 48th Section. Speaking of the Vrim and Thummim, he confutes the Opi­nion of those who believed that God an­swered to the Questions that were made him in causing a certain brightness to appear up­on the Stones of the Breast-plate. He main­tains that they proposed first to the Priest what they desired to know, and that after­wards the Priest consulted the Oracle of God, or in drawing near to the Ark, when that might be done, or even without the Ark, provided that he was cloathed with the Ephod and Breast-plate which was un­separable.

3. After these Treatises there is ano­ther, p. 195. whereof the Title is, Erubhim, sive Miscellanea Christiana & Iudaica aliaque, relaxandis animis, & otio discutiendo conscrip­ta. It's one of the first Works of Lightfoot, and a mixture of divers Remarks on the prophane Authors, and upon the holy Scripture, but the greatest part of it concerns the sa­cred Books. Every Chapter is like a work apart, which hath no connexion with the others, so that we cannot undertake to give here an abridgment of all that is there­in. The Author saith, Chap. 4. the reason for which God called Ezekiel and Daniel Son of Man, was because this manner of speaking was much more common to the Chaldeans and Hebrews, than to say simply a Man. In the 19th and 20th Chapters he compares some passages of the Rabbins to some of the New Testament. He believes that even the Rabbins have taken thence divers places, and that 'tis not at all surpri­zing, if the Jews, who lived amongst the Christians, and who had often heard them speak of the New Testament, shou'd retain something thereof, and added it to their own Writings. But if it was so, many ob­servations of our Author would not be of great use, as may be seen in the Extract of the second Volume. He says in Chap. 22. [Page 6] that he believes the Seventy Interpreters translated the Old Testament into Greek in spight of the Jews, and that it is for this reason that there is nothing in this Version but what is wandering and uncertain, and that there are many additions, changes and faults. He brings some examples, of which some are drawn from some words, that the Seventy have pointed contrary to the Masso­rites, as Gen. 16.11. and Iudg. 5.8. id. 7. and 11.7. Chron. 10.7. Tho our Author believes that the Vowels of the Hebrews are of Divine Institution in the same man­ner that they are found at this day, he saith, every thing is a fault that agreeth not in the Seventy. He had even undertaken a work in which he would recollect all the Errours which he thought he saw in this Translation. In his Manuscrip [...] there is to be found a Collection entituled Discrepantiae [...] 70. à Textu Hebraico, which he had begun to place in a clear Method, with a design to publish it under the Title of Disquisitio mo­desta de 70 & de Versione Graeca. See the se­cond Section of the Collection of divers things concerning the Life c. 30. of Lightfoot. He praiseth in some places, the Elegance, Sweetness and Richness of the Hebrew Tongue, as the Rabbins did before him; and he maintains every where the Antiquity of the Points, so that it seems there was no other know­ledge of the Hebrew Tongue, than that which may be drawn from the Writings of the Rabbins, to whom all the World hath not given so much credit as himself. It is difficult to know from whence he had learned Cap. 3. That the Greek Tongue having flourished for many Ages, at last received its perfection from the New Testament, and that as they called Athens the Greece of Greece, the New Testament de­serves to be called, because of the Tongue, IN­TER GRAECA GRAECISSIMVM, the most excellent Greek of all the Greeks.

4. Pag 117. This work we speak of, is a Product of our Authors younger years. There is another of his more mature Age. 'Tis a Harmony of the four Evangelists, as also of the Old Testament, divided into three parts. This is the Me­thod of the Author: 1. He disposeth the Text of the Evangelists according to the order of times, to which he joyns a literal Interpretation of the most difficult words and phrases. 2. He giveth the Reason of this disposition. 3. He expoundeth the principal difficulties of the Text, and shew­eth the agreement that is between the sacred Writers. You may find before the first part of the preceding Discourses, that our Author gives an Abridgment of Chrono­logy drawn out of Holy Writ, from the Creation to the Birth of Iesus Christ. He therein expoundeth, by the by, divers Chronological difficulties of the Old Testa­ment. He believeth Jesus Christ was born in the year of the World 3928.

The first part of this Harmony compriseth what we find in the Gospels, before the Baptism of our Lord, and what St. Iohn saith of the Word. There is a Kalender in p. 260. whereby you may discern the order that was among the Priestly Families, as to what regarded the service of the Temple, the time in which each entred into service, the Sections or Portions of Scripture that were read each Sabbath day, so that in the circuit of one year, the whole Law was read. As the Author in the Title of the work promiseth to shew the Harmony be­twixt the New Testament and the Old, so he expoundeth in their places the Prophe­cies, which have foretold the coming of the Messia, as Numb. 24. in p. 287. This first part endeth with an exposition of what the Evangelists say, touching the Baptism of Jesus Christ, and of his Genealogies, as St. Luke relates it.

The second comprises what happened since the Baptism of our Lord, to the first Passover that he celebrated. Here we find a very large exposition of our Saviours Temptation, especially upon these words of St. Matthew, that p. 371. the Devil shewed Iesus Christ all the King­doms of the Earth, and their Glory. p. 390. There is a digression some pages lower, touching Baptism, where the Author makes divers remarks, (1.) Upon the practice of Baptism with the Jews, be­fore that St. Iohn the Baptist Preached amongst them. (2.) Upon the custom of Baptizing Infants, which was in use in that time. He relates the passages of the Thal­mud and of Maimonides, whereby it appear­eth that the Jews did Baptize their Chil­dren. This Rabbin in his Treatise of Slaves, saith, that if an Israelite find a Child and Bap­tize him in the name of a Proselyte ( [...]) he is a Proselyte from that very mo­ment: but he assureth us of another thing elsewhere, which is not so conformable to the use of Christians, to wit, if a Woman with Child was Baptized, and received into the number of Proselytes, it was thought needless to Baptize the Child. p. 410. As to the Pots of Cana, the Water of which Iesus Christ changed into Wine, Lightfoot takes occasion from thence to enumerate all the Vessels of the Hebrews, whereof mention is made in Scripture, and tells what they severally contain'd.

The third part of the Harmony of the Gospels comprehends the space of one year which passed from the first Passover that our Saviour celebrated after his Baptism, to the second. As to these words of Jesus Christ in St. Iohn, If any man be not born a second time, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God, Lightfoot makes a long digression touching the sense of these words, the King­dom of God, or the Kingdom of Heaven. He immediately remarks that the Jews in the Thalmud, take them in a very extraordi­nary sense, that is to say, for the rigorous observation of their Ceremonies, and parti­cularly that of the Tradition of Phylacteries. Rabbin Gamaliel being Married, did upon the very night of his Nuptials rehearse what [Page 7] was written upon his Phylacteries, upon which (says the Thalmud) his Disciples spoke thus to him: Have you not taught us, that a Bridegroom is not obliged to mention his Phy­lacteries? and that he answered them: far be it from me to be so complaisant to you, as to quit one only hour the yoak of the Kingdom. After that Lightfoot sheweth, that thereby (in our Saviours time) was understood the State of the Jewish Church under the Mes­sia. In fine, he largely sheweth the diffe­rent signification, these words had in the Mouth of the Carnal Jews, and in our Sa­viours. Upon Iohn 3.23. p. 446. And John Baptized at Enon near Salim, our Author makes sundry remarks upon Enon and Salim; he believes these pla­ces were in Galilee. Afterwards he examines these 2 Questions, to wit, what Ceremonies the Iews used in their Baptism? and how far St. John the Baptist hath imitated them? When a Proselyte was received, he was imme­diately asked, if it was not through some hu­mane consideration, that he would embrace Iu­daism, as through fear, desire of Riches, or love to some fair Israelitish Woman? If he an­swered, it was not, then the difficulty of ob­serving the Law, was represented to him, and the Punishment it inflicted upon Trans­gressours: But for fear of discouraging him, he was also told of the rewards promised in the Law, they declared to him, that tho Israel was seen miserable in this World, yet God had prepared for it a felicity, that he kept concealed, and which they should enjoy in obser­ving the Law; that if God did not render Is­rael happy in this Life, it was to the end only to keep it from Pride; but that the other Nations should everlastingly perish, how happy soever they for the present seemed to be. They added, that if he Repented that he had offered himself to be re­ceived into the number of the Proselytes, he was permitted to withdraw. If he still declared he was in the same Mind, they Circumcised him, and when he was cured, he was brought to some Water, wherein he presently entered up to the Neck. Whilst he kept himself in this posture, the three inferiour Iudges of the place rehearsed to him divers Precepts of the Law, after which he plunged himself over Head and Ears, and came out a very little while after. If 'twas a Woman that was to be baptized, she was by Wo­men put into the Water; the Iudges held them­selves at a sufficient distance from the place where she plunged her self, and she turned her back as soon as ever she came out of the Water.

In expounding St. Luke 4.14. Lightfoot makes an ample digression concerning the Synagogues, wherein he treateth of their antiquity and establishment; of the Syna­gogues after the Captivity; of the days in which men went to them, of the conductors of the Synagogues, and of their Preachers. He believeth that in this the Christian Churches have imitated sundry customs of the Jews; and that is it which others have evinced in whole Treatises.

A passage of the same Evangelist, viz. C. 5.17. gives our Author an occasion, to insert in his Harmony, a small Treatise of the different conditions that were found amongst the Jews, of the divers Orders of their Doctors, of the fundaments of their Religion in the time of our Saviour, of the different Sects, and particularly of the Sadduces and Pharisees. But all this is only an Abridgment of some parts of a greater work, that our Author proposed to him­self to make, as may be seen in Section 1. of the Collection of the remarkable things concerning his Life.

For the better understanding of divers passages both of the Old and New Testa­ments, we must of necessity have some idea of the manner of the structure of the Tem­ple at Ierusalem, and of its different parts. Therefore Lightfoot hath undertaken to give us an exact description of this sumptuous Building, particularly such as it was in the time of our Saviour. We see a Draught of it at the beginning of this Treatise, that the Author himself had traced. As this Treatise had not been Printed till now, but in English, the Latin version made of it will appear a work altogether now to those that understand not the English Tongue. This same reason, (besides the delight it may be to all men to know how this Temple was made, whereof the Scriptures speak so ad­vantageously) engageth us to give a small description thereof, according to the Ideas of our Author.

The Top of the Hill of Moriah whereon the Temple was Builded, was at the first somewhat narrow, but by little and little it was made larger, partly in filling up the Valleys which were about it, and in envi­roning it with a strong Wall. Under the se­cond Temple, it made a perfect square of 750 foot Diameter, and of 3000 in circuit. The Wall that environed it on all parts ap­peared to those that were in the midst of it, thirty seven foot and an half high, excepting over against the Eastern Gate, where it was but nine foot high, for a reason that Light­foot produces. On the outside this Wall was prodigiously high, raising it self from the bottom of Valleys which Moriah was envi­roned withal. On the side of the Eastern Gate, it was 600 foot high. It was of white stones, triangular, of 30 foot broad, and of nine high; so solid a structure, that this Wall remained till the destruction of the second Temple.

In the beginning of the side of the East, to consider the exteriour circumference of this magnificent Building, one might see the principal Gate of this circumference, which was called the Gate of Susan. The entrance was in heighth 30 foot, and breadth fifteen; but the Ornaments of the Portal were raised 15 foot higher, and reached to both sides a little more than four feet. A­bove this was to be seen a Picture which re­presented Susan, the Capital City of Media, which the Jews had caused to be put there, in remembrance of Esther and of the feast of Purim. That was the reason why it was cal­led the Gate of Susan, tho it was likewise named the Royal Gate, because King Solomon had built the Wall on that side.

[Page 8]One being ascended to this Gate, if he turned himself from the side whence he was come, part of the Mount of Olives was to be seen on the right hand, separated from Ierusalem by a deep Valley, called the Valley of Hinnom, or of Tophet, or of Ashes. There it was that the Idolatrous Israelites used to Sacrifice, by an abominable super­stition, their own Children to Moloch. Right against the Gate, was the Mount of Olives, where the custom was to Sacrifice a Red Cow. Thither Men went by a way sustain'd by a double Vault, fearing lest the Priest, who was to officiate in this Ceremo­ny, should pollute himself as he went, not knowing it, upon some hidden Grave. On the Left appeared the same Mountain of Olives, separated from the City on that side, by the Brook and Valley of Cedron.

As for the Gate of Susan, it was not just in the middle of the outward Circumfe­rence of the Holy Mountain, because the Temple was not placed in the midst of the Top, but towards the North, else it could not have been opposite to the Temple, which was built on that si [...]e, because the place of the Altar which the Fire from Heaven had marked, and which was on the North, had obliged Solomon to frame there­upon the building of the House of God.

There were two Gates on the South part of this Wall, which were called the Gates of Hulda. People went by these two Gates to the City of Ierusalem. At the West, on the side of Millo and Mount Sion, there were four, whereof that which was most North was called the Gate of the Rising, or of Coponius. By reason of the inequality of the Ground, and of the depth of the Valley which was at the foot of Moriah, Solomon had caused the Ground to be raised from his Palace to this Gate, and this rising was gar­nished with Trees on both sides. 'Twas that way the Kings went to the Temple. The next Gate was called Parbar, and the two others were named Assuppim. Within these two Gates was a building of the same name, where part of the Treasures of the Temple were kept.

On the North side, there was but one on­ly Gate named Tedi, or Tadde. On this side, the Wall which environed the Holy Moun­tain, was not quite on the verge of the Top, as on the other sides, there remained some space which had been neglected, to the end that Holy Place should make a per­fect Square. At the corner of this space which looked to the North-east, a Tower was built called Baris, which at first was the Mansion of some High Priests, and the place where were kept their Holy Garments; but since, Herod rebuilt it otherwise, and nam'd it the Antonian Tower, in remembrance of Marcus Antonius, it served to the Roman Soldiers for a Citadel, and he that was Go­vernour of it, was called the Captain of the Temple, Act. 4.1.

After this entrance by one of the Gates we mentioned above, as by the Eastern Gate, there were to be seen along the Wall on the right and on the left three ranks of Marble Pillars, holding up a Cieling, which could keep out the Rain and the Sun, and furnish a covered Walk of 365 paces. There were like Porches on the four sides. only that which went along the Southern part of the circumference, had four ranks of Pillars, which formed three Alleys. The Cieling of that of the middle was much high­er than that of the sides, which was equal in heighth to the Cielings of the three other Porches, and this same Alley was propor­tionably larger than the others. The Pa­gans and polluted persons were suffered to enter into these Porches, and there to walk round about the Temple, as well as in the inward space which these Pillars environed on all sides. Within this space was a long Walk surrounded with a Wall full of holes, so that light came through, by which one might discover all that passed about the Temple. This walk encompass'd the Court of the Women, and the ascent to it was by some steps. No Pagan was per­mitted to enter therein. The Doctors of the Thalmud call it Chel. 'Twas this which the Jews in the time of Iosephus call'd the second Temple, whenas they named the space enclosed within this little Wall which sur­rounded all the Holy Mountain, The first Temple, which the Christian Authors call The Court of the Gentiles.

From the Court of the Gentiles, men went up into the second Temple by four­teen steps. 'Tis in this space, and in the Northern part of the Court of the Gentiles, where was Situate that which is called pro­perly, the Temple with its two Courts. When they entred into the second Temple on the East side, they might see before them the gate and wall of the Court of the Women, from whence one might be distant seven or eight paces, and walk covered on all the sides of the Temple. Those that were minded to enter into the Court of the Women, might go in by three sides, to wit on the East on the North and on the South and were to as­cend by three steps, which were before each door. That on the East was more magnifi­cent than the others, and 'twas for this they called it the Fair, Act. 3.2.

This Court was also a perfect square of 200 steps or thereabout in length & breadth and which on the West had the Court of Is­rael. It was embellished with Porches with­in, as was that which they called the Second Temple, excepting the corners, where were buildings destined for divers uses. In coming in by the gate, whereof we now spake, on the right hand was seen The House for Wood, whereinto was put the provision of Wood requisit for the Altar, and where the Priests that were polluted by some accident sepa­rated that which was worm-eaten from the other; for it was thought unlawfull to put worm-eaten Wood upon the Altar. On the left hand was the House of the Nazarites ▪ a building where those that had accomplished their Vow of Nazaritism, and would return to their Ancient manner of Life, boiled the [Page 9] flesh that remained of their offering. At the Corner which looked to the South-West was seen the House of Oil, wherein the Oil was kept which they stood in need of for the use of the Temple. Over against that, at the op­posite Corner which points to the North-West, was the House of the Leprous, where were kept enclosed those that presented them­selves to be purified from the Leprosie. Be­tween these different buildings were four Gates opposite to one another there was an Entrance from the Court of the Gentiles into that of the Women by three Gates, which were at the East, South and North; that which was at the West was for to pass from the Court of the Women into that of Israel.

They ascended to this Gate of the Court of Israel by fifteen steps for the ground of this was higher by ten foot than that of the Women. This gate was called the Gate of Nicanor. Iosephus saith it was of brass, and that twenty men could scarcely open it. Amongst the Presages that preceded the ruin of Ierusalem, one of them that most surprised, was that which happened to this Gate, which being well locked and bolted with great barrs of brass, opened of it self one night and no man meddled with it. The Court of Israel was imbellished within with a Porch which extended all round a­bout the Temple and which was supported by a rank of Marble Pillars, except in places where there was some building, which ad­vancing it self within side, did hinder the continuation thereof. Lightfoot hath care­fully sought after the names and usages of these different buildings, and of the gates that were between both: But it shall suf­fice here to remark that men entred into the Court of Israel by six gates; besides those we have named. There were on the North three, on the South three. The o­ther two were on the East, opposite to the Altar of Burnt offerings, those of the middle were over against the Holy place, and the two others over against the Holiest of all.

The Court of Israel was properly called the space that was betwixt the Pillars of the Porch and the Wall. It was about 16 foot and an half in breadth, and was 140 paces in length. The square space between the Porch and the Frontispiece of the Temple, was called the Court of the Priests, whereof the ground was higher by some feet than that of the Court of Israel. On the right and left of the Gate of Nicanor, there were two Pulpits which were equal in height to the Ground of the Court of the Priests, where the Levites which sang the holy song, were accustomed to place themselves. At the corner of the Court up­on the right as you came in, were to be seen Marble Tables, Pillars, and Buckles of Iron fasten'd to the Pavement; there they Sa­crificed, slead, and washed the victims. On the other side was the Altar of Burnt of­ferings. This Altar was 15 foot high, and that the service might be made therein, there was made a kind of an ascent of stone without stairs, of 48 feet in length. This Altar was squared and was above 36 feet in circuit, but it was much more large at the bottom. At the end of the ascent was a large edge of a foot and a half broad, upon which the Priests ascended to adjust the Wood of the Altar, to lay thereon the Victims, and to rub with Blood the four Horns of the Altar, which extended them­selves from the corners of the edge unto the Top.

c. 34. Lightfoot upon the occasi­on of the Altar, proposes some difficulties, which he thinks cannot be re­solved without having the Jews recourse to a Miracle. 1. It cannot be comprehended how it was possible to offer in a few days up­on so little an Altar, such a prodigious num­ber of Victims, such as the Scripture some­times speaketh of, as when it is said that So­lomon offered in 14 days, 22000 Bullocks and 26000 small Cattle, 1 Kings 8.63. They must therefore needs have offered more than 1500 Oxen, and above 8000 other Victims a day. Tho' all these Victims were not to be intirely burned, it's yet ve­ry difficult to conceive how they could burn the very Fat of their Entrails and Kidneys. 2. The Blood of so many Beasts would make one think that all the Court must be overwhelm'd, and have drawn an infi­nity of Flies together, and caused a great stink. 3. The Smoak and Scent of so much flesh burnt, should have necessarily stifled those that were about the Altar. He an­swereth to the first difficulty, that Solomon offered not only upon the Altar, but in the middle of the Court, as the History testi­fies it, and that the Fire from Heaven is infi­nitely more quick than ordinary Fire; to the second that by a perpetual Miracle, there ne­ver was a Fly in the Court of the Priests, and that the Blood ran in an instant by subterra­nean Chanels which brought it to a sink made for that use: and to the third, that by a third Miracle, the Smoak did rise always directly upwards▪ what wind soever there was, so that it did not incommode those who were imployed in the Court.

Now to come back to his dimensions, it was about 50 paces in length from the East to the West, and almost twice as many in breadth. We shall not mark the Basons, nor the other Vessels that were in it, be­cause our design is only to describe the prin­pal parts of the Building. Those that would be instructed throughly therein, may consult Lightfoot himself.

On the West of this Court was the Fron­tispiece of Solomon's Porch, by which they entred into the Holy place. The Top of the Holy Mount was not even, but it extend­ed it self from the East to the West, the Threshold of the Entry of Solomon's Porch was 33 foot higher than that of the Gate of Susan. This Frontispiece was 150 foot broad, and 180 high: It was of a new white Marble, after the manner of Jasper, and of a Structure equally fair and solid. The Gate was sixty foot high, and thirty broad, and was all imbellished with Gold, which gave a great lustre, and which appeared very far off. The body of the Temple which was [Page 10] but 100 foot broad, and 150 high was be­hind the Porch. It comprehended the Holy Place, and the Holiest of all, and divers Chambers above and on all sides. Although the Roof of the House was almost flat, the middle was more elevated and formed as a new Stage, higher than the Apartments that were on the North and South. This Top was garnished quite round with a kind of a Rail, as was common for all the Tops of Houses in Iudea.

I shall stay no longer on this Description. Lightfoot can fully furnish the curious where­withal to satisfie themselves farther about the difference betwixt the Dimensions of the Temple of Solomon, of that which was re­built at the Return from Captivity, and of that of Herod, their different Uses, Apartments, Places where the Priests and Levites kept Guard at night, the changes of the place where the great Sanhedrim were to sit, and the disposition and figure of the Cherubims, and of the Ark, which giveth him an occa­sion to expound the manner whereby Eze­kiel, Isaiah and Iohn in the Apocalypse de­scribe the mysterious symbol of the Pre­sence of God. In fine, we may see here a compleat Treatise of the Temple of Ieru­salem drawn from the Scripture, from Iose­phus and the Doctors of the Thalmud.

6. After, having given an Idea of the Temple, and of all its parts, there remain'd only to instruct us about the Divine Ser­vice that was therein perform'd, to make us throughly know the principal Ceremo­nies of the Jewish Religion. 'Tis this also which Lightfoot in his Treatise of the Ser­vice of the Temple has done. He begins with the different degrees of Holiness, which the Jews attributed to divers places of Iudea, and particularly to the different parts of the Temple, which Holiness was so much the greater, as they drew near the most Holy Place. It was permitted to all manner of People to enter into the Court of the Gentiles, but there were Pillars at the En­trance of the second Temple, where was seen written in Hebrew, Greek and Ro­man Characters, That it was lawful to none but the Israelites to enter into this Interiour Circumference. Thus the second Temple was more holy than the Court of the Gentiles, but the Court of the Women was more holy than the second Temple, in that it was permitted to those that were polluted, so that their pollution remained only till night, to enter into this last place; they curst not en­ter into the Court of the Women. The Court of Israel was yet more holy, seeing Women never entred thereinto, but when they went to offer some Sacrifice, and that no person polluted with what pollution soever, dared to set foot thereinto. The Court of the Priests likewise went beyond that of Israel in Holiness, seeing no Laick went ever thither, but when he went with an Oblation. It was an easie thing to discern a Laick from a Levite, or from a Priest, by the cloathing, but polluted persons could not be known by any mark, it was left to their own Consciences▪

Nevertheless to strike awe into them, they would say that they had four sorts of punishments to fear, whereof the two for­mer were immediately to be inflicted by Divine Vengeance, and the two others de­pended upon Man. They called the first Death by the Hand of Heaven, that is to say, of God; and the second Chereth, or Cutting off. The Rabbins seem to distinguish these two sorts of punishment, but 'tis hard to know the difference they put betwixt them. Tho' they said that it was God alone that did send these chastisements, we must not think that as soon as some polluted person entred into a prohibited place▪ and it came to mens knowledge, he was solely left to the Wrath of God; the Judges caused him to be whipt, according to the nature of the Case, or else the People without expecting their Sentence, beat the polluted body so vio­lently sometimes, that he died▪ and this it was which they called The Blows of the Rebellion.

These were the Precautions that were taken to keep the Temple from being polluted.Cap. 2. After this Lightfoot sheweth us what were the Orders of the Ministers that had the care of it: He reduceth them to eight: 1. The High Priest. 2. The Sagan, who was as his Vicar. 3. The two Catholikin, which were the Substitutes of the Sagan. 4. The seven Immarkalin, who were entrusted with the Keys of the Gates and Treasures. 5. They had under them three Gizbarin or Trea­surers. 6. The Head of the Order of Priests that were upon service. 7. The Heads of each Family that were found in this Order. 8. Those that were only Priests. The first five Orders formed a kind of perpetual Council, who took care of what concerned the Temple. There were besides these fifteen Memonin, or Commissaries about di­vers things, whereof a part changed every week with the Order of the Priests. The Enumeration thereof may be seen in p. 679.

C. 3. ad 5. Lightfoot after this treat­eth of the 5 first Charges which we have just mentioned, and expound­eth exactly all their Functions as much as may be discovered in the Writings of the Jews that are amongst us. He describeth even the Cloaths of the High Priests, and giveth an exact List of them from Aaron to the destruction of the Temple.

Cap. 6. We find in the following Chapter the Division of the Priests into 24 Classes the manner how they were examined before they were admitted into publick service, and how the Classes divided the sacred Functions between them proportionably to the number of the Fami­lies whereof they were composed, for they had not all an equal number.

Cap. 7. After this we see the cares of those that were Levites only; they were Porters, and kept Guard in divers places of the Temple. They were also Singers and Musicians, and they only had the priviledges of entring into the Consort of Voices, that was every day kept in the [Page 11] Temple. As for the Musicians, they re­ceived People of every Tribe, provided they [...] could play well, and were allied to some Priestly Family. The Consort of Voices was never of less than twelve Men, but that number could be augmented as much as they pleased. As to the Instru­ments, there were Trumpets, Flutes, and three other Instruments that the Hebrews call Nebel, Kinnor, and Tseltsel, which are hard to compare to any of our Mo­dern Instruments, because they are too Antient for our Inquisition. Lightfoot pro­poses thereupon his Conjectures, and tells us afterwards what Psalms were sung on divers Festivals, and after what manner the Instruments were joyned to the Voices.

Upon the Subject of the Classes of the Levites, Lightfoot informeth us also that there were 24 Classes of Israelites, that were necessitated to go to the Temple each his week, fearing lest there should be some time, the Officiates only present at the Divine Service. They kept themselves in the Court of Israel, and represented the whole body of the People.

Our Author treateth after that of the Sacrifices and Obla­tions of the Jews,cap. 8. whereof he expoundeth the different sorts, and the Ce­remonies that were observed in offering them. cap. 9. But he applies him­self particularly to describe the common Sacrifice of the morn­ing and evening, and all the parts of the Di­vine service, wherewith it is accompanied. cap. 10. They took care not only to observe the Ceremonies prescri­bed by the Law, but to inspire more respect into the People, it was prohi­bited to carry into the Temple any stick. to enter therein with Shoes or Feet dusty, to carry Money about one in a Purse. Neither was it permitted to spit upon any place of the Holy Mountain, if it was necessa­ry to spit, they were to do it in some corner of their cloathes, saith Maimonides. No body was to make any gesture that should in the least restifie the least irreverence, as to wal [...]thither too fast, to pass through it pure­ly to go into another place. No body might sit in the Court of Israel, saving the Princes of the House of David. They would likewise have taken it for a mark of irreverence, if any one uncovered his Head whilst he prayed to God; and the Priests were so far from taking off their Tiaras, that they covered themselves with a vail over that. They imitated in that those that were in some great sorrow, or that feared some fatal accident. But the Apostles esta­blished in the Christian Churches a custom quite contrary. Every man that prayeth or that prophesieth, saith St. Paul, having his Head covered, dishonoureth his Head, 1 Cor. 11.4.

cap. 10.11, 15. After this general descrip­tion of the service that was per­formed throughout the year in the Temple, Lightfoot treateth very largely on the Festi­vals of the Jews. He begins by telling us after what manner they observed the new Moon, and how in a very short time they made known the day it appeared through­out all Iudea. It was done by the means of Fires that were lighted successively upon a vast number of Hills, or by Messengers, which was not extreamly certain, and gave much trouble, whereas if the Jews had known a little of Astronomy, a Kalen­der or an Almanack would have spared them all this labour, and would more sure­ly have marked the new Moons.

After this are seen the differences that the Jews put betwixt the Passover celebrat­ed in Egypt, and those that have been cele­brated since that time: The manner how they took away all the Leaven that was found in their Houses: Which was done the morning and afternoon of the day of the Passover, before they Sacrificed the Pas­chal Lamb: The precise time of its im­molation: The number of persons that as­sociated to eat it together, and the manner it was offered in the Temple. No body till now has so exactly described all these circumstances, and we may further say that neither Buxtorf nor Cappel who have had a dispute upon this Subject, have with so much clearness spoken of it as our Author; The Ceremonies the Jews observed in eat­ing the Passover, Ch. 13. are of much use to Illustrate what the Evangelists say of the last Passover of our Lord, and to dis­cover the Original of the Institution of the Eucharist. This it was that obliged us to give here an abridgment of what our Au­thor saith; in which those that doubt may find the proofs.

1. They did not begin to eat till night, whence the Evangelists say, that the night being come our Saviour sate at meat with his Disciples. They did not eat much before this meal, or else they fasted, that they might with more appetite eat the un­leavened bread.

2. They neither did properly sit, nor altogether lye down, but stretched them­selves upon the beds which were about the Table, so that they held themselves half risen upon the left Elbow. This was the ordinary posture of the Romans, as may be yet seen in their ancient Monuments, but the Rabbins do seek herein for a My­stery, and say men put themselves into this posture to note that they were free, because slaves were used to eat standing. They call this Posture at Table Iesibba, [...] Thus in process of time they changed this Cere­mony, tho the Law had commanded them, to eat the Passover standing, and in haste, with their staf [...] in their hand, and their shooes on their feet, as if they were begin­ing a journey. Our Saviour, that did not so much regard the Letter as the Sense of the Law, accommodated himself to this custom of his time, and it is by this that Lightfoot expoundeth these words of the Gospel of St. Iohn, one of them that Jesus loved lean'd upon his Bosom, ch. 13.23. Jesus Christ [Page 12] was in the posture we have observ'd; so that St. Iohn who was in like manner lying near him, was almost in his Bosom, because Je­sus Christ could not lift his right Arm to make use thereof, but in a way that it should seem to embrace this Disciple that he loved. Thence it cometh that to speak softly to Jesus Christ, St. Iohn needed on­ly to turn his Head backwards and lean it upon the breast of our Saviour, this he did when Peter made him a Sign to enquire of Jesus, who was he that was to betray him: lean­ing saith the Evangelist, upon the Breast of Iesus, he said, Lord who is it? ver. 25.

3. As soon as he was lain after this manner, one of the company gave thanks, and each drank a Glass of Wine with Water. There could not be less Wine than the 16th part of a Hin. That was the first cup.

4. After having drunk each washed his Hands in plunging them into the Water. They thought themselves obliged to take notice of all the Ceremonies, and to say for example; This Night is different from all others, in which we wash but once, but in this we wash us twice.

5. The Paschal Lamb was serv'd in with unleaven'd bread, and a Dish of bitter Herbs. They might be green or dry, but they were not to be boiled or salted. Besides that, other food was added, that there should be enough to fill them. They had particular­ly a Dish that they called Charoseth, which was a Ragoot composed of Figs, Dates, and Raisins with a little Vinegar. All that mingled and kneaded together, was to re­present the Bricks that their Fathers had made in Egypt.

6. He that rehearsed the Haggadah, or the Paschal Prayers, took a few bitter Herbs, and then putting his hand into another dish, he put thereto at least the bigness of an O­live of some other food, and every one did the like. He did that for to excite curiosi­ty, and for to oblige those that were pre­sent to be attentive to all the ceremony. 'Tis upon this occasion that our Lord said, that he who put his hand in the dish with him would betray him.

7. A little after all the Dishes were tak­en away, and every one drank a second time, and then it was that he who rehearsed the Haggadah related the deliverance from E­gypt, and the institution of the Passover. The dishes were after that put upon the Ta­ble and all the Guests drank a second time, after that they returned thanks many times.

8. They also washed their hands again, and he that served took two unleavened Cakes, broke one in the middle, put it up­on the other that was whole, and gave thanks. It was the order constantly kept on this occasion, whereas on other occasi­ons they gave thanks before they brake Bread, as it appeareth in divers places of the Gospels.

9. Hitherto they eat but bread and herbs, but after these ceremonies he that officiated gave God Thanks in this wise. Blessed be thou O Lord our God, Eternal King, who hast▪ Sanctified us by the Precepts, and hast com­manded us to eat Sacrifices. Then they ate of a Sacrifice, if they had offered any a few days before, or of some other food, if they had no Sacrifice.

10. After a second Thanksgiving like the first, except that it ended with these words, and who hast commanded us to eat the Paschal Lamb, they ate this Lamb, and every one was obliged to eat at least the bigness of an Olive.

11. After they had eaten the Paschal Lamb, he that officiated washed his hands three times, and gave thanks upon the third Cup that he then drank. This was cal­led the Cup of Thanksgiving, because as they drank it, they gave thanks to end the Meal. Hence it is, that St. Paul calls it the Cup of Blessing, 1 Cor. 10.16. because it was up­on the occasion of the Cup of Benedicti­on of the Jews, that Jesus Christ instituted his Eucharist. All were obliged to drink this Cup of Benediction, and the two pre­ceding ones. The very Children them­selves were not exempted.

12. In fine a little while after, they drank a fourth Cup, which was called the Cup of Hallel, because that after they had drank it, they would sing the Hallel, which was a Song composed of six Psalms, which are from the 113 to the 118th. This Song was yet followed with a Benediction.

In the sequel with the same exactness is found the description of what was done the second day of the Paschal week, the manner how they gathered, and offered the Omer of the first fruits of the celebrati­on of the Pentecost; of the Ceremonies of the day of Expiation, and of the Feast of Ta­bernacles. Lightfoot addeth a word of the Festivals of the Trumpets and of the De­dication.

cap. 17. He endeth this Treatise by describ­ing some other parts of the pub­lick service. He shews the man­ner how the Kings read a section of the Law, the first day of the feast of Ta­bernacles: the ceremonies with which they sacrificed the Red Cow: The examination of a Woman whom her Husband suspected to have committed Adultery: the Purifica­tion of the Leprous: the oblation of the first fruits: and the manner how they provided Wood for the Altar.

7. There remaineth in this Volume but three little Treatises, whereof it will be sufficient to mark the Titles, because they contain nothing particular. The first is of the Descent of Jesus Christ into Hell, which the Author understandeth to be the time that the Soul of Jesus Christ remained in Heaven, for according to him [...], which hath been translated Hell in the Creed, equal­ly signifieth the place, where the Souls of the wicked are, as well as the receptacle of the Righteous. The second is a Latine Ser­mon made at Cambridge in 1652. where Lightfoot took his Degree of Doctor. The Text is 1 Cor. 16.22. He that loveth not the Lord Iesus let him be Anathema-Maran-atha. [Page 13] The third is a Dispute of Divinity publish­ed on the same occasion, and which con­sists of these two Theses. (1.) That after the Canon of Scripture hath been perfected, we ought to expect no new Revelations. (2.) That the personal Election of particular persons is founded upon the Scripture. He only proposes this se­cond Thesis, without proving it, as he doth the first.

II. The second Volume of Lightfoot principally consisteth in his Horae Hebraicae & Thalmudicae, upon the Evangelists, the Acts, and some places of the Epistle to the Romans, and upon all the Corinthians. As the Author hath composed these Works in Latine, and as they have already been Print­ed in England, France and Germany, so we shall say nothing of them.

We only must speak a word or two of a Treatise that is before this Volume, inti­tuled, Harmonia Chronica, &c. A Chronolo­gical Harmony and Order of the New Testa­ment; where is methodically disposed the Text of the four Evangelists; as also the Times of the History of the Apostles; the Order of the Epistles, and Times of the Apocalypse. The Text is cleared by literal Remarks, and Deductions from the Thal­mud, upon the most difficult places. To that hath been added a Discourse of the Destruction of Ierusalem, and of the State of the Jews after this accident.

This Work differs from the Harmony of the Evangelists, which the Author publish­ed ten years before, which we spoke of in the Extract of the first Volume. 1. In that here is found the Time in which the Epistles have been written, &c. 2. Lightfoot is much briefer in this Work, where he makes not an exact Commentary. 3. He there intro­duces more Rabbinism. 4. He more exact­ly observes the Years and Times of every thing.

There is a Preface that sheweth the Au­thor's design, and the profit of the Wri­tings of the Jews for the Exposition of the New Testament, which is proved by a pretty long Commentary upon Mat. 5.22. The Author testifieth that he had made these Notes upon the Gospels, to serve for an Exposition to the four Evangelists; the whole Text he had disposed into Columns, in a Method of Harmony, but that he found no opportunity of Printing them.

Lightfoot extreamly differeth from the Sentiment of several Interpreters of the Apocalypse. He believeth that God reveal­ed to St. Iohn that which immediately fol­lowed the last things that Daniel foretold. This Prophet had marked the Ruine of the four Monarchies, which he said would be succeeded by the Reign of the Messia, and it is with the Reign of the Messia that St. Iohn begins. Lightfoot believeth that he had these Visions about the 12th year of Nero, a long time before the Ruine of Ie­rusalem. In the three first Chapters he marketh the State of the Churches of Asia, such as it was in his time: But from the 4th Chapter he begins to speak of the time to come, and foretels the Ruine of Ierusa­lem, and divers misfortunes of the Roman Empire, to Chapter 8. From the 9th to the end, St. Iohn, according to our Author, hath respect to Times more distant, and in this Lightfoot is conform enough to the common Sentiments of Protestant Interpreters, only he speaks in terms a little more general, than others commonly do. He carefully discovers, according to his custom, all the allusions that are found in the Apocalypse to the Ceremonies and Sentiments of the Jews.

The Treatise that is added to the end contains an Abridgment of the History of the Jews from the third year of Nero, to the first of Vespasian, and the state of the San­drin, of the Schools, and of the learned amongst the Jews after the Ruine of Ierusa­lem. He speaks of the Hereticks of the first Ages, which came out from amongst the Jews. He defends this Nation against those that accuse it to have corrupted the Old Testament. He endeth with the con­version of the Jews which according to him may be yet expected, provided we Imagin not that the whole Nation shall be converted, but that we only believe that a greater number of 'em may.

The Works of ISAAC BARROW Dr. of Divinity, of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge; published by Dr. Tillotson, Dean of Canterbury. In three Volumes in Folio.
The First Volume of the English Works of Mr. Barrow.

1. IT is composed of three parts, where­of the first contains thirty two Ser­mons Preached upon divers occasions, before which is placed a small A­bridgment of his Life. We are inform'd that he was born at London in October 1630. As soon as he was fit for study, he was sent for Cambridge, where by his own industry he maintained himself, because his Father had lost the greatest part of his Estate in the Service of the King, after that he liv'd at Oxford, where he had most of his sub­sistence from the bounty of the famous Dr. Hammond. 'Twas there that he chiefly applied himself to study, and 'twas remark­able that he had a more than ordinary de­sire to be instructed in the Fundamentals of the Sciences, and being yet very young, he read the Works of my Lord Bacon, Des Car­tes, and Gallileus. In reading the Remarks [Page 14] of Scaliger upon Eusebius, he observed that Chronology was founded upon Astronomy, whereupon he also resolv'd to apply himself to the study of this last Science: He set him­self to read the Almagest of Ptolomy, but he soon perceiv'd that he cou'd not read this sort of Books, with advantage, without the help of Geometry; then he applied himself to the study of Euclides Elements, in which he profited much in a little time, and after­wards publish'd the Elements of Geometry explain'd in few words, and better than ever was done before him. Besides, these are the Titles of some other Mathematical Books which he compos'd, Euclidis Data, Lectiones Opticae, Lectiones Geometricae, Ar­chimedis Opera, Apollonii Conicorum, Lib. IV. Theodosti Sphaerica, Lectio de Sphaera & Cylin­dro. One wou'd be surprized that so great a Geometrician cou'd also be a Poet; yet we are assured in his Life, that there are found several Poems amongst the Titles of his Latine Works.

Dr. Duport having renounc'd his Charge of Professor of the Greek Tongue, he recom­mended Mr. Barrow who had been his Scho­lar, whereupon he was admitted to Examina­tion, and read with great applause, but he could not obtain the place because 'twas thought he was inclin'd to Arminianism which was not savoured in England during the Usurpa­tion; this made him resolv'd to travail. He went to France, from thence to Italy, where he embarked at Leghorn for Smyrna, from whence he went to Constantinople, there he tarried a year, and we are assured during that time he read the works of the most famous Patriarch that that City ever had. (We may easily understand it was St Chryso­stom that is here spoken of;) afterwards Mr. Barrow embarked for Venice from whence, he returned for England by the way of Germany and Holland.

When King Charles the second was restor­ed, all the World believed Dr. Barrow would be preferred, because he had been always firm to the Interests of the Royalists, but being disappointed he made this Distich upon his unkind treatment.

However he was elected Professor of the Greek tongue in 1660, and Chosen two years after to teach Geometry. In the year follow­ing Mr. Lucas having founded a Chair for a Professor of Mathematicks, he was the first that fill'd it; and there was an Order made for him, and those that were to succeed him, that they shou'd be oblig'd every year to leave to the University Ten of their Le­ctures in writing; he so passionately loved the Mathematicks, that there was found be­fore his Apollonius these words written in his own hand, [...], Tu autem Do­mine, quantus es Geometra? cum enim haec Scientia nullos terminos habeat, &c. God him­self hath Geometry in his thoughts—but thou, O Lord, how great a Geometrician art thou! For tho' this Science has no bounds, yet one may find an infinite number of new Theorems by the only assistance of a humane Capacity. THOV seest all these Truths at one glance without any chain of consequences, and without being wearied with a long search of demonstrations. In other things our Intellect is defective, and it seems that we do think of I do not know what, for want of a perfect assurance: From whence it happens that there are almost as many Opinions as different Persons. But all the World agree in the Truth of Mathematicks, and 'tis in this that the Mind of Man feels its strength, and is perswaded that it can effect something great and wonderful, &c. This only is able to enflame me with the Love of Thee, and to make me wish with as much ardor as is possible, for that happy day in which my Spirit being delivered from every thing that now perplexes it, shall be assured not only of these Truths, but of an infinite number of others with­out the trouble of deducing consequences, &c.

There is without doubt but a very few Men, who amongst those reasons which in­duce 'em to wish for Heaven, give this, of expecting the Happiness of a Perfect Knowledge of the Mathematicks there. Thus Mr. Barrow having wearied himself with these Specula­tions, resolved to addict himself only to the study of Divinity: After which the Bishops of St. Asaph and Salisbury gave him some Benefices, and the King made him Rector of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge in the year 1672. The Colledges of the Vniver­sities of England are otherwise regulated than those beyond Sea: The charge of the Master of a Colledge is much more consider­able than that of the Rectors of Forreign Academies or Colledges. A few years af­ter Mr. Barrow was preferred to a more eminent Post, to wit, Vice-Chancellor, which is the greatest charge of the University, and after this Chancellor, which is not given but to Persons of the first Quality.

The Author of the Life of Mr. Barrow, informs us how he governed the Colledge with an Vniversal Applause; but it shall suf­fice to say, that he there composed divers Treatises, and amongst others, that of the Supremacy of the Pope, which is at the end of the first Volume.

In fine, he died at London the 4th of March, the year 1677. and was buried at Westminster, where his friends erected a Marble Monument without an Epitaph, which is added to the end of his Life.

The first five Sermons which compose the first Volume, treat of the Excellency of the Christian Religion, and of the Interest which accrews to us in loving and practising it; the four following expound the great Duties of Christianity, Prayer and Thanks­giving. The 10th, 11th and 12th, are upon particular occasions, to wit, The Return of the King; The Gunpowder-Plot; And the Con­se [...]ration of the Bishop of Man his Vncle. The ten following from the 13th to the 23d, were composed against the sin of speaking too much in conversation; in speaking ill of his [Page 15] Neighbour, and Swearing, &c. Mr. Barrow is very large upon these matters, because there are few Vices so univer­sal—In Ep. ad Celantiam. tanta hujusmodi Libido (saith St. Paulinus cited by the Author) Mentes hominum invasit, ut etiam qui procul aliis Vitiis recesserunt in illud tamen quasi in extremum Diaboli Laqueum incidant.

Those which follow even to the 30th, have respect unto the great Precepts in which the Law is fulfilled, to wit, to love God and our Neighbour: All the preceding Ser­mons were not published till after the death of the Author, but he himself caused the two last of this Volume to be printed, where­of one treats of Charity towards the Poor, and the other of the Passion of Iesus Christ, Dr. Til­lotson speaks of the first, that there could be nothing more elaborate in its kind, and that Dr. Barrow had spoken the utmost that the subject could bear.

II. After these Sermons of which we have spoke, there is a small work Intituled a brief exposition of the Lords Prayer, and the Decalogue, with the Doctrine of the Sacraments, these treaties have been already published in Twelves; they are extreamly short, but one may there find the Lords Prayer and the ten Commandments explained in a good and cor­rect method, yet there is almost nothing essential which is forgot. Altho the Au­thor took pains for the Vulgar, yet he did not omit to cite in the Margin the Fathers and Heathen Authors, where he found it for his purpose; as when he expounded these words in the Lords Prayer, thy Will be done, &c. he cites Epictetus, Plato, Antoni­nus and Seneca. cap. 38. Epictetus says in his Enchiridion, if God will have it so, let it be so, and Plato in his Dialogue Intituled Citron, affirms that So­crates being in Prison pass'd the time whilst he tarried there, as one that resigned himself to God in every thing which should happen to him. Lib. 4.31. The Emperor Antoninus says that we must chearfully receive every thing that happens to us; and the words of Seneca are no less remarkable, Ep. 37.54.71. Ego Secundum Naturam vivo, si totum me illi dedo optimum est, Deum, quo auctore cuncta prove­niunt sine murmuratione comitari, &c. hic est magnus Animus qui se Deo tradidit. ‘I live according to Nature when I resign my self entirely to him, nor is there any thing better than to follow, without murmur­ing, that God, that is the cause of eve­ry thing. It belongs only to great Souls to commit themselves wholly to God.’

Mr. Barrow in the beginning of his Expo­sition of the Decalogue, says, it seems at first sight, That it rather contains the Laws of the Iewish State, than their Moral Precepts, since there's nothing spoke of the manner how we ought to live in regard of our selves as to the Continency, Sobriety or Devotion, and which we owe towards God, as to Prayer, Thanksgiving & Confession of sins &c. It seems to have a particular respect to the Jews, who were a chosen people, and that God govern'd them after a more peculiar man­ner than other Nations, in giving 'em Laws for every particular thing which was only accommodated to the State of the Israelites, to whom God only made himself known; and that so this Law does not oblige all Na­tions in that especial sense wherein it was given by the Holy Ghost. After this he gives divers Reasons for which we yet ought to have the Decalogue in the greatest Vene­ration, and to observe it exactly, except the 4th Commandment, which doth not oblige the observation of Christians in this, that it is Ceremonial, no more than the first Patri­archs, who also were not the less pleasing to God, notwithstanding the testimony of Iustin and St. Ireneus; but Reason it self dictates that it is necessary to set some time apart in which we may more particularly apply our selves to Divine Service, and in which Servants may rest themselves from Labour; 'tis this the Heathens themselves observed, witness De Leg. 2. Plato, who says, that the Gods are touch'd with pity towards Men, and because of the Labour which they are obliged to, he per­mits 'em some repose and days of rest. Legum Conditores (says Seneca) festos instituerunt dies, ut ad hilaritatem homines publicè coge­rentur, tanquam necessarium laboribus.

Mr. Barrow says nothing of the Sacra­ments, since there is enough spoken of them by the most able Protestant Divines.

In the beginning there is one thing worthy of remark, Page 543. Besides other Washings which he speaks of, he shews that it was a Custom amongst the Jews, that those who were dedicated to God, were exhorted to repentance for transgressing the Law, and were wash'd, in publick Testimony that they should change their Life. He main­tained this assertion upon the success which the Baptism of St. Iohn the Baptist had, for it wou'd have been, without doubt, rejected as an Innovated Ceremony in a time when the Jews had such an extravagant respect to their own Traditions, that they wou'd have opposed it, if not upheld upon an Antient Custom. If this is so, one might also con­jecture that the Lustrations of the Heathens gave birth to this extraordinary Baptism; for 'tis well known, that those who had committed some Crimes, were to be wash­ed by some publick person, and even by Prin­ces themselves, whereof we find an infinite number of Examples in the most Antient History of the Greeks.

III. The third piece which is in this Vo­lume, is a Treatise of the Pope's Supremacy, to which is added a Discourse concerning the Vni­ty of the Church. There has been already published in quarto in 1679. by Dr. Tillotson, to whom the Author had committed the Care of the Impression at his death; the first Testimony in a small Preface. He believes that Dr. Barrow has omitted nothing essen­tial, or what might be of any consequence in this Controversie, he believes that there is [Page 16] enough to decide for ever, all the difficul­ties, and to disswade all wise men of either Party from writing any more upon this Subject.

We shall remark in few words the me­thod of his Treatise, to the end that we may have a general Idea of what is contained in it, we have at the first sight a preface, where­in the Author relates the different senti­ments of the Doctors of the Roman Church, touching the Authority of the Pope, which some make Inferiour to that of the Coun­cils, whilst others are of a contrary perswa­sion, yet he briefly gives us the History of the Original, and progress of the Papal Power

Mr. Barrow having remarked, that all that is said on this Power, can only be found­ed upon seven suppositions, he divides his Work into seven parts, and examines them one after another; these are the suppositi­ons. (1.) That St. Peter received from Iesus Christ the Preheminence amongst the Apostles, and had given to him an Authority and Sove­reign Iurisdiction over the rest. (2.) That the rights and advantages of this Soveraignty were not personal, but might be transmitted to others, and left to their Successors. (3.) That St. Pe­ter was the Bishop of Rome. (4.) That St. Peter continued to be Bishop of Rome, after he had left Judea and that he remained so till his death. (5.) That 'tis from thence that the priviledges of the Pope do come as Successor to St. Peter, to wit Vniversal Iurisdiction over the whole Church of Iesus Christ. (6.) That the Popes have effectually enjoy'd this Power, and have exercised it without discontinuations from St. Peter till now. (7.) That this Power could not be lost, nor be lessened by any means whatsoever.

pag. 30. The Author admits that St. Peter might be the first of the Apostles, in regard of per­sonal qualities, esteem, and reputation, but he questions his precedency in order or dignity. It appears too great a vanity for a man that had the Vertue and Humility of St. Peter. He supposes it is very probable that the Apostles insisted upon no points of Ceremonies amongst themselves, which should oblige 'em to a certain order, as to precedency in walking, &c. he confesses that one might oppose to this the Authori­ty of some Fathers, but he maintains, that their Authority is not of so great weight in these things, which are not essential to Faith, because that upon these occasions, they followed their own thoughts and con­jectures, being as much actuated by the dictates of their imaginations, as other-men, altho St. Cyprian and other African Doctors assure us, that St. Peter had only this Pre­heminence, because that we might learn thereby to keep the Unity of the Church. Mr. Barrow omits not to tell us that one might assent to the Priority of St. Peter and he gives there the same reasons, for exam­ple, he was call'd to the Apostleship before the others, he was older, &c. That which can't be granted to St. Peter (according to our Author) is a Superiority of Iurisdiction, where­of nothing is to be found in Holy Writ, and which ought to be there contained and very clearly, if it were a Doctrine of Faith; according to this Rule of St. Austin, De pec. mor. & v [...]n. 2.36. Credo etiam hic Divinorum eloquiorum clarissima auctoritas esset, si homo sine dispendio pro­missae salutis ignorare non posset. The Author is very large in proving that St. Peter had not any Authority like to this over the Apostles and carefully answers the passages of the Fathers, which the Roman Catholicks use to object to the Protestants on this occasion, and he brings divers of the same Fathers, frequently opposing them­selves, and very strongly confutes those ar­guments brought for the Superiority of St. Peter.

Page 76. Mr. Barrow endeavours in the sequel to shew that the Priviledges of the Apostleship were perso­nal, and died with the Apostles, according to that Maxim of the Law—Privilegium perso­nale personam sequitur, & cum persona extin­guitur. That if the Fathers say that Bishops are Successors of the Apostles, they also say it indifferently of all Bishops. They cou'd not say any thing more than this, that the Apostles have established them to go­vern the Christian Church after 'em, not that any of them has succeeded in the utmost extent of the Apostles Charge, but because that every Bishop governs the Flock which is com­mitted to him. Singulis Pastori­bus (says St. Cyprian) Ep. 55. portio gregis adscripta est, quam regat unusquisque & gubernet, &c. E­piscopatus unus (as he adds in another place) De Vnitate Ec [...]lesiae. cujus à sin­gulis in solidum pars tenetur.

Page 82. He afterwards attempts to shew that the Episcopacy of St. Peter is incompatible with his Apostle­ship, and that none of the Antients be­lieved that he was the Bishop of Rome, where he could not stay long, altho' it is pretend­ed he continued many years. 'Tis said on this occasion, that he who wrote the Letter (by some, supposed from St. Peter, to St. Iames,) does not misrepresent the per­sonage of this Apostle, since it makes him to say, If whilst I am alive they dare raise so ma­ny falsities upon me, what will not posterity undertake?

Page 88. He maintains yet far­ther, that St. Peter was not Bishop of Rome, because there were others there in his time, to wit, Linus established by St. Paul, and Clement established after Linus by St. Peter himself. There are yet brought many other Reasons drawn from Antiquity.

Page 94. After having refuted the four first Suppositions of the Roman Catholicks, he remarks that since they are the only foundation up­on which the fifth can be upheld, it must necessarily be false, since the preceding ones are so, which he believes he has sufficiently proved. He yet maintains farther, which [Page 17] is more than needful, that when they grant to St. Peter all the Roman Catholicks attri­bute to him, it would not follow that the Bishop of Rome should be his Successor. This he shews all along by many Reasons, and by the Testimony of the Fathers, as well as by Sacred Writ, he much enlarges upon the Inconveniencies, which would be in obey­ing the Bishop of Rome, as the only Successor of the Priviledges of the Apostles, and he says, amongst many other things, that the Popes have render'd that definition true which Scioppius has given to the Roman Church; viz. Ecclesia est Mandra sive grex aut multitudo Iumentorum sive Asinorum. He also mentions the History of the Establish­ment, and the Jurisdiction of the Metropo­litans or Primates, and maintains that as they were established by Humane Prudence, so they might also be abolished by the same Power, and other things of this nature which entirely ruine the Authority of the Pope.

The Author after this applies himself to shew that the Popes since St. Peter, have not enjoyed without discontinuation this Soveraign Authority, which they usurp, since they have not had the power to convocate general Councils, nor to preside there, nor to make Laws, or op­pose themselves to the Canons of the Councils; and lastly, that they enjoy'd not for many Ages, the other Rights of this Soveraignty. There is in this Chapter, the History of the Convoca­tion of General Councils, and the oppositions which have been made divers times against the power of the Bishop of Rome.

pag. 271.In fine, Mr. Barrow en­gages the last supposition of the Roman Catholicks to wit, that the Supremacy of the Popes could not be ruined. He brings many reasons to evince that it might cease, and that when it was granted to the Pope, it might happen, that he could lose it, by the faults he should commit, or personal defects, as if he turn'd a Heretick, because St. Ambrose says, those who have not the faith of St. Peter, can­not be his Successors; de p [...]n. l. 6. Non ha­bent Petri haereditatem qui Pe­tri fidem non habent, quam Im­pia divisione discerpunt, and this frequently happens, as Dr. Barrow says, acccording to the Ancients, and is yet seen to this day, if we may believe the Protestants, whose rea­sons the Author proposes very strongly, in enumerating the sentiments of the Roman Church, which are considered as very erro­neous.

'Tis this which contains the treaties of the Popes Supremacy, the other follows, to wit, the Vnity of the Church, where Dr. Barrow designs to prove, that Vnity may well subsist without the necessity of the Christian Churches having a visible head. He engages to shew that the Unity of the Church con­sists in this, that all the Christians do agree in Fundamentals, particularly in those which have a necessary connexion with Piety and the Practice of good works, and in this, that they be joined in the bond of mutual chari­ty, &c. He afterwards shews in what man­ner the Christian Churches may root out Heresie and Schism, without the assistance of a Visible Head, and keep at the same time a Conformity of Discipline in things of the highest consequence, even when it cou'd not be established but by Humane Prudence; but he yet maintains that this last Union is possible, in supposing certain things which are not necessary, nor ordain­ed by the Apostles, and he gives many rea­sons to which he adds divers Examples in Ecclesiastical History, by which one may see he believes it not necessary that there be an Union of Discipline amongst the Churches. Upon this occasion he particu­larly makes use of the Epistles of St. Cyprian, by which it appears, according to Dr. Bar­row, that every Bishop lay under a double obligation, whereof one regarded his Flock in particular, the other the whole Church. By the first, he was obliged to take care that every thing be done in good order in his Church, and that nothing should be done which was not for Edification, and this should be endeavour'd by taking counsel of his Clergy and his People. By the second, he was obliged, when the good of his Flock required it, to confer with other Bishops touching the means of preserving Truth and Peace: But in that time a Bishop knew not what it was to be hindered from acting according to the extent of his Power, by appealing to a Superior Power, to which he was obliged to give an account of the Administration of his Charge. Bishops were then as Princes in their Jurisdictions, but they omitted not to keep a certain Corre­spondence, for the preserving an universal Peace. Ep. 55. Statu­tum est omnibus-nobis (saith St. Cyprian) ac aequum est pariter, ac justum, ut uniuscujusque causa illic audiatur, ubi est Cri­men admissum, & singulis Pastoribus portio Gre­gis sit adscripta, quam regat unusquisque praepo­situs rationem actus sui Domino redditurus? and elsewhere. Pag. 314. Qua in re nee nos cuiquam faci­mus nec Legem damus, cum habeat in Ecclesiae administratione voluntate sui liberum arbitrium unusquisque praepositus, rationem actus sui Domino redditurus.

Dr. Barrow shews after this the Incon­veniencies which would attend the Govern­ment of the Christian Church, if it should acknowledge one Visible Head. Thorndike Antiquit. Eccles. A famous Divine of the Church of England ha­ving maintained the Unity of an Ecclesiastical Discipline, so that all the Christian Churches ought to be (according to him) in the nature of a Confederacy, which submits every Church in particular to an entire body (if it is permitted so to speak.) Dr. Barrow believes he is obliged to refute this Tenet, and to that end he hath drawn from his Works twelve proofs of this Opi­nion which that Divine has spread in divers places, and which he proposed with great care, altho' after a manner very obscure and [Page 18] intricate. This last Author having object­ed, for instance, to those who believe not, that the Unity of Discipline is necessary, the Article of the Creed, where 'tis said, I believe in the Holy Catholick or Vniversal Church, and the Creed of Constantinople, where 'tis said, The Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church: Dr. Barrow answers to this, that this Article is not in the Abridg­ment of the Christian Faith, which is found in St. Irenaeus, Tertullian and St. Cyprian, no more than in the Creed of the Council of Nice; And (1.) That it was not in the Apostles Creed, which the Church of Rome makes use of, but that it is added after the Times of Ruffinus and St. Augustine, against the Heresies and Schisms which sprung up in the Christian Church. (2.) That it agrees with the Unity of the Catholick Church in many respects, and that this is not the man­ner of Unity which is in Question, and which is not decided in the Creed. (3) 'Tis fairly supposed, that the Unity which is spo­ken of in the Creed of Constantinople, is that of outward Government. (4.) That one might reasonably think that the sense of this Article is no other than this, That we make profession to remain stedfast in the body of Christians, which are scatter'd throughout the whole World, and which received the Faith, the Discipline and the Manner of living Ordained by Iesus Christ and his Apostles, that we are bound to be charitable to all good Christians with which we are ready to Communicate: That we are willing to observe the Laws and Constitutions, and Ioynt-Opinion of the Churches for the Con­servation of Truth, Order and Peace. Lastly, That we renounce all Heretick Doctrines, all scandalous Practices, and all manner of Factions. (5.) That it appears that this is the sense of this Article, because that he hath put it in the Creed to preserve the Truth, Discipline and Peace of the Church. (6.) That 'tis not reasonable to explain this Article in any manner which agrees not with the Apo­stolick Times and Primitive Church, for then there was no Union of Discipline amongst Christians like to what has been since.

As it was objected to Dr. Barrow that this opinion favours the Independants, so af­terwards he shews the difference between it and that of these Men, after which he draws divers consequences from his own positions, as, That those who separate from the Communion of the Church in which they live (that is established on good foundati­ons) are Guilty of Schism, and ought to be Censured by, and excluded from the Communion of all other Churches; and they must not think themselves to be ex­empted from Error, altho some other Church would receive them, as a Subject cannot withdraw himself from the obedience of his natural Prince in putting himself under the Protection of another. This also is de­fended by the Apostolick Canons which the antient Church hath observ'd with much Care, as Dr. Barrow makes appear by many examples.

This is according to his opinion a means to extirpate Schisms, and not that which is proposed by the Roman Church, to wit, to Establish a Political Vnion amongst divers Churches by which they are Subordinate to one only. Every Church ought to suffer the others to enjoy in peace their Rights and Liberties, and content it self to condemn dangerous errours and factions, and to assist with Counsel the other Churches when they have need thereof.

The second Volume contains the expli­cation of the Creed in 34 Sermons upon this Article. I believe in the Holy Ghost: The rest being briefly explained, because that the Author has treated of 'em in other places of his Works, marked in a little advertisment which is at the End of his Sermons. These Sermons are not simple explications of the Letter of the Creed. The Author hath explained the Articles as he had occasion, by divers texts of Scripture treating of the matter, that he found therein, and the particular circumstances of each text. He shews first how much doubting is necessary, and on the contrary in the two following, what Faith is Reasonable and Just. In the fourth and fifth he explains Justification by Faith. He afterward proves in four Sermons successively the existence of a Deity by the Works of Creation by the order of the Body of Man, consent of all Nations and by supernatural effects. The tenth and two following treat of the Unity of God, of his power and of the creation of the World. In the 13th and to the 20th the Author proves the truth of the Christian Religion the falseness of Paganism and Maho­metanism, Imperfection of the Religion of the Jews and the excellency of that of Jesus Christ, whom he shews in four large Sermons to be the true Messia: Afterwards he explains all that is contained in the se­cond article of the Creed. In the two last he shews the Justice and certainty of a day of Judgment▪ In fine the 34th treats all along of the Divinity of the Holy Ghost.

The third Volume contains 45 Sermons, which treat mostly of Morals. The three first are upon those texts of the Scripture which command us to do all in the Name of Jesus Christ, and in Imitation of him. The six following shew the Submission which we ought to have to the will of God, and contentment of mind to which the Apostle gives so great praises. The 10th and 11th treat of patience and joy, the 12th and 13th on the study of a mans self, the 14th and 15th of the thoughts of our latter end, the 16th and 17 of the danger of deferring repentance, the 18th and from thence to the 22th of the labours and em­ployments of all sorts of persons, of whatso­ever condition they may be, the 23d. of the depth of the Judgment of the Almigh­ty, the four following of the obedience we owe to our spiritual Guide, the 28th and the following to the 31st, of self-love and its different kinds, the 32d and unto the 35th to do nothing but what is honest in the eyes of the world, the three following of the [Page 19] goodness of God, and that he is no respect­er of persons, the 39th and unto the 42th of the Universality of Redemption and the three last of the birth and passion of Jesus Christ and of the gift of the Holy Ghost.

Besides what we have said of the method of Dr. Barrow which is that that is at this day observed by the most able Divines of the English Church, 'twill not be amiss to observe that by the application he hath made to the Mathematicks he has formed to himself a habit of writing very exactly, avoiding unuseful digressions and making use of Solid proofs rather than Rhetorical figures, according to the Custom of many Preachers who apply themselves rather to a plausible eloquence than the Solidity of sound reasons. It was thought necessary to give this account, lest the Publick should be displeased with the name of Sermon which was so dreadful, for three Volumes in folio to con­tain nothing else. Those who have been in England, and have had any knowledge of the writings of the Divines of that Country, know the esteem in which our Author is there; but to satisfie in some manner those who understand not English, I shall here give an extract of the 8th Sermon in the 2d. Book where the Author proves the existence of God by the Consent of all Na­tions.

Lactantius — After having cited many Heathen and Christian Authors against A­theism, he brings the testimony of all Peo­ple and Nations, which agree almost in no­thing but the belief of a Divinity. Testimo­nium▪ Populorum atque Gentium in Vna hac re non dissidentium, this is of great force, whe­ther it be considered in it self or by the re­lation to its Original.

An Antient Philosopher ranged probable things in this order, that which seems true to some learn'd persons is in some sort probable, that which appears so to the greatest part or to all the Learned, is most probable, what is believ­ed by most men, both Learned and Ignorant, is yet more likely, but what all men consent to has the greatest probability of truth; so that one must be very extravagantly obstinate to have the boldness to deny it, there is no man in the World can by his reasons only ballance the constant authority of all men. If any one by a Spirit of contradiction or other­wise should undertake to prove that Snow is black, as did Anaxagoras, or maintain motion impossible, as Zeno did, or that contradictory assertions may be true at the same time as Heraclitus did: That there re­mains no other means to refute such a man, because he hath rejected the most evident principles, and opposes himself to the Uni­versal consent of Mankind; if he refuses such a concession, all that we can do is to look upon him rather with pity than con­tempt. We ought to have very convincing and clear reasons to resist the common suf­frage of all men and accuse them equally of error.

To illustrate this still more, or rather to demonstrate the Thesis upon which it is founded, it is necessary to cite the testimo­nies of some Heathen Philosophers which cannot be suspected on this occasion. The consent of all men (saith Seneca) is of very great weight to us, 'tis an argument a thing is true when it appears so to all the World, thus we conclude there is a Divinity, because that all men believe it, there being no Nation however cor­rupted which denies it. Cicero says, the same thing in several places, and observes further that many Nations had extravagant opinions of the Divinity, yet they all agree in this, that there is one eternal power, on which all men have their dependance. In violent disputes (saith Maximus of Tyre) in contestations and divers opinions which are amongst men, one may see a Law and Doctrine equally established in all Na­tions that there is a God which is King and Fa­ther of all men, and that there are many Gods Sons of this Supream Being, which Reign with him —This is confess'd by the Greeks and Barbarians, the Inhabitants of all places both Learn'd and Ignorant. There are ma­ny like Witnesses and if any Philosophers have contradicted this general consent, they are so few in number, that according to the foresaid Author they ought to be look­ed upon as Monsters, as an Oxe without Horns, and a Fowl without Wings.

If we should consider the Original of this common Opinion, we should acknowledge it yet more solid, for in fine, this consent can proceed but from one of these four things. Where there is a thought which is the result of a natural Instinct, as the most evident principles of the Sciences and the desire we have to be happy, as Cicero De. Nat. Deor Lib. 1. and 2. and many other Philosophers have declared. Where we have a natural disposition to receive this Impression, as our eyes are naturally disposed to see the Light as soon as it appears, as Iulian Iulian Heraclit. himself said. Where some strange reason that presents it self to the minds of men even the grossest and what depends chiefly upon common notions hath produced this con­sent as Plutarch has it. Where, in fine some ancient Tradition that came from the same source, has spread this opinion through all the earth, according to the thoughts of some others. There can be no other way Imagined by which this opinion hath been received amongst all men who are so much inclined to judge diversly of the same thing; now chuse which of these ways you will, our reasons are equally strong and convincing; if it is by the Light of Nature 'twould be as extravagant to deny it as that the most evident principles of all Siences are false. if 'tis said, that 'tis by a natural disposition that men believe there is a God, why should we resist the Instinct of Nature, since the notions thereof never deceive us? If you agree that there is a powerful reason which persuades all men, 'tis renouncing a Common sence to refuse to yield thereunto.

[Page 20]But if they agree that man received this knowledge from an ancient tradition, as appears more likely, we must seek from whence this tradition is come to us, and who was the Common Master of all man­kind. The Names of those who were the first founders of a sect are sufficiently known, as are they also who have engaged the World in certain opinions, but of him that invented this, there's neither name nor place to be found, nor time in which he lived, nor the manner whereby it was introduced and spread amongst Men; 'tis this that makes one believe that the Au­thors of this tradition were our first Parents, who as they could not be Ignorant of their Original were obliged without doubt to teach this truth to their children. It is easily conceived that from thence all the World have learnt it. This thought conducts us to another which is of the greatest Importance to the subject we are speaking of, viz that all mankind is descend­ed from one man only, or at least a very little number of People that assembled together, from whence appears first that the Genera­tions of men had a beginning, and second­ly that we cannot resist the doctrine of the existence of a Deity as an apolitical fiction, for suppose that mankind hath a beginning upon the earth, from whence could he draw his Original but from a Divinity, as we have conceived? what other being could form bodies so admirably as ours, and to have joyn'd to 'em an In­telligence like that of our soul? let us consider also who hath taught the first man there was a God, and how it entred into his mind, that he drew his existence from him, if he that formed him had not dis­covered it to him in a sensible manner, and taught him 'twas to him he owed his being only? in a word since they have taught to their posterity, we have no reason to refuse 'em our belief, and we can't Imagin their testimonies less worthy of faith, nor find men who can be instructed in their Ori­ginal than themselves, nor can we reaso­nably reject a Tradition which is transmitted from 'em to us: This reason we find entire in In Timaeo. Plato. We must believe those who told us they were of the race of the Gods, since they say they know perfectly from whom they were descen­ded, 'tis impossible to distrust the Children of the Gods altho they should bring no evident demon­stration of what they declared, and since they ad­vance things only that belong to themselves, 'tis Iust to believe 'em.

Thus one sees these two truths, the uni­versal Tradition of a Divinity and the Suppo­sition that all men are come from the same Original, maintain both. As to the last there are divers Histories and opinions that confirm it, altho' it cannot be better upheld than by the universal belief I just spoke of. Nevertheless 'tis not unuseful to give you some examples.

'Tis without doubt by an antient Traditi­on, (which relates no more, than to the first men as the greatest part of the Heathens have believed) that all mankind drew their Original from the same Parents who receiv­ed their being from that divinity in resem­blance of which they were form'd▪

That the Soul is immortal, that there are rewards and punishments after this Life, according as men live well or ill. That there are places where good men are happy, and others where the wicked receive their punishment after death. It cannot be said that Philosophers have discovered these truths, and perswaded all the World of 'em, for they are too subtle and fine upon this subject to perswade all men. It must necessarily be from Tradition that all men have learn'd this Truth— One ought to believe (with De Leg. 2. Georg. sub s. m. Plato) Relations touching these sort of things, which are so great in num­ber; permanere animos (saith Tus. 1. & in Laelio, c. 117. Cicero) arbitramur consensu Na­tionum omnium: Cum de animarum aternitate disserimus, saith Seneca after him, Non leve momentum apud nos habet consensus hominum aut Timentium inferos aut Colentium. 'Tis also from the same source that this Opinion is spread amongst the Heathens as thus, that in the beginning men enjoy'd a Felicity which they lost by their own fault, and that this fault is the Original of all evils to which their Posterity have been exposed. 'Tis well known what the Poets have said of the Golden Age, and of Pandora's Box. From this also comes the Opinion of the prae-existence of the Soul, whereof these words are to be found in the fragments of Cicero, When one considers the errours and miseries to which men are exposed in this life. It doth not seem unreasonable that these Antient Prophets and Interpreters of the will of the Gods who have instructed us in the mysteries of Religion, say that we are born to be punished for Crimes which we have committed in a prae-existent state.

I know (if Antient Traditions be not cor­rupted by length of time) that Plato believ'd that the first man was man and woman, and divided into two; and this disagrees not with holy Writ, which informs us, that the first woman was formed from the body of the first man.

There are also some Histories which agree with the Sacred Writ; as what the Poets say of the long life of the first men, of the general Corruption of all Mankind, and of the Deluge sent to punish them; several things have been also said of the Divinity of Hero's, which seems to come from the same source. To which may be added divers Customs formerly spread almost thro' the World; as that of counting by Tens, di­viding the Time by Weeks, beginning to reckon from the Night, as being made before the Day. Be­sides, that men almost always, and through­out the whole Earth, agree upon the principal Heads of Morality. It's true that reason might teach such as consulted it, but the greatest part of the World was not well [Page 21] enough disposed to hearken quietly to the voice of Reason only, and to silence those passions which hinder'd us from understand­ing it, if this Voice had not been maintain'd by another more clear and powerful, to wit, that of Tradition. It may also be said there were Barbarous Nations, among which the belief of a Divinity had been stifled by Ig­norance and Stupidity, and among more learned Nations, as the Greeks, some have been doubtful, and rejected it as a Lie; but it must also be granted, that it has been commonly receiv'd in the East amongst the most Antient People, from whence Colonies have fill'd all the World, as we are taught by the oldest Histories that remain amongst us.

It's true also, that to this hath been added a thousand Extravagancies touching the Nature of the Divine Being, and the man­ner of Worship done to him: But 'tis thus that Judaism was corrupted by the Jewish Doctors, and the Christian Religion by that of the Christians which have innovated so many Changes, that it was hardly known for some Ages. Is it not false, say they, that these two Religions came from Moses and Jesus Christ? The same thing hath happen'd to the first Tradition; and Aristotle hath believ'd that in effect it was thus; his words are too remarkable to be omitted; The most profound Antiquity hath left to future Ages under hidden Fables the belief that there were Gods, and that the Divinity was displayed in all the Works of Nature—There's added afterwards, That these Fables teach us to per­swade the People, and render 'em more obedient to the Laws, for the good of the State, although some say, that the Gods resemble Men, Animals, and other things. If we keep to those things only which were spoke of in the beginning, to wit, that the Gods were the Original of Nature, there would be nothing said that is unworthy of the Divinity. There is some likelihood that the Sciences having been often found out, and as often lost, these Opinions were preserved until now, as the other Doctrines of the Antients. Thus we may distinguish the Opinions of our Fathers from those who lived first upon the Earth. 'Twould be difficult to make a better proof of a matter of fact; and some have even dared to say, That in Physicks there is rarely proved an existence of one Cause by a great number of effects, which are so great in number, so divers, so sensible, and so certain. The harmony which is between the parts of the Universe, which conspire all to the same end, and always keep the same order, shews that this Divinity, known to all Mankind, is one in Number, and the same in Concord, as may be seen in a State between persons of different humours, which live under the same Laws. Thus it appears in the March of an Army which obeys its General, and thus the Order and Regularity, which is seen in a House proves 'twas built by one Archi­tect only: This all the World acknow­ledgeth, in spite of the great number of Gods, the Heathens have made, for they themselves confess'd a Supreme Divinity to whom all others were to submit themselves, as the Poets even call him, The Father, the King, the Most High, the Greatest, the Most Excellent of the Gods, &c. This much Philo­sophers have acknowledged, which say, that even all names that are call'd upon by the People, shewed but one Di­vinity only, De Benes. 4.7. Quoties voles (saith Seneca) tibi licet aliter tunc Auctorem rerum nostrarum compellare: Tot appellationes ejus esse possunt quot Munera; hunc & Liberum patrem & Her­culem, ac Mercurium nostri putant, &c. omnia ejusdem Dei nomina sunt variè utentis sua potestate. In Exerc. Grot. p. 140. Sophocles says very often in a Tragedy that is lost, [...], &c. In truth there is a God, and there is but one who hath made the Heaven, the Earth, the Sea, and the Winds; nevertheless there are many Mortals who by strange Illusions make Statues and Gods of Stone, of Brass, of Gold and Ivory, to give them speedy deliverance from their evils; they offer Sacrifices, and con­secrate Festivals, vainly imagining that Piety consists in Ceremonies.

Thus Marcillius Ficinus who translated Plato into Latin, and (who was willing to renew the old Platonick Tenets) believes amongst several more, that men were of­fended, because they found in Plato the name of God in the Plural Number, but this Philosopher did only mean subalternate Gods or Angels, that those (says he) which are not sur­prized with the number of Angels, are not at all astonish'd with the number of Gods, because in Plato so many Gods import no more than so many Angels, and so many Saints.

Dr. Barrow concludes upon the whole that the Universal consent of all Nations does very well prove that there is a God, and we cannot doubt but that it is very rea­sonable. One may understand by this, that the Sermons of this Author are rather trea­tises or exact dissertations, than pure ha­rangues to please a multitude. If we were not resolved to keep within the bounds of an unbyassed Historian we might say that there never was a Preacher comparable to this Author, but our particular suffrage, or rather that of all England ought not to be a president to all Europe.

The Life of the most Reverend Father in God James Usher, late Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh, Primate and Metropolitan of all Ireland, with a Collection of 300 Letters, which he writ to the most illustrious men of his time for Piety and Learning, and some he re­ceived from England, and other parts; Pub­lished from the Original by Richard Parr, af­ter his Death, to whom he had given the Care of his Papers. London, Sold by Nathaniel Ranew, 1686. in Folio.

THIS Volume is composed of two Parts, whereof the one contains the Life of the famous Vsher, written by—Parr Doctor of Divinity, and the other a Collection of divers Letters that this Illustrious Arch-Bishop [Page 22] hath written to several Learned Men of his Time, with some of their Answers.

1. There have been already seen several Abridgments of the Life of Vsher, but as those who compos'd them, had not a me­mory sufficient for the Work, so they have given nothing to the Publick but what was very imperfect. 'Twas this made Dr. Parr un­dertake to publish what he knew of this Prelate, to whom he was Chaplain thir­teen years, from 1642 to 1655 he knew him throughly in that time, and learn'd many circumstances of his Life, which those were Ignorant of, who lived at a greater distance. Dr. Parr hath also received much assistance from the Papers of Vsher which among others fell into his hands, and from the Conversations that he hath had with Mr. Tyrrel his Grandson, a Gentleman of an extraordinary merit.

The Primate of Ireland, was Universally esteem'd during his Life, and his works are still in so great a reputation, that men will not be sorry to see here a little Abridgment of his History.

Iames Vsher was born at Dublin the fourth of Ianuary 1580. his Fathers name was Arnold, and was one of the six Clerks of the Chancery. The Family of the Vshers is very Antient, altho' the right name is not Vsher but Nevil, but one of the Ancestors of our Archbishop chang'd it into that of Vsher, because he was Usher to King Iohn, who ascended the Throne of England 1199. our Prelate had from his Infancy an extraordi­nary passion for Learning — Two Scotch Gentlemen, who advis'd him in his studies, entertain'd him with much care. The one was nam'd Iames Fullerton, the other Iames Hamilton. They went into Ireland by or­der of the King of Scotland, to form some agreement with the Protestant Nobility of that Country, intending thereby to assure himself of that Kingdom in case Q. Eliza­beth died suddenly. The better to cover their enterprise, and to give no Umbrage to a Queen extreamly suspitious, they set themselves to teach Latin at Dublin, where (at that time) 'twas very rare to find persons learn'd in Humanity. Vsher having pro­fited very much by them in a little time, seem'd to have a particular inclination to Poetry▪ which he afterwards chang'd into as great a desire of understanding History; that which created this inclination in him, was reading these words of Cicero, Nescire quid antra quam natus sis acciderit, id est semper esse puerum, his Annals and his other writings sufficiently shew what progress he had made in this study, whereof he has given sensible proofs in his Infancy.

Being in the University of Dublin estab­lish'd principally by the care of Henry Vsher his Uncle Archbishop of Ardmagh. He set himself to read the Fortalitium fidei of Sta­pleton, which made him resolve to apply himself to the reading of the Fathers, to see if this Author had cited them faithfully, he began to put this design in execution at 20 years old, and continued this Study without intermission for 18 years, obliging himself to read every day a certain task.

His Father had a mind to divert him from it, and engage him to Study the Law, to which our Prelate had no inclination, but in 1598. he dying soon after, left his Son at Liberty to chuse what manner of life was most pleasing to him; he was the eldest son of the family, and the estate his Father left, was considerable enough to make him apply all his time in Domestick affairs. This made him resolve to put off this trouble, and to remit the Estate to his Brother, with or­ders to give to his Sisters what their Father had left them, reserving only to himself what would maintain him in the Universi­ty, with a sufficiency to buy himself some Books. Whilst he was at the University, and but yet 18 years old, he disputed against a Jesuit call'd Fitz-Symmons, and overcame him in two conferences, which made this Jesuit afterwards in a Book In­tituled Britannomachia, call him the most learn'd of those who are not Catholicks, A-Catholicorum Doctissimum; he made so great a progress in the first years, that he apply'd himself to Divinity, that his Uncle Arch­bishop of Ardmagh, ordain'd him Priest at the 21 year of his Age. This ordination was not conformable to the Canons, but the extraordinary merit of young Vsher, and the necessities of the Church, made him believe it was not necessary to stay till the age mark'd out by the Ecclesiastical Laws of Ireland. He preach'd then at Dublin, with very great applause, he particularly devot­ed himself to the controversies, which were between the Protestants and Roman Ca­tholicks, he treated on them so clearly, and with so much solidity, that he confirm'd many wavering Protestants, and prevailed with many Roman Catholicks to embrace the Protestant Faith.

But amongst those who rank'd them­selves in the Protestant Churches, there was a great number that were not so sincere as he could have wished them, they did all they could to obtain the publick exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion at Dublin, that they might insensibly have had the Li­berty to make a profession of their true Sentiments. Vsher who believ'd that this toleration wou'd be of a very dangerous con­sequence, oppos'd it with all his might, and one day as he Preacht upon this matter with great zeal, he spoke something which then no notice was taken of, but 40 years after it was found to be a true Prophecy, he took his Text upon these words of Ezek. ch. 4. v. 5. And thou shalt bear the Iniquity of the house of Judah 40 days, I have appointed thee a day for a year. He applied these days to Ireland, and said, that he who reckon'd from this year to 40. should find that the Protestants of Ireland should bear the Iniquity of those who were for a toleration in these times, this was in 1601. and 40 years were no sooner expired 1641. but the Irish Catholicks made a bloody Massacre upon the Protestants.

He never wholly discontinued to Preach [Page 23] whilst he was in Ireland, altho he was Pro­fessor of Divinity in that University, but he accustom'd himself to make a Voyage every three years into England, where he found a greater variety of Books than in Ire­land, there he past one part of his time at Oxford, another at Cambridge, and another at London, and carefully visited all their pub­lick and particular Libraries, he made col­lections of what Books he there read, and made remarks upon them, with a design to make a work that he had resolved to Inti­tule A Theological Bibliotheque, wherein he had treated very accurately of all the Eccle­siastical Antiquities; but the misfortunes of Ireland, and the Civil Wars of England hinder'd him from finishing it, he ordered when he died, that it should be put into the hands of Mr. Laugbaine Dr. of Divinity, to supply what was wanting, and publish them to the World. This learn'd man en­gag'd himself forthwith in this useful work, but he died before he finished it, 1657. There is yet to be seen in the Bodleyane Bibliotheque, his Manuscripts which no man dares under­take to finish.

In 1615. there was a Parliament in Ire­land and an assembly of the Clergy, where certain Articles were compos'd touching Religion and Ecclesiastical Discipline. Vsher who was the chief in it, caus'd it to be sign'd by the Chancellor of Ireland, and by the Orators of the Assembly of the Bishops and of the Clergy; King Iames ap­proved of 'em also, altho' there was some difference between these, and the Articles of the Church of England; some ill dispos'd persons, and it may be Roman Catholicks took occasion from that to spread evil re­ports of Vsher. They accused him of Purita­nism, which was no little Heresie in the opinion of the King, they also made use of this artifice, to render those odious who ap­pear'd the most capable of opposing the pro­gress that the Missionaries of Rome, endea­voured to make in Ireland.

Indeed the people knew not what this word signified and wherein Heresie consisted, but it was known the King mortally hated Puritans, and that was sufficient to make 'em look upon these Puritans as most dangerous Hereticks; Eman. Down­ing. pag. 16. 'twas this that obliged an Irish Divine to write to Vsher, who was that time in England, that it would not be amiss to desire the King to define Puri­tanism, that all the World might know those who were tainted with this strange Heresie, but Vsher had no need to make use of this way to justifie himself, some conver­sations that he had with the King, setled so good an opinion of him, that the Bishop­prick of Meath in Ireland being vacant the King gave it him immediately, and said also, that Usher was a Bishop that he had made, because that he had appointed him so without being sollicited to it by any person, this Election was made in 1620.

Returning into Ireland sometime after, he was oblig'd to discourse some persons of Qua­lity of the Roman Religion, to administer to 'em the Oath of Allegiance and Suprema­cy that they had refused to the Priest, this discourse is inserted in his Life; he remarks the form of this Oath is compos'd of two parts, the one positive, in which they ac­knowledge the King is Soveraign in all cases whatsoever, and the other negative, in which they declare they acknowledge no Jurisdiction or Authority of any strange Prince in the estates of the King, he says afterwards in regard of the first part, that the Scripture commands that we submit our selves to the Higher Powers, and that we ought to acknowledge, that the power the Kings have, whatsoever it may be, is Su­pream as they are Kings, upon which he cites this verse of Martial.

That one ought well to distinguish the power of the Keys from that of the Sword, and the King of England does not exact an acknowledgment of the same power, that is possess'd by the Bishops, but nevertheless the Kings may interest themselves with Ecclesiastical Affairs, in as much as it regards the body, since according to the Church of Rome, 'tis the Magistrates duty to punish Hereticks. For that which regards the second part of the Oath, where it's said, that we shall not own any strange power, as having any Iurisdiction, Superiority, Preheminence, Ec­clesiastical or Temporal in the Kingdom. He says that if St. Peter were still alive, he would willingly own that the King had this Au­thority in Ireland: and that he us'd the same in regard of all the Apostles, that the Apo­stleship was a personal dignity, which the Apostles have not left hereditary to any: but nevertheless, suppose it was so, he sees not why St. Peter should leave it to his suc­cessors, rather than St. Iohn, who outliv'd all the Apostles; that there was no reason to believe that St. Peter shou'd leave the Apostolical Authority to the Bishops of Rome, rather than to those of Antioch, this last Church being founded before the first.

The King writ to Vsher to thank him for this Discourse which produced so good effect. He afterwards went into England by the King's order, to collect the Antiquities of the Churches of England, Scotland and Ireland, and publish'd two years after that his Book intituled, De Primordiis Ecclesia­rum Britannicarum. 'Twas in that time that the King made him Arch-Bishop of Armagh.

The Winter following he caused to be brought before him the Order for Tolera­tion of the Roman Catholicks and the Lord Falkland, then Deputy for the King in Ire­land, convocated and assembled the whole Nation to settle this Affair: But the Bishops call'd by the Primate, oppos'd it with much heat, as may be seen by a Remonstrance sign'd by ten Bishops, besides the Primate, and which is in the 28th page. They also spoke of raising some Forces by the Joynt [Page 24] consent both of Catholicks and Protestants, to hinder any differences that might arise in the Kingdom; the Protestants refus'd to consent thereto, and wou'd not hearken to discourse the Primate thereupon in the Castle of Dublin, altho' his reasonings were founded upon the principal Maxims of the Government of Ireland, and main­tain'd by Examples drawn from the Antient and Modern Histories of that Kingdom.

During the time our Primate stayed in Ireland, after he had performed the Duties of his Charge which he acquitted with extraordinary care, he employed the remaining part of his time to study, the fruits whereof were to be seen in 1631. in the first Latin book which he ever published in Ireland, 'tis his History of Godescalch Monk of the Abby of Orbais who lived in the beginning of the 6th Age there was soon made a small abridg­ment of the History of Pelagianism which was then extreamly dispersed through Spain and England; when he comes to the History of Godescalch he ex­plains his Doctrine, and shews by Flodoard and other Authors of that time, that those sentiments whereof Hincmar Archbishop of Rhemes, and Rabanus Archbishop of Maynce accused him, and which were condemn'd by their Authority in two Councils, were the same that St. Remigius Archbishop of Lyons, and the Clergy of his Diocess defended openly: many opinions and odious consequences (according to Vsher) were fathered upon Godescalch, because that this Monk who maintained the opinions of St Augustine about Pre­destination and Grace did not at all understand 'em. Ioannes Scotus Erygenus wrote a treatise against him in which are to be found the principal heads of Vsher, but Florus Deacon of the Church of Lions answers it, and censures him in the Name of all the Diocess. Vsher gave an abridgment of this Censure, as also of divers other treatises, as that of St Remigius Pudentius Bi­shop of Troy, Ratramus Monk of Corbi, who writ against Scotus for his defence of Godes­calch, there had been two Councils which established the doctrine of this Monk, and condemn'd that of Scotus. 'Tis true that Hinc­mar published a very large Book against these Councils, which he dedicated to Charles le Chauve, as Flodoard reports, who shews briefly what it is that this Book treats of, but that did not at all hinder St. Remigius, and those of his Party, to convocate another Council at Langres, where they confirm'd the Doctrine established in the former Coun­cils, and condemn'd that new one of Scotus. These Controversies were still agitated in the National Council of the Gauls, where no­thing was concluded, altho' Barancus and others voted that Godescalch should be con­demn'd there. On the contrary, Vsher maintains that in an Assembly which was in a small time after, his Sentiments were ap­prov'd of.

Nevertheless this wicked Godescalch was condemn'd by the Council of Maynce to per­petual Imprisonment, where he was severely treated, because he would never retract his Errours. There are still two Confessions of his Faith, by which one may see there are many things attributed to him which he ne­ver believ'd; after having made a faithful report of the Sentiments of this Monk, and those of his Adversaries, Vsher concludes that it were better for men to be silent upon these matters, than to scandalize the weak, in proposing to 'em such Doctrines from which they may draw bad consequences. There has been (adds Mr. Parr) and always will be different Opinions upon the great and abstruse Questions of Predestination and Free Will, which nevertheless may be to­lerated in the same Church, provided those who maintain these divers Opinions, have that Charity for one another which they ought to have: That they condemn them not publickly; That they abstain from mu­tual Calumnies; and that they publish no In­vectives against those who are not of the same Sentiments.

To return to the Life of our Prelate, who, altho' he took all imaginable care that the Roman Religion should not make any pro­gress in Ireland, yet it stole in by the negli­gence of other Bishops, insomuch that that Party which maintain'd it did sensibly in­crease and grow strong. It was this that oblig'd King Charles the first to write a Letter to the Primate of Ireland, which is to be found in page 38. wherein he authorizes him to write Letters of Exhortation to all the Bishops of Ireland, that they shou'd dis­charge their duty better than they had done.

About the latter end of the year 1631. Vsher makes a Voyage into England, where he publish'd a small English Treatise con­cerning the Antient Religion of Ireland, and of the People which inhabited the North of Scotland and of England; he shews in this Treatise how it was in respect to the Essential parts, of the same Religion which at present is establish'd in England, and which is very forreign to that of the Roman Catholicks. The year following our Arch-Bishop return'd into Ireland, and publish'd a Collection intituled, Veterum Epistolarum Hibernicarum Sylloge, whereof the first Pieces were written about the year 1590. and the last about 1180. there one may learn the Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Ireland. In 1639. which was seven years after he publish'd his Book intituled, Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates, wherein he inserted the Histo­ry of Pelagius and his Sentiments. There are to be found the Antiquities of the most di­stant Churches of Great Britain, since Christia­nity was Preached there, that is to say, since a­bout 20 years after the death of Jesus Christ.

In 1640. Vsher makes a Voyage into England with his Family, with design to re­turn very soon into Ireland, but the Civil Wars hinder'd him, insomuch that he cou'd never return to his Country again. Tis said, that in the year following, he brought [Page 25] the King to sign the death of the Earl of Strafford, but as to this Dr. Parr speaks ve­ry much in his Justification; he afterwards shews us after what manner he lost all that he had in Ireland, except his Library, which he brought into England. Strangers very much envyed this great man, that his Com­patriots shou'd offer him divers Places of Retreat. The Heads of the University of Leiden soon gave him a considerable Pen­sion, and offered him the Title of Honour­able Professor, if he wou'd come into Hol­land. The Cardinal Richelieu sent him his Medal, and also proffer'd to him a great Pension, with the liberty of professing his Religion in France, if he wou'd come thi­ther. Our Arch-Bishop thank'd him, and sent him a Present of Irish Grey-Hounds, and other Rarities of that Country. Three years after he publish'd a small Treatise intituled, A Geographical and Historical Research touch­ing Asia Minor, properly so call'd, to wit, Lydia, whereof frequent mention is made in the New Testament, and which the Ecclesiasti­cal Writers and other Authors call'd Procon­sulary Asia, or the Diocess of Asia. In this Treatise there is a Geographical Descrip­tion of Asia Minor, and of its different Pro­vinces, as that of Caria and Lydia, under which the Romans comprehend Ionia and Aeolia. Vsher shews there, (1.) That Asia, whereof mention is made in the New Testament, and the Seven Churches which St. Iohn spoke of in the Apocalypse, were included in Lydia, that every one of these Cities were the Chief of a small Province, and because of this Division they were cho­sen to be the principal Seats of the Bishops of Asia. (2.) That the Roman Provinces had not always the same extension, but were of­ten contracted or enlarg'd for reasons of State; thus the Empire was otherwise divided under Augustus than it was under Constantine, under whom Proconsulary Asia had more narrow bounds than formerly, 'tis remark­able that under this last Emperor Proconsula­ry Asia, which was govern'd by a Proconsul of the Diocess of Asia, from whence the Governor was call'd Vicarius or Comes Asiae or Dioceseos Asianae; but this division was af­terwards chang'd under his Successors, and whereas every Province had but one Metro­polis, to satisfie the ambition of some Bi­shops 'twas permitted to two of 'em at the same time, to take the Title of Metropoli­tan. (3.) That under Constantine Ephesus was the place where the Governors of Asia met to form a kind of Council, which de­cided affairs of importance; and 'twas for this that Ephesus was then the only Metropo­lis of Proconsulary Asia: that the Proconsul which was Governor, never submitted to the Authority of the Praetorian Prefect, and that there was something so like this in the Eccle­siastical Government, that the Bishop of Ephe­sus was not only Metropolitan of Consulary Asia, but also the Primate and Head of the Diocess of Asia. (4.) That there was a great conformity between the Civil and Ec­clesiastical Government, in this, that the Bishops of every Province were subject to their Metropolitans, as the Magistrates of every City were to the Governors of the whole Provinces.

This was the time wherein Vsher pub­lished in Greek and Latin the Epistles of St. Ignatius with those of St. Barnabas and St. Polycarp; seven years after he added his Ap­pendix Ignatiana where he proves that all the Epistles of Ignatius are not suppositious, and explains many ecclesiastick antiquities, he published the same year his Syntagma de editione 70 Interpretum, where he proposes a particular Sentiment which he had upon this version; 'tis this, that It contained but the five Books of Moses, and that it was lost in the burning of the Library of Ptolo­maeus Philadelphus and that Doritheus a He­retick Jew made another version of the Pentateuch, and also translated the rest of the Old Testament about 177 years before the birth of Jesus Christ, under the Reign of Ptolomaeus Philometor and that the Greek Church preserves this last version instead of that which was made under the Reign of Ptolomeus Philadelphus; he also treats in this same work of the different editions of this version which according to him are falsly styled the version of the 70, this Book was published a year after the death of our Prelate with another De Cainane al­tero, or the second Canaan, which is found in the version of the 70. and in St. Luke between Sala and Arphaxad. This last work of Vsher was the Letter which he wrote to Mr. [...] the difference he had with Mr. a friend of the Archbishops, we sha [...] speak of it hereaf­ter.

Dr. Parr informs us that in the Civil Wars of England, Vsher going from Cardisse to the Castle of St. Donates which belonged to Madam Stradling, he was extreamly Ill treated by the Inhabitants of Glamorganshire in Wales, they took his Books and Papers from him which he had much ado to re­gain, and whereof he lost some which con­tained remarks upon the Vaudois and which shou'd have serv'd to carry on his Book de Ecclesiarum Christianarum Successione, where there is wanting the History of more than 200. years, viz from Gregory the 11th. to Leo the 10th. from the year 1371 to 1513, and from thence to the end of the Last Age.

Whilst our Primate was in Wales there was published at London without his con­sent, three works under his name: (1.) A Body of Divinity, or the Substance of Christian Religion (2) Immanuel, or the Incarnation of the Son of God (3) A Catechism Intituled, The Principles of the Christian Religion. The last being full of faults he corrected it and print­ed it himself in 1652.

In the year 1647. whilst he was at the Countess of Peterborough's in London, the So­ciety of Lincolns Inn chose him for their Preacher, and gave him a lodging and a handsome Pension; whilst he was there he published two Books. (1.) Diatriba de Romanae Ecclesiae symbolo apostolico vetere, & [Page 26] aliis fidei formulis, he there treats of the Creed which is commonly called the Apo­stles, and of the different Copys which have been found in the Roman Church, and of divers forms of the Confession of Faith, which where proposed to the Catechumenoi, and to the Youth of the Eastern and Western Churches. (2.) His Treatises de anno sola­ri Macedonum & Asianorum, where he ex­plains divers difficulties of Chronology and Ecclesiastical History,Cap. 3. and marks the precise time of the Martyrdom of St. Polycarp; he compares the year of the Macedonians, the Asiaticks, &c. with the Iulian Account, and makes divers curious remarks, upon the Motions of the Heavenly Bodies according to the opinion of the Antient Greek Astronomers, Me­lonius, Calippus, Eudoxius, &c. In fine, he gives the Ephemerides of the Macedonian and Asiatick year, compar'd with the Julian year, to which he adds the rising and setting of the Stars, and the presages of the change Weather in Thrace, Macedonia and Greece, according to the observations which An­tient Philosophers have left us. The Parlia­ment at that time took the King Prisoner in the Isle of Wight, and wou'd have him absolutely abolish Episcopal Govern­ment, so that this Prince was obliged to con­sent that that Government should be sus­pended for three years, but the Presbyte­rian party were so eager, that they would have it utterly extirpated; upon this the Primate of Ireland propos'd an Expedient, in which he would have had mixed a sort of of Presbyterian and Episcopal Government in lessening the power of the Bishops, and bringing them to be Moderators or Presidents of the Assemblies of their Province, with­out whose advice nothing of Importance shou'd be acted, whereupon Vsher was ac­cus'd to have been an Enemy to Hierarchy; but Dr. Parr vindicates him all along.

He also informs us that Vsher being in the Countess of Peterboroughs House, over against Charing Cross near White-hall, when the King was to be beheaded, and being up­on the top of the house to see this bloody Tragedy, the good Archbishop fainted away, so that he was forc'd to be carried to bed, where he said, that God would not forget to pu­nish this wickedness upon the English Nation, he added that the Vsurpation of Cromwel would soon expire, and that the King would be recall'd, but that he himself should not see it, we are assured that at another time, he foretold that the Romish Religion should one day be powerful in this Kingdom, and its reign should be sharp, but short. 'Tis reported also, that Preaching in a Church at London, he declar'd to his Auditors, that a great fire should soon consume a part of the City, and when 'twas asked him how he knew it, he answer'd 'twas a Thought which was so strange­ly impress'd upon his mind, that he could not forbear speaking of it. If that was true our Primate must be of the number of these Pro­phets who have sometimes foretold what was to come without knowing it.

About the middle of the year 1650. he finished the first part of his Annals to the year of the World 3828. unto the Reign of Antio­chus Epiphanes. There is in this Volume all the celebrated Epochs mark'd with great exactness, the times of the Reigns of the Kings of Israel and of Iudah, compared with each other — The succession of the Monar­chies of Babylon, Persia and Mac [...]onia, the years of the Olympiads, the Aera of Naba­nassar, the most remarkable Eclipses of the Sun. The second part was published in 1654. it begun at the Reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, and ended at the destruction of Ierusalem. Usher gives there exact accounts of the Kings of Syria and Egypt, with the times of their Reign, which he hath put together with more care than any Chronologer hath done before him. In fine, there is all that can be wished in an Universal History, both for exactness and Judgment.

'Twas after the edition of this work that Cromwell said, he desired to see him. Usher appear'd before him, and the Protector after having received him with great Civility, promised to make up part of the loss he sustain'd in Ireland, but he kept not his Word to him, no more than when he pro­mis'd him the Episcopal Clergy should not be mo­lested as they had been to that time. The good Archbishop having obtain'd this promise, in a visit he made to the Protector, he was oblig'd to put him in mind of it, by seeing him a second time, where Cromwell ingenuous­ly declar'd that he could not give Liberty of Conscience to men who were sworn Ene­mies to his Government, and who without intermission endeavour'd to destroy him. When Vsher entered this Vsurpers Chamber he found him in the hands of a Surgeon, who was dressing an Ulcer in his Breast — The Protector desired the Archbishop to sit down, and said he would speak to him as soon as his Ulcer was dressed — Whilst the Surgeon was busie about it Cromwell said, that if this Ulcer was once cured he should soon have his Health. Vsher replied immediately, that he fear'd there was a more dangerous Vl­cer in his Heart which must be cur'd before he could promise himself a perfect health. 'Tis true (said the Protector) sighing, but tho' he seem'd to take this censure of the Archbi­shop's in good part, he refus'd to keep his promise to him.

Vsher liv'd not long after that, falling ve­ry sick on the 20th of March of a Pleurisie, but the Physitians knew not his Distemper, so that he died the day following at Rygate. in a Countrey House of the Countess of Peterboroughs in the County of Surrey, he was seventy five years old, he had been fifty five years in Orders, during which time he continually Preach'd, fourteen years Professor in the Vniversity of Dublin, four years Bishop of Meath, and one and thirty years Bishop of Ardmagh, he was the hun­dredth Bishop of that City after St. Patrick.

Cromwell who sought all occasions to please the people, and knew that Vsher had been well belov'd ordered him to be buried [Page 27] with great solemnity in April 17. 1655. West­minster Abby, in the Chappel of Erasmus, altho' he would not be at the charge of the Fune­ral; he did also another thing which much prejudiced his Family, which was to hinder their selling the Archbishops Library with­out his consent, there was more than 10000 Volumes, they were forced to refuse consi­derable sums from the K. of Denmark, and Cardinal Mazarine, who had a desire to buy 'em. But Cromwell oblig'd the Heirs to sell them for much less than they were worth, to his Neighbours in Ireland, to make a Present of it to the Universi­ty of Dublin, l'Armee p. 240. Q. 2. Tom. in imitation of Queen Elizabeths Army, who after the Victory at Kinsale brought back from the Spaniards and the Rebels in 1603. 1800 l. sterling, that is more than 7000 Crowns, which they gave to the same University.

Dr. Parr after that gives us a Character of the Person, good Works, and Learning of the Archbishop of Ardmach, which is not in the Original. It's said when they open'd his body to embalm him, they found a strange Mem­brane Thick and very Fat, which was like the continuation of the Omentum, and extends it self to the upper part of the Stomach, being fasten'd to the Peritonaeum, a little below the Diaphragma. 'Twas suppos'd that this Mem­brane contributed much to the goodness of his Stomach, that no Diet injured him.

Dr. Bernard a Divine, Printed after his death a collection of some English Treatises, Intituled, the Iudgment of the late Primate, &c. where he speaks first of the Spiritual Babylon, of which 'tis spoken Apoc. 18.4. and 2. The Imposition of hands, Hebrews 6.2. and of the words formerly used in the Ordination, Thirdly, The Forms of Prayer, which are used in the Church.

It's thought fit to speak of the principal works of this Celebrated Archbishop, because that there are many men that knew but a part, and even some but the Titles of 'em; he left many other imperfect writings, which have not yet been Printed, that may be seen in the Catalogue at the end of his Life; he wish'd that they might be publish'd in form of Miscellanies, that they may be the better read by the publick —there are ma­ny Booksellers beyond Sea, that wou'd be glad to Print this work.

An Appendix is added to the end of Vshers Life, where is a Defence of what he said against Dr. Heylen, in a Book Intitul'd Res­pondit Petrus, where he accuses him of being of a contrary opinion to the English Church.

Secondly, The Letters which compose the second part of this Volume, are not all of the same equal importance, there are some of pure Civility, which contain no­thing but news, others, where the Arch­bishop declares he hath sent for and receiv'd certain Books, on which he raiseth queries, the solution of which is not to be seen in this collection; others, wherein he only speaks of particular affairs, and of certain useful things concerning the Ecclesiasticks of Ire­land.

The third Letter contains the project of a work of William Eyre, a learned Cantabri­gian; he propos'd to defend the points of antiquity, and the vowels of the Hebrew, against Ios. Scaliger who had said that the Masorethes were Invented a long time be­fore St. Ierom, and to remark all the va­rieties of reading in the Old and New Te­stament, to shew that there is no corruption slipt in there, he design'd this in 1607. and 'tis not known whether he accomplish'd it. As to the Old and New Testament, we are sure that Buxtorf and Cappel have drain'd the subject, and treated more of it than he could, if we may judge by his project.

There are ten Letters and eleven opi­nions of Vsher and Samuel Ward, upon the collection and number of the Antient Canons. Vsher writing to this last in 1608. tells him, that he believes that the first collection of the English and Greek Canons, contained only those of the first oecumenical Council and of five Provincial Councils, after which was join'd thereto the Canons of the other oecumenical Councils, as in the sequel. This appears chiefly by these words of Dionysius Iunior in the Preface to his Greek Canons dedicated to Stephen Bishop of Sa­lones in Dalmatia: Regulas Nicaenae synodi & Deinceps omnium Conciliorum, sive quae antea sive quae post modùm usque ad synodum 150 Pontificum qui apud Constantinopolin Convene­runt sub ordine Numerorum, id est à primo Capi­tulo usque ad 165. Sicut habentur in Graeca auctoritate digessimus, cùm sancti Calcedonensis Concilii decreta subdentes, in his Graecorum Ca­nonum finem esse declaramus. Harmenopulus in the Preface to his Abridgments of the Canons of the Greek Church reckons twenty Canons of the Council of Nice, twenty five of that of Ancyra, fifteen of Neo­caesarea, nineteen of Gangres, twenty five of Antioch, and sixty of Laodicea, that amounts just to 164. which with the first Canon of the Council of Constantinople (which follow­ed (according to Dionisius) the five national ones we have been speaking of) amounts Just to 165. Secondly, If from the time of the first collection, they had had the Ca­nons of the first General Council, they would not have placed 'em after some of the National ones, but immediately subjoin­ed 'em to that of Nice.

Vsher doubts if at the same time, they added to this Collection the Councils of Con­stantinople, and Calcedon, and also that of Ephesus, because Fulgentius Ferandus cites it not, and 'tis not well known whether they were the Canons of Ephesus which are sup­posed to be collected from Issidore being ve­ry different from those that are found in the edition of Tilius.

There was an Antient Latin version of the Greek Canons before Dionysius Iunior, as he witnesses in his Preface, but being in some confusion he reprinted the same a­new with additions, placing before them the fifty Canons of the Apostles, which he tran­slated [Page 28] from the Greek, having finished the Canons of the Greeks at the Council of Chal­cedon; he there also adds the Sardick Canons and those of the Council of Africk, which he had not inserted before in the body of the Canons. We can't find that he hath spoke of these Sardick Canons added by Dio­nysius and Ferrandus So this is not in the five Ca­nons of the first Council of Car­thage, which Vsher reserv'd for a careful examination. after the year 530, They were unknown even to the Greek Church, tho' afterwards they were ad­ded to the collection of the Greek Canons. Constantius [...]. A certain Author who liv'd about the time of Iustinian, did not compose his collection of Ec­clesiastical Constitutions, but the Canons of the Apostles, and those of the ten great Councils, as they were call'd, to wit, the Councils of Ancyra, Neocesarea, Nice, Gangres, Antioch, Laodicea, Constantinople, Chalcedon and Carthage. He makes no men­tion of that of Sardis, of which the Canon seems to have been form'd to encrease the Popes Authority, when 'tis seen they at­tempted in vain the same thing at the Coun­sel of Nice. Usher afterwards makes some reflections upon the Roman Copy of the Greek Canons, he says, there is nothing is this version of Dionysius, except the Canon of the Apostles, but what is also in the An­tient version, or some other, for there have been many, as Vsher proves by the suppos'd collection of Issidore, and by Hincmar Arch­bishop of Rhemes. There were no more Councils in the Roman collections, than in Dionysius, but by degrees they were increas'd by the Letters of some Popes, as our Author makes appear, which gives him occasion to make divers remarks upon the collection at­tributed to Issidore.

Samuel Ward confirms this opinion of Vsher by several reasons; he says that after having throughly considered the thing, he is well perswaded that the first collection of the Canons, of which we spoke, was made in the years 364 and 381 after the Council of Laodicea, and before that of Constantino­ple; he brings the same reason as Vsher drew from the Preface of Dionysius, to which he adds these two proofs. First, That in the sixteenth Decree of the Council of Chalce­doa, the Secretary Constantine after hav­ing read the Canons of Nice in a Copy which appear'd, like to that of Dionysius Iunior; then he comes to read those of Con­stantinople as thus, Synodicon Concilii Constan­tinopolitani. It seems to be the Title which is before the Canons. Secondly, That in the Title which is before the Canons of Ancyra, Neccesarea in the Greek Copies in that of Maynce and in many other Latin Editions, those who made the collections, say, that they have first plac'd the Canons of Nice, because of the authority that this Oecumenical Council had over the Provin­cials. The same reason would have made him join the Council of Constantinople to that of Nice, if the collection had been made after the first Council.

Vsher believ'd that the Edition of Crab, of Colon, contain'd not so much as that of Maynce, but Ward sends him an Index, by which he may see the contrary.

Our Archbishop at the desire of some of his friends explains his opinion, whether the benefits of the death of Iesus Christ be extend-to all, in the 22 and 23 Letters. He says that two extremities are to be avoided therein, the first carried too far the bene­fits of the satisfaction of Jesus Christ, as if by that God was on his side, actually recon­ciled, and really discharg'd all men of their sins; so that if men were not satisfied of the Fruits of the death of Jesus Christ, 'twas because they had not Faith; from hence it follows that God forgave men their sins, and Justified them before they had Faith. The other on the contrary has too much con­fin'd the satisfaction of Jesus Christ, as if no body had any part therein, but those who were elected before the Creation of the World, altho the Evangelist command­ed every one to believe that Jesus Christ died for him; from whence it follows, that men in Conscience should be oblig'd to tell a lye, and that they were commanded to embrace those merits which belong not un­to 'em.

Vsher says, that in these two extremities there are inevitable absurdities, if he should attribute the first to some Antient Here­ticks, he thinks he should not wrong 'em, but he is well assured that none in this Age has maintain'd this opinion, which infers a sensible contradiction, nor is the Archbi­shop alone in his opinion, almost all the Ro­man Church, the greatest part of Prote­stants, the Lutherans, the Reform'd, the Remonstrants, &c. maintain it. We ought to distinguish between the satisfaction con­sidered absolutely, and the application that God hath made thereby to every particular Person. The first was once done, says he, for all men, and the second is always doing. The satisfaction of Jesus Christ hath put men in an estate of obtaining pardon for their sins, but in the particular application that God thereby makes, he grants them actual pardon. Vsher confirms and explains this thought by divers passages of Scripture and divers examples; but as these subjects have been more largely treat­ed of since that time, He writ [...]t in 1617. 'tis not necessary to dwell longer thereon.

In the 49th Letter directed to the famous Seldinus, he proves by Walafridus Strabo, that in the beginning of Christianity, they put themselves to little trouble to what place soever they were oblig'd to go, they assembled together to pray to God, altho' the use had been since to turn to the East.

In this collection is found some Letters of an English Merchant, call'd Thomas Da­nyes, who liv'd at Aleppo, and sent to our Bishop many Books of that Country, and among others a Samaritane Pentateuch, the first that was ever seen in Europe, in the 81 Letter he says, he had learnt of a Jew, that [Page 29] the Samaritanes pronounce the name of God Iehova quite otherwise than we read it, to wit, Iebueh.

One Ralph Skinner a Learn'd English man dedicates a Treatise of Maimonides translated into English, to our Archbishop, and his Epistle Dedicatory makes this the one hun­dredth and second of this collection; he shews there the error of this Jewish Doctor, and the use that may be drawn from the reading of his Works, he reduced his prin­ciples to six errors. He believ'd, First, ‘That the Stars and Celestial Spheres were living Beings. Secondly, That God never Repented but once, viz. in the destructi­on of the first Temple, he made the Just perish with the Wicked. Thirdly, That the Law of Moses was Eternal. Fourthly, That Man hath a free Will to do Good or Evil. Fifthly, That those Promises which God hath made by the Prophets are Temporal, which should be accom­plish'd upon the Earth, when the Messia should come. Sixthly, That the King­dom of Iudah was given to the Posterity of Iechonias after his Repentance, where­as Salathiel was the Son of Neri.’

Provided that they take care of these six Errors (says Skinner) there may be drawn six considerable advantages from the reading of Maimonides. First, We may profit from his Hebraical Speeches. Secondly, He teaches divers Sentences of the Jewish Doctors. Skinner hath marked these two things in the Treatise he dedicated to Vsher in placing 'em in the Margin or marking 'em with an Index (3) we may find in Maimonides the expressions and Maxims of the Thalmud which serve to explain divers manners of speaking in the new Testament. (4.) Pas­sages of the Antients, otherwise explain'd after an uncommon manner. (5.) The Ci­vil Laws of the Jews, and the punishments inflicted for every crime. (6.) The Do­ctrine of the Rabbins, touching the Judaical Religion.

First Skinner gives divers examples of the third use that may be made of the works of Maimonides, we will relate three or four by which the rest may be judg'd of. St. Iohn says, Apoc. 74. I heard the number of those that were Sealed; there was one hundred forty four thousand Sealed, [...] of all the Tribes of the Children of Israel. This manner of speaking is often found in the Holy Scrip­ture, as also much used in the stile of the Rab­bins; witness this passage of Maimonides in his Treatise of Repentance, Chap. 3. Sect. 3. ‘As he examines the Justice and Iniquity of man, at the day of his death, even so he weighs the Iniquity and Justice of eve­ry man in the first day of the same year, he that is found just is seal'd for Life, and the Wicked for Destruction, but as for those who are between these two estates they are sent back to be judg'd in the day of expiation, if they repent they are seal'd for life, if they continu'd in impe­nitence, death was to be their inevitable reward.’

2. St. Paul cites a passage of Scripture to the same purpose, Ephes. 5.14. Where­fore saith he, Awake ye that sleep; Arise from the dead, and Christ shall give you light. They unprofitably plague themselves to seek this passage in the Scripture, for there it is not: In vain they look for it in Isaiah; the 26.19. the 60. and 18. or in the Apocriphal pieces which are attributed to Ieremiah, from whence the Christians might insert it. Skinner tells us that St. Paul makes this allusion from a custom of the Jews which Maimonides mentions, and paraphrases the words which he finds amongst the Jews upon this occasion. 'Twas the Custom (saith Maimonides in the same treatise Chap. 3. Section four) to sound a trumpet the first day of the year after which the publick Cryer pro­nounced these words Awake, Awake you that sleep. Altho this Custom of sounding the trumpet was commanded by the Law, Levit. 23.24. he observes another thing from these Words of the publick Cryer? 'twas as much as if he shou'd say, you that sleep awake from your Drouziness, you that perpetually sigh cast away your Grief, examine your, works return to your duty by repentance, and remember who 'tis that created you.

Thirdly our Lord in speaking of the Sin against the Holy Ghost tells us that it shall neither be forgiven in this World, nor in that which is to come, Matt 12.32. The Rabbins have also a manner of speaking very like this, there is a Sin which is punish'd in this World (saith Maimonides) in the same Book, Chap. 6. Section 189. and not in the world to come, there is a sin also which shall be punished hereafter and not now, and one that shall be pu­nished in both, thus our Lord hath said, that those shall be punished in this Life and the other, that should blaspheme against the Holy Ghost, and 'tis this which has happen'd to the Jews, who attributed to the Devil the Miracles of our Saviour, they suffered a thousand evils in this Life by the Tyranny of the Romans, and dying in impenitence they are delivered to the pains of the next, which they have merited thereby.

Fourthly, Jesus Christ forbids his Disciples to Swear, he commands they shall be conten­ted to say, yes, yes, no, no, 'tis or 'tis not, Mat. 5.32. ‘Maimonides also says, that the com­merce that is between the wise is full of truth and fidelity, they answer No to that which is not, and Yes to what is.’ Lightfoot cites this last passage in his remarks of the Thalmudists upon St. Matthew, In Pec. c. 5 § 13. but he hath not observ'd the others. Skinner farther shews some passages of the Rabbins in the four following Letters, but as there is nothing very considerable, so I shall tarry no longer upon 'em.

A little before Vsher had finished his Hi­story of Godeschalch, of which I have spoken. S. Ward Dr. in Divinity, wrote to him in a Letter dated May 25. 1630. That he had encouragement to wish this History would be more famous and correct than any thing of the same nature then extant. He adds to that, that he doubted not but that there [Page 30] were Semipelagians or Divines of Marseille, who first placed the Predestinarians in the Catalogue of Hereticks, he found therein nothing that surpriz'd him, but that the Predestinarians were first call'd those Here­ticks who were not of the opinion of St. Au­gustine: thus Divines have always done the like. Ward believes that 'tis Arnobius, Au­thor of a commentary upon the Psalms, who first treated of the Heresie of the Do­ctrine of St. Austin, about Predestination Vid. Psal. 100.146. and who gave the name of Praedestinati, to those who maintain'd his Do­ctrine, he lived according to Ward before Tiro Prosper, Faustus and Gennadius. He approves of the conjecture of the sixth Age, who thought that Arnobius lived in the time of St. Augustine, because that his commen­tary upon the Psalms, is dedicated to Lau­rentius and Rusticus African Bishops, who were of the Council of Carthage, when St. Augustine was there. Altho' Ward found not these names in any Council of Carthage, he easily persuades himself, it may be because that two Bishops of Africa, both call'd Rusticus sign [...]d the Synodical Letter to Inno­cent the First, where they condemn'd Pela­gius and Celestius. It is the 90th Letter amongst the Epistles of St. Augustine, and was written in the year 416. Two years af­ter the Council of Carthage was held▪ where the preceding Councils were confirm'd; 'twas compos'd of 217 Bishops▪ amongst which was St. Augustine, but there was but 24 who sign'd 'em, and among their names was found Laurentius Iositanus. Besides, Erasmus in the sixth Age, hath remark'd in this Arnobius many Latin words which were very much in use in Africk in St. Au­gustine's time.

This is the reason which Ward brings to prove that in the time of St. Augustine a Divine who dedicated a Book to two Afri­can Bishops, had the boldness to accuse his Doctrine of Heresie. Nevertheless he finds not that this Arnobius was censured for it. 'Tis not that Ward approves his Sentiments or the name that he hath given to those of St. Augustine, but on the contrary, he speaks of it with Indignation.

He adds that Arnobius was followed in that by Tiro Prosper, who must be distin­guished from Prosper Aquitanus, a disciple of St. Augustine. Ward found these words in In the Bin­nit Colledge. a Manu­script of this first Author, the 24th year of Arcadius and Ho­norius. Praedestinatorum haeresis quae ab Au­gustino accepisse initium dicitur, his Temporibus Serpere exorsa. The Heresie of the Predestinari­ans, which as 'tis said hath taken its birth from St. Augustine, begun to spread in this time. After him Fausius and Gennadius have given this ill name to the Doctrine of St. Augustine, and particularly the last, altho' Sigebert (adds Ward) says that the opinion of Prede­stination was produced from the ill Interpre­tation of some places of St. Augustine from whence they draw these false consequences. Nevertheless it seems that these of Marseille and some Africans in the time of St. Au­gustine maintained this opinion of the Pre­destinarians (as Sigebert relates) was drawn from St. Austine by mistaken Inferences, as it appears by the objections of Prosper and Hillary proposed to him, which have been related by others.

There is in 162 and 163. Letters, some fragments of a discourse of the same Ward with William Bidell Bishop of Kill-more in Ireland, touching the efficacy of the Sa­craments, and particularly that of Baptism, and in the 205 Letter, the opinion of Vsher concerning the Sabbath, which he believed to have been observed from the beginning of the World, which made some enquiry among the Heathens, of which the greatest part look'd upon the seventh day as Sacred, which he proves by many passages after Sal­matius and Rivet, &c. He shews afterwards in what manner the Apostles consecrated the Sabbath, particularly by this passage of St. Ignatius to the Magnesians: Non amplius sabbatizantes, sed secundum Dominicam Viven­tes in qua & vita nostra orta est. But this mat­ter hath been more largely treated upon by others, and Vsher confesses when he read the Fathers, he collected nothing upon this subject, because he thought there was never any controversie about it, produced amongst the Divines.

Those that desire to understand all the An­tient Characters of the Saxons, may find an Alphabet thereof in the 253 Letter from Dr. Longbain, as also divers Letters that treated by the by of Chronological questi­ons and Astronomy, but as there is nothing compleat or very considerable upon these abstruse matters, upon which few persons will give themselves any trouble, 'twas thought unnecessary to make any extract thereof.

I shall say but one word of the 267 Let­ter, addressed to Lewis Cappel, where our Archbishop takes against him, the part of Arnold Boat; the difference that was be­tween these two Learned men may be re­duced to these two heads: First, Boat be­lieved there was very little variety of reading in the Old Testament, as the differ­ences of Keri and Chelib and of the Eastern and Western Copies, and that these varie­ties were not to be found but by the means of the Massore and from the Hebrew Manu­scripts. Cappel on the contrary maintains, that the number of these varieties are very great, that they may be collected from many ancient Copies, and particularly that of the Septuagint, although much corrupt­ed. The Archbishop says also that we can't have such assurance upon this version, where there are many prodigious faults, and so very many differences that the Au­thors connot be made use of but as an Ori­ginal very corrupt, even without speaking of the errors produced by malice; but there is no Book of the Scripture where they are so far from the Original as that of Iob, which by the Authority of Origen and St. Ierome, [Page 31] is proved that these Interpreters have cut off a great number of verses. Vsher maintains after St. Ierome that they added and chang­ed several passages: He says 'twas occasion­ed by malice, to keep from the Greeks the knowledge of the Sacred Oracles, having shewn in some places that they were very capable of translating it well, had they been Inclin'd thereto, as in the Book of Ezek. where they are much more conform to our Hebrew than in the other Books of the Scrip­ture according to the works of St. In prolog. in Ezek. Ierome: These Senti­ments of Vsher are not to be wondered at, when we consider what hath been said of his opinion concern­ing the Author of the Translation of the 70. Secondly, Boat and Vsher believed that they began to work at Massore immediately af­ter the time of Esdras, whereas Cappel maintains that it was not so much as thought on, till 600 years after Christ—Vsher en­deavours to maintain his Sentiment by a proof drawn from the Gemare of Babylon. Which makes mention of Certain Scribes who counted all the Letters of the Law, and mark'd that Vau which is in the word Gachon, Levit. 11.24 is exactly in the middle in regard of the number of the Letters, &c.

On which occasion Usher speaks of Ioseph, and tho he confess'd to Cappel that Philo did not know the Hebrew, he agrees not with the Jewish Historian who had written his History in Hebrew, as himself saith, and who drew it from the Original Hebrew, Vsher says nevertheless, that he hath not done it faithfully. ‘As Ierome Xavier the Je­suite saith, 'tis not long since he gave the History of the Evangelists to the Per­sians, which he hath adjusted as himself pleas'd, Ioseph gave formerly to the Greeks the History of the Old Testament, changing therein, and adding thereto many things drawn from the Apocriphal Books. 'Tis thus that he says Solomon Reigned 80. years in stead of 40. and that he says David Left for the use of the Temple 100000 talents of Silver instead of 1000000 He adds to the Text an ac­count of Moses Age, from three years of the War he made with the Ethiopians, and of Tharbis son of the Ethiopian King, which conceived a great love for him, &c,’

Vsher speaks also of the Samaritan Penta­teuch from whence he brings 5. or 6: Copies first into Europe: He believes that it was corrupted by one Dosthes or Dositheus which in the time of the Apostles was suppos'd to pass for the Messia amongst the Samaritans—this is founded upon the Au­thority of St. Tom 14. in Joac. Origen who as­sures us in express terms that this Dositheus corrupted the Pentateuch in many places. He afterwards brings some passages in the Sa­maritan Pentateuch, where he maintains that the numbers or the words were chang'd, he even believes that Hebrew was intermix'd with the Greek Septuagint: If that were true, we ought not to be surpriz'd to find that this translation is more conform to the Sa­maritan text than the Hebrew. Vsher also pretends that there is not more variety of reading any where than in the Greek Version.

Tom. 8. p. 174. The Antiquities of the British Churches, in which is inserted the History of the Pestife­rous Heresie, introduced into the Church by Pelagius a Britain, against the Grace of God. To which is added an historical Expo­sition of the most important dispute about the Succession and State of the Christian Churches. By James Usher Archbishop of Ardmagh, Primate of Ireland. The Second Edition, Each part Corrected and Augmented by the Author himself. At London 1687. in Fol. pag. 738.

THE British Antiquities of Usher, are composed of three parts, the first containeth six Chapters, and includes the fabulous History of the Progress of the Chri­stian Religion in England, since the year XLI. of Jesus Christ, to the year CCI. The Monks of the last Ages have almost entire­ly invented it, and whatsoever truththere may be in it, is so mingled with gross lyes, that in divers places of the Pagan Fables, are found more footsteps of truth than in these Monastick Histories. Neither doth Vsher propose them as true, he is so far from that, that he advertiseth the Rea­der to believe nothing of it, by these terms of the Epi­charme. Ex Cicad. Attic. lib. 1. ep. 7. Watch, and Remem­ber to be incredulous, are the sins of Wisdom; and by these words of Euripides: In Helena, Act. 5. there is no­thing more profitable to mortals than a wise incredulity.

As it is certain that a great many men do but too much follow this maxim in our Age: So it cannot▪ be doubted but a great part of Christianity hath need enough to be put in mind thereof.

What is most likely in it to be true, is, according to the testimony of Gildas, which hath been related elsewhere, that some per­son Preached the Gospel in England towards the end of the Reign of Tiberius, which con­tinued here until the time of Dioclesian. At least Tom. 1. pag. 351. Ter­tullian and Origen reckon Eng­land amongst those Countries that in their time had the Gospel Preached unto 'em, and Maximianus Herculius, vio­lently persecuted the Christians which he found here in the year CCCIII. It's what Vsher tells us Chap. 7. Where beginneth what we have called the second part of his Work. It may be that many things might be [Page 32] added to the precedent, which he saith there upon the Faith of the Monks, of the great number of Martyrs that Maximianus put to death, and of the circumstances of their punishments. Howbeit it's certain that Dioclesian and Maximian, having voluntari­ly quitted the Empire in the year CCCIV. and Constantius Chlorus being declared Au­gustus ▪ he put a period to all violences of what nature soever in the Provinces of his Juris­diction, and England was amongst the rest, in which the Monks assure us, that he built some Churches, but dying two years after at York his Son Constantine, who till then had been but Caesar, was proclaimed Au­gustus by all the Roman Army, which had lately got a signal victory over the Picts. This gives occasion to our Archbishop to seek into the native Country of Constantine and of Helena his Mother in the eighth chap­ter. pag. 93. The Country of this Princess is very doubtful, al­though the Monks affirm she was of Treves, yet is it not unlikely to be true that her Son was born in England, as it may be seen in our Author, who builds his opinion chiefly upon these words of Eu­menius in his Panegyrick of Constantia: O fortunata & nunc omnibus terris beatior Bri­tannia, quae Constantinum Caesarem prima vi­disti.

Vsher afterwards sheweth that some Bi­shops of England, assisted at the Council of Arles in CCCXIV, and 11 years after at that of Nice, likewise at the other Coun­cils called upon the occasion of the antient controversies. Notwithstanding that hin­dered not Arianism to pass into Great Bri­tanny, when Gratianus had granted liberty to all the sects of the Christians, saving to the Manicheans, to the Photinians, and to the Eunomians. But it seemeth that the Ty­rant Maximius, that favoured the Orthodox, suffered not Arianism to take root in Eng­land, where he began to Govern, in CCCLXXIII. some time after he sent hence a great number of Inhabitants, which he established in Amorica, that is to say, Low Brittany, which he remitted to one Conan Meriadoc, who was the person according to the Monkish History, that obtained of Dio­not, King of Cornwall his Daughter Vrsula in Marriage, with 11000 Virgins of noble Birth, besides 60000 other Virgins of mean­er families. All the World are acquain­ted with the Story of St. Vrsula, and of the 11000 Virgins, and those that would know who hath refuted it may consult Vsher, who relateth it, with many reasons to shew it is but an impertinent Fable, altho' Baro­nius maintains the contrary.

In that time many people went to see the Holy places in Palestine, which was the oc­casion of making known in the West the Books of Origen, which were unknown there before Rufinus. Amongst others a Priest of Aquila, after having lived three years in the East, and Studied under Evagrius an Origenist; imbib'd not only the sentime [...]ts of Origen, but returning into Italy, spread them every where, by translating divers of his works. It was of him that Pelagius and Celestius learned at Rome this Doctrine, whereof we shall speak in the sequel. They both were Monks, and of Great Britain, Celestius of Scotland, and Pelagius of England, the second was called Morgan, in the Lan­guage of the Countrey that is to say born of the Sea, or in Greek [...], a name given him out of his Countrey. If In Pro [...]m. Dial. cont. Pel. St. Ierom may be believed, Pelagius was an ignorant man, who could not express himself, that was more to be pittied than envied; and Celestius a studier of solecisms: but St. Augustine speaketh advantageously of their wit in divers places, and indeed it is seen by the fragments that remain in his works, that they expressed not themselves so ill as St. Ierom saith. We have still two pieces of Pelagius amongst the supposed writings of this last, whereof one is a Letter to Deme­triades and the other is intituled the Symboli explanatio ad Damasum, whereas it should have been called Professio fidei ad Innocenti­um, for it was to Innocent that Pelagius sent it. This last piece is also found in Baronius, and in the first Tome of the Councils of the edition of Cologne in 1606.

Pelagius sojourn'd long enough at Rome, where he acquired much reputation by his works and his conduct, whence it cometh that Augustin Bishop of Hippona, spoke ho­nourably of him, and writ to him a very ob­liging Letter, before he entered into a dis­pute with him. He calleth him in his Book de peccatorum meritis c. 1. & 3. vir, ut audio sanctus, nec parvo pro­fectu Christianus, bonus ac prae­dicandus vir. ‘He is, saith he, a man as I am told, Holy and much advanced in Piety, a man of Merit, and Praise worthy.’ Father Petau in his book Dogm. Theol. T. 3. pag. 586 De Pelagianorum & Semi Pela­gianorum Dogmatum Historia, re­marketh that St. Augustin composed the Book, in which he speaketh so advantageously of Pelagius, after the con­demnation of Celestius in the Council of Car­thage in CCCCXII. Thence he concludeth that it is not of this Pelagius, whereof St. Chrysostome speaketh in his fourth Letter, wherein he deplores the fall of a Monk of the same name. There is no more likeli­hood that the Pelagius a Hermit to whom St. Issiodorus de Diamette Lib. 1. Ep. 314. hath written great censures, be him that we speak of here, whose life was always irre­proachable, as appears by the Testimony of St. Augustin.

Rome being taken by the Gothes in the year CCCCX. c. 19. p. 116. Pelagius, who was there, departed and Sailed to Africa, yet he re­mained not there, but immediately went into the East. Notwithstanding his Disci­plie Celestius stayed at Carthage, and aspired to be Priest of that Church, but as he made no difficulty to maintain the Sentiments of [Page 33] his Master; he was accused by Paulinus Deacon of the same Church, in a Council where Aurelius Bishop of Carthage presided in the year, which is already mention'd. Ce­lestius was there condemned and excommu­nicated, as having maintain'd these seven Propositions. I. That Adam was created mortal, and that he should die, whether he had sinned or not. II. That the sin of Adam was only prejudicial to himself, and not to all Man­kind. III. That the Law opened the entrance into Heaven, as well as the Gospel. IV. That before the coming of Iesus Christ, men were without sin. V. That Children newly born are in the same State, as was Adam before his fall. VI. That all Mankind dyeth not, by the Death and Prevarication of Adam, as all Mankind riseth not, by the Resurrection of Iesus Christ. VII. That man is without Sin, and that he can easily obey the Commandments of God if he will.

Celestius answered to these Heads, but we have only part of his Answers in the Books of St. Augustine; that is to say, that we have no other Testimonies of his Doctrine, than his Adversaries, which have taken no great care to propose clearly their accusations; nor to comprehend well the Senti­ments of those they accused, as appeareth by the obscurity of the Heads which we have read. Celestius, Aug. de Pec. Orig. c. 6. &c. saith amongst other things, that as to what regards the Propaga­tion of Sin; he heard several Catholick Priests and particularly Rufinus deny it. He presented a Petition to the Coun­cil, where he confessed the Children were redeemed by Baptism, but he was condemn­ed nevertheless, and being obliged to de­part ou [...] of Africk, he retired into Sicily, where h [...] writ some works in his De­fence. It was from thence that he sent to St. Augustine short questions which he had composed, to prove that man of his Na­ture inevitably is not carried to do evil. These Interrogations are in fourteen Articles, that Vsher hath related at length. We shall mention here one or two of them by which the rest may be judged of▪ Qu. 1. First of all, saith he, we must ask of those who say that man cannot be without sin, what sin is in general? ‘If it is a thing that may be avoided or not? If it cannot be avoided, there is no hurt in committing it. If man can avoid it, he may be without Sin. But nei­ther reason nor Justice permit that, that should be called a Sin which cannot be any way avoided. Qu. 2. We must again ask, if Man ought to be without Sin? 'Twill be undoubtedly answered that he ought. If he ought, he can; if he cannot he is not obliged. Besides that, if man ought not to be without Sin, he ought to be a Sin­ner, and 'twill be no more his fault, if it be supposed that he is necessarily such.’

In the same time Pelagius that was at Ie­rusalem, published divers pieces where he expounded more at length his Sentiments, p. 125. and where he particularly granted that no man excepting Jesus Christ▪ had ever been without sin, it did not follow that that was impossible. He affirm'd, that he disputed not of the Fact, but of the Possibility; and that yet it was not possible, but by the Grace or the Assistance of God. St. Augustine hath undertaken to refute one of these pie­ces of Pelagius in his Book of Nature and Grace. He accuseth him on the one side, of confounding the Graces that God gives us in Creation with those by which he re­generates us; and on the other side to say that God gives his Graces, according to merit, and that these Graces are but out­ward; but it shall be seen in the sequel how Pelagius expounded his Opinion.

Three years after that Celestius was con­demned at Carthage, his Master was accu­sed at Ierusalem of holding the same opini­ons. Iohn Bishop of this City, called an Assembly of some Priests to examine Pela­gius, and to see if really he held the Opini­ons that were attributed to him. For to know what was done in Africk against Cele­stius. Into this Assembly were called three Latine Priests Avitus, Vitalis, and Oros. This last was then at Bethlehem studying, as he saith himself, De lib. Arbit. p. 621. Edit. Moguntinae in S. at the feet of St. Ierome to whom St. Augustine had recommen­ded him. Whilst he was in Africk, in the time of the Condemnation of Celestius, he related to this Assembly at Ierusalem, with what zeal those of Car­thage had condemned that Heretick, and said that St. Augustine had made a Book a­gainst Pelagius, and had besides in a Letter written into Sicily, refuted the questions of Celestius. Having this Letter about him he offered to read it, and did so, at the entrea­ty of the Assembly.

Thus it was that this Assembly ended, where Pelagius that knew but the Latine, spoke by an Interpreter to the Bishop of Ierusalem who could only speak Greek. There was held a Synod at Diospolis in Pa­lestina, towards the end of the same year CCCCXV. where were fourteen Bishops. Eros and Lazare Bishops of the Gauls had gi­ven to Euloge Arch-bishop of Caesarea, an accusation in writing against Pelagius, but they could not be at this Synod, because one of them fell sick by the way. Pelagius appeared and answered to all the heads of the accusation that were proposed against him, so that the Council declared him ab­solved, and even approved his Doctrine, according the Interpretations he gave it. Here is in brief, what all was reduced into.

Aug. de Gest. Palest. Syn. Pelagius was accused of maintaining these Propositions. I. That none can be without Sin without knowing the Law? He answered, he meant nothing else by that, but that the Law was a means to avoid Sin, and not that this knowledge was solely ne­cessary to avoid Sin.

II. That all men are led by their own will. He confessed this Proposition in saying, that although Man hath his Free-will, when he chooseth the Good, it is by the help of God.

III. That in the day of Iudgment, God will not pardon the Wicked and Sinners. It is, saith Pelagius, the Doctrine of the Gospel.

IV. That Evil comes not only in Thought. To which he protested he had only said, that Christians ought to endeavour to have no ill thoughts.

V. That the Kingdom of Heaven is promised in the Old Testament. He maintain'd it out of Daniel c. 7.18.

VI. That Man can be without Sin if he will. Pelagius said that he had proved that 'twas possible by the Grace of God, but that he never had taught that any man had lived without Sin, from his Childhood to his Old-age. He also denied the having maintain'd some other maxims whereof he was accused. He was thereupon asked if he anathematised not those that were of that opinion? I do anathematize them, said he, as Fools, but not as Hereticks, for they are ignorant of what they affirm.

VII. He was accused of maintaining some things that were condemned at Car­thage, which have been before related, and besides it, that a Child can be saved without Baptism. He denied that he had taught any thing in the manner they related it, and particularly that he had ever said, those that have lived before Jesus Christ were without Sin.

VIII. In fine, some places were proposed to him, that were said to be drawn from the Books of Celestius, but he told them he could not answer for what another had written, and that he condemn'd such as maintain'd any Propositions of that Nature. There was amongst others this Proposition, That Sin­ners which repent obtain forgiveness of their Sins, not by the Grace and Mercy of God, but accor­ding to their Deserts and Repentance. It may be that was only a consequence, which was [Page 35] drawn from the Sentiments of Celestius, for in all this controversie each Party hath mutu­ally attributed to themselves the advantage of consequences either well or ill drawn, as express opinions. Besides this, these pro­positions that Eros and Lazarus had drawn from the Books of Pelagius and Celestius, be­ing taken from the sequel of the discourse, might form a contrary sense to what they intended in their Books.

The Council having approved of all these answers, declared him worthy of the Com­munion of the Catholick Church. But the Enemies of Pelagius accused him of having hidden his true Sentiments, and of deceiv­ing these Grecian Bishops to whom he spake but by an Intrepreter. St. Augustin saith, that the answers of Pelagius were Orthodox, De gest. Pal. Syn. c. 1. and 2. as the Fathers of the Coun­cil had understood them, and not as Pelagius understood them. But those that have not so ill an opinion of Pelagius as St. Au­gustin had, observe that he knew not the Greek, and could of himself have no cer­tain knowledge of the Sentiments of the Greek Church upon this matter. If he had been capable, say they, of reading these Do­ctours, he would have found that they speak no otherwise than Pelagius does, Vid. Bull. Harm. Apostol. Diss. 2. c. 7. §. 14. & Exa. Censur. p. 157. as it may be seen by an in­finite number of places of St. Chrysostome, and St. Isiodorus de Diamette his Disciple, whom some Moderns have openly ac­cused of Pelagianism. It ought not therefore to be thought strange that Greek Bishops should approve of the opinions of this Eng­lish Monk.

Before the acts of this Council had been published, Pelagius writ to one of his friends that his sentiments had been there approved of, & made his Letter publick. He also made a kind of an Apology in the year CCCCXVI. for this Council, which he sent to the Bi­shop of Hippo, who having received no Letter from Palestine [...]urst not trust to it. He writ together with some other African Bishops of Iohn of Ierusalem to have the very acts of the Council of Diospolis. Notwithstanding St. [...]erome who had written against the Pe­lagians and particularly against the Bishop of Ierusalem, was the occasion of a disorder that happen'd at Bethlehem, where a Deacon was killed, and some Monasteries burned. The Bishop was accused to have excited this Tumult, but there was no time to call him to account, because he died that very year. St. Ierome also having offended the Bishops of Palestine in despising their Assembly, thought he could not better secure himself than in getting the friendship of those of Africk, tho' they were not at all of his opi­nion, being of the Semi-Pelagians, whereof we shall speak in the sequel of this History. Therefore he writ to St. Augustin in these terms. I have resolved to love you, to honour you, to respect you, and to admire you, and to defend what you say, as if it were my self that had said it,‘mihi decretum est te amare, te suspicere, te colere, te mirari, tuaque dic­ta quasi mea defendere.’

Pelagius was every where accused of deny­ing altogether the help of Grace; to justi­fie himself he composed a work of Free-Will, where he shewed that he Petav. de Pal. c. 2. & Siqq. acknowled­ged six sorts of Grace.

First, 'Tis a Grace of God, according to Pelagius, to have a Soul reasonable and free, that is to say, that can obey, or not obey God without being invincibly determined to the one or to the other. Pelagius main­tain'd that all men were born in this state, so that if they applied themselves to evil, it was not by an invincible necessity, but in abu [...]ing of their liberty: St. Augustin in the first place saith, that we ought not to call that Grace, which after this manner we receive from God by Creation, but only that which we receive from him by vertue of our Redemption. But that is only a dispute of words. St. Augustin de­nied moreover, that men were born in any other state than in an absolute and unavoid­able determination of doing ill, and said it was impossible for them to do any good, without an immediate assistance from God, which he gave but to some men, and that those who had this aid were unavoidably carried to good. Thus although he admit­ted of free-will; he gave to these words a new sense, seeing liberty according to him, is no other than a simple Spontaneity, and includes not the power of not doing what we do. The difference only that was be­tween St. Augustin and Pelagius, is that the first believed, that since the sin of Adam, his Posterity had been so much corrupted, that they came into the World with inclina­tions to evil, which necessitated them to it, that if God had design'd them to Salvation, it was necessary that in every good action, he assisted them with his particular Grace, that would unavoidably carry them to good, and that those he was not willing to give Grace unto were damned; God by a Wis­dom that we comprehend not, design'd that Mankind should be born in an unavoidable necessity of offending him, and to be after that tormented by eternal punishments, without delivering from this sad necessity, but a very small number of persons to whom he gives an invincible Grace. St. Augustin believed that that was rendering to God the Glory that is due to him. Pelagius on the contrary thought God had not permitted the sin of Adam to make so great a disorder in the World, that those who were descend­ed from him, were not in a necessity of obeying, or not obeying the Law of God, which hath given to them the power of avoiding evil and doing good; so that it was but by their fault alone that they were damned, not being compell'd to crimes, and everlasting unhappinesses by an unavoidable necessity. Having received of God the Free-Will, it was not needful that God intervened in each action. Vsher p. 141. To be able to do good, saith [Page 36] Pelagius, cometh from God which hath given it to his Creature, but to be willing to do good, and to be Vertuous, depend upon man.

The second Grace that Pelagius acknow­ledged is the remission of past sins, which God granteth to those that leave them off. Pelagius anathematised in the Council of Diospolis, whosoever should dare to say that God had any regard on this occasion to merit. St. Augustin complaining that Pela­gius, contenting himself to acknowledge that God forgiveth us graciously our past sins, granted not that he aideth us in the non-commission for the future. But Pela­gius maintained that this pardon served us as well for the future, to carry us to our duty, because we cannot apply our selves to serve God after having offended him, but in the persuasion that he will pardon us what's past graciously. He said likewise that afterwards, in respect of the sins that were committed in the very time of Repentance, that is to say, in the state of Regeneration, they were forgiven us in consideration of our good works by which we also obtain'd glory. And it is in this sense that he maintain'd Grace was given according to merits, that is to say, according to our good actions. As Children before the use of Reason commit no sin, so this Grace regardeth them not.

The third Grace according to Pelagius, is the Law, by which he understands the Preaching of the Gospel, and the example of Jesus Christ, that those who have lived under the old institution had not. He said that this Grace was altogether necessary, to live conformable to Christianity.

The fourth sort of Grace is an interiour illumination of our mind, that Pelagius expressed in this wise, Apu [...] Aug. lib. 1. de G [...]at. Chr. c. 17. I maintain that Grace con­sisteth not only in the Law, but in the assistance of God, &c. But God aideth us by his Doctrine and by his Revelation, in opening the Eyes of our Mind, in shewing us things to come, to hinder the present from making too dead an impression, in discovering to us the Ambushes of the Devil, in illuminating us by the divers and ineffable gifts of his Celestial Grace. Doth it seem to you, saith Pelagius, that those that speak thus, deny the Grace of God? Do they not acknowledge rather the Free-Will and the Grace of God altogether? St. Au­gustin accuseth Pelagius in this, not for hav­ing simply denied Grace, but for denying its necessity; and for having said that God gave it not but to the end that Free Will should be the easier carried to good. This Grace according to Pelagius, produced not infallibly and by it self the will of doing well, and good works, but induced only to will more easily.

The fifth is the Grace of Baptism, by which, according to him, although Chil­dren receive not the pardon of sins that they have not committed, being, according to Pelagius, altogether innocent, they enter into a better condition, which consisteth in that they are thereby adopted by God, and become Heirs of the Kingdom of Heaven. St. Augustin on the contrary affirm'd that Children being born sinners, Baptism doth confer upon them the Remission of sins, and sanctifieth them by a Grace that God hath applied thereto.

The sixth Grace finally consisteth, ac­cording to Pelagius, in eternal Life, and in bestowing the Kingdom of Heaven. He is accused of having distinguished these two things, and of having said that without the Revelation of the Gospel Life Eternal could be obtained, but that God did not give the Kingdom of Heaven but to those that were Baptized. According to Pelagius this Grace was given as the effect of merit, (to wit,) that of a good Life. It is hard to know wherein this distinction consisteth, of Eternal Life, and of the Kingdom of Heaven, and to reconcile it with the accu­sation that was made against Pelagius ▪ that the Kingdom of Heaven was promised un­der the Old Testament. St. Augustin said by this last Article was to be understood the legal covenant, that it promised not Eternal Life; but if that were all that was meant by the Books of the Old Testament, it was true that it was promised, tho' there was no mention made of the Kingdom of Heaven, this phrase of the New Testa­ment. There never was a dispute more in­tricate than this, because each of the par­ties finding themselves pressed by some ill consequence, endeavour'd to save them­selves by terms, to which they gave a diffe­rent sense, from what they had in the mouth of the Adversaries. The word Grace, in that of Pelagius signifieth not the same thing as in that of the Bishop of Hippo: and this latter gave the name of Liberty to a thing that was not commonly so called. In short many men believe that if we take the pains to examine the principal words that have been made use of in this controversie, and the Ideas that have been applied to 'em, it will be found that almost none of these Ideas are distinct, so that when the word is spoken to which it is applied, we may perfectly know what is meant by it. There are also accord­ing to them some of these words to which there hath been no Idea absolutely applied, so that in some places of this dispute the two parties do very nigh the same thing that a French man and an Arabian would, that should know their natural tongue only, and speak by turns the lowdest they could, and sometimes both at once without under­standing each other, and then each should boast to have conquered his Adversary.

This was chiefly what the opinions of Pelagius consisted in, and those of his Ad­versaries touching Grace. As to the electi­on it seemeth Pelagius hath believed that there were two sorts the one to Grace, and the other to Glory. God hath resolved according to his Judgment to call certain persons to the knowledge of the Gospel, that they might the more easily arrive at everlasting happiness. This was the pre­destination of Grace. He after that hath resolved to save those that he foresaw would [Page 37] persevere until the end in making good use on these favours. This is the Predestinati­of to Glory, which is founded upon me­rits; whereas the other is purely of Grace. St. Augustin in disputing against Pelagius, hath confounded, p. 614. ibid. as Fa­ther Petau believes, these two Predestinations, and made thereof but one; because ac­cording to his opinion all those, that have received the necessary means to attain Sal­vation do infallibly arrive at it. 'Twas that made him exclaim so strongly against those that maintain'd Predestination, ac­cording to works, as if the Predestination to Grace was in question, whereas they meant but the Predestination to Glory.

The year after the Council of Dios­polis being Anno 415. there were in Africk held two Councils upon the same matter the one at Carthage, and the other at Mi­leve. Aurelius Bishop of Carthage presided in the first, where were LXVII. Bishops more met together also. They had not as yet received in Africk the Acts of Diospolis; but Eros and Lazarus had written what had passed therein, and had sent their Letters, by Orosius who was returned from Palestine to Africk. It was resolved on the hearing this Relation to anathematize the opinions of Pelagius, to hinder them from spreading any further, and to anathematize him after, with his Disciple Celestius, in case they did not absolutely renounce these Errours. Af­ter that they sent the Acts of the Council to Pope Innocent, to engage him to condemn the same opinions. The Council of Mi­leve consisting of LXI. Bishops, in which Silvanus Primate of Numidia presided, did the same thing as that of Carthage. Besides the Synodal Letters of these two Councils, Innocent received particular ones from some Bishops of Africk, among which St. Augu­stine was one. The design of these Letters was the same as of the preceding ones; the design being to incline Innocent to condemn the Doctrine attributed to Pelagius, and to cite him before himself to examine, whe­ther he continued to maintain the same. They insinuated that they might accomplish their end, that it might be, that Pelagius had deceived the Bishops of Palestine, tho' they cou'd not positively affirm that the Churches of Africk, might not be joined to those of the East. Innocent answered the year following (ccccxvii) to the two Coun­cils, and to the Bishop that had written to him in particular. He said he believed that Pelagius and Celestius did deserve to be excommunicated, and that the former could not be purged at Diospolis, but by Equivoca­tions, and by obscure expressions. Never­theless having received no new assurances from that Country, and not knowing well how things had passed there; he saith, he can neither approve nor disapprove the con­duct of the Bishops of Palestine. He like­wise excuseth himself in regard of citing Pelagius upon the distance of the places. This Bishop writ these Letters at the begin­ning of the year, and died a little after, for the tenth of March, in the Martyrology of Beda is marked for the day of his death.

After the death of Innocent, C. 10. St. Augustine and Alypi­us writ to St. Paulin Bishop of Nola, to exhort him to oppose Pelagianism in Italy, provided he was in a Condition of making any.

An historical Explication of the most weighty Question of the continual Succession and State of the Christian Churches; especially in the West, from the Apostles time until the last Age. By James Usher Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of all Ireland. Augmented and Revised by the Author. London 1687. in fol. p. 191.

THe principal difficulties, which Roman Catholicks raise against Protestants consists in these two things; that the Pro­testant Religion is new, and that it was not remitted from the Apostles unto us; where­as they pretend theirs is that of the Apo­stles, and hath suffered no Interruption, from their time unto ours. Iohn Iuel Bi­shop of Salisbury hath undertaken, in his Apology for the Church of England, to shew on the contrary, that the opinions of Prote­stants are conformable to those of the Fa­thers of the six first Ages: Vsher was wil­ling to answer the above cited difficulties, in shewing that from the sixth Age unto the Reformation, to wit, during 900 years, there have always been Churches in the West who have received the same Doctrines with the Protestants. To that end he thought he ought to give the History of the Tenets, and conduct of the Popes with those who have opposed their Usurpations, during these nine Ages; without mixing any thing of his own; being contented to cite only the proper terms of the Authors, who have spoken of those times, for fear he should be accused of turning things after a more favourable manner for the Prote­stants. This History had once appeared im­perfect enough, but now very much corre­cted and enlarg'd in this Edition, and therefore we shall give a compleat Abridge­ment thereof. We shall not however stay to relate what the Author saith as concer­ning the thousand years, during which the Devil was to be bound, and the time in which he was to be set free. As there are as many different Sentiments as Interpreters upon this opinion; and that there are but simple conjectures brought, which are like­wise subject to a thousand difficulties; 1. Those who have a mind to be instructed therein may consult the Commentaries up­on the Apocalypse. At what year soever men relate the beginning of the thousand years, whether it be from the Birth of our Saviour, or from his Death, and his Ascen­sion, or finally from the ruine of Ierusalem, our Author equally draws his advantage as will be seen in the sequel. It shall suffice to [Page 38] say that he divides his work into three parts, whereof the first goeth from the seventh Age to the eleventh, in which Gre­gory the seventh arrived to the Pontificate: The second should have gone to Mccclxx, but the Author could not continue it but to Mccxl. The third reaches to the past Age. So this work is far from being per­fect, and we know not what those meant, who had the care of this Edition, in putting in the Latin Title, Opus integrum, unless these words signifie only, that there have been inserted, in divers places, additions which the Author had made.

1. For to conceive well the change; which happened by little and little in the Christian Church, we must begin at the O­riginal, and consider the State in which it was for the first six Ages. Hegesippus as­sures us that during the Life of the Apo­stles, Hereticks scarcely durst appear, but that as soon as these Holy men were dead, a great number of them were seen openly to oppose the truth. In that time divers Philosophers attacked the Christian Religi­on, with so much the more boldness that the Christians were destitute of Persons who could refute the Pagan Religion, and de­fend Christianity with sufficient eloquence. This is what Lactantius testifies in these words; Si qui sorte literatorum ad eam contule­runt, defensioni ejus (veritatis) non suffece­runt. And a little lower, after having na­med Minucius Faelix, Tertullian and Cyprian, quia defuerunt apud nostros idonei, peritique Do­ctores, qui vehementer, qui acriter errores pub­licos redarguerent, qui causam omnem verita­tis ornate copioseque desenderent; provocavit quosdam hac ipsa penuria ut auderent scribere contra ignotam sibi veritatem. This scarcity of able men made many Hereticks to slip in amongst the Christians, and easily sedu­ced the weak and ignorant who were in a very great number. But as soon as there were Christian Emperours, the corruption was much greater; pleasures began to be introduced into the Christian Church, and amongst Ecclesiasticks there appear'd En­mities and Divisions. And because Bi­shops were rich and considerable they made use of all manner of means to attain Bi­shopricks, and when they came to it, they assum [...]d a Tyrannical Authority. These disorders always encreased, until they came to a great head, as Vsher shews is too evident by many passages of famous Authors, who have left us frightful Characters of the cor­ruption of their Ages.

It encreased particularly in the time of Boniface III. who came to the Chair in Dcvi. and who obtained of the Emperor Phocas the title of Ecumenick Bishop and Chief of the Church. The Historians of that time describe this Phocas, as the wic­kedest man in his Age, and Cedrenus saith that a holy Monk having asked of God se­veral times, why he had made Phocas Em­perour? a voice from Heaven at last an­swered him. Because I have found none worse, This History true, or false, marks, the horrour People had for the memory of Phocas. Vsher believes that it was then that Antichrist came into the World, and that he was during some Ages but in his Childhood. Boniface, according to him, contributed not a little to the establishing and extending his Empire. Yet there were Assemblies held, and couragious Persons found, that opposed the progresses of cer­tain Tenets, who have much contributed to the Grandeur of the Ecclesiasticks in ge­neral, and Popes in particular, amongst which our Author seeks for Antichrist, as most part of the Protestants do.

A Council composed of cccxxxviii. Bi­shops condemned in the year Dccliv. at Constantinople, the worship of Images, and gave this reason for their proceeding;‘that there is but one Image, instituted by Jesus Christ, to wit, the Bread and Wine of the Eucharist, which represent his Body and Blood.’ Although the second Council of Nice opposed it, and re-established the wor­ship of Images in Dcclxxxvii. These Ca­nons were rejected in the West by the Churches of great Britain, as our Archbi­shop shews by divers English Authors. The Churches of Germany and France did the like, in Dccxciv. in the Council of Francfort, the History of which may be seen, as well as that o [...] Nice, in a Disser­tation of Mr. Alix's intituled; Dissertatio de Conciliorum quorumvis definitionibus, expen­dendis, at Paris 1680 in 8vo.

Charlemagne writ himself against Images, and sent what he writ to Pope Adrian, who had had his Legates at the Council of Nice, and who had approved thereof. But it is not the custom of Popes to learn Religion from any one. Adrian had no respect to the remonstrances of Charlemagne whom he endeavoured even to refute; the Images were adored at Rome as much then as be­fore, and his Successors did as much as he. 'Twas this that obliged Lewis the meek to convocate in DCCCXXV. an Assembly of learned men at Paris, who examined the question of Images, and condemned their worship. They even collected a great ma­ny passages out of the Ancients, who disap­proved them, and sent them to Pope Euge­nius II. by Ieremy Bishop o [...] Sens and Ionas Bishop of Orleance, with order to treat mild­ly of this Affair, fearing that in resisting too much, they should engage him to an obsti­nacy, whence he would not recede.

In DCCCXXXIII. The Sons of Lewis the meek having conspired against him, the rumour run in France that Gregory the fourth was onward in his way to come thither, to excommunicate Lewis, and those of his par­ty, but the Bishops who were engaged in the Interests of this Prince, declared, ‘that they would submit in no wise to his will; and that if he came to excommunicate them he would return himself excommu­nicated.’ Vsher besides relates divers other examples, by which it appears that the Li­berty of the Churches of France and Ger­many was not yet quite extinguished, even [Page 39] at the end of the tenth Age, seeing it was thought strange that a Cardinal, sent from Rome, blessed a Chappel in the Diocess of Tours, without the permission of the Bishop of that City. There are also remarkable words of Arnulph Bishop of Orleance, in a Council of Rheims, held in DCCCCXCII. where he saith, speaking of the Pope: If he is destitute of Charity, and pufft up only with his Knowledge, he is the Antichrist, who is seated in the Temple of God, and who shews himself as if he was a God. But if he has neither Charity, nor Wisdom, he is in the Temple of God as a Statue, or as an Idol, from whom an answer can be no more expected, than from a Marble. Si caritate destituitur, solaque scientiâ inslatur & extollitur. Anti­christus est in Templo Dei sedens, & se o­stendens tanquam sit Deus. Si autem cari­tate fundatur, nec scientia erigitur, in Templo Dei tanquam Statua, tanquam Idolum est, à quo responsa petere, marmora consulere est. If this principle of Arnulph is true, it's re­quisite the Defendors of Popes discover by what wonder they are all full of Chari­ty and Learning, altho' they appear in our eyes either Ignorant, or Proud, and often­times both together.

Vsher then sheweth, how that the Te­net of Transubstantiation was much resisted, which began to be introduced in the ninth Age. He rangeth among the Defenders of the spiritual presence, Rabanus Maurus, Ber­tram, Iohn Scot Erigene, and several others, up­on which we may consult Mr. Arnauld and Claude in their dispute upon the perpetuity of the Faith of the Church concerning the Eucharist, and concerning Bertram, in par­ticular his Work intituled: Ratramne, o­therwise, Bertram the Priest, of the Body and Blood of the Lord, printed in Latin and French, with an Advertisement wherein in shewn that this Author is a witness not suspicious of the Faith of the Church in the ninth Age, at Roan in 12. But the efforts that a great number of Learned men made against the new Te­nets, which were introducing in that time, were unprofitable. Whereas those Tenets were too advantageous to the Court of Rome, not to maintain them with all their might. It lacked but one thing only, which was to diminish the power of Empe­rors, to whom they were submitted until then. It worked powerfully therein, and begun by publishing Suppositious pieces, in vertue of which the Popes pretended that the Soveraignty of Rome and Italy belonged to them, and that they had an universal Ju­risdiction over all the Bishops of the World; to that purpose tended the false Donation of Constantine to Pope Sylvester, and the Epi­stles attributed to the first Bishops of Rome, of which Blondel and several other learned men have shewn the falshood.

Notwithstanding the manners of the Peo­ple, Monks, and Clergy were in the utmost corruption, and a horrible account is given us of the depravation of the tenth Age, drawn as well from the writings of modern Catholicks, as from the Authors of that time. The conduct of the whole Clergy, from the Bishops of Rome with the least de­gree of Priests and Monks, was so far from the duties which the Gospel prescribes us, that there have been few Ages, whilst Eu­rope continued in Paganism more corrupt, than that was. This is so known, that it's needless to make a further stop thereat, and those who would be instructed throughly in it may only consult Vsher and the Au­thors whom he cites.

The eleventh Age is in like manner de­scribed, and they assure us that the year M. after the Birth of our Lord, was afflicted with divers▪ Prodigies, besides War, the Plague and Famine which ravaged Europe a long-time, as it appears by the testi­mony of divers Authors, which may be read in Vsher. In that time they reckoned amongst Prodigies, the Comets and Eclip­ses, and the Historians, a little while after, describe them to us in such frightful terms, as, if we never had seen any, we should trem­ble for fear, in reading what they say thereof. But when once one hath a woun­ded imagination, nothing ordinary and com­mon is seen, all is great and wonderful; and we see even that which never was, such as was perhaps the Dragon whereof Glaber Rodolphus speaks in his 11. book c. 8. The Saturday night before Christmasday, was seen in the Air, saith he, a surprizing Prodi­gy, a frightful Dragon, which was all Shining with Light, and which went from the North to the South. The evils of that time and the reports of these prodigies, true or false, made it to be believed that the time was come in which Antichrist was to appear, after that the Dragon should be untied. This was probably enough grounded upon what is said in the Apocalypse, that the Dragon was to be chained during a thousand years, and then let loose. These thousand years were reckoned, from the Birth of our Lord, by which the Devil had begun to lose his Power, until that time. This cal­culation was not new, seeing it is found conformable to that of St. Hippolita's Mar­tyr, of St. Cyril and Chrisostome. It appear­ed without doubt more just and better grounded, so that they expected from day to day the coming of Antichrist and end of the World. Many People made a difficul­ty to undertake any considerable business, and even of re-establishing the Churches which were destroyed, fearing they should work for Antichrist. Lastly when they saw it did not come, they were perswaded that they did not well understand the Prophe [...]y, and went about rebuilding the Churches, and to live as before. Richard Victorinus of Scotland, who upon the relation of Iohn Major his Compatriot is the first who main­tain'd that the Holy Virgin was exempted from Original Sin, saith in his Commenta­ry upon the xx. Chap. of the Apocalypse, that as to the Letter the thousand years were al­ready accomplished a long time since, but that it could not be known when Antichrist would come, nor when the Serpent would be unloos'd. Thus [Page 40] it is that the Interpreters of Prophecies which they understand not, never miss of a back door to escape at, when the event sheweth that they are mistaken. There is a great likelihood that our age will furnish us with some examples of this truth. As it's desired, in great evils, to know if they shall last long, those who of late have ar­rived to a great many Protestant Churches, have made a great many to covet a know­ledge of the time to come, some thought they foresaw it in the obscurity of the Prae­dictions of the Apocalypse, and have fore­told it with sufficient boldness, tho' they agree not amongst themselves, no more than those who undertook to do the same thing the eleventh and twelfth age.

Glaber Rodolph saith, that in effect the Devil was let loose in 1000, because one Vil­gard who taught Grammar at Ravenna, and some others had essayed in that time to re­establish Paganism, But this event appears too inconsiderable, to apply unto him what is said in the Apocalypse of the Dragon, who was to be loos'd. Also our Archbi­shop believes that Antichrist was not to be be looked for out of Rome, and that the De­vil was enough at liberty, whilst in the Pontifical Chair sate a Magician, such as was Sylvester II. if the Authors of that time may be believed, and whilst great errours were brought into the Church; as the infi­nite Power of Popes, Transubstantiation, and Prayers for the Dead. And it is ob­serv'd that Berengarius, Wickliff and his Disci­ples, have maintained that from that time this Prophecy of the Apocalypse begun to be accomplished. There have been not­withstanding some who have believed, that the thousand years were to begin at the As­cension of our Lord, as Iohn Purvey saith, and Wickliff seems not far from this thought in a place of his Trialogue, which Vsher cites. Some persons had already been of this opi­nion in the time of St. Augustin, as he testi­fies in his City of God, l. XVIII. c. 53. But these people speak with more precaution than the others, for they did not positively say that the World would end 1000 years after the Ascension of Jesus Christ, but on­ly that it might be, that there were but a thousand years from this term, unto his last coming, annos mille ab Ascensione Domini us­que ad ultimum ejus adventum compleri posse. One of the new Interpreters of the Apoca­lypse hath said the same, with much pru­dence, that the present Persecution may end in three years and a half. God, if he will, saith he elsewhere, can reckon the three years and half of the death of the Witnesses, from the Revocation of the Edict of Nants.

To return to our Author, he remarks that the same prodigies have been related of the year MXXXIII. and the same evils, as of the year M. There was also towards that time a Mortality and Famine, and Signs from Heaven appeared, to wit, Eclipses and Comets, besides, Earthquakes that were in divers places. And that there should nothing be wanting of what had ap­peared at the beginning of this Age, one Ar­nulph a Monk of Ratisbone, testified he had seen in Hungary a Dragon suspended in the air, and altogether like the Leviathan, where­of mention is made in Iob. It came also out of the North, and after having appeared sometime as unmoveable, he began to fly with an extraordinary swiftness, and went amongst the Clouds whisling horribly, where he raised Lightnings and Thunders, for more than 24 hours. Notwithstanding ignorance and superstition encreased from day to day. A Bishop of France, at the relation of Sigebert, would fain make people believe that he had received Letters from the third Heaven, wherein all men were ordered on Friday to live upon Bread and Water, to bear no Arms, to recall nothing, by way of Justice, what had been taken away by violence, and not to pursue the Murderers. Heaven pro­mised Salvation to those who should live thus, not having need of any other peni­tence but to abstain from flesh on Fridays. There were Bishops so simple or superstiti­ous as to believe, and impose those new Laws upon many under pain of Excommu­nication, and of being deprived of Burial, if they died in the refusal thereof. In this time likewise were discovered many Relicks of Martyrs, which had been unknown in former Ages. Glaber relates that an Im­postor sold in divers places of France Bones of dead Folks, which he had gathered in some Church yards, for Relicks of Saints, that afterwards did an infinite number of Miracles, and which much benefited the Churches in which they were placed. Fear­ing he should be suspected, and that men would desire to know whence this inex­haustible fund of Relicks came, he stay'd not in one place, and changed his name when he changed his Habitation. He gave amongst others to the Inhabitants of the Alps and Tarantoise a Martyr, to whom he gave the name of Iust, and who did, as 'tis said, so great a number of Miracles, that the sick were carried from all parts to be cured, and that the Saints were sorry if they had not some disease whereby they might have an opportunity to be cured by him: Poenitet insuper si non est sibi morbus quo curari se poscat. Glaber attributes these Miracles to the Devil, and mightily censures the Bi­shops of that Country, for not having put a stop to such extravagances of the Peo­ple.

The Pope who ascended the Apostolick See in the year MXXXIII. was Bennet IX. whom Glaber accuseth of all manner of im­purities, and Cardinal Baino of Idolatry and Magick. This Pope coming to the Chair at the age of XII years, lived eleven years only, but he committed so many crimes that he was driven from Rome, and was forced to sell his dignity, whereof not­withstanding he would not be deprived af­terwards, so that there were at Rome three Popes at once, Bennet, Sylvester and Gregory. The disorders of that time are too known to make any stop at them, it will suffice to [Page 41] say that the memory of this Benet, was in so great a detestation, that there ran a re­port that his Soul had been sent after his death into the body of a Monster, which was shap'd like a Bear, and which had the Ears and Tail of an Ass, where he was to stay till the day of Judgment, that he would be sent without remission into Hell.

It was at the beginning of this Age, as our Author sheweth, that the dignity of Car­dinals begun to be considerable, but it came not to the height till they only had the pri­viledge of choosing Popes; since they have been equalled to Kings, and have carried their Pride so far, that Nicholas de Cleman­gis Arch-Deacon of Bajeux, who lived in the year MCCCCXVI. describes them in these terms. ‘The Pride of Cardinals, who sit at the side of the Pope, is so ex­cessive, their words are so fierce, and their ways so insolent, that if a Painter would make a Picture of Pride, he could not better do it than in Painting a Cardi­nal: Cardinalium qui Papae assident spiri­tus, verba tumulentia, gestus taminsolentes, ut si artifex quisque vellet superbiae simula [...]hrum effingere, nullâ congruentius ratione id facere posset, quaàm Cardinalis effigiem oculis intuen­tium objectando, &c.’

It hath been seen that according to our Author, the term at which the Devil was let loose, expired a thousand years after the Birth, or after the passion of our Lord. He afterwards says that if men will take the be­ginning of these thousand years, from the destruction of Ierusalem, it may be said with as much likelihood, that they are in effect expired in MLXXIII. that the Monk Hil­debrand ascended the Apostolical See, and Governed the Church with the utmost Ty­ranny, under the name of Gregory VII. The unheard excesses which this Pope com­mitted, made the honest men of that time to say, according to the relation of Sige­bert, in his Chronicle, upon the year MLXXXVIII. that the Reign of Anti­christ then begun, according to the Pro­phecies of the Apostles. Waltram Bishop of Naumbourg, or the Author of the Apolo­gy for the Vnity of the Church, saith in these terms. ‘That is seemed then that the Devil was come out of Prison; whereas it is written in the Apocalypse, he went forth to seduce the Nations, and to engage 'em to War, &c.’ The Church of Liege, in its answer to Paschal II. saith as much, as well as divers other Authors cited by Vsher, who describe Hildebrand as the most wicked of all men. He was accused of Witchcraft in a Synod held in MLXXX. and several Catholick Writers have suffi­ciently declared the same thing, which gives occasion to our Archbishop of apply­ing unto him what St. Paul saith of the man of sin, that he was to come accompanied with the work of Satan, and with deceiving Miracles. And also what St. Paul saith else­where of some Impostors, who were to come in the latter times, and which he de­scribes by two remarkable characters, which is, that they would interdict Marriage, and order the abstaining from Meats, which God hath created to be eaten with thanksgiving. In effect Gregory VII. did 'em both in two Synods assembled the sixth year of his Pope­dom, wherein he prohibited the Marriage of Priests, and the use of Flesh on Satur­days. Sigebert de Gemblou and Lambert de Schafnabourg, have written at large the murmurs and disorders which these prohibi­tions caused. ‘Priests said particularly, that it was unjust to constrain men to live like Angels, and that in stopping the or­dinary course of Nature, the bridle was let loose to Fornication and Impurity. They added that if the Pope grew obsti­nate in his Sentiment, they would rather quit the Priesthood than Marriage, and that Gregory who despised men, should take the care of providing himself with Angels to govern the Church.’ These good men without doubt spake with much sincerity, and it may be if those, who have endeavoured to blacken the conduct of the Reformers, in that they have introduced a­new the Marriage of Priests, would let nature speak, they would not say less. But it is a great unhappiness, and a great prejudice at the same time against the deluders of Virginity, to live in a Church, whereof they are constrained to defend all the Sentiments, unless they would dishonour and destroy themselves.

In fine, the Authors of the time of Hilde­brand, and those who have written since, give him several times the name of Anti­christ, and it cannot be denied, at least, but that it is he who hath established the excessive authority of Popes, and who the first durst to maintain that they have the power of deposing Kings, and to change what they please in the Canons. It is no more than may be seen in the Decretals of the Edition of Rome, whereof Vsher cites divers scandalous articles. He also gives the History of the quarrels which this Pope had with the Emperor Henry IV. and re­lates all the evil that hath been said of the first. And with this he ends the first part of his work, which was to have extended to the time in which the Devil hath been let loose.

II. As it is in the Apocalypse, that a thou­sand years being past, the Dragon was to be unloos'd for a little time, Vsher begins his second part by the explication of this place, and remarks that according to the maxim of Aristotle, nothing being called great or little, but by relation to another thing, the time in which the Dragon was to be un­chain'd should be short, in comparison of the time during which he had ravaged the World, before he had been put in Chains.

Roman Catholicks demand of Protestants, where the Church was then, if the Pope was Antichrist? Vsher answers that the Church was then in the state, in which some Antients, and divers Catholick Au­thors have said that it would be under the Reign of Antichrist. St. Augustin in his XX Letter, which is directed to Hesychius, [Page 42] saith that the Church appear'd not, because of the excessive cruelty of the Persecutors. Eccle­siam non apparituram, impiis tunc Persecutori­bus ultra modum saevientibus. Several anci­ent and modern Authors, have spoken to the same effect: Vsher takes occasion from hence to make a parallel of the State of the Churches, which followed the Council of Nice, in the times that the Arians were the strongest, with that wherein the West was found in these corrupt Ages. The A­rians reproached others with their small Number, and their Poverty, as it appears by these words of Gregory of Nazianza: Where are those who upbraid us with our Poverty, who say that the greatest Number forms the Church, and who jeer the smalness of our Flock? But as there lived in the Roman Empire several People who were not Arians, Vsher con­ceives that under the Government of the Pope there was a pretty great number of Per­sons, who were not of these opinions.

To shew that he doth not advance a sim­ple conjecture, he gives the History of the Original Opinions of the Vaudois, who have rejected several of the Sentiments of the Church of Rome. But he speaks more of them in the sequel, as being a place where­in he should properly speak of them, which obligeth us to pass to the vii. Chapter, and afterwards we will return to the Vaudois.

Vsher divides the time, during which the Dragon hath been delivered from his Pri­son, into three Periods; the first reacheth to the time of Innocent III. The second un­to Gregory XI. And the third unto Leo X. The first comprehends two Ages, taking it's beginning from the year 1000. The State the Western Church hath been in during the first of these two Ages, and the com­plaints that the Authors of that time made against Corruptions, which were equally seen in the Ecclesiasticks and People. There have been no less complaints made of the Disorders of the twelfth Age, as is plain in our Author, who relates a great number thereof, amongst which is this famous di­stich of Hildebert Bishop of Mans, who saith in speaking of Rome,

‘Happy City, if it had no Masters! or if those who possess it believed it a shame­ful thing to want Faith.’

The Popes took great care in that Age to have paid to them from England a kind of Tribute, that they called St. Peters pence, which Alexander II. in a Letter written to William the Norman saith, had been paid by the English, ever since they had embra­ced Christianity. It appears by this Letter, that the English sent this Money at first to Rome, only thro' Liberality; but this Li­berality becoming a Necessity, because the Kings commanded absolutely to do it, the Authors of those times looked upon it as a Tribute. Therefore Bertold of Con­stance, who lived towards the latter end of the eleventh Age, saith that it was then that the Prophecy of the Apocalypse was accomplished; which saith, That no Person could sell, or buy, without having the Mark or Name of the Beast, or the Number of its Name. The Reason of this is, that accor­ding to the Relation of this Author, in his Appendix of Hermannus Contractus towards the year Mlxxxiv. William the first King of England rendred his whole Kingdom Tributary to the Pope, and suffered none to sell or buy, but such as submitted him­self to the Apostolick See, that is to say, be­fore he paid the Rome-scot or penny of St. Peter. Notwithstanding this same William refused to swear an Oath of Fealty to Hilde­brand, and punished Bishops and other Ec­clesiasticks, who had offended him, as he thought fit, without having any regard to the Prayers and Exhortations of this Pope. Some other Kings of England resisted the Popes likewise with the same vigour, and we have proofs that the opinions of Rome were not yet spread every where. Here is one that is pretty remarkable, which is that Frederick Barbarousse being gone in­to the Holy Land to fight the Infidels in Mclxxxix. Niaetas Choniates observes, that the Germans were welcomed by the Arme­nians, because the adoration of the Images of Saints was equally prohibited with the Armeni­ans and Germans. Hereby it appears that they had not as yet forgotten in Germany the Council of Francfort. It is also remar­ked that several English Authors, who have written after the arrival of the Nor­mans, said that the Church had in abhorrence the worship of Images. The Doctrine even of Lanfranc concerning the Eucharist, which the Normans brought into this I­sland, was contrary to divers ancient Forms and Writings of the English. And this is the cause that a long time after the Con­demnation of Berengarius, there were in this Country several People of his Opinions, a­gainst whom Matthew of Westminster, pub­lished a Book in the year Mclxxx. Our Author gives the History of Berengarius in this Chapter, but this matter having been treated at large in French Books, by Ar­nauld and Claude, the Reader will be there better satisfied. We shall only take notice here, that towards the middle of the twelfth Age, they had an Idea of the Sacrifice of the Eucharist far different from that which the Roman Church hath at this day, seeing Peter Lombard Bishop of Paris, who is called Master of the Sentences, speaks thereof thus, l. iv. dist. 12. ‘What is offered and con­secrated by the Priest, is called a Sacri­fice and Oblation, because it includes the Memory and Representation of the true Sacrifice and Immolation made upon the Altar of the Cross; Jesus Christ, adds he, once died, and hath been immolated upon the Cross in himself: But he is im­molated every day in the Sacrament; be­cause the Sacrament includes a Comme­moration of what was once made.’ Se­mel Christus mort [...]us est in Cruce, ibique immo­latus [Page 43] est in semetipso, quot idie autem immola­tur in Sacramento, quia in Sacramento recor­datio fit illius, quod factum est semel.

The Beringarians have given exercise e­nough to some Popes successively one after another. But the Vaudois, who begun to be known in Mclx. gave them much more. Reinier a Dominican, and an Inquisitor, who lived in the year Mccl. less than 100. years after the Vaudois, speaks thereof in these terms: ‘Amongst all the Sects which are, or have been, there hath been none so pernicious to the Church, as that of the Leonists; and this for three Reasons. The first is, that it hath lasted longer, for some say, that it hath been from the time of Sylvester, others from the time of the A­postles. The second, because it is more general, for there is scarcely any Coun­try, where some of this Sect, are not found. The third is, that whereas all other Sects gave a horrour to those who so much as heard of them, by the excess of blasphemies which they vomited a­gainst God, the Sect of the Leonists hath a great shew of Piety, because they live well in the eyes of Men, and that there belief towards God is good, seeing they embrace all the Articles of the Creed. They blaspheme only the Roman Church and Clergy, against whom the multitude of Laicks suffer themselves easily to be overcome.’ Hereby we may see, that the Vaudois boasted then, that there had been People since the Apostles time, who had been of the same opinions with them, so that they pretended not that theirs begun only in the twelfth Age. As to what con­cerns the purity of their manners, several of those who have written against them, give them a good Name, as appears by the passages — which Vsher cites thereof. An Inquititor saith, with Ingenuity enough speak­ing of them, Cognoscuntur Haeretici per mo­res & verba, sunt enim in moribus compositi & modesti, superbiam in vestibus non habent, &c. ‘Hereticks are known by their manners and Discourse, their Manners are well-ordered and modest, and there appeareth no Vanity in their Cloaths.’

It is not easie to know their belief; be­cause those who have spoken thereof do contradict each other almost of them, and that most have endeavoured to blacken them the most they could. Monks are such Lyars, and so well known for so long a time, that one scarcely dares trust them, how lit­tle soever their Interest is of telling a lye, and such are the principal witnesses which may be produced upon this matter. ‘Wick­liff said facetiously enough in his Trialogue, that as it is a Topick Argument to say, that a man is luxurious, because he is too well dressed; it's also a Topick Argument to reason thus; this opinion comes from a Monk, therefore it is false: for the lyes of Monks, render this Topick Argument evident.’ Sicut est Argumentum Topicum, quod homo comptus exhinc est luxuriosus: Sic est Argumentum Topicum; ista opinio origina­tur à fratre, ergo est falsa. Nam eorum men­dacia faciunt evidentiam ad hoc Argumentum Topicum. If any would have a more ex­press Testimony of a Monk, let him read these Words of Thomas Walsingham a Bene­dictine. This is a Monk, therefore he is a Ly­er, is as good an Argument in form, and matter, as this Argument; That is white, therefore it is coloured. In ore cujuslibet, bo­num fuerit Argumentum, tenens tam de forma, quàm de materia; hic est frater, ergo mendax: Sicut & illud, hoc est album, ergo coloratum.

Vsher sheweth that the contrary Testimo­nies of divers Authors, that opinions have been attributed to them which they never had. Their principal Heresie is, that they rejected the excessive Authority of Popes, and that they condemned the Tyranny, Dis­orders and violent Superstitions of Monks. They were called Vaudois not only by one Peter Waldo, who according to some lived in MCLX, and according to others much sooner, but also the Poor of Lyons, or Leo­nists, Insabbathavies, Cathares, or Gazares, Paterines, Publicanes, Agennese, Petrobrusi­ans, Henericians, Passagines, Iosephines, Ar­naldists, Humilists, Albigese, Goodmen, &c. These Names are drawn either from the opinions which were attributed to them, or of some famous Doctors amongst them, or of places where they lived, as our Au­thor hath at large shewn in Ch. viii. It's much to be desired, that there was as much method as reading, and that the additions which he made in the first Edition, were either better ranged, or better distinguish­ed from the Rest: For it must be granted that in this great confusion are many repe­titions, which all sorts of Readers are not equally fit to digest.

Peter Waldo, according to some Histori­ans, was of Lyons and engaged himself after this manner to form a new Sect. One of his acquaintance dying suddenly, he was so frightened thereat that he gave all his Goods to the Poor, and so drew many of the People, which he went about to in­struct in expounding unto them the New Testament. He was reprehended therein by the Ecclesiasticks of Lyons; which made him withdraw into Gasconny, and into the neighbouring Provinces, where he always taught the People, and censured the man­ners of the Ecclesiasticks, praising volunta­ry Poverty, and blaming the covetousness of Priests. A great number of Laicks join­ed themselves to him, in spight of the Ex­communication, which the Council of Tours held by Alexander the III. in Mclxiii, and the Bishops of each place darted against them. They assure us that in the beginning there were no learned men amongst them, but that afterwards there were. So that we cannot be certain that they at first had all the opinions which since appear amongst 'em; because nothing hinders, but that there might be some introduced by learned men, who entred into this party. If what Gaultier Mapes an Author of that time, saith of the Vaudois be true, they were also ex­treamly [Page 44] ignorant in the time of the III. Coun­cil of Lateran held under Alexander III. in MCLXXIX. This Author saith, that some of them presented to the Pope, divers books of Scripture translated into French, with Comments, and demanded instantly of him the Power to preach. Two amongst them, who passed for the most able, were intro­duced in an Assembly, where Mapes was Commissioned, as he saith, to Question them. He asked of them, if they believed in God the Father, the Son and Holy Ghost. They answered Yes. Do ye also believe, added he, in the Mother of Iesus Christ? The Vaudois replied they did, and made them­selves thus, saith the Author, to be laugh­ed at by all Men. Notwithstanding as it ap­peared not, that they were willing to desist from their design, they were excommuni­cated in the Council, yet they continued their Assemblies in Gasconny, and in the Neighbouring places, where they begun from that time to exclaim against the abuses they had observed at Rome.

History tells us, that Manicheans were mixed among them, tho' they were very different in opinions, and some were burn­ed who were discovered in divers places of France and Germany. St. Bernard hath writ­ten in the following Age against I know not what Hereticks, whereof he speaks ve­ry contemptibly, and to whom he also at­tributes, some of the Sentiments of the Manicheans. He assures us, that they chose rather to die than to be converted, and that they not only shewed Constancy, but even rejoyced when they were led to the place where they were to be put to Death. Mo­ri magis eligebant, quàm converti; nec modo patienter, sed laeti, ut videbatur, ducebantur ad mortem. We may see hereby that seduced Persons as sincerely believe a false Doctrine, as the Orthodox do theirs, who defend the Truth, for infine, one would not be burned for what one look'd upon as a lye.

An Author of that time named William de [...]uylaurens, in the Prologue of his Chro­nicle, besides adds Arianism to them, and saith, that they as well as the Vaudois, tho' in different opinions (licet inter se dissides) agreed equally against the Catholick Faith. They made the greater progress by reason that Priests were fallen into the utmost con­tempt, whereof here is a proof drawn from a vulgar way of speaking which this Author relates. To shew that they were far from doing a thing, they were accustomed to say, I would rather be a Iew; But the Pro­verb changed, and it is said in Gasconny, I would rather be a Priest, than to do that: Mal­lem esse Capellanus, quàm hoc vel illud facere. Men were every where so wearied with the Ecclesiastical Tyranny, and so scandalized at their lewd course of Life, that those who spake against them, were hearkened to with Delight and Pleasure, as they did to one Arnand of Bresse a Disciple of Peter A­bailards, who went to censure them at Rome. The Poet Gunther speaks thereof more at large, in the third book of his Li­gurin, and concludes thus what he says of 'em.

Our Author relates divers of the violent proceedings against them, and amongst o­thers a Declaration of Alphonsus King of Arragon, published in MCXCIV, wherein he drives the Vaudois out of his Estates, prohibites his Subjects to give them any succours, upon pain of Confiscation of all their Goods, and orders them to add all manner of grievances and affronts, to beat and abuse them, yet upon Condition they will neither kill nor cripple them, praeter so­lummodo laesionem mortis, aut membrorum de­truncationem. This is a cruel mildness, which sometime Persecutors have practis'd, and whereof it would not be hard to find fresh Examples.

The second period of time, during which Usher believes the Dragon was let loose, ex­tends from the beginning of the Pontificate of Innocent III. unto the beginning of that of Gregory XI. to wit, from the year 1194. unto 1370. Innocent endeavour'd not a lit­tle to establish the indirect Authority of Popes, over Kings, and that which they pretend to have over all the Bishops of the World. He named himself, in a discourse which he made upon the Consecration of Popes, the Spouse of the Church. He main­tain'd that all Bishops were but his Vicars, and that it was he alone, who retain'd an ab­solute Episcopal Authority. So that other Bi­shops might say of him as of God, we have re­ceived of his fulness. He caused a Synod to be held at Rome in MCCXV, which is cal­led the fourth of Lateran, where he confir­med a Canon of the III. Council held in the same place, by which Alexander III. had absolved from the Oath of Fidelity the Subjects of a Prince, who had favoured He­reticks, against the Remonstrances of the Court of Rome. Here are the terms of the second decree. ‘If a Temporal Lord re­quired and advertised by the Church, neglect to purge his Lands from the pol­lution of Heresie, let the Metropolitan and the other Bishops of the Province ex­communicate him. If he makes not sa­tisfaction in a year, let the Soveraign Pon­tif be advertised, that he may declare his Subjects absolved from the Fidelity which they owe him, and give his Countrey to be possessed by Catholicks, who, having rooted out the Hereticks, may possess it, without any contradiction.’ As this De­cree is quite contrary to the Authority of Princes, some Catholick Authors, who have lived in places, where this indirect Authority of Popes is refused to be ac­knowledged over the Temporalities of Kings, they say that the Canons attributed to this Council were suppositious, or at least that things did not pass therein after a canonical manner, so that these Decrees obliged no Body. But a famous English [Page 45] Protestant hath shewn that these Decrees are not suppositious; that they are obliga­tory, according to the Principles of the Roman Church; that they have been recei­ved in England; that the distinction of those who say that the Decrees of Councils ob­lige in matters of Faith, and not in matters of practice are unreasonable and contrary to the Principles of the same Church; and that tho' this distinction was true, it could not exempt them from submitting them­selves to the Decrees of the IV. Council of Lateran. It was in this same Council that Transubstantiation was established, and that a Croisade was published against the Vau­dois, as it was usually done against the Infi­dels. Antoninus in his Chronicle affirms that the County of Thoulouse, and Lombardy being full of Hereticks, who amongst other errours endeavoured to take from the Church all it's Temporalities (omnem Tem­poralitatem.) St. Dominick set himself to preach against them, and converted a hun­dred thousand of 'em. He took, adds he, to his help some devout and zealous Per­sons for the Faith, who conquered these He­reticks corporally with the material Sword, when they could not convince them with the Sword of the Spirit. Quae corporaliter illos Hereticos gladio materiali expugnarent, quos ipse gladio verbi Dei amputare non posset. They were called the Brothers of the War of St. Dominick.

At that time Innocent established an In­quisition at Thoulouse and in other suspicious places; because the Bishops being employ­ed about their temporal Affairs took no [...] care enough to extirpate Heresie. St. Do­minick was Commissary over Gasconny, and established his Order there that they might assist him in the Work; there never was before regular and perpetual Inquisitions. Another Order of begging Monks was esta­blished, besides that of the Dominicans, to wit, the Minor Brothers founded by St. Francis, and that of the Augustines, as an assistance to the Bishops and Pastors. But it soon appeared that instead of helping them they pretended to take the care upon them­selves alone, which the Pastors were inve­sted with; this necessarily caused a great many complaints, as our Author sufficiently shews. There was particularly a great quarrel in MCCLIII, betwixt the University of Paris and the Preaching Brothers; which was hard to be appeased, because the King fa­voured the University, and the Pope upheld the Monks▪ who pretended to a Right of Teaching Divinity without having any regard to the Laws of the University. During this quarrel Iohn of Parma an Itali­an Monk, and General of the Minors, pub­lished a Book intituled the Eternal Gospel. This Book was full of Impieties, and of as strange absurdities as those of the Alcoran. The Author amongst other things maintain­ed, that the Gospel should be abrogated, as not being capable of conducting to perfecti­on, and that this was reserved to the Order of the begging Monks, who in the latter end of the World should teach a Doctrine much more perfect than that of Jesus Christ. This Book was condemned at Rome, and the Author was obliged voluntarily to quit his Charge, with the least noise that could be, not to irritate an Order then powerful enough, and which was of great use to the Court of Rome. A Book was also condemn­ed, which four Doctors of the University of Paris had read against the former, intitu­led, De periculis novissimorum temporum. It was burned at Anagnia, where the Court of Rome then was, and at Paris likewise, not for any Heresie which it contained, saith William de Nangis ▪ a Monk of St. Denis, who lived in MCCC, but because it might give scandal and cause a Sedition among the Monks.

Since the time of Peter Abailard, to wit, from the year MCXL. the Philos [...]phy of the Age, as Trithemus says, begun by its vain cu­riosity to corrupt Divinity. The new Order of the begging Monks furnished Doctors, which accomplisht its Destruction by the Philosophy of Aristotle, and a thousand ri­diculous subtilties. There was amongst the Franciscans in MCCXL. Alexander de Hales, who was call [...]d the Doctor of Doctors, the source of Life, and the irrefragable Doctor. He commented on the first four Books of the Sentences of Peter Lombard, and summed up all the heads of Divinity, by order of Innocent IV. About the same time Gaultier Bishop of Poitiers made the first work de Quodlibetariis, which gave birth to the cu­stom of disputing for and against all sorts of Propositions. Bonaventure, Sirnamed the Seraphick Doctor, was their Contemporary, and so much esteemed by Alexander de Hales, that he was accustomed to say, it seemed to him that Adam had not sinned in Bonaventure. Iohn Duns a Scotchman, who flourished at the beginning of the IV. Age, and who was a Disciple of the same Alexander, acquired to himself the glorious Sirname of Subtil Doctor. Thomas Bradwardin, had towards the middle of the same Age, that of Pro­found Doctor. The Dominicans also have not fail'd of having Divines also in their party, whereof these are the two chief: Albert Bishop of Ratisbone, who died in MCCLXXX, Sirnamed The Great, even during his Life, and Thomas Aquinas, the Angelical Doctor, who was his Disciple. There hath besides been in this Order the famous Durand de S. Porcien, Sirnamed, the most Resolute Doctor, resolutissimus. There was at the same time a Carmelite named Gilles Romanus, who was called the most Pro­found Doctor, Doctorem fundatissimum; and a little time after, in the Order of Cisteaux, Alain des Iles, who was named the Vniver­sal Doctor.

Vsher hath also collected without much Order, divers things concerning the Origi­nal and Sentiments of the Vaudois and Albi­gese, and there begins to make the History how they were persecuted, from the begin­ning of the third Age, until the year MCCXL. (As these events are found in [Page 46] divers French and Latin Histories) we shall not relate them.

Here is only an Example of the barbari­ty of that Age. William le Brebon contem­porary Poet, saith in his Philippide LXVIII, with an Ingenuity particular to himself, speaking of the taking and sacking of Bezi­ers: ‘60000 Souls had their throats cut, which the inordinate fury of the Vulgar, and the indiscretion of the Ribaldorum kill'd, without the consent of the Gover­nours, making the faithful die with the incredulous, and not much mattering which deserved Death, or ought to have his Life saved.’

Yet what he saith of the Consent of the Heads of the party is not altogether True. Arnold Abbot of Cisteaux, since Archbishop of Narbone, and Legate of the Pope in this occasion, was so much afraid that some He­retick should escape, that he ordered the Sol­diers to cut off indifferently all those they met. He is a witness not to be suspected who tells us it, to wit, Cesaire de Heister­bach Monk of the same Order, in the Dio­cess of Cologne, and who lived in the time this Massacre was. ‘Knowing, saith he, by their Confessions, that there were Catho­licks amongst the Hereticks, they said to the Abbot, what shall we do, Sir? we cannot distinguish the good from the bad. But the Abbot and the rest fearing that the Hereticks would counterfeit them­selves to be Catholicks, only for fear of Death, and should return to their old He­resie, when the Army withdrew, the Abbot, I say, answered, as they tell us; kill them, for God knoweth those who are his: Caedite eos, novit enim Dominus qui sunt ejus.’

If Vsher could have continued, he might perhaps have recovered Authentick pieces, to end his History. There was one seen, a little while since, which could have served his purpose, and would be of great use to those who would be willing to prose­cute his design. It is an Original Register of the Inquisition of Thoulouse, written and collated by two Notaries of the same In­quisition, which contains what it hath done against the Albigeses for sixteen years, from the year Mcccvii, to the year, Mcccxxiii. The forms of the Oath are therein which Civil Judges tendred to the Inquisition, to defend it, and not to protect Heresie direct­ly or indirectly; and the Excommunicati­on which was design'd against those who favoured it; amongst whom were reckon­ed even those who accused those Hereticks which were of their acquaintance. There is the process of a great number of Persons condemned for Heresie, to divers punish­ments according to the exigency of the case. Some of those were condemned who repen­ted, after having kept them some time in Prison to put upon their cloaths violet cou­lor'd Crosses; which they thus wore all their Life, not being suffered to appear with o­ther cloaths, and with this clause that the Inquisition reserved a full power of change­ing the Sentence pronounced, as it should be thought fit, whether those who had been condemned to wear the Cross were accu­sed anew, or whether there was no accusa­tion at all. Those whom they resolv'd to mortifie by a sad imprisonment were kept between four Walls, where they were con­strained to go of themselves, and where they were nourished only upon Bread and Water. The obstinate Hereticks were put into the hands of the Secular. There was at that time in Gasconny of divers sorts, as well as before. In this Register are Vau­dois, and Albigeses condemned for divers pretended Heresies, as of denying Transub­stantiation, and the seven Sacraments of the Romish Church, of maintaining that we shall not rise in spiritual Bodies, &c. There have been besides Baguins, certain Monks of the third Order of St. Francis, who thought that it was not lawful for them to possess any thing whatever, who called the Pope Antichrist, because he suffered the Religi­ous of St. Francis to possess Riches, and who suffer'd themselves to be burned ra­ther than to retract these Fantastick Opi­nions. There is also the Condemnation of divers Manicheans. And the proceeding against Peter Ruffit, who quite to overthrow Concupiscence, had with a Woman the same commerce, as some Priests had with Young Women in the time of St. Cyprian, a Custom which lasted so long, that the Council of Nice condemned it. As being us'd in the beginning o'th' fourth Age, and that St. Basil, St. Chrysostome, and St. Ie­rome, employ'd all their Eloquence to cure several Ecclesiasticks of this Custom in their time, an exact account hereof may be seen in Mr. Dodwel's third Dissertation upon St. Cyprian.

Two small pieces of James Usher Archbishop of Armagh. One of the Original of Bishops, and the other of Proconsulary Asia, to which is added an Appendix of the Privi­ledges of the British Churches. At Lon­don, by Samuel Smith, 1687. in 8vo. And at Rotterdam, by Renier Leers.

THis is another Posthume Work of the Learned Vsher, Archbishop of Armagh, which sufficiently testifies that profound Learning that hath rendered him so famous, and makes him still respected as one of the Oracles of England. The Question he star­teth here has so imploy'd the wits for some years past, that instead of reuniting for the common Interest, they cannot without much ado calm the Agitation; which this dispute hath caused, tho' it only concerns Exterior Order.

It is therefore pretended, that in this Work, Episcopacy is a Divine Institution founded upon the Old and New Testament, and the Imitation of the Ancient Church. Vsher immediately remarks, that the chief of the Levites bore a Title, which was trans­lated in Greek by that of [...], The [Page 47] Bishop of the Levites, he expounds these Words of the Apocalypse Write to the Angel of Ephesus, as if the word Angel was the same thing as that of Bishop. The Succession of the Bishops of Ephesus appeared evident enough at the Council of Calcedon held in 451. And there 'tis likely enough that Timothy or one of his Successors, was the Angel to whom the words of St. Iohn are directed. St. Ireneus says, that he had seen Polycarp, who was established Bishop of Smyrna by the Apostles. Lastly he adds, that Tertulli­an in his Book of Prescription against Here­ticks, and St. Irenaeus pressed the Hereticks, by the Argument of the Succession of Bi­shops from the Apostles unto their time; and chiefly upon that of the Bishops of Rome, beginning with Linus, Cletus, or Clement, that the Apostles had placed there, and continuing until Elentherius the twelfth Bishop from the Apostles. And it was E­leutherius, who had the Glory of receiving into the Christian Faith Lucius King of Eng­land with all his Kingdom: and that there were Bishops so well established from that time, that ten years before the Council of Nice, held in 325. three English Bishops assisted at the Council of Arles.

After having proved the establishment of Bishops by the Apostles, Vsher examines the origine of the Metropolitans to whom he gives the same Antiquity. For suppo­sing as we have said, that St. Iohn speak­ing of the seven Angels understands nothing else but Bishops, he extends his conjecture so far as to say, that St. Iohn having writ­ten to the seven Churches of Asia without de­noting them more particularly, it necessari­ly follows, that they had some Prehemi­nence, and that they were distinguished by themselves; that is to say, by their quality of Metropolis. He confirms it by this cir­cumstance, that the Prefects of the Romans resided in these Cities as Capitals, and that the Adjacent Cities came for Justice thi­ther. Whence he concludes, that they were as Mothers to the other Churches. He concludes in shewing it to be the Senti­ment of Beza and Calvin, and proceeds to the second part of his Work, which treats of the Proconsulary or Lydian Asia.

He observeth, that the Name of Asia properly belonged to Lydia, for they pre­tend that Asia was the Name of an ancient King of the Lydians; and that it was Vespa­sian, that made a Proconsulary Province on't. After that these three Questions are resolved. The first if at the time of the Council of Nice, all the Bishops were sub­ject to the three Patriarchs of Rome, Alexan­dria and Antioch. It's proved by the very Ca­nons of the Council of Nice, and by the first Council of Constantinople assembled under Theodosius the Great, that each Patriarch had Power no farther than the extent of his Ter­ritory, and over the Bishops of his particu­lar Province. And to inform us, where the Patriarchats were limited, he saith that, that o [...] Alexandria comprised Egypt, Lybia and Pentapolis; but that Africk, Thebes, nor the Mareotides were not subjected to it. That of Antioch had not the whole Empire of the East, whereof Constantinople was the Capital. But only all that extended from the Mediterranean Sea towards the East, to the Frontiers of the Empire. That of Rome contained ten Provinces. The Islands of Si­cily, Corse and Sardinia were three of them, and the Continent of Italy on the East-side made the other seven, that the ancient Lawyers called Suburbicaries. But not to leave the work imperfect, upon this Sub­ject, he examines in what dependance the Churches were, who set up no Patriarchs. To this purpose he observes, that the Ro­man Empire was divided into thirteen Dio­ceses, seven on the East-side, and six on the West-side, in all 120. Provinces. Each Diocess had a Metropolis, where the Pri­mate resided as well as the Praetor or Vicar, who decided appeals in Civil Affairs, as al­so each Province had it's Metropolis. It will not be useless to add, that tho' Pri­mates had the same Authority as the Patri­archs, they preceded them notwithstanding in Councils; and that Rome, Alexandria and Antiochia were honoured with this dignity, which gave them the Preference, because they were the three chief Cities of the World.

The second Question is, whether the Bishop of Carthage was subject to the Patri­arch of Rome or Alexandria; and answer is made, that he was subject to neither, because he was a Prima [...]e himself of one of the thirteen Dioceses, whereof we have spoken.

As to Jurisdiction, he saith, that accor­ding to the Canons of the Councils, the or­der of the differences amongst Ecclesiasticks, and all that concerned the Clergy was im­mediately to be carried before the Metro­politan, and by an appeal before the Pri­mate without acknowledging the Superi­ority of the Patriarchs. That which makes the difficulty is, that St. Augustine said that St. Cicilian in his difference with Donatus, appeals to the Bishops beyond Sea. But answer is made, that that ought to be un­derstood of the Council, and not of a par­ticular Bishop, as that of [...]ome, who would draw the honour thereof to himself; and attributed that Right to himself from the time, that the Vandals under their King Genserick destroy'd all Africk; as the Popes have done since, in regard to the Greek Church by the fall of the Eastern Empire.

The third Question is, an enquiry whe­ther or no England ever depended on the Patriarch of Rome; and its decided in the Negative. It had it's Primate, who was the Bishop of York. For although London according to the Relation of Tacitus, was already famous through commerce, not­withstanding the City of York was the Capi­tal, the Vicar of the Empire resided there, and the Emperor Constance, Father of Con­stantine the Great died there.

If the Gallican Church hath it's Liber­ties, the English Church is not wanting; [Page 48] this is examined in a Treatise, which fol­loweth those we have already spoken of, but 'tis not Vshers. The Author establisheth for a Foundation, that under the ancient Law, the Priesthood and Royalty was joyned together; and that when they were separated, the whole Authority always remained in the Person of the Prince. Which is justi­fied by the example of Solomon, who nomi­nated Abiathar to perform the Function of High Priest, and by other Examples inser­ted in the request that was presented to King Philip the Fair, by all his Subjects a­gainst the enterprizes of Pope Boniface VIII. And he thence concludes, that the outward Policy of the Church belonged always to the Prince, and that it's he alone, who hath the power to convocate Councils, and in particular by that of Nice and Constantinople, which were assembled by the Authority of the Emperours, and confirmed by Constan­tine the Great, and Theodosius the Great. For tho' the Intrinsick Authority depended on the Word of God, the Extrinsick never­theless depended on the Imperial Seal, to give them the force of publick Law.

From whence he infers, Patriarchs were not erected but by the Councils and Autho­rity of the Emperours; and chiefly that of Rome, the Author evidently demonstrates, this dignity was not attributed to it, but by the respect that the Fathers and Councils had for the Capital of the Vniverse; which was adorned with the Senate and Empire. To convince these who are most prejudic'd in favour of the Court of Rome; we shall relate but the terms of the last Council save one. The Canon of the Council of Calce­don, as it is to be seen in the Manuscripts of the Libraries of M. de Thou, and M. Iu­stel. He says, that the Priviledges of Rome were granted by the Fathers, because it was the Mistris of the World; Quod urbs illa imperarèt. Neither by Divine, nor Apo­stolick Institution, as he observes, but a motive purely Temporal. Therefore also the same Canon grants to Constantinople new Rome; the first rank after old Rome for the same reasons, because it was also honoured by the Senate and Imperial Throne.

After that, the Author descends to the Priviledges of the English Church; and maintains it did not depend on the Roman Patriarch, because it was a different Dio­cess, and that it was not in the number of the Suburbicary Provinces. This Verse only is a proof on't.

It's also further justified by this particular circumstance, that the English celebrated the Passover, according to the Custom of the East, and conformed not to the West.

Having thus prepared the Mind, he shews that the Order of Parliament under Henry the 8. who shook off the Popes Yoak was not a new Law, but the re-establishment of the Ancient Laws, and Maxims of the Kings of England, who have maintained in all Ages, that the Excommunications of the Pope were void in England; and he brings many Examples to prove it. He thence draws this Consequence, that the Church of England cannot be aspers'd with the odious term of Schismatick; because it hath not raised Altar against Altar; that it hath kept it's Ancient Government, and can shew a Succession of Bishops not inter­rupted since the beginning of Christianity; and consequently it had sufficient Authori­ty to reform it self.

There is added to these Treatises, the advice of Iohn Barnesius a Benedictine Monk. Who much disapproved these flatterers of the Court of Rome, who have incens'd the Minds of men, in maintaining that the Kingdom of England owes any homage to the Holy See, and have caused this breach with the Pope. He saith, it would be ve­ry happy, if the Pope for the good of Peace, would again receive into his Communion the Kingdom of England, without rendering it dependant on him, until a Council may cure the evil. But the Court of Rome ne­ver lets go its hold, and it's long since that Pope Paul the fourth answered to this Pro­position of Barnesius. For the Embassadors of England under Queen Mary, asking him Absolution in the Name of the whole King­dom, he omitted not to demand of them if he might send an Exactor of the Tribute of St. Peter, declaring unto them that they should not expect this Apostle should open them the Gate of Heaven, whilst they re­tained his Patrimony upon Earth. Barnesi­us confesseth it's very hard to be submitted to the Pope, who when he pleaseth Arms the Subjects against their King; and adds, that the Councils of Constance and Basil ha­ving declared those Hereticks, who hold that the Pope was not Inferiour to General Coun­cils, the Modern Popes are in the Case of Excommunication declared by these Coun­cils. This he saith, not to quarrel with his Holiness, but humbly to insinuate unto him the means of bringing back so fine a Kingdom into the bosom of the Church. Notwithstanding the good Intentions of this poor Monk, have been very ill acknow­ledged; for he was sent out of Paris, strip'd of his habit, tied like a fierce beast, and uncompassionately dragg'd to Rome, and there cast into the dark Dungeon of the Inquisiti­on, where he miserably expired.

An Extract of the Letters of Grotius, I. PART, The Subject, Criticks and Divinity.

WE have not seen until now but a very small Number of the Letters of this Great Man; the Volume of those that he hath written to many Learned Men of France, which were Printed in Holland and Germany, contain two hundred and four, and we find no more than sixty nine in the Vo­lume [Page 49] of the Epistles intituled, Amsterd. in Fol. 1684. Praestaentium ac Eruditorum Vi­rorum Epistolae Ecclesiasticae & Theologicae, which he hath writ­ten to some other of his Friends in Holland and elsewhere. Besides all those which have appear'd abroad until now, one may see in this Edition a great number that have been drawn from his Papers, and the Pub­lick (without doubt) will receive 'em with the same satisfaction. In these he hath ex­cepted against some Divine Pieces Printed for Monsieur Bleau in the year 1679.

This Volume is compos'd of more than two thousand five hundred Letters that are placed according to the order of the time in which they were written: The first whereof was directed to Monsieur Thou, and dated the first of April 1590. and the last, which was to William Grotius, bore date the 18th of Iuly 1645. just a month before the death of the Author, which happened the 18th of August following. It's true, there's about 750 Letters at the end, which cou'd not be put in the same order with the for­mer, because they were receiv'd too late, notwithstanding they were mixt together in this same Method.

These Letters treat of an Infinite Num­ber of Subjects, but without stopping at those which contain nothing very impor­tant, as are the Letters of pure Civility, or those which speak of Domestick Affairs, I shall relate here what I find most curious on Criticks, Divinity, Law, History and Poli­ticks: These are the five Heads to which one may reduce all that is remarkable in the Epistles of Grotius.

Things be­longing to the Criticks. 1. To begin with Cri­ticks, we find in the 54th Let­ter of the first part, Advice to Monsieur de Maurier touching the manner whereby he ought to regulate his Studies. But as this Advice is fitted to the Age, Charge and Imploy of this French Embassador in Holland, it shall not be related in particulars. He gives also to his Brother in the third Letter of the second part, that which he judges the most proper Method for the first Studies of those who are design'd for the Law.

The Origi­nal of the La­tine Tongue. Grotius being at Paris after he was escaped from the Prison of Louvestein, receiv'd Visits there from many Learned Men, and amongst others, from Monsieur Peires [...], who hath done so much honour to the Inge­nious of his time, and who hath also receiv'd from them the praises that he merited. In these Visits they often discours'd of Science, as it appears in the first page of the 107th Letter, where Grotius proves something that he had before advanc'd in a Conversation: 'Tis this, that the Latine Tongue hath very few words that come from the Phrygians, from whence the Latines drew their Origi­nal, or from the Hetrurians, which was the most Antient Tongue of Italy, from which we may believe the Romans had theirs. He shews that the Original of the Latine must be sought in a Dialect of the Greek Tongue, because that the Greeks inhabited a part of Italy, as well as the Neighbouring Isles, from whence 'tis called Magna Graecia, very near that which he calls the Kingdom of Naples. They formerly divided all the People that spoke Greek in­to Ionians and Dorians, which were the two Principal Dialects. The Attick Idiom, according to Grotius, is but a Branch of that of the Ionians, and differs only in certain Pro­prieties. The Aeolian Dialect is also but a part of the Dorians, which they used in Sicily, as appears by the Eclogues of Theo­critus, which are pure Dorick, whereas they spoke Aeolian in the Isles of that name. 'Tis this last Dialect that Grotius maintains comes from the Latine Tongue, as he proves by ma­ny Examples. The other Dorians changed into A long, the common termination of the Feminins in Η, but the Aeolians changed it into A short, and for example [...] Nympha, [...] Fama. The 6th Let­ter in the Antient Greek Alphabet was formerly called [...], as it is called Vau in the Phenician Alphabet, from whence the Greeks have derived theirs. Others call it the Aeolian Digamma, and, altho' its not seen in the late Alphabets, it ceases not to retain its place in the Greek num­bers, for F, or ς, make six. The Aeolians used to place it before words which begin with a Vowel. As for [...] they used to say [...], according to Priscian. The Latines follow­ed their Example, and instead of [...] they said Vesperus, instead of [...] Vinum, &c. The Aeolians put their Bau before those words which begin with R, as [...] frango, for the Dorick [...] which comes from [...], is out of use, for which they say [...]. It is appa­rent from the Aeolick frago comes the La­tine frango, since there is no difference at all, only an N more in the last, which sometimes was omitted, as appears by the Latine word frago, and confrages. The Aeolians also used an S before the Vowels, as well as the La­tine, who for [...] say serpo, for [...] say sus &c. Thence it comes that one finds in the Aeo­lian Dialect only divers Latine words whereof no foot-steps are to be seen in the others, as [...] Nuncius, [...] Nepos, &c.

The same matter is treated on more at length in Vossius his Etymologicon, and in some of Salmatius Letters.

Grotius having consulted the last, to know if C or S was not taken for six with the Greeks, answers yes, and gives some proofs of it, which Grotius confirms by others in the 2d. page of 480. Letter. Our Author makes use of these remarks to prove, that Trajan is the same, whereof St. Iohn speaks in the 13. of Revelations and 18. v. be­cause in the word [...], which is the Name of that Emperour. The number 666. is found in taking C for six, and not for two hundred, according to the general acceptation of the Σ.

In matters belonging to the Criticks, there is also some Explications of divers pas­sages of Scripture, and of prophane Authors. [Page 50] He shews for example in the 91. Letter 1. p. that this passage of the An Expli­cation of Prov. 19.4. Proverbs and the 4. v. which is translated, God hath made all things for Himself, and the Wic­ked for the day of Calamity, ought to be tran­slated thus: God hath disposed all things, so that they answer one another, and the Wicked in the day of Adversity; that is, that God hath ordered it so, that even by the course of Nature, the Wicked should be punish­ed. A passage very like to this in the 33. of Ecclesiasticus 14. v.

He maintains also, that these Words of the 1. of Timothy 3d. Ch. 2. v. Let the Bi­shop be a Husband of one Wife, ought to be explained in this Sense; That a Bishop should have but one Wife only. Which excludes not simply the Plurality of Women at the same time, but second Weddings also. 'Tis thus, that Lycophron calls Helena [...], Wife to three Husbands, altho' she never had three at a time; Theseus being dead, when Paris took away Helen from Menela­us. Afranius hath called the same Bivi­ram, a Woman that married a second time; and Tertullian, Vnivitam a Woman marri­ed but once. The ancient Christians build­ing upon this passage, as does the present Impiety of the Romans, who permitted not the High-Priest to marry a second time, forbid the same thing to the Clergy. It is thus, that the same Apostle c ▪ 5. v. 9. would have the Widows that they chose for the service of the Church to be the Wife of one Husband only. That is, that they had married but one Husband, for it was never permitted to Women to have more at the same time, and St. Paul took no care to prohibite a thing that might never happen. But as the Roman Law suffered Women to repudiate their Husbands, so it came to pass that un­chast Women changed them too often; witness this passage of Seneca cited by our Author: Illustres quaedam ac Nobiles Faeminae non Consulum numero, sed Maritorum, annos su­os computant, & exeunt Matrimonii causa, nu­bunt Repudii.

As Iuvenal saith; see the Letters 297.323.

Peter du Puy Counsellor in Parliament, demanded one day of Grotius, the reason The design of the Evange­list. the Evangelist said nothing of what happened to our Lord before his 30th. year, except one thing only that befel him at 12. years, as St. Luke reports. Grotius answers to that, that it is, by the end which is proposed in an Author, that we must judge of what ought to be said, and what omitted: That the Evangelist had no de­sign, to write only the Life of Jesus Christ, but to give the Gospel to Posterity, that is, a Doctrine under the Conditions of Re­pentance, promising to men the Remission of Sins, and Life Eternal: That it is com­posed of two parts, whereof the one hath a respect to the Doctrine, and the other to History, as much as is useful to confirm this Doctrine, as the History of the Mira­cles, Death, Resurrection, and Ascension of Jesus Christ: That this History begins properly, but at the Baptism of Jesus Christ, because from that time he began to teach publickly without Intermission, and that he had done Miracles: So that the Evangelists have omitted all which passed in that time; and if they said any thing, it ought to be looked upon rather as a kind of Preamble, to make known the Person of Jesus Christ, than as the beginning of an exact History of his Life. Letter 143. first part.

Nicholas of Damascus. We may add here to the Criticks, that which is in 264. Letter to Monsieur de Pegrese, touching the writings and Life of Nicholas of Damascus. Mon­sieur de Pegrese having recovered a Manu­script Copy out of the Collections of Con­stantine [...]orphyrogennete put them into the hands of the famous Henry of Valois then but young, who caused them to be printed in Greek and Latin with Notes of his own, 1634. in 4. at Paris. Grotius having seen this work before it was printed, writ to Monsieur de Pegrese, all that he knew con­cerning Nicholas of Damascus, of which there are many fragments in this Collection. He treats of the writings of this Author, who was a particular Friend to Herod the Great, his universal History, and his Life of Caesar Augustus in 180. Books. He speaks of his Stile, and manner of Writing; and shews that that which bears his Name in the Manuscript of Monsieur de Piersc is really this Historians. He after that, writ his Life in Latin, and the fragments of his Works, that he found in Iosephus, Athenae­us, Phocius, &c. In fine, he sends to his il­lustrious Friend a Latin Version of a part of Nicholas's which was in the Collections of Constantine.

There is a remarkable place in the Dis­course of Epictetus collected by A passage of Arian explica­ted. Arian Book 2. c. 9. Why do you call your self a Sto­ick? saith this Philosopher to a Jew who counterfeited a Heathen: Why do you deceive the Multitude? Why feign you your self a Greek, since you are a Iew? see you not why they call a man a Iew, Syrian, or Egyptian, and that if any one is seen leaning on both sides, we are accustomed to say, that he is not a Iew, but feigns himself to be so: But when he comes to be of the mind as those who have been baptized, and who have embraced this Sect; they call him a Iew, and he is so in effect. And thus we, who have been vainly baptized are Iews by Name, but in effect ano­ther thing: [...]. Ruarus who proposed this passage to our Author, demanded of him who Epictetus meant by those, that he cal­led ( [...]) baptized in vain, if they are not Christians? and from whence it comes to pass that Epictetus puts himself in their number? Grotius answers, First, That [Page 51] we must read in these last words, [...] (or rather [...]) which makes this sense: In like manner we resemble those who have been baptized in vain, we are honest men by name, but in effect another thing. Secondly, That the Author speaks not of Christians, which he else where calls Galileans, but of the Jews, which received none into their Reli­gion that were not first baptized, Letter 322, 336. See the first Century of the Letters of Ruarus Epistle the 31. and

We find also in the first page of the 673. Letter, Corrections of Sta [...]e. divers Correcti­ons upon the works of Stace, that Grotius sent to Gronovius, who was then preparing an Addition thereof.

The most noble part of the Criticks, if Iudgments upon divers Au­thors. we may believe those who make a Profession of it, is that which teacheth us to judge of Authors to discern their true Works, from those which are Suppositions, to distinguish their stile, to find out the de­fects thereof, and to remark the faults they commit. For that Reason, we shall place here the Judgment that Grotius hath made of divers Books both Ancient and Modern.

The first Epistle of [...]lement to the Corin­thians. Grotius judgeth it to be much the same that Phocius read; that there is no rea­son to believe, that that which Phocius read is not the same, that St. Ierome, Clemens Alexandrinus, and St. Irenaeus read, who where nearer the time of the Author. That the stile according to the remarks of St. Ierome is very near that of the Epistle to the Hebrews; as also there are many o­ther marks of a true Antiquity, as this, Quod de Christo semper loquitur non ut posterio­res [...], sed simpliciter plane, & ut Paulus Apostolus solet, & quod alia qu [...] ­que dogmata, postea subtilius explicata tractet, [...], &c. For what regards the High Priest, Levites and the Laicks, relates (ac­cording to our Author) to the Priesthood and to the Custom of the Jews. This Epi­stle being written about the end of Nero's Empire, or at least before that of Vespasian whilst the Temple yet stood, Letter 347. 1. p.

Tacitus. After having said, that many learned men have discovered, of what use Tacitus is in Politicks, without excepting the the Italians, who pretend to be the great Masters in this Science; He saith, that Ber­neggerus and Freinshemius, had given at Stras­bourg an Edition of it in 8vo. with a very large Index and most useful Notes in the Margent. He adds, that he read it with pleasure, and that it was esteemed by all the Ingenious of Paris. The same Author undertook to make an Addition in Folio, with a perpetual Commentary drawn from all the Notes, which had appeared tell then upon Tacitus Letter 1092. 1. p.

Theophilactus. 'Tis the abridgement of the Greek Fathers, which had written before him and is, as the Voice of the Greek Church, who gave us the opinions of St. Paul, which he had preserved with much Fidelity, Letter 1243. 1 p.

Predestinatus. 'Tis the Title of a Book, in 8vo. printed at Paris 1643. by Father Sirmond. Grotius saith, that he hath drawn this Book from a Manuscript, which was formerly Hin [...]mar's Archbishop of Rheims, that this work is oppos'd to those that be­lieve absolute Predestination. And that the Stile is strong and elegant, Letter 673. p. 2.

Father Casaubon. I have not had less ve­neration saith our Author, for his natural openness and sincerity, than for his great Learning. He told me in the year, 1613. at London, where I was almost every day with him, when he went out of France, he quitted all Studies, which belong to the an­cient Souldiery, to which he had been per­swaded by Henry the 4th. who was as great a Soldier as a Prince, and that in England he had turned his Studies of that side, which most pleased King Iames, who was given more to peace than War. Casaubon had no Collection, except in his memory, Mar­gents of his Books, and upon loose Papers. Wherefore we have no Notes upon Polybe, but what is upon his first Book, and they are imperfect also 184. Letter p. 2.

Selden. This Author who made his wit appear in many pieces, hath given to the Publick his book entituled Mare Clausum, in opposition to another intituled Mare libe­rum. This work is very learned, and attri­butes in particular to the King of England all the Sea that extends it self from the Coasts of England, Spain, France, the Low Countreys and Germany unto that of Den­mark, Letter 590. p. 1.

Selden, saith Grotius in another place, hath taken figurative Expressions (whereof I have made use in my Poetry) to defend the Laws of the King of England; and hath op­posed them to others more serious. I am very much obliged to him for the honesty with which he hath spoken of me, and I believe I shall not injure the Friendship that is between us, by this Epigram that I have made upon his Book.

The Bishop of Bellai. I know him, saith Grotius, not only by his writings, but also by Conversation. He is an honest man, and well versed in Controversie. This is the Title of one of his Books, The Demo­lishings of the Foundation of the Protestant Do­ctrine. He hath a great hatred to the Monks, and would not have them instruct the Peo­ple, but have it referred to the Ordinaries. He is very much esteemed amongst the Bi­shops, and of an exemplary Life, Letter 1716. p. 1.

Crellius. I thank you, saith our Author to him, Letter 197. p. 1. both for the Let­ter [Page 52] and the book you [...] sent me. I have re­solved to read over and over with care all that you have written, knowing how much profit I have gain'd by your Works. When I received your Letter I was employed in reading your Commentary upon the Epi­stle to the Galatians. You have very hap­pily found the design and occasion of this Epistle as well as the sequel of this dis­course. I have cast my eye, saith our Au­thor, elsewhere in speaking to Ruarius friend to Crellius upon his Commentary to the Epistle to the Hebrews which is very Learned. I have profited much thereby, as well as upon that which he hath made upon the Galatians, of which the Ministers of Cha­renton make the same judgment as I do. Let. 552. p. 1. He saith to his Brother, speaking of the Book that the same Crellius had writ­ten against that of Grotius, de satisfactione Christi, that he hath written modestly, and with much learning, altho' he approves not of his opinions p. 2 Letter 138.

George Calixta Professor of Divinity at Helmstadt. I know not whether you have seen the preface that Calixta hath put be­fore the books of St. Austin de Doctrina Christiana, and of the Commonitorium of Vin­cent de Lerins, the book that he hath made de Clericorum coelibatu, and the first part of his divine Morals with a digression touching the new Method, de Arte nova. I approve the judgment of this Man and the respect he hath for antiquity, joyned to the love of Peace. A. M. des Cordes Canon of Limages. p. 1. Letter 350. see Letter 339. p. 1.

Salmatius. I have run through the book of Salmatius upon Simplicius. There is, as you say, much reading. I wonder he disposeth not his thoughts in a better order. 'Tis some­times difficult to reconcile him to himself; he often disputes about words, &c. To Wil­liam Grotius, p. 2. Letter 326. Salmatius hath been with me▪ he is dispos'd to defend eve­ry thing to the utmost extremity, and even maintains that St. Peter never set foot in I­taly. I wonder the spirit of a Party should have so much strength; says he, in the same Letter 533. Salmatius is pleas'd to defend Opinions abandoned by all the World, for even Blondel who is a Minister in France maintains in a book, Printed at Geneva, that St. Peter was at Rome. He denyes also a Wo­man was ever Pope, but Salmatius affirms it in the same Letter 536.

A great friend of Salmatius, hath told me a little while since, that a Book could not easily be made de lingua Hellenistica Redi­viva, drawn from this, that he saith he is con­strain'd to confess in many places that he ac­knowledges the thing, and disputes but of the Name. He saith that no body hath re­mark'd that [...] answereth to a manner of speaking Latin. But I had, and even in three places, Mat. vi. 2. &c. in the same book 6921.

Daniel Heinsius, I have read the Works of Heinsius upon Nonnus, which was not worth my while, for others have said several things which he remarks upon Iohn. I find that speaking of the Trinity he contradicts him­self in many places, as it happens to those who would know too much upon this mat­ter. In the same Let. 149. there are many things which are not to be despis'd in the book of Heinsius, but he hath not drawn a few thereof out of the Epistles of Scaliger, and the Works of Peucerus, of Fuller and Selden, without naming them. The more I consider him, the more I find that those who would know more concerning the Tri­nity than Scripture tells us, are punished for their pride. The desire they have of con­tradicting others, makes them to contradict themselves. See only p. 272. He calleth practice [ [...]] which is really different, and not simply according to our manner of conceiving. After that he saith that Es­sence in Trinity is really distinct, and the proprieties of the Persons, only according to our manner of conceiving, &c. Let. 152. Grotius censures such like absurdities in his Letters 156. and 157.

Ph. Cluvier. After having cast my eyes up­on the Germany of Cluvier I cannot but ap­prove the application, which alwayes produ­ceth some fine thing, when it's applied altoge­ther to one subject. He doth not seem to me so haughty, as he appear'd in a little book which he had sometime since publish'd, yet he shews a great boldness therein. A sensible proof of this is, that he often blots out and changes words in the antient Writings, without following any Manuscript but his conjectures only. He hath also much de­light to reprehend others, and when it's any that's still living, 'tis the more easily to be suffered, but he often accuseth Caesar, Strabo, and, several other excellent Authors, of great Ignorance, &c. to Isaack Pontanus, Let. 11. P. 2.

C. Graswinkelius. This Author made an answer to Seldens book Intituled Mare Clau­sum. Here is what Grotius saith on't. Let. 999. 2. par. The book of Mr. Graswinkel ought to be very dear unto me, seeing it hath cost me 11 l. 1 s. 2 d. Carriage. I approve his exactness in gathering all that can serve for his subject. He writes even Latin better than the most part of your Au­thors &c.

Father Petau the Iesuit. Denis Petau, saith Grotius, hath publish'd three Books de Dog­matibus Theologicis. He promiseth more up­on other questions, more, or less necessary. He applyes himself to the opinions of the Greek and Latin Fathers, and speaks not of the Scholasticks. He distinguisheth the Te­nets defined by the Church, from those up­on which it is permitted to say what we will. He expounds-them all very well; his Books are extream useful. Salmatius is abu­sed therein, and it's said it was he who na­med himself Wallo Messalinus. But I could not but laugh to see him call Conrad Vor­stius Calvinist, Let. 678. p. 2.

Mr. Arnaud Doct [...]r of the Sorbon. All the World knows that Grotius was very far from the opinions of Mr. Arnaud, upon Prae­destination, and Grace, but this hath not hin­dered Grotius from giving him the praises he [Page 53] deserves. This he saith of his book of Fre­quent Communion. Mr. Arnaud will have publick penitence re-established in regard to the publick sins, & that those who shall make their sins known but by their▪ Confession to the Priest, abstain from the Communion, untill they are assured that they are amended in it. This book was approved by five Archbishops, thirteen Bishops, and one and twenty Doctors; some have already introduced this Custom into their Churches. For it is lawful for Bishops to bring again into use the antient Ca­nons, even by the Authority, of the Council of Trent, & by the example of Cardinal Berronius Archbishop of Milan, who hath been Canonized. Let. 669. p. 2. to William Grotius. Adver­vertise your Stationers, saith he, in the 671. Letter, to send for the book of the frequent Com­munion, and to get it Printed anew. You will do thereby a good service to Christianity. And elsewhere: They make it a crime in him for ha­ving said in what he has written against a Iesuit, that he believes those who feel in themselves their ancient inclinations to vice, do not ill to abstain from Communion; and that he judgeth that even those who are given but to venial sins, do not amiss to abstain, and other such like things. The antient severity, which we are no more able to suffer, as one saith, annoy'd him. Nocuit antiquus rigor, cui jam pares non sumus, a [...]t ille. The Prince of Conde (for he hath also Written upon this matter, but without adding his name) thinks it's believ'd hitherto, that if any one hath confessed his sins, is in the resolution of never more returning to 'em, and to undergo the penitence that will be imposed on him, he may morally be assured that he is in a State of Grace, and that he doth well to Communicate. The Queen demanded the judgment of the Sorbon up­on these matters. The Parliament and Sorbon think it is against the Laws, that a Subject of the King should be constrained to quit the King­dom, especially the Abbot Dubyse (Dubysi­um) who going to Rome to justifie himself, was immediately put into prison. Therefore Mr. Arnaud, being a Man of so good a life, that his greatest enemies could find nothing to say against him. being thirty six years old, and submitting himself to the judgment of the See of Rome, to the Catholick Bishops, and particu­larly to the Archbishop of Paris and the Sorbon, as you may see by what I have sent you, we may judge here of his affair, adding to these Iudges those which the Pope hath Commissioned for that purpose. For my part, as I favour those who would reestablish the antient satisfaction, I see that the most part of those who favour Mr. Arnaud are Jansenists, to wit, Calvinists upon matters of Predestination. Thus it is that Gro­tius speaks to his Brother in a Letter dated the 9th. of April, 1644.

Peter Hoofet. I have begun to read the History of Hoofet, 'tis a fine work, his expres­sions after the antient manners of speaking will not please others. But Thucydides and Salust have given him the example, as well as Tacitus who lived a great while after them, Let. 636. 2. p. He also praises the Hi­story of Henry the Great Writ in Dutch by the same Author.

Iustus Vondel. This famous Flemish Poet published in 1638. a Tragedy, which is a­cted once a year at Amsterdam, entituled Gishrecht van Amstel. He dedicated it to Grotius, who makes this judgment thereof in a Letter to Vossius the 28th. of May the same year: Vondel did me a kindness in dedicating unto me (as to a man who hath some gust of these sort of things) a Trage­dy whose subject is noble, whose order is excellent, and expression fine, &c. It is a folly not to have in a subject of 300 years, the customs of that time represent­ed. Thus it is that those of Geneva in a French Edition of Philip de Comines, have observ'd every where, where the Author saith that the King heard Mass, that he was at the Lords Supper.

II. These are the chief things of the Criticks, which are in the Epistles of Gro­tius. We shall observe in short the The­ological matters before our Author was put in Prison, being still in possesion of his Employments, he Writ several Letters touching the Controversies of Grace and Predestination, which then were maintain'd with much heat, and which was the occassion of his ruine.

In Letter 31. p. 1. He quotes some words of St. Ierome, whom he saith 'tis hard ab­solutely to excuse of Semipelagianism, as well as St. Chrysostome. He endeavoureth notwithstanding, to give a favourable inter­pretation thereof. Here is one of these pas­sages of St. Ierome, drawn from his third book against the Pelagians: Vbi misericor­dia Dei & Gratia, ex parte cessat arbitrium, quod in eo tantum est ut velimus & cupiamus, & placitis tribuamus assensum. Iam in Domini potestate est ut id quod cupimus, quod laboramus ac nitimur, illius ope & auxilio implere valeamus. Grotius saith, that perhaps St. Ierome and the other Fathers, who speak thus have call'd Grace, but that which renders us holy and acceptable unto God, and not that which excites us to do well, and which pre­vents the first motions of our will. He speaks more of this preventing Grace in the 31, 33▪ 34, and 62. Let.

He treats in Epistle 62. and 31. of Pre­destination, and he maintains that on this occasion we ought not to prefer the au­thority of St. Augustin, to that of all the Fathers who lived afore him in the purer Ages of the Church, and such as were also troubled with disputes. But he clearly maintains that all these Fathers rejected absolute Predestination, and maintain'd that God hath predestinated to Salvation, those only whom he foresaw would make good use of his Graces, and on the contra­ry hath resolved to Damn those only whom he foresaw would continue impenitent, ac­cording to the formal Concession of Prosper Disciple to St. Augustin. Retractatis priorum de hac re opinionibus paene omnium par invenitur & una sententia, qua propositum, & praedesti­nationem Dei secundum praesentiam receperunt. He cites upon this occasion divers passages of Iustin Martyr, St. Irenaeus, St. Chrysostom and several others. But these things may be seen [Page 54] treated on more at large in the Pelagian Hi­story of Vossius, which our Author appro­veth of in several places of his Letters.

Moreover he treats of Liberty, Univer­sality, and Sufficiency of Grace, of Perseve­rance, and of the certainty of Salvation in Letter 62. But as he speaks of these dif­ficult matters only by the by, to compre­hend well the sentiment of the Remon­strants, which he maintains thro' the whole, we should read in those amongst their Do­ctours who have treated thereof ex professo, as Episcopius, de Courcelles, &c.

Grotius seems to have believed in his Youth that the Socinians were far from deserving the name of Christians, and me­rited not barely to be called Hereticks, as appears by a Letter Written in 1611. to Anthony Walaeus. But afterwards he was of another mind on this occasion, tho' he al­ways protested that he was not of their opinions touching the Divinity and satis­faction of Jesus Christ. He cou'd not how­ever hinder his being suspected of having too much inclination to their opinions, tho' he took great care to Write the contrary to his Friends. See Letters 880, 883, 1035. P. 1.411.456. P. 2. He assures us in this last Letter, that after having had some Con­versations with Ruarus, this Unitarian had in fine answered him upon the Article of sa­tisfaction, so that there scarcely remain'd any Controversie amongst them. Alios quosdam, adds he afterwards, qui in illo caetu fuerunt, plene ad meam perduxi sententiam. This may be seen in their Confession of Faith, and in the Apology which they made about it a little after. This renders one thing credible e­nough which Grotius saith in the same Let­ter, which he had learned of Bisterfeldius and of some others, viz. that Crellius said on his death-bed that he would never have undertook to Write against his book of the satisfaction of Iesus Christ, if we had read what Grotius had remarked in his Book de jure Belli ac Pacis, concerning the Communi­cation of Punishments.

The same thing happened to our Author in respect to the Roman Catholicks, as it did in regard to Socinianism. As he grew mild concerning the opinion of the Socini­ans, which was the cause why his Enemies accused him of being an Unitarian, so he growing more moderate in regard to the Roman Catholicks, he was accused of be­ing of their Communion. It may be seen by some Letters Written in his Youth, that he had the same sentiments of the Ro­man Church as the generality of Prote­stants, tho' he was then more moderate than several Reformed Divines. See his Letters 14. and 15. of the 1. p. and the 15th. of the 2. p. There is also a Letter from Paris of the 7th. of Iune 1622. wherein he exhorts Episcopius to refute the grounds of the followers of Cassander, who maintain that those who disapprove most of the errors of the Ro­man Church, ought not for that to separate themselves from it's Communion. He saith that we ought principally to examine two questions against these Gentlemen: the first is, to know if an action permitted of it self, such as is genuflection in Communi­cating, becomes unlawful by the Interpre­tation which those give it who govern the Church, that this action hath Jesus Christ for an Object present under the accidents of Bread, or even the visible Signs: the o­ther, to know if it be lawful for one to joyn with an Assembly, whose Pastours maintain certain Tenets which are disap­proved, are necessary to enter into their Communion; tho' they exact not of Par­ticulars a distinct profession. But Grotius believeth, that it's needless to prove a­gainst these Gentlemen, that the Pope hath not the whole Authority which the Court of Rome attributes to him, because they do agree therein. He saith that they bow not their knee before the Images; that they shun the Processions wherein the Eucharist is carried; that they hold the belief of the Invocation of Saints, and that of Purgatory, as Opinions that are unnecessary; as they do not hold themselves obliged to embrace the definitions of the Latin Church, and that they place the force which is used to make them to be received, in the Rank of Per­secutions which good Men ought to suffer, as well as the denying of the Cup.

It seems that in process of time the Cor­respondence which Grotius had with some of those whom he calls Cassandrians, made him almost of their Opinions, as may be seen by the notes upon the Consultation of Cassander, and the other books which he published, touching the means of reu­niting Religious. He testifies in many places of these Letters that he desired passionately the Reunion of Protestants a­mongst themselves, and of Protestants with Roman Catholicks. But it appears also that when he reflected upon the difficulties of reuniting, which are already, and upon those w^ch arise every day, he look'd upon the Reu­nion as a thing which ought to be wished for, but of which there is but little hopes. Thus it is that he speaks in several places. In the first part may be seen Letters 422.426.519.649.976. Where he complains particularly of the new Institution of the a Monks dress worn over their faces. Scapular, and of the books of the Office of the Vir­gin, which he looks upon as obstacles to peace. This is what makes him speak thus to his Brother William Grotius in a letter of the 21. of February 1625. Hoc voti magis est quàm spei, praesertim cum Romae M. Antonii de Dominis damnata si [...] memoria, corpore exusto. Et tamen sunt qui me Romam invitent:

But as when we ardently desire a thing, this Passion often makes the difficulties disappear which are in the obtaining there­of, so Grotius hoped sometime that he should see it but rather as a simple object of his [Page 55] wishes than his hopes: so it appears by the Letters 534. and 637. of the 2. p. that he flattered himself that in time the Roman Church might relinquish several of its Tenets, and correct several abuses whereof the most understanding persons of that Communion complain every day. He ho­ped nevertheless to see it, but this Idea flattered him so pleasantly, that he could not but say,

What he had written in his youth was objected against him, as contrary to what he maintained towards the end of his life. But first he saith, that if all this be examined there will no contradiction be found in it, and he adds in the second place, that if by a more advantage, by the conversation of the Learned, and by much Reading, his judgment is become more solid, he ought no more to be accused of inconstancy than St. Augustin who retracted in his old age, several things which he had advanced in the first books he published. P. 2. l. 647.

Besides these matters of Divinity which respect Controversie some Questions of Mo­rality are found in these Letters, which are not of a less importance; for example, What rule men should keep in the estimati­on of things which are exchanged and sold, and in the Interest which can be demanded for ones money? l. 953. p. 1. As this de­pends on infinite circumstances, the Laws have defined nothing upon these matters. People have been forced to be referred to natural equity, which all men ought to have for one another.

Ruarus demanded of Grotius if a Man can espouse two Sisters after one another, be­cause the Divine Laws say nothing on't, tho' human Laws prohibit it? and if a Christian is oblig'd to follow but mans Laws? Grotius answers that Princes have Right to declare null these sort of Marria­ges, just as the other Contracts, and that a Christian is oblig'd to follow the Laws, unless they are altogether unsufferable. Let. 327. and 336. P. 1.

In the Letter 1057. Grotius expounds a place of his book de Iure belli ac Pacis, and sheweth in what sense these words of Jesus Christ ought to be understood, He that will take your Coat from you, let him take your Cloak, &c. The sense of the explication which he gives in this Letter, cannot be comprehended without comparing it with the book above mentioned.

One Nicholas de Bye of the Society of the Menonites, which Grotius calls genus ho­minum non malum, had sent him a great let­ter, by which he endeavoured to prove that it was prohibited to Christians to make War, & to punish with Death. Grotius answers to that several things in the Letters 545 and 546. of the 2d. P. which may be added to what he hath said upon these matters in his book de Iure Pacis ac Belli.

An Extract of the Letters of Grotius, II. Part, Treating upon Law, History, and Politicks.

WE have run thro' the Criticks and Divinity in the Letters of the famous Grotius. It remains that we should make an extract of the matters concerning Law, History and Politicks. Tho' he under­takes not to treat throughly on this subject, there are nevertheless several places which may contribute much to the understanding of divers hard questions in the Law. Histo­ry and in the Government of States.

III. The famous question concerning the Domination of the Sea may be referred to Law, which hath been so often agitated in the North. There was at the beginning of this Age a dispute between the English and the Dutch concerning the fishing for Whales. Commissaries were named on both sides, to regulate this difference. Gro­tius was one of the Commissaries of the Province of Holland, and he relates the suc­cess of the Conference which they had with the English Commissaries in his Letter 56. 1. p. He saith they silenced the English, and made it appear that neither the Country of Greenland, nor the Sea belonged to them, and that the Dutch could not lose the li­berty of their Navigation, nor of fishing for Whales, whereof none had any right to claim the Propriety to himself. We clearly shewed, saith he, that the Land belonged not to them, seeing before the year 1596. no body had gone to it, that the Hollanders discovered it, and gave it the Name which it hath yet, as is evident in all the modern Geographers Spheers, and Mapps. They would fain have persuaded us that Hugh Willoughby discovered it in 1553. But we prove by the very Journal of this Voyager, that he being parted from Finland, took Anchor at the Isle of that Name, which is very far from Greenland; that he in fine died with Cold and Hunger, with all his Companions, upon the Coasts of Lapland, where some Laponians found them the next Summer, and whence their journals were carried into England. The English could answer nothing to all this, only that there had been much wrong done to their master to contest a Right with him, which he had till then pea­ceably possess'd.

In the letter 15. P. 2. He treats of this question, to wit. Whether a Lord of Hol­land might yield something touching the Rights of Navigation and Commerce with­out the Consent of the States. He main­tains he cannot, because the Lords of Holland were but the Guardians of the Rights of the People, without being able to Alienate them, as he says may be shewn easily by the Laws of the Coun­trey. Upon this occasion, he saith that Hol­land was a free Countrey, even under its Lords, and that this liberty began not when the King of Spain was declared a Receder from his, Rights or when a Truce was made with him. Grotius brings some reasons for [Page 56] this, which may be read in the Original.

Grotius had written in 1615 to the Em­bassador of the States at the Court of France, touching the Controversies which were in agitation at that time in Holland, and his Letter was shewn to Peter du Moulin as then Minister of Charenton, who had made some Reflections upon this Letter, which were sent to Grotius. This gave him occasion to write to the same Ambassador the 62 Let­ter of the 1. p. Where he treats of some of these Controversies, and amongst others those which respect the Authority of the Magistrate in Ecclesiastical things. It seems by what Grotius saith, that du Moulin should believe that a Magistrate ought to be Lear­ned to have some Authority in Ecclesiasti­cal things. Grotius refutes this thought. He applyes himself again to shew, that the Au­thority of a Prince depends not on the truth of his opinions in matters of Religion. He brings the words of St. Augustin in the Let­ter ad Vincentium: Reges cum in errore sunt pro ipso errore leges contra veritatem ferunt, cum in veritate sunt, similiter contra errorem pro ipsa veritate decernunt. He cites besides, the example of the Emperor Aurelian, who, at the prayer of the Christians, drove from his Bishoprick Paul de Samosate, who would not submit himself to the Authority of the Councils, w^ch had condemned his Doctrine. Grotius saith several things upon the Power of Princes, in the regulating of Controversies which arise in matter of Religion. But he hath treated on all this more fully in his Book de Imperio summarum Potestatum circa sacra.

We find in the Letter 329. the solution of another question which belongs to the Canon Law. It was to know if the Religi­ous to whom the Pope permitted to Preach and Confess, can do it without consulting the Bishops, and without asking their Permission. Mr. de S. Cyran under the Name of Petrus Aurelius maintain'd they could not, and the Jesuites pretended that these priviledged Fryars needed no permission from the Bishops. Mr. des Cordes Canon of Limoge and a great friend to Grotius, had demanded of him his opini­on thereupon. He answers that the Anti­quity of Mr. de S. Cyran was certainly rea­sonable, and that even where these Com­missions are received, they ought to be in­terpreted in such wise that they make the least prejudice to the Canons and received Uses. But he adds that he cannot tell how Mr. de S. Cyran, as well as the Jesuits, attri­buting to the Pope an almost absolute Au­thority, can maintain that he has not the power to do what Bishops do every day, to wit, to give the permission of Preaching and Confessing. He saith that in giving the Pope the power that is given him, they ought to fall into the same inconveniency wherein the Romans were under an Empe­rour, who would have all the questions of Law to be sent to his Oracle.

In Letter 693. directed to a Polish Lord, who had asked him his opinion concerning Torments, he answers that there is nothing less certain than a Confession extorted by Torments, upon which he cites this word of an ancient: mentietur quiferre non potuerit, mentietur qui ferre potuerit. I have (saith he) infinite examples of People who were unjustly put to Death, upon so uncertain a foundation. I do not wonder that there have been grave persons who be­lieved that Christians should not make use of Torments to extort Confessions, seeing it's certain there is no such thing in the Law of Moses: That in England Men live in as great security as any where, tho' Tor­tures are not in use there, and that whilst Rome conserv'd it's Liberty the Citizens were never tortured.

William Grotius had made some questions to his Brother concerning the publick Law, upon which occasion our Author shews in his Letter 4. P. 2. the difference which is betwixt particular and publick Laws, and sheweth that they are equally founded upon Nature, the Law of Nations, and the Civil Law. He treats afterwards on this Questi­on, If natural Right can suffer some change? He divides this Law into divers branches, and shews in what sense there may happen some change. He also treats on the same matter in Letter 6. It had been it seems objected against him that the Civil Laws do sometimes alter the Law of Nature, when they make void all the promises that a Pupil might make without the consent of his Guardian, seeing he violates this Right of the Law of Nature, that one must keep his promises. Grotius shews how Civil Law a­grees herein with the Law of Na [...]ure, and also expounds some like cases; as if a Pupil having borrow'd without the consent of his Tutour, and being become rich by this bor­rowing, whether he is oblig'd to pay? Grotius answers, that although by the Anci­ent Civil Law of the Romans, a Creditor could not have an action against a Pupil, al­tho' the Pupil is bound to pay by the Law of Nature, whereof here is an inviolable Law: That none ought to enrich himself with the damage of another. He cites divers Laws upon this subject.

He treats in Letter 4. of the same Part, of Servitudes, and sheweth that it is a Right esta­blished by Men against Liberty and Na­tural Freedom. He expounds the Law in fine ff. de aqua, where it is said that the low possessions have commonly this Servitude, that they receive their waters which run from those that are highest. In Letter 12. He speaks fully enough of Conventions in general, and of Stipulations in particular. He shews that the Law of Nature necessari­ly obligeth one to keep his word, whence several Philosophers have given the name of Truth to justice, and Simonides said that Justice consisted in speaking the truth, and in giving what one hath received; notwith­standing Plato and Theophrastus were of opinion that no body ought to have the power of forcing any one to keep his word by virtue of the Laws, but that it should be free not to keep it, as it is free not to be generous. But this Philosophy, saith our [Page 57] Author, agrees not with our Age, where­in few Folks are virtuous by their own motion, without the fear of Laws. He en­ters after that, upon a great Question, to wit, how Civil Law can derogate from the Law of Nature, in matters of agreement and promises? He expounds in a few words in what manner the Roman Laws have ta­ken away, from those who submitted themselves thereto, the Liberty of pro­mising certain things, so that on these oc­casions they have rendered contracts void, as well as when they were not extorted af­ter the manner which these Laws prescri­bed. He shews that the Laws have not in all that, injured the Law of Nature.

We find besides in Letter 352. p. 2. The examination of this Question: Vtrum voluntas testatoris coram septem testibus ad id convocatis declarata, nolle se Testamentum an­te factum valere, habenda sit pro Testamento ta­li quale esset, si haeredes ab intestato instituisset disertè? Grotius answers yes, and that it is thus he understands those terms, Voluitque intestato decedere in l. 1. §. Si haeres. D. si tabulae Testamenti nullae extabunt.

IV. Grotius hath also by the by spoken of some other Questions of Law, which are not necessary to be related here. We shall pass to what is Historical in his Letters, whereof one part belongs to ancient Histo­ry, Profane or Ecclesiastical; and the other to the History of his Time, or of his own Adventures. We shall in a few words ob­serve, what's most curious upon these mat­ters.

We have already noted, that there is in a Letter to Mr. de Pieresc, the Life of Ni­cholas of Damascus. There is no other pro­fane History but this, except some allusion by the by, to some fact which he relates not, as Letter 399. p 2. One of the finest works, saith he, of Parrhasius is written in Pliny. He represented the People of A­thens, after a very ingenious manner. He would represent a People Cholerick, Un­just, Inconstant, and at the same time easie to be perswaded, Merciful, Clement, Proud, Cowardly, Fierce and Timorous. He pain­ted the figure of a man, much as I would have the Republick of Holland, or that of the United Provinces, to be represented by a Virgin. I would have a Virgin to be painted, who hath yet her Virginity, but who makes it known, that it is burthen­some to her.

In the Letter 122. p. 1. He remarks the Oaths that the ancient Jews were accusto­med to make use of, but in things of small consequence, they believed one should not swear by Divinity it self, but by ones Fa­ther and Mother, by the Earth, by the Stars, by Heaven, or by the Universe. It's apparent in the beginning of the Book of Philo, intituled de specialibus legibus. Which serves much, according to the Judgment of Grotius, to clear what Jesus Christ saith of Oaths, in ch. v. of St. Mat. Where he pro­hibites us to swear at all, ( [...]) to wit, after any manner which the Jews swear. He makes besides, some other remarks up­on this place of the Gospel, but as he most enlarged upon this matter in his Annotati­ons, it's better to send the Reader to them, and to take notice of another thing which is in his Letters touching the Jews. He saith, that since the Jews were banished from their Countrey, and dispersed amongst Na­tions who hate them, they are more expo­sed to calumny, and that we ought not slightly to believe the evil which we may hear of them; that notwithstanding he would not always answer for their innocen­cy, seeing they believe it is lawful to curse Christians, as appears by the Thalmud, and by other Books. They are not satisfied with words, they proceed to effects, when they think themselves strong enough for it. You may see, adds he, in the History of Dion, what the Jews of Cyrene have done in times past; and in Sozomen l.vii. c. 13. and Socrates l.vii. c. 17. what the Jews did who lived between Calcedon, and Anti­och. Nicephorus passeth for an Author, on whom one cannot well rely. It's not amiss however to hear what he saith of the Jews of Arabia, Samaria, and Antioch, l.xvii. c 6. & 24. l.xviii. 44. because, what he saith, is upheld by the Testimony of Paul the Dea­con, l.xviii. and by Zonaras in the Life of Phocas. Polydor Virgil assures in l.xvi. of his History, that they were banished from England, because a cruel design was discovered which they had formed. Stum­phius, Thomas Barbartensis in his Fortalitium fidei, Michael Neander in his Erotemata lin­guae sanctae, accuses them of having killed Children, and gather'd their Blood for he knew not what uses at Munster, Zurich, Berne, at Weessensch, in Turing, at Vber­lingue near Ausbourg, at Dieffenhof, &c. Sa­bellicus affirms the same thing of the Jews of Trent, l.viii. Ennead. x. Bonfinius saith as as much of those of Tirnave in Hungary, l.iv. Dec. v. For to say nothing of the Ma­gick and Superstitious uses which may be made thereof, the Blood of Infants being a remedy against Leprosie, whereof several Princes have been accused to have made use; Jewish Physitians might have easily undertaken to make a trial of it, because of the hatred which they bore to Christi­ans, when they believed they had no rea­son to fear the Laws. It's then visible, 'tis a long time since this crime was imputed to them true or false, Let. 693. p. 1.

There is another observation touching a Sect of the ancient Jews, wherein perhaps more likelihood of Truth will be found. The most exact Chronologists, according to Grotius, say that Pythagoras lived towards the end of the Empire of Cyrus. Numeni­us, Porphyrius and Hermippus followers of this Philosopher say, he was in Iudea, and that he followed in several things the Senti­ments of the Jews. If we seek, what Sect of the Jews might have served for a model to Pythagoras, none will be found, upon whom this suspition may fall, but that of the Esseans. There was nothing more alike [Page 58] than the Assemblies of these Jews, and the common Auditories of the Pythagoreans, such as Porphyrius, Iamblicus, Herocles and others describe. In effect Iosephus says, that the manner of living of the Esseans and Pythagoreans was the same. If Iosephus speaks of the Esseans, only in remarking what happened under Ianathas, an Asmo­nean Prince, it was but by the by, and on the occasion of mentioning the Sadduces and Phari [...]ees, without telling when this first Sect begun. Grotius believes, that their Sects were formed upon those of the Recha­bites, and Nazarenes, Let. 552. p. 1.

Speaking of Ecclesiastical History in ge­neral, he cryeth out, Let. 22. p. 1. What do those read, who read the Ecclesiastical History, but the Vices of Bishops? Qui Ec­clesiasticam Historiam legit, quid legit nisi E­piscoporum vitia? and elsewhere, upon the occasion of something which Heinsius said of the Trinity, he remarks that the Greek and Latin School agree not, after which he adds, Mihi constat Patres in explicatione ha­rum rerum plurimum dissensisse, etiamsi vocum quarundam sono inter se conveniant: quae sex re­pertae sunt bono affectu, successu non semper op­timo. There arose in 1630. a pretty warm dispute between Mr. de l' Aubespine, Bishop of Orleance, and Mr. Rigaut, who had prin­ted some Books of Tertullian corrected up­on some old Mss. touching the sence of a passage of this Author, in his Book, de Ex­hortatione Casti [...]atis. Mr. Rigaut thought Tertullian meant, that it was permitted to Laicks to Consecrate, being in places where they cou'd have no Priests. Mr. de l' Aubespine upheld, that in this place, he did not speak of the Eucharist, but of what we now call Blessed-Bread; because the Council of Trent defined, that it belonged to Priests only to consecrate. These are the Words of Tertullian; Nonne & Laici sacerdotes su­mus? scriptum est, regnum quoque nos & sa­cerdotes Deo & Patri suo fecit, Differentiam in­ter ordinem & Plebem constituit Ecclesia, & honor per Ordinis consessum Sanctificatus: adeo ubi Ecclesiastici ordinis non est Consessus, & OFFERS & TINGUIS, & Sacerdos es tibi solus. Sed ubi tres, Ecclesia est, licet Laici, &c. Grotius took the part of Mr. Rigaut his Friend, and then printed a small Dis­sertation; de Coenae administratione ubi Pasto­res non sunt. It is in the third Tome of his Theological Works. We may also see an Abridgment thereof in a Letter to Sal­matius, which is 260. of the 1. p. where our Author testifies, he was of Erasmus's opinion, to wit, that in the Primitive times the Faithful consecrated the Bread and Wine, and communicated together, there being often no Priest in the Company. See the Letter of Erasmus to Cuthbert Tonstar, l. xxvi. Epist.

Grotius seems to have much respect for Christian Antiquity, as may be seen by all his works, and by this place of the Letter 191. of the 2. p. Perhaps those who are of Vo­etius's opinion will think, it will be a Socinia­nism to make the principal part of Religion con­sist in the observation of the precepts of Iesus Christ. But I see that the Christians of the first Ages, the Assemblies, the Doctors, Mar­tyrs have been of this Iudgment, that there are few things which we ought necessarily to know, and that as to the rest God Iudgeth us, according to the obedience we have rendered to him. The same also appears by a Conver­sation, that Grotius had with the Prince of Condé in 1639. and whereof he gives an account to Chancellor Oxenstiern in Letter 1108. of the 1. p. He relates to this Suedish Lord, that the Prince had given him a visit, that they had discoursed of several things, and that this Prince had approved his Opinions; that in this Age one may attribute to him­self the Name of a Christian, and the Surname of Catholick, the Scripture must be believed, interpreted, not according to the particular Judgment of each one, which hath caused Seditions, Schisms, and often Wars, but according to the universal and per­petual consent of the Ancient Churches; which we find in the Writings of several excellent men, and chiefly in the Symbols and Acts of the true Ecumenick Councils, which were held before the Schism of the Eastern and the Western Churches; and which the Emperors, and all the Churches have approved of: That moreover, we must abstain from calumniating any one, to leave off the Spirit of Parties, to endea­vour the Unity of the Church, such as Je­sus Christ hath ordained, and the Apostles have founded, and to hold for our Bro­thers, to wit, for Christians and Catho­licks, all those who are in these opinions, although those who rule over the Churches have separated themselves from the Exter­nal Communion. Haec omnia Princeps & si­bi dicebat probari, & sapientissimis quos cognos­set hominibus.

Not that Grotius was very much concei­ted with the antiquity he believed, as some are, that the Ceremonies which it hath constantly kept to, are all of Divine Right. Thus he speaks to Mr. des Condés about Confirmation and Imposition of hands, Let. 329. 1. p. I have found by reading, that the imposition of hands was a Jewish Ceremony, which was introduced, not by any Divine Law, but by Custom, every time that any Body prayed God for ano­ther. For the Jews prayed God, that his Power should accompany that Man, as the hands which were put upon his Head, and which were the Symbol of the Divine Power, were united to him. Jesus Christ followed this Custom, as several others of the Synagogue, whether Children were to be Blessed, or the sick were to be Cured, in joining Prayer to this Ceremony. It is according to this Custom, and not conse­quent to any Precept, that the Apostles laid their hands on those to whom they conferred the Gift of the Holy Ghost by Prayer. Thus it was, that not only Priests used the same, when they received any in­to their Body, as it appears by the Exam­ple of Timothy, 1 Tim. iv. 15. But the Apo­stles [Page 59] themselves received anew the imposi­tion of Hands, when they engaged into a­ny new design, Acts xiii.2. So if at every time, that hands were imposed, a Sacra­ment was conferred, we shall find Sacra­ments in all the Prayers, which have been made for any one; which is contrary to the true Signification of the word, and to the use of the Ancients.

It's from this Ceremony, continueth our Author, which was not ordained by God, but which hath of it self been introduced amongst the Jews and Christians, that sprung the Sacraments of Confirmation, of Ordination, and Penitence, of Extream Unction, and even of Marriage; for the Ancient Churches, laid their hands on those who were Married, as the Abyssins this day do.

The Baptism of Christians, adds he, con­sisted in times past in immersion only, as that of the Jews who baptized all those who embraced their Religion. It appears not that any laid hands on those who were baptized, but those who had the Gift of conferring the Holy Ghost. This hath been introduced rather in honour of Bi­shops, to persuade the People, that they had succeeded to the Rights of the Apo­stles. In the second Age, and the follow­ing, divers Ceremonies were added to Bap­tism, by allusion to some passages in Scrip­ture, according to the Custom of the An­cients, who expressed themselves not only by Words, but also by Signs and Symbols. It is for that, that they made those who were baptized to tast of Hony and Milk. But it was thought fit to represent particu­larly by these Symbols, that those who be­lieve in Jesus Christ receive in their Soul the same Graces which Jesus Christ made the sick feel which he cured, in their Body, or that those who make profession of be­lieving in him, feel the Eyes of their Soul to open▪ as well as the Ears of their Heart, that they are cured of all their spiritual ma­ladies, and that the Devil hath no further Power over them. Therefore Exorcisms were made use of, and the term of Epphata, be opened, also of Spittle, of Oyl, where­of Jesus Christ and the Apostles made use of in curing corporal maladies.

Posterity was not content with this. 'Twas thought it ought to be made appa­rent, that Christians are Kings and Priests, in anointing with a more odoriferous oyl. This Unction was joined to Baptism, as it is yet with the Greeks, and as it hath been a long time in the Latin Church. The Priests who baptized, administred it as well as the Bishops, the Bishop according to the Testimony of St. Ierome, and St. Augu­stine, differing from the Priest, only in this, that the Bishop had the sole right of Ordain­ing Priests. Our Author, after having made these Remarks, gives his Sentiment concerning a Canon of a 1. Council of O­range, which caused then great disputes be­twixt Mr. de S. Cyran, and F. Sirmond, and maintains that the latter had well cited and understood it, tho' his Adversary accu­sed him of falshood. Grotius believes, that this Canon gives the Power to Priests to administer the Chrisme, and orders that it should be administred but once: Nullus Mi­nistrorum qui baptizandi recepit officium, sine Chrismate unquaem debet progredi, quia inter nos placuit semel Chrismari. Nam inter nos Chrismatis ipsius non nisi una benedictio est. Non ut praejudicans quicquam dico, sed ut ne­cessaria non habeatur Chrismaetio repetita. But according to him, this hinders not, but that when they use two Chrisms in Italy, as it appears by the famous Decretal of Pope Innocent, who speaks of a Chrism, which Priests as well as Bishops administred in Baptism, and of another which Bishops a­lone administred in Confirmation: Presbyte­ri, seu extra Episcopum, seu praesente Episcopo baptizant, Chrismate baptizatos ungere licet, sed quod ab Episcopo fuerit consecratum, non tamen frontem ex eodem oleo signare, quod solis debetur Episcopis, cum spiritum tradunt Para­cletum. Grotius also believes, that Father Sirmond had reason to follow the Mss. where there is non habeatur, and not the Editions, where this Negation is omitted, but that he hath not well expounded praejudicans by nocens, a signification which hath been gi­ven to this Latine word only in the time of Bartolos, or of Baldus. He saith it signifies condemnans.

Grotius wonders, that Christians dispute so much amongst themselves for indifferent things as these, which are neither comman­ded, nor prohibited, and which make no­thing of themselves to the distinction of Bi­shops and Priests. He treats besides of the same Ceremonies in Letter 355.1. p. where he saith, much the same thing. One may see what he thought thereof, before he was gone out of Holland, in Letter 62. Where he speaks very respectfully of these ancient Ceremonies.

Writing to one of his Friends, from whom he had received Letters, from Grand Cair, and who had consulted him touching the Schism of the Nestorians and Eutychians, he answers thus: The Schism of Alexandria whereof you write unto me, was begun from the time of Dioscorus, of whom there are several Proselytes in this Countrey, in spight of the Condemnation of the Council of Calcedon, and who are spread even into Aethiopia, as the party of Nestorius stopped at Babylon, whence it extended it self into all Asia. I doubt not, but Nestorius hath used hard ways of speaking, who inclined too much on one side, as well as Eutychus did on the other; and I freely follow in this, the consent of the greatest number of Churches. Nevertheless it seems to me, that the Ancients were too forward in put­ting out of the Church, those who were not of their Opinion in all things. See Letter 239. p. 2. As Grotius believed, that his Friend was in Abyssine, he takes occasion to speak of some Ceremonies of the Abyssines, as follows; Suarez in his Book of the Laws, says, that although the Abyssines retain Cir­cumcision, [Page 60] provided they believe not that it is absolutely necess [...]ry to Salvation, they may be received into the Church. I believe, they make use of this Mark, not in imitation of the Jews, or from the time of Solomon, as they speak, but that it is much ancienter, seeing Herodotus puts it amongst the Cu­stoms, which were always received in Ae­thiopia. I should believe, that it owes its Ori­ginal to the Children, which Abraham had of Kethura; who according to Iosephus went to inhabit Aethiopia. I suppose, they ab­stain from certain Meats rather for health than for Religion. The annual Commemo­ration of Baptism is a tolerable Ceremony. It is better to interpret favourably the Ce­remonies, affirmed by the Observation of so many Ages, than to rend the State and the Church all at once.

To mix some diverting Subjects to these which are so serious, we shall not omit a remark touching the Original of Acade­mies, which is in Letter 285. p. 1. In the time, saith he, that the Roman Empire was the most flourishing, each City had Profes­sours, not only in Eloquence, Non Eloquen­tiae tantum & Philosophicarum Haeresium (non­dum ob id nomen comburi homines coeperant) sed Medecinae quoque, and in all the Heresies of Philosophy, thus the Sects of Philosophers were called in the Ages, wherein Heresie was not a Crime worthy of Fire, but also in Physick. An arrest only of the Decuri­ons was needful. It's what the Pandects the Code, and several Greek and Latine Au­thors teach us.

In the time of the Controversies about Grace, Grotius made a small Treatise inti­tuled, Disquisitio an Pelagiana sint ea dog­mata quae nunc sub eo nomine traducuntur. It is in the third Tome of his Theological Works. He endeavours to shew in this small work, that the Sentiments which then were called Pelagian are not so: But he doth more in the 19. Letter of the second part, where he maintains that these same Senti­ments are far from those of some Pelagians. The Divines of Marseilles, saith he, who were called Semi-pelagians, pressed the ne­cessity of Grace, after such a manner that they denied Grace prevented the first good motions of the Will, at least in some Per­sons. We need only to see the Council of Orange, which hath condemned the Errours of the Semi-pelagians. This was all their Er­rour, which the Council disapproved so, that notwithstanding the Communion was not refused those, who were of this opini­on. But those who believe, adds he, that Predestination is founded upon fore­sight, the universality of sufficient Grace, and the opinion of those who maintain that Grace can be resisted, and that it can be lost, are Tenets of Semi-pelagianisme, ritu sabino quod volunt somniant, according to the Latin Proverb. And as to the Semi-pelagi­ans, we shall find a passage of Vincent of Le­rius in Letter 31. p. 1. upon which Grotius makes some Reflections.

To return now to more modern Histo­ries, Grotius relates, Letter 366. p. 2. A quarrel which happened between the Pope and the Venetians, in 1636. about an In­scription which the Pope caused to be put under a Picture, of Pope Alexander III. and Frederick Barbarousse at his Feet, with these Words; Alexander Papa III. Frederi­ci Imperatoris iram & impetum fugiens abdidit se Venetiis, & à Senatu perhonorifice susceptum, Ottone Imperatoris filio navali praelio à Venetis victo, captoque, Fridericus pace facta supplex adorat, fidem & obedientiam pollicitus. Ita Pontifici sua dignitas Venetae Reipublicae beneficio restituta est. These terms did too much ho­nour to the Republick of Venice, the Pope caused the Inscription thus to be corrected: Fridericus I. Imperator Alexandrum III. Pon­tisicem, quem diu insecutus fuerat, post constitu­tas cum eo pacis conditiones, & damnatum Schisma, Venetiis supplex veneratur. Grotius sends to his Brother a Latin Epigram, where he equally disapproved the action of Alexan­der and that of Vrban, and which ends with this distich,

This quarrel of the Venetians with the Pope, makes me remember a rumour that ran at Paris, in 1630. they said that Fra. Ful­gentio, a Divine of the Republick of Venice, and Successor to Fra. Paolo, endeavoured to inspire into the Greeks of the State of Venice, the Sentiments of the Protestants, to introduce the Reformation into Italy, by that means. See Letter 238. p. 2.

It may be, this was but a bare Report. Grotius was too far from the places, to be throughly inform'd in it, but he had oppor­tunities to be perfectly instructed of some other things, which happened in Holland, whilst he was there. He saith, Letter 11. p. 1. That in a Conference▪ which Armini­us and Gomarus had before the Gentlemen of the States of Holland, as Oldenbarndvelt said to these two Gentlemen, that he praised God for that the Controversies which was amongst them, were not upon any funda­mental Article, Gomarus answered, that the Opinions of Arminius, his Collegue were of such a nature, that he cou'd not appear before the Tribunal of God with 'em. The whole dispute concerned Predestination▪ and the greatest difference that was betwixt their opinions, was that Gomarus believed God had resolved to create the most part of men to damn them, without having any respect to their Actions, only for the Ma­nifestation of his Power; whereas Armini­us maintained that God damns not men, but because of their unbelief and impenitence. This last opinion is Melancthon's, as Grotius saith▪ Ep. 58. p. 1. and elsewhere.

The Gentlemen of the States of Holland made in 1614. an Edict, which may be seen in the 3. Vol. of the Theological Works of Grotius, by which they ordered the two par­ties, which then were in the Reformed Churches of the Low Countries, to sup­port [Page 61] each other, and to treat with mode­ration the controverted matters, the then King Iames of England at first praised this order, also divers Bishops approved it, as Grotius saith in his Letters 28, and 29. But this Prince changing his opinion afterwards disapproved this conduct, as appears by Letter 111. p. 1. to Mr. Anthony de Domi­nis, Archbishop of Spalatro. But that which was most fatal to Grotius and those of his party, was, that from that time di­vers Provincial Synods were held where they were not favoured, as he himself says, in Letter 64. p. 1. The Magistrates of every City, promised Pastors of that party, shou'd exercise their charge as before, but those of the contrary party, thought the same toleration ought not to be given to them. Some refused to Preach in publick Church­es, because the other party were suffered there. They assembled themselves in pri­vate Meetings, so that the Magistrates fear­ed these divers Assemblies wou'd cause trouble in the State, as they had in the Church. There was an attempt made at Rotterdam, as Grotius relates Letter 65. p. 1. to calm these troubles by a particular con­ference, where the reasons of those Pastors were heard, who would not Preach in pub­lick Churches with those who were not of their opinion nor communicate with them. But this Conference had no good effect, as may be seen in this Letter of our Author, and in the following, where he gives an account of what happened on both sides in this Assembly.

Lastly the Schism was made after such a manner as all the World knoweth, and that besides many other reasons was no lit­tle hindrance, according to the Judgment of Grotius, to the design which several Pious persons formed some years after, of reuniting all Protestants. The King of Swedland too endeavour'd it a little before his Death, having assembled at Leipswich di­vers Lutheran and Calvinist Divines. The authority of this great King, made this Conference end with mildness on both sides, but his Death which hapned a little while after, made all hopes of ac­commodation vanish. It was at that time that an English Divine named Duraeus, who had as 'twere consecrated himself to endea­vour this reunion, ran vainly over all the Protestant States to induce them to Peace, which the Archbishop of Canterbury William Laud, whose Encomium Grotius makes in divers places, (v. p. 2. Ep. 405, 406.532.540.) and several Bishops of England pas­sionately desired: Grotius saith, that an an­swer of Doctor Hois Preacher to the E­lector of Saxony being too violent against the Reformation, hindered it very much; see Let. 444. p. 1.

Protestants not being able to unite with one another, there was no likelihood that the Union between them and the Roman Catholicks should succeed. Yet there was a great talk on't in France, and Car­dinal Richelieu, if we believe Grotius Let­ter 531. p. 2. affirm'd that it would be agreed on. Cardinalis quin [...] negotium in Gallia successurum sit dubitare se negat. This made several persons apply themselves to writing, to propose to the publick means and projects of an Union. Amongst whom none appeared that made so much noise as Theophilus Brachet dela Millitiere, which seemed the more surprizing, because be­fore the taking of Rochel, this Author had attacked the Kings party, and all the Ro­man Catholicks with an extraordinary heat, in a little Book which he Printed for the defence of some Assemblies held at Rochel. Grotius speaks of it in divers places, but particularly in Letter 373. p. 1. 385.343, 345. p. 2.

There was then a report at Paris, which gave some hope to those who penetrated not the policy of Cardinal Richeleu, that there would happen a change in the Gal­lican Church, which would much contri­bute to an Union. Which was that the Cardinal had a design to render himself Patriarch in France, and thus to draw the Gallican Church from the obedience of the Court of Rome. To this design was applied, according to the relation of Gro­tius Letter 982. p. 1. this Tetrastich of No­stradamus.

Some are so far from taking away from the obedience of the Apostolick See, that they scarcely dared to defend the Liber­ties of the Gallican Church. The King who had given orders to make a Collecti­on of the Edicts of the Kings of France, and of the Acts of Parliament, by which until then the excessive power of the Court of Rome was opposed, got this col­lection suppressed in 1639. when the impres­sion thereof was finish'd, Grotius who had promised himself much from the courage of the French on this occasion, could not dissem­ble his grievance, which he too strongly expresseth: Ita sub Regibus aut ignavis, aut ignaris, tantum sape fit damni, quantum suc­cessores aegre sarciant: mirumque est pro Re­gibus scribi Lutetiae non licere, cum Romae quo­tidie contra Reges & eorum jura liberè fiant. He speaks thereof also in as weighty terms in Letter 1105. to Lewis Camerarius, Ambassador from Swedland into Hol­land.

This event and some others made Gro­tius doubt of the Roman Catholicks ever giving any satisfaction to Protestants, con­cerning the complaints made of the abuses which they believe to be slipt into the Ro­man Religion. He testifies these doubts in Letter 85. p. 2. where he saith that there is more reason to wish than to hope for peace, particularly since the Memory of M. Anthony de Dominis had been condemn­ed, by burning his body. It's known this [Page 62] Prelate believed that it was easie to reunite Religions by correcting some abuses in the Roman Church; and Grotius saith of him, Let. 37. p. 2. Marc Anthony de Dominis now saith Mass at Antwerp. He followeth the opinions of Cassander, only he attacks more openly Transubstantiation, and some other Te­nets. I know not what he will say of changing his Religion, if he says not that he hath not changed. [...]or he believes that the Religion of Prote­stants and Catholicks is the same. Another thing which made Grotius despair of ever seeing Religious united, was the establishing cham­bers for the Propagation of Faith, whereof he complains in a Letter to the great Chan­cellour of Swedland dated Iune 29. 1639.

Besides these matters wherein great King­doms have been interested, there are se­veral particular Histories in these letters, whereof we shall here relate some. Am­brosio Spinola Besieging Breda prohibited duels in his Army upon pain of Death. His Son having afterwards transgress'd this Order, was seized and condemned to Death, but the Guards letting him escape, he turned all his severity against them, and hanged six of them. He demanded his Son of the King of France, into whose Countrey he was withdrawn, to punish him, but he had not his desire, Let. 83. p. 2. Here is moreover another example of a Roman severity. A Venetian Senator of the Council of Ten, named Zeni, after he had punish'd the Sons of the Doge, who had done something against the State, he was attacked by assassinates, who wounded him in divers places. The People running to him, he was carried to his house, where he ordered his Sons and his Men to take his Bloody Cloaths, and thus to carry them to the Palace of St. Marc, to call for Justice. The Senate thereupon promised a great recom­pence to those who should discover the Ac­complices; some days after the Doge himself came to accuse his own Son, who was with­drawn from the State of Venice, after hav­ing done the Fact, and was of opinion that a far greater reward should be promised to him who could deliver the guilty dead or alive, into the hands of Justice, Let. 166. p. 2.

Grotius relates in the Letter where he speaks of Spinola, which we have cited, a History of another kind, and which is more diverting. He saith that a Courrier named Doublet, who was sent in 1625 from Holland to the Ambassador of the States at Paris, not knowing his aboad, nor even him­self, made a pleasant equivocation: Which is, that having asked where lived the Am­bassadour of the Low Countries, he was carried to the Envoy of Brussels, to whom he gave the Packet, and immediately be­gun to speak of affairs of great consequence, afterwards perceiving his mistake, he got himself conducted to the Ambassador of the States, where he yet committed ano­ther fault, in opening his Port-mantle be­fore those who conducted him, and shew­ed them that there was Money in it, after which going abroad about some affair, he returned no more, and this caused in the Ambassador a great uneasiness.

It was doubtless a great imprudence to commit matters of State to so unhandy a Man, but Grotius relates another fault of a witty man, which is as great, if it be true. He saith that famous Peter du Mou­lin was obliged to go out of France by rea­son of a Letter he had written to King Iames, wherein he exhorted him to succour the Elector Palatine, who was of late chosen King of Bohemia, to which he added, that the Reformed of France would see what they could expect from him in such an occasion. These Letters being fal­len into the Hands of the King of France, M. du Moulin staid not to be bid to withdraw, nor until he should be seized, Let. 640. p. 2.

Here are other Histories for the diversi­on of Naturalists and Philosophers. Gro­tius assures us in Letter 361. p. 2. that the whole Court of England had seen in 1635 a man aged 153 years, who was in good health, but that he lost his sight 20 years before. In the Letter 405. p. 2. a Soul­dier, saith he, lying in the Trenches before Landrecy, was advertised in a Dream speedily to retire, unless he was willing to be over­whelmed by a Mine which was going to play. Scarcely was he up, but the Mine blew up the place he lay upon. This will surprize you, but if you had M. de Saumaise, he would relate unto you a History which he has of his Father. A certain man who knew not a word of Greek, came to see M. de Saumaise his Father, who was a Counsellor at the Parliament of Dijon, and shewed him these words which he had heard, at night in his Dream, and which he had writ­ten in French Characters as soon as he awaked, [...]; he asked of Mr. de Saumaise if he knew not their meaning; Mr. de Saumaise said unto him that they signified, Away, perceivest thou not thy Death? This man quitted the House where he lived, and it fell the night following.

If this History is true, it is assuredly sur­prizing. It includes a prediction, which may be attributed to some Invisible power, who had advertised this man in a Dream of what was to happen the next day, but here is another prediction, which deserves not less our Relation. Grotius not only made a kind of Horoscope of a great Prince who was born the fifth of September in 1638. In the Letter 1079 of the 1. p. directed to Queen Christine, but foretold upon a sim­ple passage, that he would be one day a great Conqueror. This Prince troubled several Nurses which were to be given him in biting the Nipple of their Breasts. Fugiunt eum conquisitae ad hoc Faeminae, saith Grotius Letter 189. p. 1. quod ubera earum morsicando lancinet robustus calidique Spiritûs puer; non sine omine futurae rapacitatis. Gro­tius seems to have taken delight in this thought, seeing he repeats it in his Letter 1231. written to Barlaeus the following year: Nutrices, saith he, non lassat tantum, sed & lacerat, caveant vicini sibi à tam ma­tura rapacitate ▪ The Fable teacheth us [Page 63] some such thing of Hercules, whom Iuno was obliged to abandon, after she had un­dertaken to Nurse him, because he dealt too violently by her Paps. See Diodorus Lib. IV.

To finish the Extract which we are to make of the Historical things which are in the Letters of Grotius, we need no more but to add some matters which concern himself. Mr. Aubery, who caused to be Printed some years ago a Book Intituled Memorials of the History of Holland, hath made in this Book a kind of an abridgment of the Life of our Author, where he prais­eth and blameth him, according as he thought him to have deserved either. But it is astonishing that being a particular friend to this great man, and having often seen him in the time wherein he was Am­bassador to the Court of Swedland, he not­withstanding doth advance divers things, which are contrary to what Grotius saith himself in his Letters. He saith for ex­ample, that Grotius being vext because Car­dinal Richelieu had cut off his Pension, the first time he was in France, and had caused him thus to leave it, See not the Cardinal under this fine pretence, that he helped not the Ambassadors. It's what Mr. Aubery calls an unconceivable stand, or for a better expression, a Dutch obstinacy, which hindered his re­conciliation with this potent Minister, tho' he had a very great need of him for his service in his particular affairs, so that he treated but with the subaltern Ministers. Grotius saith on the contrary, that he saw him pretty often, and relates some discourses he had with him, as may be seen in 1. p. letter 491, 505, 535. and elsewhere. There is no great likelihood that Grotius gave the Chancellor of Swedeland, long relations of any affairs which he had negotiated, as he saith, with the Cardinal himself, if he had never seen him during his Residence in France ▪ as Mr. du Maurier assures. But it seems this Au­thor hath confounded the Cardinal of Ri­chelieu, with Cardinal Mazarin, of whom Grotius thus speaketh in a Letter dated the 26th of September, 1643. I have caused your Letters to be given to Cardinal Mazarin; I shall not see him, without an Order from our Queen, because at his own house he gives not the hand to the Ambassadors of Crowned heads, and being treated with the Title of Eminence, he treats not again with that of Excellence, pre­tending to be equal to Kings, according to the Opinions of the Court of Rome, and very diffi­cultly yields precedency to Princes of the Blood.

Mr. du Maurier also says another thing, which is not conformable to the Letters of Grotius, viz. that the Ministers of Charenton, who despised Grotius, during the time he was but a private man in France, used him quite another way when he was Ambassador of Swedland. Having considered, saith this Au­thor, that it would be a very great honour to them, that an Ambassador of so considerable a Crown should be present at their Assemblies, they sent unto him one of their Ministers, with the Elders of the Consistory, to pray him to honour their Sermons with his presence; telling him, that the very Lutherans were of late admitted to their Communion, by an Act of the last Synod of Charenton, hut he answered them haughtily, that they having neglected him whilst he was a private man and a Refugee, he would neglect them in his turn, being Ambassador. It's very well known, that the Ministers of Charenton endeavoured to draw Grotius to their As­semblies, from the first time that he was in France; but as we see nothing of it in these Letters, we do not at all rely upon it. It's true, some were deputed to Grotius, as he says himself in the Letters 378. p. 1. 340, and 350. p. 2. but he refused not to go to the Sermons of Charenton, after the manner which Mr. du Maurier saith; he thus tells us himself, he received the Deputies of Charenton, Letter 350. p. 2. I have had this day at my House three Learned Reformed Mi­nisters, le Faucheur Minister of Montpellier, and Mertrezat and Daille Ministers of this Church. They desired me to join my self to their Communion, and told me that what was in times past established at Alez and Charen­ton, being changed by new rules, wherein Lu­therans are admitted to the Communion, they hoped we should hold their Confession for a Chri­stian Confession, as they had the same opinion in respect to the Remonstrants: that they re­membred what I formerly writ against Sibran­dus, to wit that I should be very much surpriz­ed if the Reformed refused the Communion to Chrysostome and Melanchton if they came again into the World: That they had read and approved my whole Book of the Truth of the Christian Religion, and the admonition I gave at the end to Christians, to bring them to an agreement. I told'em I was satisfied with what they said, being conformable to my maxims: that the opinion of Melanchton had always ex­treamly pleased me, and that I had sufficiently shewn it; that as to what concerns Ecclesiasti­cal Peace, I knew well that it ought not to be troubled by a turbulent manner of acting. That there should be free conferences amongst the learned. They also said that they endeavoured to bring the Remonstrants of Holland into their Communion, and that they had written about it to M. Rivet: that they were become more prudent with time, and that they hoped that the Dutch after having well examined their rea­sons, would do somewhat in their favour. Af­ter having said these things on each side, I added that I was ready to testifie by the external signs the Communion of the Spirit, in which I had always joined with them; and that it was ne­ver my fault that it was not so: that if I went into a Country where Lutherans, knowing my opinions of the Eucharist, would receive me into their Communion, I would make no difficulty to communicate with them. They approved this conduct. Grotius seemed after this to be inclined to go to communicate at Cha­renton, but there was an obstacle which never could be taken away, that hindered him; 'twas that Grotius would have had a distinct place in the Temple, and to be received there in the quality of Ambassa­dor of Swedland; which the Consistory of [Page 64] Charenton would not grant him. Grotius complains thereof in these terms, in Letter 358. I am surprized at the inconstancy of these people, who having invited to their Communion the Lutherans, say that they cannot receive an Ambassador of Swedland, in the Quality of Ambassador, because of the difference which is be­tween the sentiments of that Kingdom and theirs.

Grotius notwithstanding in the Letters which we have cited praiseth the modera­tion of the Ministers of Charenton. But here is a good character of Mr. Daille in Letter 232. p. 2. A Roman Catholick having put several questions to M. Daille in a Letter, and amongst other things why the Reformed had condemned the Arminians; he answered that seeing peace was oftentimes offered to the Lutherans who are of the same opinions, it was not so much the Arminians who had been con­demned as Arminianism. I fear saith Gro­tius, that those who are here stronger than they, shall say one day that they drive not away the Calvinists but Calvinism; which I pray God may not befal them.

M. du Maurier relates a pleasant History of a Lutheran Minister that Grotius had at his House, whom he names Doctor Ambreus, whereas Grotius complains of Brandanus, Letter 840. p. 1.410. p. 2. He saith that this Ambreus, instead of expounding purely and simply the Word of God, flung him­self into controversie with so much vio­lence, that his Sermons were full of in­vectives, which Grotius being at last weary of, exhorted him to expound the Gospel, without wounding Christian Charity. Up­on which Doctor Ambreus told him he could not but say what God inspired him with: and Grotius having at last ordered him, either to abstain from railing, or Preach no more, this Ambreus leaving him in anger, and coming down stairs, said grumbling, that it was a strange thing that the Ambassador of the Crown of Swedland, would shut the Holy Ghost's mouth. Which Grotius related unto me, adds Mr. du Mau­rier being ready to split with laughing, and said that this Ambreus complained every where that he shut the Holy Ghost's mouth, because he hindered him from speaking against his Neighbour. Yet Grotius com­plains only of Brandanus, and also contra­dicts in another thing M. du Maurier. This Author saith that one M. d'Or who was of the same Sentiments with Calvin, Preach­ed in the Afternoons, and that he would al­so engage himself in Controversie. Gro­tius had only a design to take this M. d'Or after he had sent away Brandanus, and this M. d Or was formerly of the Judgment of the Arminians, on which account he came out of Sedan, where he was Minister before the Synod of Dordrecht. See Let. 410. p. 2. by the following Letters we see that Grotius made no use of him, tho' he had a design so to do.

We shall end the Extract of what con­cerns the Person of Grotius, by his Epitaph which he made himself, and which is in Let. 536. p. 2.

Concerning his works, he telleth us him­self that his Book of the Truth of the Chri­stian Religion, was translated not only in­to High Dutch, French and English, but even into Arabick and Persian, to serve for the Conversion of Infidels. See the 2d. p. Letter 411, 444, 534. He saith also that the Queen of Swedland caused his Book de Iure Belli & Pacis, to be read which some Divines said included Socinian prin­ciples. Grotius saith laughing thereat▪ Fiet & Regina Sociniana, si quid Voetio, Riveto, Cleopenburgio credimus.

V. To come, in fine, to what is in the Letters of Grotius concerning Politicks, we believe we may say to the publick what Peter Grotius Son to our Author, esteem­ing so much the Letters which his Father had Written during his Ambassy, that he said they were as excellent in respect to Policy, as his Annotations upon the Gos­pel were in matters of Divinity. It is what the Publick may Judge, and whereof per­sons would yet judge better, if divers pla­ces, which undoubtedly contain the most important things, were not written in figures, or if the Author had not made use of invented names, which are not easie to be understood M. du Maurier is of a senti­ment very different, since he saith, that Grotius being withdrawn from the society of the Living, and passing whole days, and the most part of the Night with the Dead, he could only send into Swedland news about new bridge in fine Latin.

We shall not undertake to decide which of the two had most reason, because here we write a History, and not an Apology. Those who will take the pains to compare the news which Grotius writ to the Chancel­of Swedland with the events of those times may judge thereof. But it would not be surprising that an Ambassador, who is ob­liged to write very often and hath not al­ways considerable affairs, should write news either not of great consequence, or perhaps false. Howbeit, we shall here collect some political places, which are spread through this great Volume.

In the 364. L. p. 1. we find a dispute some­thing extraordinary, concerning the pow­er of sending Ambassadors. The great Chancellor Oxenstiern, who after the Death of Gustavus, had a full power to do all he thought convenient for the good of the state, to send Ambassadors, &c. sent Gro­tius into France. Some difficulties were rai­sed thereupon, which Grotius refutes in this Letter by divers examples, and particular­ly by that of the Ambassadors, who having been sent from Flanders by Arch-Dukes, in vertue of the power they had received from Madrid, were received in France and Eng­land, as Ambassadors from the King of Spain. Grotius then tells us in what manner he was received, after he had been acknowled­ged Ambassador from the Crown of Swedland.

[Page 65]He sometimes makes political remarks upon the Nature of Nations, and upon the manner wherewith one ought to treat with them, as when he says of the French, Let. 371. p. 1. that they are at first harder to be dealt with, but that by little and little, they become more tractable, according as they perceive they get nothing by acting haughtily. The same Nation, saith our Author Let. 582. p. 1. boasts of its riches, when it seeks for Allies; but when any thing is to be paid, 'tis not asham'd to say that it is extreamly poor: Galli cum socios quae­runt, maximas praeferunt divitias; Vbi solvendum est aliquid, ultimam paupertatem. So he speaks elsewhere in what manner the French do use the Court of Rome, that when they do not obtain of them what they would, they me­nace it. People, saith he▪ might make use of this way, to diminish the Pope's Power; but for the most part when the affairs of private Men go on well, those of the State are neglected. It's thought the Cardinal would frighten the Pope, that he may make him here a perpetual Legate to the Aposto­lick See. For the Romans of these days do through fear, many things which they would never do with their good will, Let. 1292. part 1.

In this Letter also is the manner where­with Cardinal Richelieu negotiated, and how he employed the most famous Father Io­seph in the most difficult negotiations. Gro­tius tells us that the Cardinal made use of him, to begin the negotiations, and to put them in a way of succeeding, after which he would put in himself. Butillerius Pater, saith he, & Iosephus Capucinus negotia cru­da accipiunt, cocta ad Cardinalem deferunt. Let. 375. p. 1. An example hereof may be seen in Let. 371. In the 380. is the Histo­ry of a Conference which Grotius had with the Cardinal and F. Ioseph. This Capuchin at first speaks there with the Ambassadour of Swedland, and goes thro' the hardest part of the Contestation. Afterwards the Car­dinal intervened, as to make them agree in proposing a Medium. Dixit deinde Car­dinalis, they are the words of our Author, videre se inter me & Iosephum minus convenire: velle se esse Conciliatorem mutuae inter nos bene­volentiae.

After having observ'd in a Letter to Le­wis Camerarius, that the Swedes had run so much in debt, that they were no more tru­sted, and that the neighbouring Nations were not less drained, he adds this political reflection: Pro divitiis nobis erit eadem apud hostes paupertas; the poverty of our Ene­mies will serve us instead of Riches. Let. 884. p. 1. But there are few places of the Poli­ticks that are stronger and livelier, than a Description of the Court of France in 1635. whereof here are some words, for it is too long to be all inserted: The Cardinal burthened with care, unloads it on a Monk, this Monk dis­chargeth it very slightly. Boutiller the Son only runs about, the Father defers every thing, the Commissaries of the Treasury, and the Ge­nerals of the Armies, think they are all called to a Harvest of Gold. The Cardinal is charged with the Sins of all the World, and even fears his life.

It happened in 1637. that Grotius and the Earl of Leicester, the English Ambassa­dour having sent their Coaches to meet an Ambassadour of Holland, the Swedish Ambassadours Men took the Precedency, in spight of the English, which made the latter draw their Swords. The Duke de la Force who went for the Ambassadour ran to the tumult, and thought he could easily decide it, but the Swedes made it appear they were prepared for this accident in gi­ving the reasons they had to do so, which may be seen in Let. 722. p. 1.

I almost forgot to remark that in the 2. part which contains much fewer political Letters than the first, that the Opinion of Grotius may be seen upon these two questi­ons: to wit, if one is obliged to send a Prince such succour as hath been promised him, when we are attacked our selves? Letter 16. and after what manner the Re­publick of the United Provinces hold Demo­cracy? Let. 209.

This is what was thought fit to relate of the Letters of Grotius concerning Politicks. The subject of his Embassy may be seen in the new History of Swedland by M. Puffendorf, lib. vii c. 4.

In this great number of Letters one may well judge that there are some of all sorts: but we were contented to mark the prin­cipal subjects. The Letters of Consolati­on may be added, whereof these are the most considerable, the 133. to M. du Mau­rier upon the Death of his Wife: The 334. to G. Vossius upon the Death of his Son De­nis: The 445. to M. de Thou: The 1116. to a Prince of the House of the Pala­tinate.

What follows is a Continuation of Bishop Ushers Works, Entituled, The Antiquities of the Bri­tish Churches, &c. And should have followed in pag. 37. af­ter these Words, Day of his Death, but was there left out through the Printers mistake.

AFter the death of Innocent, c. 10. St. Augustine and A­lypius writ to St. Paulin Bishop of Nola, to exhort him to oppose Pelagia­nism in Italy, provided he was in a Conditi­on of making any progress. In the mean time Celes [...]us that was return'd from Asia, whi­ther he was gone after having made some little abode in Sicily, came to present him­self [Page 66] of his own accord to Zozimus, Born in Cappadocia, and successor to Innocent. He gave him a small Tractate, wherein he had particularly expounded his Opinions.

He ran over therein all the Articles of Faith, from that of the Holy Trinity, to the Resurrection of the Dead, and declared that he held all these Articles, after the same man­ner the Catholick Church did. He added likewise,‘that if disputes were rais'd in things that were not matters of Faith, as for his own part he had not attributed to himself the authority of forming an absolute Judgment thereof, but offered to be examined by Zozimus what he had Written upon these subjects drawn from the authority of the Prophets, and A­postles, that it might be corrected if there was any errour. In fine every sen­timent he there explain'd that we have before spoken of, and denyed manifestly Original Sin.’ Zozimus cited [...]elestius to appear before him in the Church of St. Clement, where he caused this Writing to be read, and asked of the Author, if he verily believed what he said therein. Cele­stius answered, Yes; after which Zozimus put divers questions to him, the sense whereof may be contain'd in these two: If he condemned the Doctrines that Pauli­nus Deacon of Carthage had accused him of maintaining? He said to that, that he could prove this Paulinus to be an Heretick, and would not condemn the propositions whereof he had accused him. The other question that Zozimus put to him, was if he agreed not with Pope Innocent in what he had condemned, and if he would not fol­low the sentiments of the Church of Rome? Celestius answered, yes.

After these formalities Zozimus Writ to the Bishops of Africk a long letter, where he relates in what manner Celestius had ap­peared before him, and how he had been examined. After that he reproachech them with having acted in this affair with too much precipitation (fervore fidei praefesti­natum esse) and that they had too lightly be­lieved extravagant reports, and saith the same to certain Letters of Eros and Laza­rus, not being well assur'd of their worth. Lastly he citeth those that shall have any thing to say against Celestius to appear at Rome in two Months at farthest. Notwith­standing he took not away the Excommuni­cation that the Bishops of Africk had pro­nounced against him.

As in that time the judgment of a Sy­nod, or even of a Bishop, and particular­ly that of the Bishop of Rome was of great weight in what manner soever they had proceeded, and that afterward Zozi­mus was accused of having prevaricated in condemning Pelagius after having appro­ved his Doctrine, St. Augu­stine de pecc. c. 5, 6, 7. hath endeavoured to give the best turn he could to this conduct of Zozimus, as if this Prelate had acted mildly on Celesti­us's account, only for pitty, and thinking to have an account of his Opinions only for the better instructing himself, & that seeing they could not not be attributed to him as obsti­nate Heresies, it would not be so difficult e­ven to bring him back to the truth. Zozimus in a Word according to St. Augustin, look'd upon Celestius as a Man of great wit, and who being corrected might be very useful to others The will of rectify­ing, but not the falsity of Opinion is com­mendable. ad Bonif. lib. 2. c. 3. In homine acer­rimi ingenii, qui profecto si cor­rigeretur plurimis profuisset, vo­luntas emendationis, non falsitas dogmatis, approbata est. ‘'Tis a long while ago, saith our Author,p. 147. that the Learned Vossius hath shewn this great Bishop en­deavour'd in vain to hide the broken back of Zozimus, with his Purple. It cannot be doubted after reading the Letters that he Writ to the Bishops of Africk, that he not only favoured Celestius, but also Pe­lagius, as being Catholicks, without dissen­ting much from the true Faith.’

Zozimus having sent his Letter unto A­frick, received a Packet from Palestin dire­cted to Innocent, whose Death was not yet known. There were Letters of Prayle Bi­shop of Ierusalem, and an Apology of Pela­gius, with a small book wherein he ex­pounded his Opinions very clearly, as it may be seen by the reading of it. Prayle o­penly took the part of [...]elagius, and Zozimus caused to be read publickly these Letters and Writings, which were approved by all, as appears by what Zozimus writ a little while after to the Bishops of Africa. Would to God, saith he to them, my most beloved Brethren, that some of you could have assisted at the reading of these Letters? What was not the joy of the holy Men that were present? In what admiration were they all in? some could scarcely keep themselves from shedding tears. Is it possible that you could have defamed persons of so unspotted a Faith? Is there any place in their Writings, where they have not spoken of the assistance and Grace of God?

He condemned moreover in these Let­ters Eros and Lazare, accusers of Pelagius and Celestius, as persons guilty of great crimes, erubescenda factis & damnationibus no­mina and spoke with much contempt of o­thers that were parties against them.

Notwithstanding the Bishops of Africk took no notice of these Letters, but assem­bled themselves at Carthage to the number of ccxiv, and condemned anew Pelagius and Celestius, until they acknowledged the neces­sity of Grace in the same sense, that it was maintain'd in Africk, without making use of any equivocations as they had done till then. This Assembly was held at the beginning of the year CCCCXVIII, they sent their Constitutions with a Letter to Zozimus, wherein these Bishops exhorted him to act against Pelagius conformably to them. Their Letter had the effect they desired, and Zozimus and all his Clergy (who had admired the Writings of Pelagius, where [Page 67] they freely declared their sentiments, gi­ving attention, as St. Augustin, says, to what the Romans believed thereupon, whose faith might be spoken of with Praise to the Lord) saw that all their Opinions, which were conformable to each other, were very zealous for the Catholick Faith against the Opinion of Pelagius. Not­withstanding Zozimus in condemning him, spoke not so strongly, as he had in judging in his favour, as it may be seen in Vsher. The Emperors Honorius and Theodosius, re­ceived also the acts of the Council of A­frick, and thought fit to prop them with their authority, in making an edict which they sent to the three Prefects of the Praeto­rium, for to publish it in the whole Empire, by which they banished Pelagius and Cele­stius from Rome, and likewise condemned to a perpetual banishment and confiscation of Goods all those that should maintain their Tenets, where e're they were, au­thorizing all persons to accuse them. The Prefects of the Praetorium accompanied this Imperial Law with particular Edicts, where­of one is still remaining, and may be seen in the Centuriators of Magdebourg. It is of Palladius's, and in these terms, ‘If he that is fallen into the infamous Opinions of this dangerous Heresie be T. v. Col. 849. Laick or Ecclesia­stick, whosoever he be that bringeth him before the Judge, without regarding the person of the accuser, the accused shall have his Goodsconfiscated, and depart immediate­ly into perpetual banishment:’ Et si sit ille plebeius ac clericus qui in caliginis hujus obscoe­na reciderit à quocunque tractus ad judicem, sine accusatricis discretione personae facultatum publicatione nudatus irrevocabile patietur Ex­ilium. Suspicious Persons may believe that this Edict▪ conceived in so emphatical terms, came from the Pen of some Zea­lous Ecclesiastick; but it is nothing in comparison to those of the Emperours Honorius and Theodosius, that may be seen more at large in Vsher, p. 151. Those that know the Style of the Preachers then, will be persuaded easily that it was requisite to follow the like method for some time, to begin an Imperial Edict in these Terms. Ad conturbandam Catholicae simplicitatis lucem, puro semper splendore radiantem, dolosae artis ingenio, novam subito emicuisse versutiam, pervulgatâ opinione cognovimus: quae fallacis scientiae obumbrata mendaciis, & furiato tan­tum debacchata luctamine, stabilem quietem coelestis conatur attrectare fidei. Dum novi a­cuminis commendata vento, insignem notam plebeiae vilitatis sentire cum cunctis, ac pruden­tiae singularis palmam fore, communiter appro­bata destruere, &c. All the rest are of the same Style, by which may be seen the Spi­ritual Excitations in Honorius time to con­vert Hereticks, were not very different from such as have been made use of in these latter Ages.

Notwithstanding the same Bishops of A­frick, who had lately condemned Pelagius, knowing nothing yet of the Emperours E­dicts which were dated the last of April, as­sembled themselves again at Carthage, the next day, and anathematized those that should say, ‘that the first Man was by his Nature mortal. 2. That little Infants ought not to be Baptised, or that they might be so, tho' they were not infected with the Sin of Adam. 3. That the Grace by which we are justified, serveth but for the Re­mission of Sins, and is not sufficient to make us abstain from them for the fu­ture: 4. That Grace assisteth us only to know our duty, and that it produceth not obedience of it self. 5. That Grace is given us, that we may the more easily by its means do, what we should do with most difficulty without it. 6. That it is only by humility that we are all obliged to say that we are Sinners▪ 7. That every one is not obliged to say, pardon us our sins for himself, but for others only that are sinners. 8. That the Saints are obli­ged to say the same words by humility only.’

It seemeth that this Council intended not only to condemn the Opinions of Pelagius, but also to anathematize aforehand those that could fall into the sentiments that should have any connection with theirs. For it's apparent according to these princi­ples, he could absolutely deny the four last propositions. He believed not that Grace made us simply to know our duty, nor that there had been any man that had passed his life without Sin, excepting Jesus Christ. But it hath always been the custom of Councils to anathematise some supposed errors that no body held, in condemning the real Opinioins of Hereticks; it may be to inspire more horrour for Heresie, and to hinder that none should be so bold as to protect Hereticks. Thus as Ep. 157. St. Augustin spea­keth, By the Vigilance of Episco­pal Councils, with the help of the Lord, who de­fendeth his Church (and that of the Imperial Edicts) Pelagius and Celestius were condem­ned in all the Christian World, if they did not repent.

Nevertheless Pelagius, who was still at Ierusalem pressed by Pinianus and Melanius, made a declaration of his thoughts concer­ning the necessity of Grace, which he ac­knowledged to be necessary to every act: and at every moment. He also saith, that he always was in regard to Baptism of the same sentiments, he had mention'd in his profession of Faith to Pope Innocent, which is, that Children must be Baptized as accu­stomed. But whatever he could say, it was not believed that he understood what he spoke in the same sense with the Afri­can Church. Nevertheless Iulianus Bishop of Celenes in Campania, published Commen­taries upon the Song of Songs, a book de Constantla, and four books against the first of St. Augustins de Concupiscentiae & Nuptiis, where he maintained the sentiments of Pe­lagius. In the last of these Works, he trea­ted openly the Bishops of Africk, as se­ditious and Innovators, and said that they [Page 68] could not have Reason on their side,‘since in the dispute, they frighted those that resisted them, with the Imperial Edicts, but that acting after that nature they per­suaded not intelligent persons, but the fearful only: laborare illam partem rationis inopia, Ap. Aug. cont. Iul. lib. 3. c. 1. quae in disserendo cum terrorem surro­gat, nullum à prudentibus impe­trat, sed caecum à meticulosis ex­torquet assensum.’He accused Zozimus of having used Prevarication in condem­ning Pelagius, after having approved his sentiments, and as to the Synods of Africk he said ‘that those that had been condemned by them, could not de­fend their cause; that none can well judge of controverted things, if he doth not bring a mind free from hatred, friend­ship, enmity, or anger, that the Bishops of A [...]rick were not thus qualified, having an aversion to the Opinions of Pelagius be­fore they knew them, that his sentiments were not to be received, but weighed; and finally all that hath been usual to be objected to the judgments of great As­semblies.’

A new Council was afterward held in the year CCCCXIX. at Carthage, com­posed of CCXVII. Bishops, where all that had been done in the former against Pela­gius was confirmed, and in effect to make use of the terms of St. Prosper, in his Poem of the Vngrateful, ‘An alium in sinem posset procedere sanctum Concilium, cui dux Aurelius, ingeniumque Augustinus erat.’

‘But the Episcopal Authority was still upheld in this rencounter by that of the Em­perours, who in a Letter directed to Au­relius confirmed their precedent Edict, and ordered, that if any knew in any p. 161. place of the Empire Pelagius and Celestius kept themselves hidden, and dis­covered them not, or did not immediate­ly drive them away, he should be liable to the same punishment those Hereticks were. And to correct the stubborness of some Bishops who maintained, by a si­lent consent, those that disputed in favour of the Heresie, or that did not destroy it in publickly attacking it; Aurelius should take the care to depose those that would not sign the Condemnation of Pelagia­nism, and should be excommunicated and banished.’ Aurelius had orders to publish this Edict in all Africk, and he executed it punctually, joyning to it a circular Letter to the Bishops of the Byzacen and Arzugitan Provinces, by which he compell'd them to sign the acts of the last Council, as well those that had assisted at it, as those that could not be present, that it might be ac­knowledged that there was not in Bishops neither dissimulation nor negligence, or fear­ing that by chance there might remain some lawful suspicion of some bidden Heresie. The Bishops that were of the same Opinion with Pelagius subscribed the acts, but with great difficulty; and eighteen of them Writ to the Bishop of Thessaloni [...]a endea­vouring to draw the Eastern Bishops on their side. That they might the easier in­gage them in their own cause, they accu­sed their adversaries of Manicheism, because the Manicheans maintained also the una­voidable necessity of Sinning, and the na­tural corruption of Man. This accusation was the rather more odious, that St. Au­gustin the principal defender of these Opi­nions, had been in his Youth infected with the Opinion of Manicheus, and that having abjured them, he had attacked them by the same principles whereof the Pelagians had made use, when he was come to the Episcopacy. On the other side Iulianus Writ to Rome, and Celestius sent to Con­stantinople in the year CCCCXIX, to en­deavour to win some Proselytes there. But after the Imperial Edicts that we have already observ'd, they could in no like­lyhood have a good issue. Celestius was ill received by Atticus who had succeeded to Arsacius, substituted next to St. Chrysostom, but dead a little while after. The Pelagi­ans were also very ill treated, according to the relation of St. Prosper, at Ephesus and Sicily; and Constantius that Honorius had as­sociated in the Empire, made in the year CCCCXX, an Edict like to that of this Prince against those that should hide Cele­stius. St. Ierome died this year, and St. Au­gustin composed his four books addressed to Boniface Successor to Zozimus, and the six against Iulian addressed to Claudius. He, made therein the Elogium of St. Ierome and assures us that he was of the same sen­timents with the Bishops of Africk, because it seems he had attack'd the Pelagians, tho' on the other hand he did not make use of St. Augustins reasons, as it may be seen in the first Tome of this Library. p. 21. St. Ierome said lib. in Pe­lag. that the ‘Commandments of God are possible, but that every one cannot do that which is possible, not by any weakness of nature, which would be injurious to God, but the custom of the Soul, which cannot al­ways have at the same time all vertues.’ Possibilia praecipit Deus, sed haec possibilia cun­cta singuli habere non possumus, non imbecilli­tate naturae, ut calumniam facias Deo, sed ani­mi assuetudine, qui cunctas simul & semper non potest habere virtutes. St. Augustin was so far from this Opinion that in the CXII. Sermon de tempore he speaketh thus: We ab­hor the Blasphemy of those, who say that God hath commanded Man any thing impossible, and that the Commandments of God cannot be kept by ea [...]h in particular, but by all in common. ‘Execramur Blasphemiam eorum qui dicunt impossibile aliquid homini à Deo esse praecep­tum, & mandata Dei non à singulis, sed ab omnibus in commune posse servari, here must be understood by the help of Grace.’

[Page 69]Whilst Cap. 11. Pelagius remain­ed hidden in the East, and was silent, Iulian composed four Books against the second of St. Augustin de Concupiscentia & Nuptiis, having refuted the first in the four, whereof we have spo­ken. St. Augustine undertook to answer to the last work of Iulian, as he had done to the precedent, but he could not end his answer, being dead before. We have two books thereof, with the two books Iu­lian, that he refuteth, Printed at Paris, by Claudius Menard in 1616. Iulian kept no measure in his Books, and seems to have been willing to abuse the Adversaries of Pelagius, to vindicate himself of the severe Edicts they had obtained against him. But this conduct did him no good, seeing Cele­stinus Bishop of Rome banished him out of Italy, with Florus, Oroncius, Fabius, and all the Bishops of the same party▪

It seemeth notwithstanding that Pelagia­nism did spread it self in spight of all this, seeing the Emperour Valentinian, to clear the Gauls of it, published an Edict at A­quilea in Ccccxxv, by which he ordered Patroclus Bishop of Arles, to visit divers Bi­shops that followed the opinions of Pelagius, and to declare unto them, if in 20. days they they did not retract their Errours, they should be banished from the Gauls, and deprived of their Bishopricks.

Iohn Cassienus, originally a Scythian, that some call an Athenian, others a Roman, and some a Gaul, who had been a Dea­con to St. Chrysostome, and made a Priest by Innocent the first, being retired to Mar­seilles began to compose Books, by which sweetening a little the Sentiments of Pela­gius, w [...]om he also condemned as a Here­tick, he gave birth to the opinions, to which were since given the Name of Semi-pelagianism. His Sentiments may be seen in his Collations, or Conferences that St. Prosper hath refuted, and maintain'd a­gainst the pure Pelagianism. Peta [...]. lib. laud. c. 7. Here in a few words is what they were reduced unto.

I. The Semi-pelagians allowed, that men are born corrupted, and that they cannot withdraw from this Corruption, but by the assistance of Grace, which is nevertheless prevented by some motion of the Will, as by some good desire; whence they said, n [...]cum est velle credere, Dei autem gratiae est adjuvare; to Will to Believe dependeth of me, but it's the Grace of God that helpeth me. God according to them expecteth from us these first moti­ons, after which he giveth us his Grace.

II. That God inviteth all the World by his Grace, but that it dependeth of the Li­berty of men to receive or to reject it.

III. That God had caused the Gospel to be preached to Nations that he foresaw would embrace it, and that he caused it not to be preached to Nations, that he foresaw would reject it.

IV. That notwithstanding he was wil­ling all should be saved, he had chosen to Salvation none but those, that he saw wou'd persevere in Faith and good Works.

V. That there was no particular Grace absolutely necessary to Salvation, which God gave only to a certain number of men, and that men might lose all the Graces they had received.

VI. That of little Children which died in their Infancy, God permitted that those only should be baptized▪ who, according to the foreknowledge of God would have been pious if they had lived; but on the contrary those that were wicked, if they came to a more advanced Age, were ex­cluded from Baptism by Providence.

VII. The Semi-pelagians were yet accu­sed to make Grace entirely outward, so that according to them it chiefly consisted in the preaching of the Gospel; but some of them maintained that there was also an interiour Grace, that Pelagius himself did not totally reject. Others allowed that there was preventing Grace.

So it seemeth, that the difference that was betwixt them, and Pelagius consisted only in this, that they allowed Men were born in some measure corrupt, and also they pressed more the necessity of Grace, at least in words. Tho' the difference was not extreamly great, he notwithstanding anathematized Pelagius. But this they did, it's like, in the supposition, that Pelagius maintained all the opinions condemned by the Councils of Africk. St. Augustine ac­cuseth them to have made the Grace of God wholly to consist in Instruction, which only regardeth the understanding, when as he believ'd it to consist in a particular and interiour action of the Holy Ghost, deter­mining us invincibly to Will good, this determination not being the effect of our understanding. The other Sentiments of this Father, are known opposite either to the Doctrine of Pelagius, or that of the Semi-pelagians. We may be instructed herein particularly, in his Books of Prede­stination and Perseverance, that he writ at the entreaty of St. Pro [...]per against the Semi-pelagians, and in the works of the latter.

To come back to the History, 'tis said, that in the year Ccccxxix, one Agricola Son of Severiaenus a Pelagian Bishop carried Pelagianism into England, but St. Germain Bishop of Auxerre, was sent hither by Pope Celestin, or by the Bishops of the Gauls, and extirpated it suddenly. Several mira­cles are attributed to him in this Voyage, and in the stay he made in England, as Vsher observes. But if what Hist. Scot. lib. 8. Hector Boetius saith, a Histo­rian of Scotland, who lived in the beginning of the past Age, be true, he used a means that is not less efficacious for the extirpation of Here­sie, which was that the Pelagians that would not retract, were burned by the care of the Magistrates.

But whilst St. Germain purified England, [Page 66] the Seeds of Pelagianism, that Cassian had spread amongst the Monks of Marseille, and in the Narbonick Gaul, caused it likewise to grow in France. St. Prosper and Hilary, had writ of it to St. Augustine, and had specified it to him, that several Ecclesia­sticks of the Gauls looked upon his opini­ons as dangerous novelties. St. Augustine answered to their objections in the books, which we lately have named; but the sup­port that Hilary Bishop of Arles, and Ma­xim Bishop of Riez granted to the Semi-pe­lagians, hindered any body from molesting them, tho' they shewed much aversion for the Doctrine of St. Augustine.

Iulian and the other Bishops banished, as I have already observ'd, from Italy, were gone to Constantinople. where they importu­ned the Emperour, to be re-established, but as they were accused of Heresie, he would grant them nothing, without know­ing the reasons why they were banished. Nestorius Bishop of Constantinople writ about it to Celestine, who answered him after a very sour manner, and as if it had not been permitted to be informed of the rea­son of their condemnation, reproaching him at the same time with his particular Sentiments. His Letter is dated the 12. of August in the year Ccccxxx.

It was at that time, that St. Augustine died, whose Elogium may be found in our Author who approveth of the praises that Fulgentius giveth him in his 2. Book of the Truth of Predestination, where he speaks of him as Inspired. A little after his death, the Letters of Theodosius, that had called him to the Council of Ephesus, arrived in Africk, whence some Bishops were sent thither.

In the year Ccccxxxi, the 22. of Iune, this Council composed of CCX. Bishops was assembled for the Condemnation of Nestorius▪ Cyril of Alexandria presided there, and whilst it was holding, Iohn Bi­shop of Antioch was assembled with 30. o­ther Bishops, who made Canons contrary to those of this Council. The particulars were, that the party of Cyril, and that of Iohn reciprocally accused each other of Pe­lagianism; but the greater part approved of the Deposition of Iulian and other Bi­shops of Italy, that Nestorius had used with more mildness. He is accused to have been of their opinion, and to have main­tained that Jesus Christ was become the Son of God, by the good use he made of his Free-will, in reward whereof God had united him to the Everlasting Word. This was the cause, that in this Council Pelagianism and Nestorianism were both condemned together.

But notwithstanding all this, and the cares of three Popes, Celestinus, Xystus, and Leo the first, Semi-pelagianism was up­held amongst the Gauls. It may be that the manner wherewith Celestine writ to the Bishops of France contributed to it, because that tho' he condemned Pelagius with heat, and praised St. Augustine, he said at the end of his Letter,‘that as to the deep and difficult Questions, which were found mingled in this Controversie, and which were treated at length by those that op­posed the Hereticks, that as he durst not despise them, he did believe it not neces­sary to make a party therein.’

Our Author shews Cap. 12. what pains St. Prosper, and the Popes Xystus and Leo took to refute, or to destroy Pelagianism, and Semi-pelagianism. It was in the same time that Vincent of Lerins made his Commonitory to wit, three years after the Council of Ephesus. He is suspected to be the Author of the objections that St. Prosper hath re­futed, under the Title of Objectiones Vin­centianae; this Commonitory was Printed lately in 12. at Cambridge, with the Notes of Mr. Baluze, and the Book of St. Augu­stine of Heresies.

Vsher in this same Chapter relates the Ravages, that the Scotch and the Picts com­mitted in England, the arrival of the Saxons into this Island, the manner how they became Masters on't, and the other events of that time.

Before C. 13. that these dis­asters happened in England a Monk named Faustus retired from hence into the Narbonick Gaul, where he became Abbot of Lerins and after­wards Bishop of Riez, after Maximus, whom he also succeeded in the Abbey of Lerins. He assisted at a Council, which was held at Rome, towards the end of the year Cccclxii, where it was concluded that eve­ry year there should be a Council held a­mongst the Gauls, which should be convo­cated by the Archbishop of Arles. There was assembled one, in this City which or­dered Faustus to express his Sentiments touching the matter of Grace, and another at Lyons by the order of which he added something to what he had already writ, because some new Errours had been disco­vered. These Errours are those to which the Divines of Marseilles gave the Name of Predestinarian Heresie, that some maintain to have been a real Heresie, and others the opinions of St. Augustine. We have no more of the Acts of these two Synods, but the work of Faustus subsisteth yet. It is intituled, de Gratia & libero arbitrio, dire­cted to Leontius Archbishop of Arles, and very clearly containeth Semi-pelagianism. Erasmus got it first printed at Basil, in M.D.XXVIII, and it hath been since in­serted in the 8th. Tome of the Library of the Fathers. Faustus sent the opinions of the second Council of Arles to a Predesti­narian Priest named Lucidus, to oblige him to retract his Errours, and to subscribe this Doctrine of the Council. His Letter to Lucidus is still to be [...]ad, and the answer of this Priest directed to the Bishops assem­bled at Arles, where he declares that he condemns the Sentiments of those that believe, that after the fall of the first man, Free-will was entirely extinct. That Jesus [Page 67] Christ died for all men; that some are de­stined to death and others to life: that from Adam to Jesus Christ no Pagan hath been saved by the first Grace of God, to wit, by the law of nature, because they have lost the free Will in our first Father: That the Patriarchs and Prophets, and the greatest of Saints have remained in Paradice untill the time of Redemption. This is almost a full Abridgment of the Book of Faustus. Some learned men have maintained that Faustus had passed his Com­mission, and that many of those that had assisted at the Councils of Arles and Lions, had not subscribed his Book. It is never­theless difficult to believe that a Bishop that was very much esteem'd as Faustus was, as it appears by the Letters of Sidonius Apollinaris Bishop of Clermont in Auvergne, who makes his Elogy in several places, and by Gennadus who praiseth this work; it is I say, difficult enough to conceive how he could have the boldness to attribute to a Council, opinions which were so odious to the greatest part of 'em, and to think the Members of this Council could not shew their Resentment thereof. Neither do those who say that Faustus exceeded his Commission, give any reason, only that they cannot persuade themselves that there were so many Semi-Pelagians amongst the Gauls. In our Author are the different Judgments that divers learned men have made of Faustus and the greatest part of 'em are not very favourable to him. Baronius too speaketh ill enough of him. So that it happeneth now to the Semi-Pe­lagians, what did in times past to the Pela­gians; which is, that those who believ'd their principal Tenets, condemned them only because those who have been more consi­derable than themselves have formerly con­demned them.

The Book of Faustus is C. 14. not unknown, it being car­ried to Constantinople, where mens minds were divided concerning the Doctrine it contained. Some maintained it was Orthodox, and others Heretical, as it appeareth by a Letter of Possessar an African Bishop, who was then at Constan­tinople, and who writ of it to Pope Hor­misda in the year DXX. to know his thoughts thereupon. Persons of the first quality amongst which were Vitalianus and Iustinian, who hath been since Emperour, desired to be instructed what Sentiments the Church of Rome had of it. Hormisda disapproved the Book of Faustus, and sent them to consult these of St. Augustin of Predestination and Perseverance. There was then at Constantinople, a Monk named Iohn Maxence, who writ an answer Tom. 6. Bibl. P. P. Ed. Col. to the Letter of Hormisda, where he compareth the opi­nions of St. Augustin and those of Faustus, and desperately censures Pos­sessar and those that maintained that the Book of Faustus was Orthodox. It appears by that, that Possessar was a Semi-Pelagian, and consequently that the Councils of Africk, had not been able as yet to submit all the Bishops of this Church to their Deci­sions.

The Vandals were become Masters of Africk, during the heat of the Pelagian Controversies, and as they were Arians, they drove away a great number of Bi­shops that followed the decisions of the Council of Nice. Thrasamond King of the Vandals had sent 60 of them into exile from the Province of Byzacene, into Sardinia. They were consulted from the East upon the Controversies of Grace, rather to have a publick Declaration of their opinions, than to draw instructions from them, see­ing those that did write to them, had al­ready taken party and condemned in their Letters not only the Pelagians, but also the Books of Faustus. Fulgentius Bishop of Esfagues answered in the name of the others, and exposed the sentiments of St. Augustin, in a Letter, and in a particular Book di­rected to one Paul a Deacon. The same Fulgentius made also other works upon this matter, whereof several places may be seen in our Author. He had composed seven Books against the two of Faustus of Grace and Free-Will, but they are lost. These African Bishops returned to their Churches in the year DXXIII. which was that of the Death of Thrasamond, as Victor of Ton­neins informeth us in his Chronicle. But Fulgenius had refuted Faustus before he had left Sardinia, whence it followeth, as well as from the Letter of Possessar, that Binius hath not well related the third Council of Arles, whose opinions Faustus had expounded in the year DXXIV. But this is not the only fault he hath committed, he hath corrected, or rather corrupted as he thought fit, an infinite number of places of the Antient Councils, without having respect to the MSS. which makes Vsher P. 235. to give him the Title of Contaminator Con­ciliorum.

As Hilary and Leontius Archbishops of Arles had favoured Semi-Pelagianism, Cesario, who succeeded Leontius inclin'd to what the Divines of Marseille called Prae­destianism, to wit the Sentiments of St. Augustine. It was by his direction, that the second Council of Orange was held in the year DXXXIX, which approved the opinions of St. Augustin, and our Author gives us P. 262. an account of all their entire acts. A little while after another Council was held at Valence upon the same matters, and which also condemned Semi-Pelagianism. Boniface II. approved the acts of this Coun­cil, by a Letter that he writ to Cesario in the year DXXXI, and which Vsher hath in­serted in his Works.

Here it is that endeth the History of Pelagianism and Semi-Pelagianism, which was not nevertheless extinguished among the Gauls, nor in England, by so many Efforts and Decrees of the defenders of [Page 72] Grace, as may be seen by the History of Godescalch, written by the same Vsher. What can there be concluded from thence, according to the Principles of St. Augustin, but that God would not apply his Grace to Anathemas, to Confiscations, to Depo­sitions, and to Banishments, whereof the Pious Emperors and Holy Councils made use of against the unfortunate Pelagi­ans?

We may relate the beginning of the third part of the British Antiquities in p. 268. where the Author begins to speak of King Arthur, and of the priviledges pretended to be given by him to the University of Cambridge. The rest of the Chapter, ex­cepting what there is in it concerning Gil­das, of whose works Vsher makes long Extracts, is but a collection of Fables and Citations of Monks.

The 15th Chapter treateth of the Colo­nies that the Facts, a People of Scythia, and the Sc [...]ch that inhabited Ireland sent into England, and of the manner how these Barbarous People were converted to Chri­stianity. There are also in this place more Fables than Truths, seeing if we except some general acts, the remainder contains only impertinent fictions; in this Chapter are also new Fables concerning St. Ursula, which some Monks report to have been Daughter to a King of Scotland.

The 16 and 17th Chapters which con­tain the Ecclesiastick Antiquities of Ireland, are of the same stamp as the preceding ones, and we may wonder how the Arch­bishop of Armagh hath had the patience to make such a great collection of Fables, and to read such a great number of Works of Monks, both Manuscript and Printed. Those that are minded to know a great part of their fictions concerning the British Isles from the year DXXX unto the end of the fourteenth Age, may have recourse to the Original. In the same nevertheless may be found some more certain antiqui­ties touching their fir [...] Inhabitants, and the names of these Islands, and some con­siderable changes that happened in them. The Author hath also added at the end, a Chronological Index, where one may see in what time each thing ought to be relat­ed. It's a thing much to be wish'd in other Works, which contain such disquisitions of Antiquities, where commonly there is a strange Confusion.

Those that desire to be throughly in­structed in the Ecclesiastical Antiquities of England, ought to add to Vsher's Work, whereof we have given now the extract, a Book in Folio, of Doctor Stillingfleets, Intituled, Origines Britannicae, or the An­tiquities of the British Churches; with a Pre­ [...]a [...]e concerning some pretended Antiquities relating to Britain, in vindication of the Bishop of St. Asaph, Printed at London 1685.

The true System of the Church, or Analysis of Faith, &c. by Sieur Jurieu Doctor and Professor of Divinity. At Dordrecht, Sold by the Widdow Caspar and Theodore Goris 1686 in 8vo.

THIS piece is chiefly designed to answer Mr. Nicoli, but the difficulties that Mr. Arnauld, Father Maimbourg, and the Bishop of Meaux have propos'd in the chap­ter of the Church, are herein examined with the utmost exactness; the whole is reduced to these five general questions, 1. What are the essential parts of the Church? 2. What is the invisibility and ma [...]ks thereof? 3. What is its extent? 4. What is its Vnity and Schism? 5. What is its authority and judg­ments the exact and profound discussion of these matters take up three Books.

The first is begun by the comparison of the Church with a Human Body animated, and it's pretended that as the essential parts of man are a reasonable Soul, and an Or­ganised Body, and the Union of this Body and Soul; likewise the essential parts of the Church, are Faith and Charity, the Profession of Faith▪ the outward practice of Charity, and the Union of these four; Faith and Charity are the Soul of the Church, the outward Profession and Practice the Body, and according to this Idea, nei­ther the Saints in Paradise, nor the Prede­stinated that are not yet born, are any part of the Church, which is proved by Scrip­ture; after that is examined if false Chri­stians and Heretical Societies, make part of the Church; and having shewn the pro­digious incumbrances whereunto the R. C. cast themselves, in maintaining that an ill man may be a true member of the Church, and even of those Members on whom God confers the Spirit of infallibility. We are taught after what manner the men of the World are in the Church, and may be law­ful Pastors in it. Mr. Nicoli stands here a rude brunt, for he pretends that his efforts do make St. Augustin agree with the Scho­lastick Divines upon the question, whether the wicked are true Members of the Church, which is full of obvious contra­dictions. As to Heretical or Schismatical Societies, it's needless to prove to the R. C. that they do not belong to the Church, for they say it often enough, yet without giving good reasons why crimes are more priviledged therein than errors; but the incumbrance which may be in this res­pect, hindreth not Mr. Iuricu from fully examining this matter; he enters there­fore into the discussion of the Unity of the Church.

He maintains, always leaning upon his comparison of human bodies, that all the Sects of Christianity belong really to the body of the Church, and that in this there is no more absurdity, than to maintain that a distemper'd Member is a true part of Mans Body; he asks whence comes the Idea of the Unity which excludes from [Page 73] the Church all the Christian Societies but one; and he persuades himself that the monstrous errors which are raised in the first Ages, have been the true Origin of this Idea, in accustoming the Orthodox, to think that Hereticks are Members whol­ly separate from the Body. He adds that St. Cyp finding this Idea ready at hand, applyed the same to the Novations, & groun­ded thereon such strong reasons against the validity of the Baptism of Hereticks, that nothing of weight was answered him; this occasions the Author to criticise on the Hy­potheses of St. Cyprians antagonists. He shews them that they understood not what the Unity of the Church is. He makes the same reproach to St. Augustin and accu­ses him of perplexing himself with a thou­sand contradictions in maintaining on one side, that the Baptism of Hereticks is valid, and on the other that they are absolutely separated from the body of the Church▪ But St. Ierom is not so used; it's granted that he has better understood the question, and it's proved by his disputes against the Lucife­rians, that he excluded not from the Church, even all Hereticks. After this it is maintain'd by eleven proofs, that the Ca­tholick Church includes all the Christian Societies which retained the fundamentals of Christianity.

The first proof is drawn from the extent which the Word of God promiseth to the Church, for as it is evident that there is no particular Church which hath ever com­pleated the notion of this extent, the pro­mises of God must either be false or veri­fie themselves by the extent of Christiani­ty in General. Here are refuted the pre­tensions of Mr. Nicole, upon the extent of the Romish Communion; the second proof is taken out of the places of the Word of God, which foretel that the Church shall have a mixture of good and bad, of wheat and tares, for if crimes hinder not a Christian to be a Member of the true Church, why should error have the fatality to hinder from it? It is surely a pretention that abuses the light of Nature, to say that a Man that kills another is yet a Catholick, but if he blames the retrenchment of the Cup, he is by that very thing Excommuni­cated and banished the whole Communion of the Church; we need only to ask good reasons for this enormous inequality to make the most resolute Doctors sweat. The third proof is drawn from this, that God keeps the knowledge of the Truth, and Preach­ing of his Word in Schismatick and erring Societies, whence we must conclude that God saves Men in it. Other proofs are founded on examples, or on the Opinions and Conduct of the Roman Catholicks. The examples are, the Schisms of the ten Tribes, which continued, as this Author saith, to be the People of God, and the Iews that were converted to the Gospel in the Apostles time, and who refused to have any Communion with the converted Gentiles. For the proofs ad hominem, they are drawn either from Father Goar, or from Leo Alatius, who said that the Schismatick Communions of the East are not out of the Church; Or, according to Mr. Nicole, se­veral persons have been saved, tho' of the Arian Communion, or else the Gen­tlemen of Port Royal; err, which glory in this point of Transubst antiation, to have Conformed themselves to the Schismaticks; or, according to the Confession of the Romish Church, that there is a true Mission and a saving Grace in the other Communions, so that other sects are Christians; and during the Schism of Anti-Popes, the true Catholicity was found under divers obediences. Mr. Nicole is strongly re­futed upon this Article.

Neither is he with less vigour refuted upon the objection which he hath so much boasted of, which is, that the Vnity of the Church necessarily includes the Vnity of Com­munion. It is the first difficulty which Mr. Iurieu examins in his answer to the argu­ments, which may be alledged against his sy­stem. The 2d. difficulty is found in the 7th. Book of Mr. Arnaud, upon the down­fal of Morality, where he saith this Sy­stem is that of the indifferency of Religi­ons: but 'tis strongly denyed him, for it's maintained that one cannot be saved in all the Sects of Christianity, and that there are cases, wherein we must separate from them which err, and that we cannot Com­municate in all, nor tolerate all, nor pass successively from one unto another. These are great questions, and for to clear them one must have as much wit, and depth of Judgment as Mr. Iurieu has: He makes a thousand fine remarks upon all this, he saith there are two ways which God makes use of to save Men in Heretical Societies, one is the Grace he gives them to discern the true spiritual nourishment from the false. The other is to bear with their faults ac­cording to his great mercy. But lest Peo­ple should abuse this Doctrine, the Author brings several Cautions which shew that such as throw themselves into the Commu­nion of Rome, have reason to fear their Souls, and maintains, that it was well done to separate from it, as in the last Age. He speaks much upon the important subject of Toleration, nor will he have Soveraigns deprived of the liberty of reprehending their Heretick subjects in certain cases, nor will he have them that err, have any pri­viledge of maintaining their pretended Truths, he examines upon this subject, the reasons that have been lately published to maintain the priviledges of a Conscience that really errs, and then passes to the vi­sibility and perpetuity of the Church: two great questions, upon which he says some things that are both solid and curious. And so much for the first Book.

The second runs upon a subject no less important, that is, upon the Authority of the Church, and analysis of Faith. The Author begins his proofs against the infallibility of [Page 74] the Church for this reason, that the Uni­versal Church being a Collection of all So­cieties that retain its grounds, and princi­ples, can no ways be infallible, nor has it any need of being unerrable, for every part maintaining that each other part be­ing contrary to it's self, has fallen into error, it follows that the Church being but a Collection of all these parts, whereof the one refutes the rest, is errone­ous in all its parts; and that being so, how can it be infallible, or any single part thereof be unerrable. Nor is it less evident that the infallibility of the Church would be to no purpose, because it is not possible that a Congregation of all Christian Sects should clear or decide any difficulty. And it is confessed here that the unanimous con­sent of all Communions to teach a certain truth, is a kind of infallible judgment given by the Church, and moreover the Chara­cter of a fundamental truth so hard to be agreed upon is consented to; but lest the Socinians might come to cross it, it is de­clared that neither they, nor the Fanaticks have any share in it, nor yet the other Se­ctaries of these times. After this the Au­thority of Councils is spoken of, and divers reflections made thereon: The Councils are considered different ways. 1. Either as the meeting of wise Men, that have a mind mutually to instruct each other; and Com­municate their knowledge. 2. As com­missioned Law-makers that Assemble for to regulate the form of Government, 3. As Judges established by their Church to learn the prevarications of Religious Socie­ties. The first of these relations belong to them in respect of matters of Faith, the 2d. In respect of ordering of Discipline, and the 3d. in respect of censures and Excommuni­cations; this is exactly ordered, and helps to resolve a thousand great difficul­ties, the submission Christians owe unto Councils, and upon the infallibility that M. Meaux maintains that Protestants attribute to Councils. M. Nicole goes farther, for he affirms that they attribute the gift of infallibility to each faithful person to refute him; he is given to understand by several examples that it is not necessary to think ones self infallible to be convinced of any Opinion, and because the knot of the difficulty lies in this, that they which are deceived are no less convinced than the Orthodox, the Author acknowledges, that the Characters cannot be precisely shewn which distinguish the false and true perswasions, and at the same time says, that these diffe­rences are real, and make themselves apparent. It is good faith that can convince the pub­lick that Mr. Iurieu is none of those Contro­vertists whereof M. Simon gives us such ugly Ideas, I would say of those that wou'd rather dye, than acknowledge that they cannot clear precisely this or that difficulty. He gives us at the same time many instructions upon the manner, how hearing and reading the Word of God, conducts infallibly into the Truth, those in whom the Holy Ghost works by an efficacious Grace, but lest people may confound the infallibility that is produced by this Grace, with the privileged infallibility which was belong­ing to the Apostles, he teaches us the marks whereby to distinguish them, after which he fully answers two objections, that were proposed to make the Protestant Church seem to become to the highest pitch of impertinence. For it was objected that a private Person, how ignorant soever he could be, should be assured according to their principles, that he can understand the true sense of Scripture, better than all the Church besides, and that he owes no sub­mission to Church, or Council, unless he sees by his own proper light, that their de­cision is good; all these difficulties are solidly answered and made to disap­pear.

The reader sees that hitherto M. Iurieu has met with several difficulties in his way, but they are but trifles to what he must en­counter now, for he is going to answer objections that relate to the way of examen, and that are without any dispute the main strength of M. Nicole. He answers them first indirectly, and argues almost thus. We must go to the knowledge of Scripture either by Authority, or by way of examen, but it is impossible that Authority should conduct us to it, therefore we must make use of the way of examen. He proves the minor in shewing, that upon Earth there is no infallible and speaking Authority; and tho' there were, it would be impossible to have re­course to it, because it cannot be known, by any certain sign of necessary truth. It is the bravest Field in the World where­in the Enemy is led without having any place to retreat to, so that if there were able and disinterested Judges, as the Plato­nists and Aristoteleans were, to observe the strokes given, there are no People in the World they would despise so much, as the Christians, whereof they would see the greatest part brag of a Doctrine that can­not keep the Field one Moment in sight of the Enemy, and which nevertheless sub­dues every day some of the other party, upon this may be well said, the absurdity which Sandaicat published concerning the Battle of Cerisoles les Spagnales victoriosos se­rinder, however it be, let us mark in a few words what the Author does here.

He shews that if Faith did not enter the Soul, but by the way of Authority M. Ni­cole would have it, the Iewish Church should never have had any good assurance of the Will of God, as well because there was not in a long time any Prophet or other infallible Tribunal that declared it, as that the Authority of the Prophets themselves might have been suspected to be false, & that amidst the most famous Miracles; because there was none that could infallibly assure them, that these Miracles came from God, or from the Devil. These dreadful diffi­culties [Page 75] are pushed to the time of Jesus Christ himself and his Apostles; and it's shewn that according to the Roman Church the Iews would have had no reason to be converted to it. The same thing is shewn in respect of following ages; in a word, it is maintained against M. Nicole, that his prin­ciple is the great road to Pyrrhonisme, and Atheism, because for to trust well the way of Authority, we must know it well; but very few could be able to come to the requisite assurance by the way of ex­amen upon this subject, and to the end that the difficulty should come to be more in­explicable, the Author has invincibly refuted all that M. Nicole brought to prove that the Authority of the Church makes it self easily known, so that here is the way of Authority quite shut up; by what way then will people enter into the Faith? must it be by examen? if that be the way M. Iurieu must take away the Obstacles that M. Ni­cole has put in it, and he must answer dire­ctly, for to answer by retortions, as was observ'd by a Modern Author, is to furnish Deists with the best Arms that they ever yet made use of, and is to compleat what M. Ni­cole has begun, for the dullest amongst them would say after he had seen Mr. Nicoles book, and what we have mentioned of Mr. Iurieu, that seeing God has not made Man capable of choosing without rashness, the only Religion that is Good, it is evident that he has Revealed us nothing of it, but has left it to our Education and Natural light; therefore of necessity to disarm these Libertines, he must answer directly to what Mr. Nicole says, and let us see how he will behave him­self.

He accuses his adversaries argument a­gainst the way of examen, of two great faults; one that it supposeth no help from the Holy Ghost to them who meditate up­on Scripture; the other that he supposes a Cartesian principle that would entirely ru­ine all Religions if it were applyed to Moral knowledge; this principle is, that we must be­lieve nothing but what we understand clearly & distinctly, and to be lawfully assured that we have attained this evidence, we must first have examined a thing all manner of ways, and must have known that it could not have been other ways. Our Author says that this condition be­ing impossible in regard of most People, and yet all men being obliged to be firmly satis­fied of their Religion, it follows, that Reli­gion is not subject to these preliminary con­ditions, which Des Cartes only requires for the objects of speculation. The Remon­strants believe they can draw great Ad­vantages from M. Nicoles objections, be­cause they believe that for to answer him, the points of Faith must be reduced to a very little number of Articles, clearly con­tained in the Word of God, but the Au­thor says that this answer would cure no evil, because to be assured to that degree of certainty which is required by Mr. Ni­cole, that Jesus Christ came into this World, we must examine, according to the Cartesiaen method, whether the Gospel be a feigned Book or no, and hear all that is said by the Wicked upon this Subject, and ex­amine all the moral demonstrations where­on the certainty of things done, is ground­ed. Moreover, we must be assured by Phi­losophical reasons and by good answers to Spinoza's Systeme, that Man acts freely, that he has an immortal Soul, and that God pre­pares pains and recompences: Where are Tradesmen or Peasants who are capable of so long a dispute pushed to a contradictory decree? So that this cannot be the way to answer well, for if we did but retain one or two Articles of our Creed, we should have enough to do to render our selves certain of them according to des Cartes method. And all this shews that Mr. Nicoles princi­ple ought not to be applyed to matters of Religion. And he is shewn several other very inconvenient consequences of this principle, and it is concluded that Faith does not de­pend upon an examen of discussion, but up­on an examen of attention, the effects whereof are Learnedly explained in shew­ing the manner how Divine Truths are imprinted in our understanding; this is very fine, and gives us a second example of Mr. Iurieu's sincerity, for without troubling him­self whether Mr. Nicole will brag of ha­ving obliged the Ministers to quit their ground, he leaves him wholly to the examin of discussion, and maintains that this was not what he ought to have disputed against, and he answers an objection of Mr. de Meaux, whether there be a time, wherein a Christian may doubt of the Truths of Scripture, and that according to the Prin­ciples of the reformed Church.

Let us say a word upon the last Book of this answer; the Author has not so much indifference for Mr. Nicole, but he has taken care to hinder his too great brags of the full victory that he has had in several cases upon the examen of discussion, and says that this victory is but of little use to Papists, but that it furnisheth Weapons to Libertines and Pagans to combate the Christian Religi­on: Moreover, he is not of Opinion, that all the Arguments that were thundered against the examen of discussion, are good, and as to what concerns the way of feeling, and this ray that he has so much laught at, he is shewn that there is no reason to be so merry upon that word, that there are real­ly things in Scripture which are known by the way of feeling, and that it is no suffi­cient Argument against it, to say that it de­ceives Hereticks daily, for the Author says, if it deceives them, it is because it is not assisted by an interiour Grace from the Ho­ly Ghost, as when we feel the light of Truth: besides this he maintains that the most simple were able to know what was requisite to make them quit the Ro­man Communion. In fine he shews the analysis of Faith according to St. Augustine, and he answers Mr. Nicole in several things [Page 76] concerning the calling of the first Refor­mers, and the Schism whereof some would fain have convinced them, he answers him I say in all this, and accuseth him of a thousand frivolous quibbles, unworthy both of a Man of Honour and a witty Man.

I do not doubt but many of my readers may not understand what the analysis of Faith is. Let us then say that we under­stand by these words, the reducing of Faith to its first principles, that it is a Metaphor borrow'd from Chymists, who call Analy­sis the Operation that disunites the parts of a compound body, setting apart the ingre­dients until they come to the most simple parts; so to make the Analysis of Faith is nothing else, but to mount by degrees to its beginning, and to the first reasons where­on it is grounded, and in this the Religions of the West are very different, for tho' it is very true that the Protestants and Catho­licks being questioned why they believe the Trinity, agree in answering that it is because God has revealed it in Scripture, but if you ask them this other question, how they do know that God has revealed it in Scripture, their answer will be very different, the Ca­tholick will answer that it is, because he is told that the Roman Church finds the meaning of Trinity in certain passages of Scripture, but the Protestant will say, it is because he finds that these passages signify the Trinity, whence it follows that the Faith of a R. C. is grounded on the Authority of the Church, & that of a Protestant upon the very Light which he finds in the Object proposed by Scripture. There are but few who trouble themselves with this Analysis, they content themselves well enough with believing what they have a feeling of. Moreover, it is a great question with Roman Catholicks, whe­ther in the Analysis of Faith they must stop at the Pope, or go on to the Council. Gregory of Valence, in his Analysis Fidei Catholicae, maintains firmly that they are to stop at the Pope. But Mr. Holden an English Man by Nation, and a famous Doctor of Sor­bonne, hol [...]s for the Council in his Divinae fidei Analysis, seu de fidei Christianae resolutione, which has been re-printed lately at Paris, with some additions. A Lutheran Professor called Hannekenius refutes the Jesuite in the year 1683, by publishing paralysis fidei Pa­paeae; I do not know whether he will pub­lish such another Paralysis against the Do­ctor of Sorbonne.

Mr. Iurieu put at the end of his Book a short answer to what Mr. Ferrand publish­ed against the Parallel of Papism and Cal­vinism; if this Article had not passed the bounds already, we could give a short ex­tract of this short answer, it is admirable, and discomforts this Author, who to speak the truth, has not answered the hopes that the Catholicks of this Country conceived of his Work; they were a little surprized with the stroke they received from the parallel, and they expected that Mr. Fer­rand that was chosen to revenge their com­mon Mother, would acquit himself well of the Office, but they experienced that he did not hold to what the Church promised it self of him. Non illum nobis genetrix pul­cherrima talem promisit.

The Accomplishment of Prophesies, or the Deli­verance of the Church near at hand, &c. Corrected and Augmented almost a third part, with the Explication of all the Visions of the Apocalypse. By the S P. J. PEPETH. A. R. at Rotterdam, by Abraham A­chers, 1686. 2. Vol. in 12.

THis Work has made such a noise, that there are two thousand Copies dispo­sed of in four or five Months, and yet there are but a very few gone into France, which would have taken off a great many, if it were suffered, that it might be disposed of there, this considerable part of Europe be­ing almost nothing by report in respect of the Booksellers Trade: one would think, that the first Edition should have sufficed, nevertheless there was soon occasion for the second, and it is that, which occasion­ed Mr. Iurieu, to add to this Work the Additions, which are to be marked. We shall not speak of them that are insensibly spread all over the Book, but stick to such as form a new entire and well distinguished Member. The first of these Additions is in the Preface, and serves for an Answer to two complaints, the one treats on the fear that new Con­verts may entertain in their state of Hypo­crisie, in hopes of a great Reformation in a little time; the other is of what the Au­thor has said, of the reign of a thousand years; he answers to the first of these complaints, and proves too much, because he proves, that God never promised the deliverance of the Church, and that Ieremiah never re­veal'd to the Jews the near Destruction of Ierusalem, which God revealed to him; he adds, that God thought it convenient to keep the Knowledge of certain Pro­phecies from Men, to the end, that they might not shun them, but that at other times, he thinks it convenient that we may be aiding in procuring the Effect and Exe­cution; he says, that as it would be the sign of the last Judgment, to drink of stin­king and impoison'd Waters, in hopes, that they might be purified in two or three years, so it would be a disorder both of Mind and Heart, that would be very strange, to stick to the Communion of the Church of Rome, in hopes that in some years it might be pu­rified. As for the other point, he admires that some have made a noise against the reign of a thousand years, and declares that he will patiently wait for it, altho' some have threatned to complain of it, and he is not ashamed in this to be of the opinion of Cocceius.

[Page 77]The second Addition contains the eight first Chapters of this Work, and serves for Explication to the first nine of the Apoca­lypse, so that there is nothing of Prophecy in the Revelations of St. Iohn, which is not explain'd, by Mr. Iurieu, he has judg­ed, that in shewing the compleat systeme of all the eve [...]ts spoke of in the first book, it would dart a great light upon each of the Visions. He refutes them that believe that the seven Epistles of St. Iohn to the seven Principal Churches of Asia are Prophetick; and his opinion is, that the opening of the great Theatre of the Visions of St. Iohn was but at the fourth Chap. of the Apocalypse. He finds that it begins like that of the Prophet Eze­kiel, and he stops chiefly at the four beasts, and at the twenty four ancients, that are about the Throne of God. After this, he gives us an Observation, which is called the Key of the Apocalypse. This whole Book is but a Paraphrase upon what Daniel says, in the seventh Chapter of his Revelations about the four Beasts; he explains the systeme of the seven Seals, and the seven Trumpets, in great and small, and always by very inge­nious and happy Suppositions: and all that relates to the destiny of the Roman Em­pire, to the day of Judgment. What fol­lows, and what has been explain'd, in the first Edition, relates to the Church, and the Antichristian Empire, which was for­med in the bowels of the Church. The third Addition comprehends the 14, 15, and 16 Chapters, and applies to the Em­pire of the Papists, the second Chapter of the second to the Thessalonians, and the Vi­sions of the 13th. and 17. Chapter of the Apocalypse.

The fourth Addition is very curious, and of importance to the Author, it is contain­ed in the 15. Chapter of the second Tome; and answers to a remark made by a great many people, that things are spoken of here with great assurance, which ought not to have been proposed but as conjectures; he says, that it will be known some day, what made him speak after so decisive a manner, and with such confidence; but in the mean time, he would be willing that three things were considered. First, That he does not speak of the most part of e­vents that are to happen yet, with so much Assurance as is thought. The Second, That whereas he has declared in proper terms, that he consents willingly, that that may pass with the Readers as conjectures. It is reasonable, that he may have the liberty of believing what he sees, or what he thinks he sees in the Prophets writings. The Third, That before we censure him of rash­ness, upon what he so confidently believes, that we are at the end of the 1260 years of the Reign of Antichrist▪ his principles are to be considered and examined together; but because the Readers may chuse whe­ther they will take notice of this last re­monstrance, when there is any pains to be taken in finding out the connexion of di­vers Principles, that are here and there in that great Volume; the Author eases them by summing up his Principles, and their Consequences, and after he has shewed their connexion, he concludes, that it is impossible that false conjectures should meet always; and that chance should unite one or two hundred upon the same Sub­ject.

Whatever strength of Reason is in the Explication of these matters, Philosophers will not find what they will look for, but if they stop at the fifth Addition, they will find that Mr. Iurieu has laboured for them as well as for others; that he has re­served for them the Conclusion of his work as a relishing piece, and the highest point of Meditation. The Title of this Appen­dix is, An Essay of Mystical Divinity, where are seen proofs of the greatest mysteries of Religion drawn from Nature. This max­im is first settled, that God applies his Es­sence to all Beings, and that from this Ap­plication comes an Impression that makes the Divinity, and all its Mysteries appear every where. After that he declares, that this Truth may be ascertained by three Examples, that will shew that the Union of the Father with the Word, the adora­ble Trinity of the Persons in the Unity of Essence, and the Incarnation of the Word▪ are three Mysteries, whereof the Impressi­ons were stamp'd in Nature. To shew this, the Author begins to consider the History of the Creation, and after having said in general, that these three Mysteries are found there, he examines in particular Adams Marriage, as the Image of the Uni­on of the Father with the Son, shewing seve­ral fine Relations of these two matters; then he raises himself to the higher Worlds, and he finds there the same marks, that he found below, for he finds that the Union of Matter and Motion is a kind of Marri­age, which resembles much that of Adam; and the same resemblance appears yet more in the Union of the Spirit of God with what is called Nature, and in the Union of Jesus Christ with the Church. See then four Impressions of the Union of the Eternal Father with the Son, one in the Marriage of Adam and Eve; one in the U­nion of Matter and Motion, and in what re­gards the sensible World considered in its self; one in the Union of the Spirit of God with Nature, and this belongs to the sensi­ble World, considered as united with the intellectual World; and the last in the World purely intelligible, or in the Union of Jesus Christ with the Church, ascending higher even to the infinitely perfect Spirit; we shall find not only the Impression, but the Seal it self, not a Copy or Image, but the Ori­ginal: We shall find the Father united with the Eternal Wisdom, upon which there are several remarks. This is the first of the three Mysteries. The second, which is the Trinity of Persons, was not imprin­ted in fewer Subjects, and has not made fewer Copies of the Archetype and Origi­nal Seal. We are shewn here, the Im­pressions, [Page 78] (1.) In Spirits, which are think­ing and understanding Substances, that is, these Qualities are Essential to them, and they have a Will, which is their active principle, (2.) In the Light, for we ob­serve three things in it, viz. a luminous Body, Brightness, and Heat, (3.) In Bodies, for they have three Dimensions, length, depth, and breadth, all this is still clearer by three great parallels; whereof the last is, what was published in the Novels of Iuly, 1685. the others may be judged of by this, so we will not give an account, which could not be well done without transcribing the whole.

As for the Mystery of the Incarnation Mr. Iurieu does not meet with many Impressi­ons in the Creature; he finds but one, and that so strong, that it is equivalent to ma­ny; it is the union of the humane Soul with an organized Body, the parallel he gives between the Incorporation of this Soul, and the Incarnation of the Word is a very Col­lection of the resemblances that a great Wit can imagine between these two things. A curious reflection upon the Reason, Why God said, let us make a man after our own likeness, worthily shuts up these parallels.

When the Author published in the Jour­nal of the Novels, that of the Trinity, and of the three Dimensions of Bodies, he de­sired the learned to send in their Objecti­ons, and that they might do it the more freely, he does not name himself, he thought he should receive many; but whether it was, that the Orthodox had rather acquiesce to the Reasons that favoured them, than by examining them, to expose their own opi­nion to doubt, or whether they found the thoughts convincing, or whether it was that the Hereticks had not wit enough to oppose these difficulties; or did not under­stand the strength of this proof, and there­fore despised it, or whether other reasons work't upon them both, there was but one man that sent in Objections. First, He sent those that are in the Nouvelles of Au­gust, 1685. and a little afterwards, he sent some that were never printed. M. Iurieu examines them here after one another, and refutes them with his usual acuteness; the Author of these Objections having under­stood by the Journal of September, that no more wou'd be publisht upon this Subject; but what was sent shou'd only be communi­cated to the Author of the Parallelle, he writ again in Anonymy as before, that tho' he saw nothing easier than to reply, upon what was objected, yet he would do no­thing, because of the Intentions which were published: Now he will find the lists o­pen, and if the Glory of disputing against a famous Antagonist (that has at last named himself) does not tempt him, there will be reason to believe that he has but little to reply against his strong Answers.

Ioh. Raius his second Tome of the History of Plants, with a double Index, the one of the Names, and chief Synonyma's, the other of the Qualities and Remedies. To which is added, a Botanick Nomenclatura English and Latin, at London, 1688. in Fol. p. 951.

THE first Volume of this History of Plants, may be seen at the beginning of the third Tome of this Bibliotheck. It is needless to say more, but that it is belie­ved, it may be profitable to the publick to communicate the Judgment of a Botanist up­on this work, who liveth above two hun­dred Leagues off London.

This is the Judgment of a Botanist, which Mr. Raius knoweth not. Nothing is to be added, but 1. There will be found in this Volume, the p. 1929. Abridge­ment of the History of Plants of Mexico, by Francis Her­nandez.

2. The Reader ought moreover to re­mark in general the method of Mr. Raius, that it hath been invented, but to avoid Confusion, and to help the Memory. It would be ridiculous to imagine that, by the means of some Divisions and Subdivi­sions drawn from the exteriour figure of Plants, their nature is throughly known: as the Philosophers of Schools imagined to know all by the means of the Vniversals and Categories, into which they reduced well or ill all the Beings that they knew. They did the same thing as a man would do, who for to know the forces of an Ar­my, would carefully observe what colours the Cloaths of the Souldiers were that shou'd compose it, and should believe he could judge thereby of the enterprizes of this Army. The Truth is, that we know but the outside of things, and some of the Effects they produce, whilst the inside re­mains in such Obscurity, as all our Know­ledge cannot dissipate; so we cannot distin­guish the Species, but by some outward ap­pearances which cannot be so much as de­scribed, but very gros [...].

A Body of Canon Law, with the Notes of Peter and Francis Pitheas Brothers. Sold at Paris, 1687. in Folio, 2. Vo­lume, and at Rotterdam. By Reinier Leers.

THis new Edition of the Works of Pe­ter and Francis Pitheas, is added, by the care of Mr. Pellatier Comptroller Ge­neral of the Kings Exchequer, to the Works of Peter Pitheas his great Grand-Fa­ther. This Family was originally of Nor­mandy, and we find the Name of William Pitheas in the Catalogue of the Gentlemen of that Province; who made the Voyage to the Holy Land, in the year 1190. since they retired into the Countrey; and Peter Pitheas, who was Advocate in the Parlia­ment of Paris rendered himself so famous by his profound Learning, that they called him the Varro of his Age. He was after­wards Procurer General of the Chamber of Justice the King established in Guyenne, and after having refused the same place in Catalonia, he returned to Paris, where he contributed much to the Resubmission of this great City under the Obedience of King Henry the fourth. The most part of his and his Brother Francis's Works had been printed. But there were some others, upon which Francis wrought since the death of his Brother; and not having time to print them, he gave them to Anthony Alain his Friend who kept them a long time; and at last they came into the hands of Mr. Pelletier, who knowing how precious the Relicks of these great men of Letters are, [Page 80] hath himself assisted in the Work, and given the publick this mark of his Love to Sciences. So we find in this Edition with another in Folio of Francis Pithou, which is the, Co­dex Canonum vetus Ecclesiae Romanae notis il­lustratus; Parisiis ex Typographia Regia, 1687. Many pieces that had not appear'd, which are enlarged with many fine Notes.

Two Treatises with necessary Indexes of Wil­liam Seldens of Utrecht about the use and abuse of Books, Amsterdam, at Booms, 1688. p. 520

IF there be Plagiaries, who attribute un­to themselves the works of others, whether it is in translating them into ano­ther Language, or in publishing the same things in another order, and under another Name, the Publick may be assured that Mr. Selden is not of this number. He at­tributes not his Works to the fertility of his imagination, and suffers us not to doubt, that they are fruits of his reading: For al­most at every Period he cites the Authors, whence he hath taken what he saith. We see therein passages of Scripture, Fathers Scholastick Doctors, Canonists, Catholick and Protestant Divines, Lawyers, Physici­ans, Philosophers, Historians, ancient and modern Poets, Humanists, Criticks, &c. And in case the Citations are as faithful, as they appear exact, this work may be ve­ry useful to find passages or Authorities, which men want sometimes: we shall brief­ly explain the Subject thereof.

It is divided into two parts, the first whereof treats in nine Chapters of those who love Books. 1. He begins by relating the Names of some persons who have Written, or became famous by their Works; and then passeth to the manner of describing how the Books of the Ancients were made, the mat­ter and form of their Volumes, after which he sheweth that the fair sex is not desti­tute of learned Persons, and that well orde­red study cannot be displeasing to Women, 2. The multitude of Books is the subject of the second Chapter. He speaks herein of those Libraries, which have made most noise, and of the Invention of Printing. He ex­amines whether this prodigious quantity of Writings, and great Reading spoils sound sense. 3. He gives rules to prevent the falling upon bad Authors, by marking, 1. That we ought not to Write with haste. 2. That we ought to propose general max­ims and leave the application thereof to the Reader: which is the Origin of Apologies and Fables. 3. That the Style ought to be modest, sweet and moderate, whereup­on he much diaspproves the heat of most of the Controvertists, and the false delicate­ness of some Divines, who make capital errours of every thing, and who as soon as they see any, stumble, or to swerve from their Opinion, endeavour to make him be con­sidered as an Enemy to Truth, to the good of the State and the Salvation of Souls. 4. He sheweth that order is the life of Books, and that those who have no method, have but confused Ideas of what they ad­vance.

In the fourth Chapter he examines wherein consists the solidity of Writing. In the 5th. How clear it ought to be. In the 6th. He shews how briefness is acceptable, and the difference there is betwixt Plagiaries, Centons, and those who make a judicious use of their learning. In the 7th. he treats of Reading in general, and proves that it is so far from doing any injury to Divines, that they cannot throughly understand the Sa­cred nor Ecclesiastical Authors, if they are not well acquainted with profane Wri­ters. The 8th. speaks of the choice of books, and how to read them with advantage; and the 9th. of several famous Library-keepers, and of divers Princes, who favoured Lear­ning.

II. The second Part treats in five Chap­ters. 1. Of the hatred People have for books, and of its principal causes, sloath, avarice; 2. The love of novelty which makes us despise the labours of the Anti­ents. 3. The pride and foolish vanity of the Learned, who contemn one another. 4. The mutual envy they bear one another. 5. In fine he endeavours to find the means to shelter Authors from the envy, or hatred which may be conceived against their Works, and speaks of the different destiny of books. We have two other Treatises of our Author, Otia Theologica & Concionator Sacer.

A Voyage to Dalmatia, Greece and the Le­vant, by Mr. Wheeler; enrich'd with curious Medals and Figures of the chief Antiquities which are to be found in those Places: The Description of the Customs, Ci­ties, Rivers, Sea-Ports, and of all that is most remarkable therein. Translated from the English. Amsterdam, for John Wolters Bookseller, in 12. 607 p.

TIS not above Ten or Twelve Years since the Celebrated Mr. Spon gave a very handsom Relation of this Voyage to the Levant, with Mr. Wheeler. Which hath receiv'd such applause from the Publick, that there's no reason to fear this will be less wel­come. For as Mr. Wheeler's Curiosity hath carry'd him to many more Subjects than the other has treated on, so he likewise having made a longer abode in those Countries that he describes, has much more enriched and diversifyed his History. Whereas Mr. Spon engaged himself chiefly to the Observation of the Monuments of Antiquity, and made it his particular Study; It may be said of our Author, that he forgot nothing that was considerable in any place he pass'd through, of what nature soever. With the exact De­scriptions he hath given of the Principal Monuments he saw, he has very agreeably added an Account of all the Plants of each place, the Cities, most of the Villages, Moun­tains, Plains, Sea-Ports, Rivers, and all that he met with remarkable in his Voyage. He carefully observed the Genius, Manners, and Religion of the Inhabitants; the nature and price of the Commodities of the Coun­try▪ what Foreign Goods sell there to the best Advantage; with the distance of the Ways; and many other things of this nature. As he opened that, both the Old and New Geographers were deceiv'd in the Situation of divers places, so he Marks what he thought the most agreeable to Truth. He gave him­self the trouble to draw out a new Map of Achaia, incomparably more Correct than was ever seen before.

The whole Work is divided into two Books, each of which is subdivided into three others. The first contains, 1. The History of our Authors Voyage from Venice to Constantinople. 2. A Description of Con­stantinople, the Neighbouring places and their Antiquities. 3. The particulars of his Voy­age through the Lesser Asia.

In the second Book is comprehended, 1. The Voyage from Zant to Athens, and through divers parts of Greece. 2. The De­scription of Athens, and it's Antiquities. 3. Several Voyages from Athens to Corinth, &c. With an Account of whatsoever he saw re­markable therein.

Being at Venice that these two Illustrious Friends entred upon their Voyage together, Mr. Wheeler thought he was oblig'd to be­gin his History with a short Description of the Original of this great Republick, of it's Progress, Losses, and in fine the Estate it was in at 1675. when they were there. The first considerable Place they visited in their course was Pola, where they found divers Monuments of Antiquity, which evidently shew'd it to be one of the Antientest Towns of Istria, and that it was formerly a free State. At one of the best places of Dalma­tia, which is the Chief City thereof, call'd Zara, they found nothing less considerable; which place is more secured by the number and courage of the Morlaques, the natural In­habitants of the Country, of whom the great­est part of the Garison are compos'd, than by the goodness of it's Fortifications; they having an irreconcilable hatred to the Turks. But one of the most curious Pieces of Anti­quity that this Country affords, is the resi­due of a Palace that Dioclesian caus'd to be built near Salone, which was the place of his Birth, that he might pass the rest of his Life in this happy Retirement, when he had re­nounced the Empire.

Those who have form'd an advantagious Idea of Ithica, because it was the Country of Vlysses, and the particular place of his Resi­dence, will be surpriz'd to hear our Author affirm it to be a pittiful little Isle, that wou'd be a perfect Desert, if a People they call Thiaki went not from time to time to culti­vate it. In this last is seen the Ruines of an Old Castle, which the Thiaki pretend was formerly the Palace of Vlysses. Samos, that's now known only under the Name of Cepha­lonia, was the greatest Isle under the Com­mand of this Prince: For according to Mr. Wheeler, 'tis 60 Leagues in Circumference, altho' Strabo allowed it to be but 300 Fur­longs, which makes not above 19 Leagues, and Pliny but 22 Leagues. Zant, formerly call'd Zacynthos, is nothing nigh so large, since the utmost extent is but 15 Leagues. 'Tis very fruitful, and nothing cou'd be ad­ded to make it more agreeable, were it not for the Earthquakes which in the greatest part of the Spring are very often twice a week. From this Island now comes the greatest part of those Raisins without Stones, that they call Corants, the Plant of which Fruit is not like our Gooseberrys, as without reason has been an Opinion generally receiv'd; but a Vine differing very little from the other sort of Raisins. At the foot of one o'the Hills of this Island is a Fountain, which to admira­tion, casts forth with it's streams that are very bright and clear, lumps of Pitch in Quan­tities so great, that every Year they fill 90 Barrels therewith. The Inhabitants profess the Grecian Religion. And instead of a Bishop which they will not admit of, they have a Protopapa as they call him, that is, an Arch-Priest. The Piety that our Author makes appear throughout this whole work, obliges him to complain of the little care that those of its Nation have taken to form an Ecclesiastical Body, and maintain a Pa­stor therein.

Delos is the most celebrated Isle of all the Cyclades. It is two or three Leagues about, is also very full of Rocks, and by consequence Barren. And at present an uninhabited De­sert. Tho' there still remain some Monu­ments [Page 82] of it's Antient Splendor. The most remarkable is a Pile of White Marble, on which the Temple of Apollo was supposed to be built. 'Tis otherwise with Sestos and A­bydos, whereof there remains not the least Footsteps to be found, what is now called the Old Castles of Rometia and Anatolia, not be­ing built in the same places, nor having any mark of Antiquity. Gallipoli, which is also near, hath preserved very few of 'em: But at Lampsaque, which hath still kept it's Name, and at Heraclea, are many more to be found.

Constantinople having been above Twelve Ages, the Seat of the Eastern Empire, Mr. Wheeler thought he cou'd not be too large in describing of it. Many Writings being extant of the same nature, I shall observe in our Author only what's the most curious. 'Tis thought, that Titus Livy's Works are all entire in the Grand Seignior's Library. But Mr. Wheeler being inquisitive about it himself, offer'd, as he assures us, great Sums to the Bacha, who hath the charge of the Books, yet cou'd not procure a sight of it. One of the greatest Conveniences they have for Travellers at Constantinople, and almost every where throughout Turky, is the Pub­lick Houses to entertain Strangers; which they call Karavan-Seras or Kans, where Persons may live as well as they please, ha­ving commonly near 'em Shops that afford all things necessary at a reasonable Price. It is true, the greatest part of 'em are like Barns, and have about the Walls what they call a Sopha, a Foot and a half high for Tra­vellers to lye thereon. But those which are now built in Cities or great Towns, are in­comparably more commodious, having ma­ny Apartments all distinguish'd from each other. Our Author wishes the like conveni­encies were establish'd amongst Christians, which wou'd cut off many useless Expences, and be a Remedy for several Disorders that occur from the contrary.

The Patriarchal Church is an obscure Edifice, without Beauty or any considerable Ornaments: And the Patriarchs Palace is not larger than one of the most despicable pri­vate Houses in London. This Prelates Ha­bit also is very plain, and little differing from the ordinary garb of Caloyers, or of the Monks of St. Basil. Nevertheless, 'tis hard­ly to be credited with what earnestness this Dignity is sought after: And how dearly those that aspire thereto, pay for it to the Grand Visier, who to make it the most advan­tageous he can, often upon the least pretence turns out those he has lately put in, to sell it to others; so that sometimes there have been five Patriarchs in the space of 5 Years. The Celebration of the Eucharist, Mr. Wheeler saith, is an Act of Religion, wherein the Greeks appear the most devout, yet he thinks it impossible to determine exactly, what is their general Opinion upon this Subject. At some places they hold Transubstantiati­on, as at Corfou, and at Zant. But he assures us, the Bishop of Salone, and the Convent of St. Luke in Beotia, believes in this Sacra­ment only, a Spiritual and Efficacious Presence; and as he found none that received the word Transubstantiation, or of [...], except a­mong those that had some connexion with the Roman Church, so he doubted not but o­thers which were not yet deceiv'd by 'em, are of the same Faith with the aforesaid Bishop and Caloyers.

Tho' the Turks have always been lookt upon as sworn Enemies to all Learning: Ne­vertheless our Author says, They have very Learned Men among 'em; and as in the Se­raglio there are Historians on purpose to ob­serve great Events, so at Constantinople and elsewhere are maintained Professors in all parts of the Mathematicks, in Poetry, and in the Arabian and Pers [...]an Tongues: That they have a Bazar, or Purse for the Manu­scripts of each several Science, compos'd in the Turkish, Arabick, or Persian Language: And what appears the most surprizing, is their asserting to us, that they had seen an antient Book of Astronomy, which suppos'd formerly the Use of the Needle and Load­stone, altho' it serv'd them not for Navi­gation. From Constantinople Mr. Wheeler pass'd the Bosphorus, and came to Chalce­don; and this Town which became so fa­mous by having the 4th. Council held there in the Year 452. is now but a small Village that the Turks call Cadiqui.

Mr. Wheeler designing to Visit all the Celebrated Places of Natolia, and particu­larly those where formerly the seven Church­es of the Apocalyps were. He sail'd from the South-side; in passing by the Mount Olimpus of Mysia, the place where Ajax kill'd him­self for Despair; which the Inhabitants have still stamp'd upon their Moneys. 'Tis ve­ry sad to see the deplorable Estate the Chri­stians are there reduced to, who having for­merly defended their Liberty as much as they cou'd, are now constrain'd to pay dou­ble to the others of Caratch, or Tribute, as 9 or 10 Piastres by the Year, the Caratch being commonly but five, or four and a half to the rest.

The first of these famous Cities of the A­pocalyps that our Author arrived at, was Thyatira, a place well peopled with Turks, but not above 10 or 12 Christians therein: The antient stately Buildings of Marble ha­ving been for a long time buryed in their own Ruines, and the place fill'd with low despicable Houses, it's Name was almost forgotten, but at length was discovered by some old Inscriptions that were dug out of the Earth. It is not so with Smyrna: For that being a very fruitful Soil, and situated advantageously for Commerce, they have taken care to keep it in it's former Splendor, by rebuilding each place as it fell to decay; nevertheless, it was overturn'd six times by Earth-Quakes, and it's final Ruine, accord­ing to an Old Tradition, is expected by a seventh. A greater Number of Christians inhabited there, in a much better Estate than in any of the seven Churches, Philadelphia only excepted. Many Camelions are in that place, which obliges our Author to give us [Page 83] a very exact Description of'em. At Ephesus all the Earth is covered with pieces of Mar­ble, Pedestals, Pillars, and all the Ruines of the handsomest and most antient Architec­ture: This City which was formerly the Capital of Asia, so famous, and populous, is not the receptacle at this day of more than 40 or 50 Turkish Families, who live in miserable Tenements, without having so much as one Christian amongst 'em. Which sorrowful Object drew Tears from our Au­thor: When he there saw that Threatning accomplisht, that Jesus Christ had made to this Church when flourishing, To remove it's Candlestick from it's place. It fares little bet­ter with Pergamus; whose Church for­merly so fine, is now composed but of 12 or 15 Families of poor dejected Christians. Sar­dis has no way the Advantage. Once the Capital of Craesus's Kingdom, is now the re­treat only of Beggars and Vagabonds, which have a few Christians amongst 'em, who serve only as Slaves to these Infidels. But the Desolation of Laodicea surpasses all the o­thers; for it is absolutely destroyed and de­serted. There are still at Philadelphia 200 Christian Families, who have four Churches where they assemble together; which our pious Author omits not the observing, that 'tis an effect of the promises that Jesus Christ had made to this Church, to pre­serve it in the time of Tryal that shou'd come upon all the World.

And Greece, which he afterwards travel­led into, presented him with a Picture not less sorrowful for the Inconstancy and Vani­ty of humane Things, than that of Natolia. It was no small trouble to Mr. Spon, and to himself, that they cou'd not find the place where Delphos formerly stood; and after a great deal of care and diligent Search, they perceiv'd some Old Inscriptions that testi­fied this City, once so famous, was now a Village call'd Castri upon the Hill of Par­nassus.

Athens has not perfectly shared the same Fate. It at least retains it's Old Name; for the Greeks still call it Athini; and not Satines, or Saitenes, as it is now read in the Modern Maps. 'Tis 2 or 3 Leagues in Circumference, and is possess'd by eight or ten thousand In­habitants, who are all naturally of a great Wit and Politeness. Tho' there remains no sign of it's Antient Splendour, but the Ruines of some Rich Places and Noble Mo­numents; Mr. Wheeler assures us next to Rome, 'tis a place that surpasses all the world for curious Pieces of Antiquity. The chief of which he describes very exactly. He ob­serves amongst other things, that there is in the Acropolis, which is the Citadel, the Ruines of a Temple of Minerva, the Front of which is adorned with Historical Figures round a­bout, to an admirable Beauty. Likewise he hath not forgot to mention the Stadium, where they celebrate the Publick Games call'd Panathenaica, 'Tis built all with Mar­ble, in length about 120 Geometrical Paces, in breadth 26 or 27; which had two paral­lel sides, and was enclos'd Eastward, and opened exactly at the opposite Point. Yet saith, he cou'd have no certainty of the Place where the Areopagite was, no more than many others, related to us in the Histo­ries of former Times.

The Mount Hymetta, which is but three or four Leagues from Athens, is the most noted for it's Honey, which is indeed the best of all Greece. Megara, is but a small Village, with very pitiful Houses, cover'd with Fag­gots and Turfs thereon: And there's nothing remains of the Antient Grandeur but the Footsteps of its Walls, and a few Inscrip­tions that are not quite obliterated. Some­thing more considerable is to be found of the Town and Theater of the Isthmus of Corinth, where they kept public Plays; and observes the place they begun to dig a Canal to joyn the two Seas together in Corinth, hath been more favourably dealt with by time than any of the former, since it is at this day large e­nough to merit the Name of a Town; at least, it cannot pass for worse than a very handsom Village. Tho' nothing is more worthy observation, than the Change that hath happened to the Euripus, if what De situ Orbis. l. 2. c. 7. Pomponius Mela, and Strab. l. 9. Strabo saith is true, That in their time it Fluxt and Refluxt regu­larly seven times a day; since Mr. Wheeler affirms, That for two days that he staid there, he saw no more motion in it than that of our Marishes; and all the Inhabitants agree, that this Flux and Reflux is sometime regu­lar, and often irregular, according to the Moon: As a Learned Jesuite found out, who resided two Years at Negropont, that it is regular, and very little differing from the Main Ocean, at the end of the Old Moon, till the first Quarter of the New; but at the other part of the Month it is irregular, and changes 12, 13, or 14 times in 24 or 25 hours. In the end of our Authors Work, he gives only a succinct Relation of his Return to Zant, and from thence to England.

A New Relation of China, containing the De­scription of the Particularities of the most considerable things of this great Empire. Composed in the Year 1668. By the Reverend Father Gabriel de Magaillans of the Socie­ty of Jesus, Apostolick Missionary; and Translated from Portuguese into French by the Sieur B.— Paris, at Mr. Claudius Barbins, 1688. in Quarto, pag. 385. and is to be had at Amsterdam at Henry Desbordes.

ALthough after so many Relations that have been given of China, since one Age or thereabouts, it seems it is difficult to tell us any new thing thereof; notwith­standing we are assured that in this there is scarcely any thing to be found that hath been seen in others, and that it will appear to the Readers as new as it is curious. Be­sides, that the History of China is a matter rich and vast enough, and therefore not to [Page 84] be so easily drain'd, it's pretended that the most part of those who have written there­of, instead of making exact Recitals, have said nothing on't but what's almost all Fabulous; that others having written in a different in­tention to that of informing us of all the Particularities of this great Kingdom, have omitted the principal ones, or have spoke of them but by the By; and that finally, amongst so many Men that have treated of the same Subject, scarcely was there seen one who could so Learnedly speak thereof as Father Magaillans, and that had the same means and the same occasions of instructing himself therein. It was therefore in all likelihood to Supply what was deficient in the other Relations that this Jesuite so well informed, had composed his. But as he dyed in the Year 1677. without having published his Writings, and even without having finished it, the Publick would have run the hazard of being deprived of all the Fruit that it might gather from this Work, if the Translator, who is said to be the Abbot Mr. Bernou, had not drawn it from its Obscurity and Dust, and had not put into a condition to see Light by his Translation and Notes, and by all the care that he took thereof.

This Author begins (C. 1.) with the di­vers Names that the Chinois and Strangers give to China. And he immediately no­teth, that it is an ordinary custom, where some new Family becomes Master of this State, they make it to lose it's name. Under the Precedent Family, it was called Tai-Mim-que, that is to say, Kingdom of a great Brightness. But the Tartars which are now the Masters, call it Tai-cim-que, Kingdom of great Purity; and it's also the Name that the Chinois themselves commonly do give it. They call it also very often Tien-hia, or Kingdom which containeth all that is under Heaven; these People being prepossessed with a fancy of the Greatness of their Em­pire, that they reckon as nothing all the States of the Universe besides. Strangers do also call it after several different Names, Catai, Mangi, &c. But the most part call it China; a Name that our Author brings, either from the Family Chin, which govern­ed 169 Years after Iesus Christ; or more apparently yet from the Family Cin, which Reigned 246 Years before Iesus Christ, the chief whereof was the first Absolute and Universal Master of China. Father Magail­lans sheweth at large and with great evidence, that the Countries of Catay, and of Mangi, are but parts of China, and not Kingdoms really different, no more than Tam-gut and Tainfa, that Cluvier hath also taken for other Kingdoms distinct from China, tho' they are but Cities, whereof the Name is a little corrupted.

(C. 2.) The Kingdom of China is situate almost on the Extremities of Asia on the East. It's length from North to South, ac­cording to the Chinois Books, that is, from the Fortress of Caci-pim, upon the Frontier of the Province of Pekim, to the Meridional Point of the Isle of Hai-nau, at the South of the Province of Quam-tum, is 23 Degrees in Extent, which make 5750 Li, or Chinois Stades at 250 to the Degree, and 575 French Leagues at 25 the Degree. And it's breadth measured in a straight Line from the East to the West, from the Point of Nim-Po, a Sea-port Town of the Province of Che-kiam, unto the extremity of the Province of Su-chuen, is 426 French Leagues, and 4080 Li, or Chinois Stades, at 240 a Degree. But they pretend that that is not all the Extent of this vast Empire, seeing that in considering it in another sense, it is 8400 Li, which are 750 French Leagues in it's utmost length; and 5400 Li, which make 500 French Leagues in it's greatest breadth. In short, the Calcu­lation is very sure and exact, and the pro­portions of it's Measures very just and cer­tain; and here it is that Men have not yet removed all the Difficulties as may be seen in the following Notes.

There are 15 Provinces in the Kingdom of China, all which for their Greatness; Richness, and Fertility, might pass for vast Kingdoms. Cluvier was mistaken when he counted 18 Provinces, and among them the Kingdom of Cochinchine, and that of Tim-kim, for tho' these have been at other times subject to China, they were so, but for some Years, and have not obeyed it of a long time. It's thought the Walled Places that are in China, amount to the number 4402 divided into 2 different Or­ders, Civil, and Military. 'Tis true, that several Cities and Towns are comprehend­ed in that number, situated in the Provinces of Yun-nan de Q'uel-ches of Quamsi and of Su-chuen, which tho' they are join'd to the Emperours State, pay him no Tribute, nor do they acknowledge him, but have particu­lar Soveraigns, and make use in their Di­strict of a different Language from the Chi­noise; this great Empire is so Peopled, that near 12 millions of Families or Fires are counted therein, without comprehending Priviledged Families or Persons, Manderins, Magistrates, Souldiers, Batchellors, Licen­ciates, Doctors, Bonzes or Eunuchs, nor a­ny of those who are of the Royal Blood. In a word, counting only those that Till the Ground, or that pay Tributes or Rents to the King: Altho' all the rest, as may be easily urged, make up an almost infinite Number.

There are 2045 Places walled of the Civil Order, divided into Towns, Cities, and Royal Inns; these last places for the most part are not less great, nor less peo­pled, than are the Towns and Cities, and in each of them is a place where Mande­rins which the King sends, and all other Persons to whom he is pleas'd to do the like Favour, are Lodged, and their Charges born at the Princes Expences, and are entertained according to their Quality and Employ. The Military Order comprehends 7 different sorts of stony Places. The first and principal are great Fortresses, which are places upon the Frontiers, as the Keys and Defence of the Empire against the [Page 85] Tartars, or upon the Borders of Provin­ces against Rebels and Highway-men. There are 629 of this Order: The others are less considerable and less great propor­tionably. And the last of these Places are small Forts, whereof some are built in the Fields, to serve as a Refuge to La­bourers, when they fear the Insults of E­nemies or Thieves, or are willing to secure themselves from the Imposition of the Soul­diers, when the Royal Armies are in march, and the others are situated upon Mountains, whereof there are some almost inaccessi­ble; all these Military Places amount to 2357. which being added to them of the Civil Order, make together the number marked above, 4402. Besides this, there are without and within these great Walls that surround almost all China, at least a great part, above Three thousand Towers or Castles, wherein are continually Guards and Centries kept. These famous Walls extend 405 Portugal Leagues, which make 23 Degrees 10 Minutes from East to West, which is to be understood in a right Line; for if the Windings of the Mountains and of the Walls were counted, it would amount to more than 500 Leagues: If we credit our Historian, There are more than Nine hundred thousand that guard the Frontiers, and there are Seven or Eight hundred thou­sand employed in the Guard of the King­dom within. But the Translator, to dimi­nish somewhat the wonder, that such a prodigious number of Troops amount to, makes us remark in his Observations, that the greatest part of these Souldiers are of the Militia, and that there are but very few that have not another Calling besides being Souldiers. However it be, our Au­thor assures us, That all these Souldiers are always entertained, and that China is so well furnished with all the Requisites of Defence, that the Tartars who have once invaded it, and are Masters of it to this very time, had never passed the Walls, if the Souldiers Cowardize, and the Trea­chery of the Officers had not opened them a Passage.

There are in China Two thousand four­score and ninety Mountains, famous either because they have been cut in Form of Idols and monstrous Collosses, or for their renowned Fountains, or for their Plants or Minerals, endowed with some particular Vertue; or these Mountains were looked upon for their extraordinary heighth, or for some other Advantages of this nature, that makes them be distinguished. There is a like number of Antique Pieces, as Sta­tues, famous Painting, Vessels of great price and value; there are Eleven hundred and fifty nine Towers and Triumphal-Arches, and other Works extraordinarily sumptuous, raised for the honour of their King, or other famous Persons of both Sexes; and what deserves to be remembred, there are 272 Libraries embellished with many Ornaments, and full of Books, and built with vast Expence.

There can nothing be added to the marks of Love and Veneration, wherewith the Chinois are used to honour their Ancest­ors deceased; they are not content with building them Tombs and Monuments, but they build them Temples; and there are seen more than 700 built at several times on this design, and these are equally con­siderable for the Bigness and Beauty of their Architecture; as for Temples of Idols, there are 480 famous and much frequented, whe­ther for their Riches and Magnificence, or thro' the Fables that are told of pretend­ed Miracles done there; and it is in these Temples, and in the others of the Empire, whereof the number is incredible, that Three hundred and fifty thousand Bomzes live, which makes but about a third part of this sort of people, who according to the Account of our Author are above a million, counting all that are of it.

But there is nothing according to his Relation more magnificent, than the Bury­ing Places of the Nobility of China, among others are seen 685 Mausolees, whose Rich­ess and Architecture has render'd 'em ve­ry famous; and the others do not want their Beauty and Pomp Our Historian brags of them all as very worthy of being seen and admired: He adds, That among them whose Memories are honoured, the Chinois Reverence after a particular manner 3636 Men, famous for their Qualities and Heroick Actions, and 208 Maids or Wo­men who have for their Chastity or Cou­rage, or something else, deserved to be Celebrated as so many Examples of Ver­tue.

There is no Kingdom in the World so antient as that of China, nor that can brag of a Succession of Kings, so long and so well continued; it has stood in the same Form more than Four thousand Years, and the Succession has be [...]n continued by 22 Families, which during that time, have fur­nished 236 Kings. It's what the Chinois justify by the History of their Country, whereof all the parts have been written by Contemporary Authors; and by a Chro­nology which appears so just, so well fol­lowed, and is backed with such good Cir­cumstances, that it does not seem that it can be denyed; and they are so fully per­suaded of this Antiquity, that it is a ca­pital Crime among them to doubt of this Article; and generally this Antiquity with the other extraordinary Advantages of this Kingdom, puffs them up with so much Pride, that they conceive Opinions not a little unreasonable to other Countries, and as if all were at an end at the Frontiers of their Empire; they scorn as much as to inform themselves of the rest, and they never speak of it but with a mark of the greatest Contempt.

We believe that the Egyptians were the first that had Letters or Sciences, and Hie­roglyphicks, yet it is certain, That the Chinois have had them before. However it be, the Chinoise Letters are not the [Page 86] least Curiosity they have. For whereas, all other Nations have a common Writing that consists of an Alphabet of about 24 Letters, which are almost of the same Sound, tho they differ in Figure: The Chi­nois have 54409 Letters that do all of them signifie something, and do not seem so much to be dumb Characters as speaking Words, or at least Figures and Images that represent to the life, what they signifie; so admirable is their Artifice. These Letters are either simple or compound; these last are a mix­ture of the first, to signifie somewhat that has some kind of Relation to the Compo­sition: As for Example, the Letter Mo, which signifies Wood, is simple; but the Letter Lin, that signifies a Forest, which comprehends many Trees, is composed of two Mo. The Author gives upon this many curious things; he shews, that all these Letters are true Heroglyphics, and that nothing has been invented with more wit than the Language of the Chinois. How­ever, it cannot be denyed, but that i [...] is a very surprizing thing, that this Language having but about 320 Words, and all of one Syllable, can bring them together, change them, and mix them in so many different Ways, and yet so Eloquent, and so multi­ply the Use and Signification by the almost infinite Variations of Sound and Accent, that they that can speak it, can deliver their Thoughts upon all Subjects with as much facility, clearness, grace, force and energy, as in any other Language, tho' ne­ver so rich and copious, as the Greek and Latin. Our Author who assures this, main­tains at the same time, that the many dif­ferent Significations that are given the same word, do not occasion the confusion and difficulty that some imagine; that on the contrary this Language has that benefit by the small Number of Monosyllables where­of it consists, that there is neither a li­ving or dead Language in all Europe, that can be Learned with so much Facility. And he alledges for proof, the Examples of the Missionaries of his Order, who in a very short time rendred themselves so Learned in it, that they composed Books much ad­mired by the Chinois themselves; this gives the Author occasion to run much upon the praise of their Fathers, and to give us a List of their fine Works.

There is no Nation that is wittier than that of China; they are inventive and in­dustrious, and we cannot dispute them the Honour of having been the first Inventers of Letters, Paper, Print, Gun-Powder, without mentioning other things. There is nothing imploys them more, than the Study of Morals; and yet they have wit enough lest to dive into the subtilest & most difficult. Questions of Mathematicks and Divinity, when they make it their Study: So that there is no Country that has so great a Number of Learned Men, and where the knowledge of Sciences is so universal and common as it is in China. And it may be said, that no Nation out of Europe has more Books upon every Subject, as well in Verse as Prose, than this has; among that great number, there are 5 which the Chi­nois call V-kim, or the 5 Volumes; that are to them the same thing as our Bible to us. The first is a Chronicle of their 5 Antient Kings, whom they honour as Saints, with a particular Veneration: The second is the Book of Rites, that contains the greatest part of the Laws, Customs, and Ceremonies observed in that Empire: The third is Verse and Prose, in praise of Vertue and and dispraise of Vice: The fourth is Hi­storical, and was composed by Confucius: The fifth is esteemed the antien [...]est of all, as being the most mystical▪ the Chinois be­ing persuaded, that it is the Work of Fohi, their first Prince. In fine, these 5 Books are accompanyed with another, which is called the 4 Books, because it is divided in­to four Parts, and which being but the Marrow and Quintessence of the first 5, has the same Weight and Authority as all the other together.

The Chinois are the most courteous, and abound most in Ceremonies of any in the World; our Author says, they have a Book to direct them, that contains more than 3000. and explains them, and it is very strange how punctual they are in them. They surpass all other Nations, both for the diversity and number of honourable Ti­tles which they give themselves, as well as in certain Airs of Civility, and good Breeding, which they affect, and in the care they take of their Cloaths. There can nothi [...]g be seen more composed than the Countenance, Actions, and the Ways of their Learned Men: And the Women apply themselves after such a manner, to Bashfulness, Modesty and Chastity, that these Vertues seem born with them. Their Magnificence appears in their Feasts, which they keep with much Pomp, and in their Publick Works and sumptuous Buildings, which for their Greatness and Number in the Authors Opinion, easily surpass all other in the Universe. In general, the Pa­laces of their Princes and of the chiefest Mandarins look like Towns, and the Houses of some private Wealthymen re­semble Palaces. The great Canal which the Author describes with his ordinary exactness, and which he says is 3500 Fur­longs long, which are about 350 French Leagues. This Canal, I say, is one of those Works of Art where Profit is so well joined with Magni [...]icence, that by means of it one may go from one end of the Kingdom to the other, which is the space of more than 600 Leagues▪ and all this way by the Chanel or by Rivers, only one days Journy by Land, and to cross a Mountain; an advantage which the Jesuite our Au­thor, which has gone this Voyage him­self, observes to be beyond any that is to be found in any Country of the Universe. He adds, that whereas there is no Town [Page 87] nor Village that has not some River or Channel, or at least some Navigable Arm of the Sea, that this convenience renders Navigation so common there, that there are as many almost seen upon the Water as up­on the Land; people may soon judge the usefulness of this for Commerce: and with what case, plenty spreads it self over all the parts of this Kingdom. Besides, there is no Country that is more rich in proper Goods, and that draws more from its own Fund than China; all is had there, and it may be said almost above wish, and not only what is necessary, but plenty of all de­licious things: The quantity of Gold that each Province has, is so great, that in­stead of coyning it, to buy other things with it, it is sold like other Merchandize. As for Silver, as there is none that comes in­to the Country that can be carry'd out a­gain, there being rigorous Laws that pro­hibit it, it may be easily judg'd that this Nation that is more greedy of this Metal than any other is, has gathered immense quantities of it since the beginning of this Empire, that is, more than 4050 Years a­go: All other Metals are found there, at least in as great abundance as in any other Climate, especially Tin an [...] Brass, whereof the Chinois Handicrafts-men make several Works precious as well for the goodness of the Matter as for the excellency of the Work: Nor are Silk and Wax, what this Country has least of. The first is not only the fairest and best in the World, but is there in such great abundance, that most places of Asia and Europe furnish them­selves thence, and that besides the incredi­ble Quantity that is made use of in China it self, where the use of it is so common, that the very Foot-boys wear Satin and Damask. The Wax is of a certain sort peculiar only to this Kingdom, the fairest, neatest, and whitest, that was ever seen, and being of a more agreeable use than ordinary, is used by the King himself, and by all the Court, and the Lords and Mandarins, and by the Men of Learning, and general­ly by all rich Folks. It is produced in cer­tain small Trees near the bigness of our Chesnut-Trees, and that by means of cer­tain small Worms, which by a natural in­stinct pierce these Trees to the Sap, and which in eating all together, as admirable as it is peculiar to themselves, prepare, purify, and at length turn it into Wax as white as Snow; they after pass out through the same Hole that they made to enter; this Wax when it comes to the outward Surface of the Tree, the Wind and Cold congeals it, and it hangs in form of Drops.

In fine, one cannot express the Price, Beauty, Variety, and Quantity, not only of their rich Cloath, but also of the Skins and precious Furrs that this Nation makes use of, especially in the Northern Provinces, and at the Court of Pekin. And what belongs to other things, necessary either for the maintainance or conveniency of Life, as Flesh, Fruit, and other Provisions, it may suffice to say, that they have all that we have, and besides this, Stores of such things as we have not.

There is no Country in the World where the Nobility have greater interest to keep the Crown in the Reigning Family than the Gentry of China have, seeing all con­siderable Noble-men and great Lords do not subsist, but whilst that Family lasts, and that as soon as another is raised to the Crown, they are all ruined by him. There has been but one Family to this very day, that could exempt it self from this sad Fate: And it was that of the famous Confucius, for the Merit and great Worth of this great Philosopher, and the incredible Veneration which his Memory is preserved in, has maintained his Fami­ly in all its Splendour for above 2020 Years, so that flourishing yet in the same State of Esteem and Honour, it may be with justice call'd the Antientest Family in the World.

But among all the Advantages attribut­ed to China, it is pretended, that it de­serves to be esteemed for nothing so much as for the Excellency of its Government; and it is here that our Author gives the Relation as curious as important, of the Conduct of this Empire. In general, the Mandarins, the Officers and Magistrates of all the Kingdom, they are distinguished into 11 Orders, whereof the Differences are so well marked, and the Subordination so just, that in the Authors Judgment there is nothing comparable to it any where else. The Mandarins of the first Order, or the King's Counsellors of State form the Su­pream Tribunal, whence all other depend. After this come 11 Great Tribunals, among whom the Kings of China have distribut­ed all the business of the Kingdom. And they pretend that the Establishment was made 2000 Years before Jesus Christ, and that it has continued ever since in the same manner, wherein it is seen now, if some Corruptions be excepted that may have slipt in; of these 11 Tribunals, there are 6 of Mandarins of Learning, as they call them, and 5 of Mandarins of Arms. The 6 first are the most powerful, because there is hardly any thing but what is subject to their Jurisdiction, and they may be said to govern China. The first of the six is that which has a general Rule over all the other Manderins, and can give them their Places or Employment, or take them away. The second has a superintendance over the Customs and Tributes, and in ge­neral over the King's Treasure. The third has the Direction of the Rites and Cere­monies of Sciences and Arts. The fourth has for its share all that belongs to War, and to Arms in all the Kingdom. The fifth of the Crimes and Punishments of [Page 88] Criminals, among which by the by, there is none look'd upon to be so base and igno­minious as to be beheaded. The sixth o­ver-looks the Works and Building of the King, so that there is no business of any nature, but is subject to these 6 Supream Tribunals; and as they have jurisdiction o­ver almost all the Court, and over all them of the Provinces, there can none be more respected nor better obeyed than they are where-ever they go. The 5 Tribunals of Arms are governed by great Lords, as Marquesses, Counts, &c. and have above them one Supream Tribunal, called the High Tribunal of War, the President whereof is always one of the greatest Lords of the Kingdom; the Authority of this President seems very considerable, since his Jurisdiction reaches over the five other Tribunals, and over all the Officers and Souldiers of the Kingdom. But lest he might abuse so great a Power, he has given him for an Assister, a Mandarin of Scien­ces, under the Title of High Regent of Arms, and two Syndicks or Royal Over­seers, who take part in all Affairs: More­over, it may be said, That all these Tri­bunals of War, have more Show and Ap­pearance than real Authority, because in all things that belong to Execution, they depend necessarily upon the Supream Tribu­nal of Arms, which is the fourth of the six that we spoke of; this was one of the cunningest of the Politicks of the Kings of China, and an effect of the Knowledge they had of the Humour of their Subjects, whose ruling Passion is to grow rich, and to com­mand. To have thus ordained so great a number of Tribunals or Courts, that a great many might have the means to con­tent their Ambition by the Honours and Profits of the Imployments they are in, whilst the little Power they have takes a­way from them the means of abusing their places: And the same measures within a very little were observed by the other Su­pream Tribunals, whose Power seems greater and less limited: For as it might be feared, that any one of them might ren­der himself absolute, if he were left to the entire disposal of the Matters belonging to him, all their Employments were distribut­ed, and their Functions were ordered with so much Prudence, that not one among them is absolute in the Affairs of his Of­fice, but all have a dependence upon one another.

All the Eleven Tribunals are placed ac­cording to their Rank in magnificent Pala­ces on both sides of that of the King's; the first six upon the left, which is the place of Honour, and towards the East, the other five on the right towards the West; and whereas each of the Six has under it several Subaltern Tribunals to pre­pare and order Business, so have these in­feriour Tribunals their Palaces within the great one, of which they depend; these lesser Tribunals are in greater or lesser number, in each of the great ones, propor­tionably to the business they have, and according to our Authors Calculation, there are in all 44, in such sort, that it seems business should be treated of, exactly pas­sing through so many different Tribunals; and yet it must be known that in the Pa­lace of each Supream Tribunal, there is always a Hall and an Apartment for a Mandarin, who is called Overseer or Su­pervisor, who examines publickly or se­cretly all that is done, and as soon as he knows of any Disorder or Injustice, he is obliged to acquaint the King with it; all other Tribunals whether of the Court, or belonging to the Provinces, which are joyn­ed to these Supream Tribunals, are govern­ed with no less Policy. Those of the Court, which are established at Pekin, are so numerous, that we shall take no care to mention them here; for there are some for every kind of business, among others there are some that make up a Royal A­cademy, and which consists of the best Wits of all the Kingdom. They are as it were the King's Learned men, with whom he discourses very often upon several Sci­ences, and makes choice of many to be his Counsellors; and for other Tribunals, that which is called the Visitors, or that belongs to the general Supervisors, Over­sees all the Court and Empire; it's charge is to see the Laws observed, and Justice executed, and to see that both the Manda­rins and People do their Duty; this Tri­bunal is much feared, and has under it 25 Tribunals, and is placed in a huge Palace; every three Years it causes a general Vi­sit to be made, sending Visitors into each Province, who no sooner enter into them than they become above all Vice-Roys and Mandarins, and do all with an Authority that inspires no little Fear. But there is yet another Tribunal, the Functions whereof is not less considerable, nor of less importance, which is that of the Overseers, which we have spoken of already, which are divided into six Orders, as the six Supream Tribunals which they oversee; their Authority goes so far, that they may reprehend the King himself when he commits any fault in the Government of the State, and there are found some ge­nerous enough to expose themselves reso­lutely to a Banishment, or even to Death it self, in acquainting him of his faults, sometimes by a Memorial, and sometimes by telling him them to his Face. In fine, every Province has its Tribunals as well general as particular, and above all there is one that is Chief, and oversees all the rest, and gives the King and the six Su­pream Tribunals of the Court an account of all important Affairs. It may be easily judged that all their Imploys have a great many Mandarins; and so there are 32000 in the Roll, which the Court sends [Page 89] from time to time into the Provinces: and though this number may seem very strange; yet our Author says, That the distribution, distinction and subordination is much more marvellous and surprising. It seems the Law­makers have not forgot any thing for the establishing of things upon the best bottom that it was possible to put them; and that they have prevented all the inconveniences that might be feared; but by ill looking to the Conduct and Goodness of the Officers, does not correspond to so good an order; for, as they all have an in [...]atiable desire of raising themselves, and becoming Rich, they transgress, for these ends, all Human and Divine Laws and Justice: and, whil'st they counterfeit in their Exterior, the ex­act observers, and are very nice in Formali­ties, they do not make the least scruple to commit the greatest Injustices in the bot­tom; and to tread upon Reason, Religion, Honesty and Equity, which does not hin­der the form of Government, from being in it self very excellent; Because, as our Author says, the Knavery of the Men, takes away nothing from the goodness and excel­lency of the Laws.

What has been hitherto said, must give a very high Notion, or Idea of the Gran­deur of this Empire: but, it seems, there is nothing can do that better, than the Pomp and extraordinary Magnificence that shines at the Emperours Court. Fancy it self would be troubled to add any thing to the Relation that has been here made in seve­ral Chapters; and, it is hard, after Reading, but the Flattery of the People, will seem more excusable; who, dazled with this Splendour, never speak of their Soveraign, but in Hyperbolick Expressions, and treat all, who have Relation to his Person, with the terms of Heavenly and Divine. What the Author says in this Article, must be seen in himself; and the Account he gives of the City of Pekin, which is the Princes Place of abode, and Capital of the Empire, and, above all, must be seen, what he says of that Great and Magnificent Palace of this Empe­rour.

There are but few Readers that will not take pleasure in this part of his Work, and to whom, the particular account he gives, will not seem curious; and the more, be­cause other Relations have said but very lit­tle upon this Subject, and very confusedly; which, in Mr. Bernon's Judgment, proceed­ed from the small help that people had un­till now, of Learning much of it: The Em­bassadors that are sent to that Court, being always shut in, in the Palace that they have given them; and the Missioners, except a very few, having never seen Pekin, or if they have, it was onely in passing through it; So that, in his opinion, there were but Father Magdillan's, and two or three others, that could have any knowledge of the Court or City; And this Iesuite is the onely Man that gave us the Description, after 25 years abode there: In his Book then may be seen more distinctly, than ever yet was seen, the Situation, Form, Disposition and Greatness of this Famous City, which has been a long time spoken of without being known: his Description is as ample, and accompanied with as good circumstances as can be desi­red; and the Great Palaces, that contain a great many other, and which, by its great and prodigious scope, and breadth, and for the Beauty, Riches, Majesty and Gran­deur of all contained in it, may justly pass for the rarest and most marvellous thing in the World. Four Chapters are imployed in this Description, and the Author has joyned to them a Draught of the City and Palace, which serves much to comprehend the Symmetry and Order that accompanies all that Magnificence: in fine, in the last Chap­ter that immediately follows these, the Au­thor shews the way the Emperor goes out of his Palace, whether it be when he designs to divert himself in walking abroad, or in Hunting; or whether it be when he goes abroad to make some publick Function, as some one of the Sacrifices, which he does every year, in every one of the Seven Chur­ches Ordained for this Ceremony; and which are situated in the City, without the Walls of the Palace: on either occasion it is believed, that no Prince can appear with so Magnificent an Equipage. But above all it is presumed, that the Pomp and Magni­ficence cannot be equalled, wherewith he goes to the Publick Functions, for then he is accompanyed with the most Sumptuous and Majestick Guard that can be seen in any Court; nothing could better compleat the representing to us the Splendour of this Em­pire, and all the Glory of its Monarch, than the description given to us of this Pompous March; and so Father Magaillans judged, that he could not better conclude his Hi­story than by it; and this is the dash with which he was willing to finish the Picture wherein he has drawn the Grandeur and Magnificence of all China.

The Translator has added to this Relation, the Life and Death of the Author, Written by Father Lewis Buglio, his inseparable com­panion all the time he staid in China, which was 36 years. According to this Account, Father Magaillans was a Portugese; and, ac­cording to M. Abbe Bernon, he was of the same Family that Ferdinand Magaillans was of, who was, and still is corruptedly cal­led Magellan; and who first discovered the Gulph that bears that Name, at the ex­tremity of the Southern America. He shew­ed from his youth, a great Passion for Vi­siting the Indies; whither his Congregati­on, or Society having sent him in the year 1634, he soon found the opportunity of passing into China; where, after suffering much from the Infidels, he was, at last, happy enough, to gain the Favour of the Tar­tar Prince, who became Master of China; and by diverting him with his ingenious In­ventions, and pleasing him from time to [Page 90] time with some of his own Works, it occa­sion'd, that when he died, the King caused him to be Sumptuously Buryed, according to the Custom of the Countrey; And Father Buglio, who describes us all the Ceremony, does not stick to say, that there has not been seen a more Famous one at that Court.

A JOURNAL of Chardin's Voyages into PERSIA, and to the East-IN­DIES, by the Black-Sea, and by Col­chis, the first Part; containing a Voyage from Paris to Ispahan. London, Sold by Moses Pitts, 1686, in Fol.

THE Author, in his Iournals, tells us, of a Famous River of Colchis, a Mile and a half broad, and more than 60 Fa­thoms deep at its entry; and that he has gone round the Isle of Phase, if possible to discover the Remains of the Temple of Rhea, which Arian says was to be seen there in his time; and that he has not found the least sign thereof, tho' Historians assure us, that it was whole in the Low Empire, and was Dedicated to Iesus Christ, in the Emperour Zenon's time; nor could he perceive any Marks of the great City of Sebastia, or of that of Colchis: All that he found conform to what the Antients Writ of the Black-Sea, was only the gr [...]at number of Pheasants that are about it: He mentions, upon the Credit of some Authors, that the Argo­nauts brought these Birds into Greece, where there were none before, and that they Na­med them Pheasants, because they were ta­ken about the Phase. I call to mind a con­siderable mistake of a shepherd, who was otherways very Learned, as he has shewn himself in his History of the High-ways; and in his Treatise of the Break of Day, he says, in the 32 Chapter of the Fourth Book of this Treaties, That the Luxury of the Romans was so great, that they did not measure the goodness of Meats by the Tast, but by the Quantity and Cost, as were Pheasants, which they sent for to Colchis; he would find it a hard task to prove this; for, these words of Petronius, which seem to be his grounds for what he says, viz. A­les phasiacis petita Colchis, signifies no more than that the race of these Birds was brought from Colchis. The hard usage that Mr. Char­din had when he was in the hands of the Dovaniers, and from a Lieutenant, worse than the Dovaniers themselves, and that be­fore he arrived at the Caucase, there were no incouragements to go to Travel into these Countreys. This Mountain is very famous, the top is always covered with Snow, and is inhabited; and the passage o­ver it is Eight Leagues; all the rest of it a­bounds with Honey, Corn, Gum, good Wines and Fruits; Hogs, and other great Cattle: There are many Villages, and most of the Inhabitants are Christians, live after the Gregorian Rule, and enjoy their ease.

Before we come to the Description of Ge­orgia, it is pleasant to see the Author meet his Comrade, after a thousand troubles, with the Riches that he brought out of Europe. Georgia reached heretofore from Taunis and Erzorum to Tanais, and was called Albanie, but it is less now: there are some that would have its Name derived from that of St. George, the great Saint of all the Christians of the Gregorian-Order; others will have it derived from the Inhabitants who were cal­led Georgi by the Greeks, which signifies La­bourers; it has but few Towns. The King­dom of Caket had many heretofore. It is properly the antient Iberia that was ruined by the People of Mount Caucase; and, as it's said, by the Amazons. The Author says, he has seen none in Georgia that ever was in the Amazons Country; but that he has heard much of them, and has seen at the Princes Palace the Habit of a big Woman, made of thick Woollen, and of a particular form, which they said was that of an Ama­zon, killed near Caket in the last Wars.

The Sons of the Prince of Georgia under­standing by Mr. Chardin, what History says of the Amazons, said, that they were some of the wandring Scythians, like the Turco­mans and Arabians, and have transferred the Soveraignty to their Wives, as did the Achinese; and that these Queens were ser­ved by some of their own sex, that followed them every where; after the manner that Georgia and its Inhabitants are spoken of here, it would move one to apply to them the Proverb, touching the Kingdom of Naples; Camer. 1 Vol. l. 5. c. 5. Il regno Neapolitano e un delicato paradiso Mahabita­to da gli dianoli: In effect, Georgia is as fer­tile a Countrey as can be; one may live there deliciously and cheap: the Bread is as good as in any place of the World, the Fruit is very excellent, and of all sorts; abundance of very good Cattle, Fowl innumerable, and incomparably good: the wild Boar is as de­licate there, as in Colchis, and there can no better thing be eaten than the Hogs, which the common people feed on: there is Fresh-water-fish, and Sea-fish in great quantity, and the best in the World. For 8 Livres may be bought a Horse-load of the best Wine in the Country, that is to say, 300 pound weight. All this resembles an Earthly Paradice; but if we consider the Inhabitants, they will be found like Devils only, except that they are Civil, Grave, Moderate, and very Fair: The Author Remarks, That he did not see one ugly Person of either Sex, but Angelick Fa­ces; and, that nothing can be Painted more Charming, than the Georgines. Neverthe­less, he adds, that they all Paint, they ge­nerally have a great deal of Natural Wit, but being ill brought up, they become very Ignorant and Vicious, Cheats, Knaves, Traitors, Ingratefull, Proud, and strange­ly Impudent in Lying, Irreconcileable in [Page 91] their Hatreds, Drunkards, Usurers, im­modest to the highest Degree. The Church­men drink as well as the rest, and have with them handsome Slaves which they make their Concubines; and what is the height of all Corruption, none is scandaliz­ed, because it is Authorized by the gene­ral custom: The Author says, that the Guardian of the Capucins told him, that he heard it said by the Catholicks, (for so are called the Patriarchs of Georgia) that whoever was not drunk at the Feast of Easter and Christmas, &c. does not pass for a good Christian, and ought to be excom­municated.

The Women are neither less evil or vicious, they have a great eagerness for Men, and have a greater part in this Torrent of Immodesty than is to be found in any other part of the World: Every one has liberty in Georgia, to live according to his own Religion, to discourse of it and maintain it: There are there more Armenians than Georgians; there are also Greeks, Iews, Turks, Persians, Indians, Tartars, Muscovites, and Europians. The Religion of the Georgi­ans, is much the same with theirs of Min­grelia; but that they Fast more, and have longer Prayers, and look after their Church­es better: The greatest part live on re­mote and inaccessible Mountains; they see them, and salute them at the distance of three or four Leagues, but hardly ever go thither; and what is yet more ridiculous, tho' the Prince is a Mahometan, yet he fills all Benefices; generally he places his Friends in them, and it is his Brother that is Pa­triarch now; without doubt, it would be known how this Catholico first renounc'd Mahometanism; and it is very pleasing to see how the Georgian Princes have become Mahometans and Subjects to the Emperor of Persia: The Account is very distinct, and in few words opens all the History of that Country, from Ismael Sophi to this very time. There we learn among other things, that the Kings of Persia soon con­verted them by inflicting great Torments upon them that continued in Christianity, and in giving great Advantages to such as abjured Iesus Christ, and this was done with not so much Reluctancy, as quitting the Protestant for Romish Religion; but as there never was Country or Age where­in were not found some firm in the Reli­gion that they believed good, so there was a Princess of Georgia that neither Iron nor Fire could shake: Abas the Great would not received the Lie, but sent Orders to the Governour of Chiras to make her a Mahometan at any Price; the Governour omitted nothing to overcome the constan­cy of this Princess, he made her suffer 8 Years Martyrdom, by so much the more cruel, that he renewed her Torments every day; she died at last upon Flaming Coals in the Year 1624. her Body was thrown to the Birds of the Air, but the Augustins sent it secretly to the Prince her Son; she was called Kela [...]a [...]e, and very few have imitated her. The Princess of Georgia and great part of the Lords do now profess Mahometanism, some to imploy themselves at the Persian Court, others for Pensions, and some that they might marry their Daughters to the King, or make them enter into the Queen's Service.

The head City of Georgia is called Tifflis; there are fourteen Churches, which is much in a Country of so little Devotion, but that is not the most surprizing. It is more admirable, that these People should be so much against the Building of Mosques; the King of Persia their Soveraign could ne­ver compass the Building of one at Tifflis. The People rise presently, and being arm­ed, ruine the Work and abuse the work­men; they thought to build one at the Fort, to accustom the People to the sight of Mosques, and to see their Priests call Peo­ple to Prayer, from the top of the Build­ing; but the first time that the Priest was do­ing; this Functions, there were so many Stones thrown on that side, that obliged him to come down in haste; and after this Mutiny, there was none put to do this Office. The King of Persia's Patience, is to be more ad­mired here than the Georgias Zeal: For tho they have neither Piety nor Vertue, the meer Passions of the Machine or Body, may naturally produce Sallies and Religious Ex­travagances; it was a thousand times obser­ved, That the most Pros [...]igate when let loose on the persecuted Party, by the chief Perse­cutors, were those that shewed most Zeal.

The Capucins of Tifflis are very near as lewd as the Theatins of Mingrelia; their capacity in Physick and Chymistry is of more use to them than any they can have in Controversy; and they do not maintain their Embassies as they told M. Chardin, for any Benefit they reap, but meerly for the Glory of the Roman Church; which would not be Universal, say they, if it had not Ministers in all parts of the Inhabited World; they have the Popes leave to receive Pay for their Cure, which they turn to good Pro­fit; they have power to absolve from any sin, and to disguise themselves to sell and buy, and to receive and set at interest. The Zeal of the Georgians for their Fast is so unreasonable, that they do not believe one a Christian that does not Fast as they do, which obliges the Capucins to fast the Georgian way, and to abstain from Hares, Tortoises, and other things, which the Georgians abhor.

There is also at large the Patent which the King of Persia, sent to M. Chardin full of Pride; and indeed generally the Eastern Princes assume the highest Titles that can be conceived. I believe that for the honour of Europe and Christendom, every one ought to know what Spirit guides them in the East; for when that is not known, we are thought the most ridiculous People in the World, which is false; for these in Asia surpass us, and if we keep our selves as we are, they will always excel us in that [Page 92] particular; there was lately published, which was well done, a strange Legend of pom­pous Titles which the Kings of Siam give themselves; the Author being minded to shew, That the Eastern Nations are infi­nitely more vain than all the other; he has inserted in his Journal the Translation of a Letter from the Prince of Georgia to Iohn Casimer King of Poland; but because the Patent of the King of Persia is dressed with much form, there is care taken to expound all after an Instructive manner. I will meddle but with this Point; the Per­sians have this way, never to place the Name of God at the bottom of a Leaf, they put it at top, and at the side, and leave a Blank whereto it relates; and they make a great business of this Circumspection.— And they take the same care for their King's and chief Ministers Names in all their Law Papers, and in Petitions and Publick Acts.

The Author being invited by the Prince of Georgia to a great Nuptial Feast, gives us the Description of it, which among other curious Circumstances, has this, that the Prefect of the Capucins all in white, and very old, was obliged to play upon the Virginals before the Guests, and to sing at the same time; he sung first the Magnificat, the Te-Deum, and the Tan­tum ergo, and then the Tunes of the Court in Italian and Spanish, because the Hymns did not enough delight this Mahometan Prince: This Consort lasted 2 hours, du­ring which M. Chardin that found it very mean, learned of a Steward that the Ma­hometan Faith did not permit the use of Mu­sick, and above all prohibits it in Mat­ters of Religion, there being nothing but the voice of Man wherewith God will be praised. The Prince asking how the King of Spain his Cousin did, occasioned the Authors Learning, that Clement the 8th. writing to a Prince of Georgia, and saying, that Philip the Second was his Cousin, gave way to this pretension of Kindred; and that the Iberians and Spaniards were Bro­thers. Before M. Chardin quitted Tifflis, he had the complaisance on the Account of a Capucin to write in his Table Book, several Secrets of an Old Woman that practis'd Physick. His Journey from Tifflis to Irivan was very tiresom. Irivan is a Town of Armenia, whereof he gives us the Descrip­tion; it is the most considerable Government of the Kingdom: The Revenues producing near 500000 Crowns yearly without reckon­ing the 200000 which it raises by indirect ways; he that was in possession of it then, was called Sefi-Couli-can, the Dukes Slave of Sefi; the Name of Slave, which really be­longs to the Subjects of the Eastern Princes, is a Name of Honour in Persia, Chacouli or Coulom-cha, which signifies Slave of the King, i [...] as honourable a Title as that of Marquess in France: The Slaves of the King have at the Persian Court almost the same imploy­ments that ordinary Gentlemen have at that of France; they are Children of Quality that are engag'd very young in that Service, as well for the profit that they re­ceive, as that they the sooner have admit­tance to the Court; as for the rest, the Persian Eloquence does not flatter ill the Vanity of that Nation, when to signify that an Embassador has saluted the King: they say, He has kiss'd the King's Slaves Feet; and for to say, That a Prince has done some great Action, they say, The Princes Slaves have done a great Action. The Au­thor imagines, That this is copied from the Alcoran, wherein the Works of God are of­ten called the Works of Angels; the Ma­hometans maintain, that it expresses more nobly the Works of God; for if they that are but Servants are capable of forming the World, what will not he do that is Master?

The Governour of Irivan seems to have much Merit for several Reasons; but be­fore he is spoke of, Mr. Chardin rehearses several considerable Points of the Traditi­on of that Country, which is of great Ser­vice to the Christians of Europe, because it shews, that those of Asia make far more idle Stories; some of these Traditi­ons relate to Noahs Ark. I shall be easily pardoned, if without stopping at these things I acquaint my Reader, that M. Char­din shews us very curious things concern­ing the Couriers of the King of Persia ▪ and of the Persian Marriages. Their Mo­rals upon the Chapter of Women, is the most licentious in the World. For they may have four, they may buy, or hire as many as they will, and use them as Treasure, without breach of Civil or Ecclesiastick Law. There are but few nevertheless that Marry more than one Wife; and they find it more to their advantage, not to trouble their Houses with Jealousies of several Heads, whereof every one would be Mistress, and to diversifie their Pleasures cheaper, by the number of Slaves, which they bring up to be their Concubins, without prejudicing in the least the Superiority of a Wife. Mahomet had been but a little Politick if in lieu of permitting them to have four, he had com­manded them to have so many; and if the contrary were desired of him, as a favour it would be as Phaeton did: Poenam, Phae­ton pro munere poscis. They are marry'd there without seeing each other, and a Man does not see his Wife until after the Consumma­tion of Matrimony, and often he does not consummate it; for some days after she is brought to him, because she hides her self among the Women, and will not let the Hus­band enjoy her. These Forms are more fre­quent among People of Quality, because in their Opinion, it is like a debauched Person to yield the Last Favour so soon; especially the Women of the Royal Family, there must be sometimes whole Months to prevail with them. It is very probable, says Mr. Chardin, That this way of Marrying without seeing each other should produce very unhappy Effects, but happens perfectly contrary; for it may be [Page 93] said, That there are more lucky Marriages in those Countries where they do not see the Women at all, than in them where they are seen and frequented: The reason is evident, when we do not see another Mans Wife, we do not so soon lose the Love we may have for our own. And the Reflection is very good. I shall say nothing of several other particularities which the Author mentions here in this great Chapter. He reports of the Governour of Irivan, which is a little better than the Answer of this which the Ambassador of Vi [...]qufort speaks of, that upon the demand made him, what he would have the Present consist of, that was intended him; he Answered in Bills of Exchange. This Governour understanding, That the Box which M. Chardin presented him with, was worth 10 Pistols: he desired him to take it again, and to give him the value of it in Keys, Springs and Strings of Watches; this and several other things to be seen in that Journal, shews that Covetousness is so predominant with the Eastern People that it puts them on a thousand base little Acti­ons.

If this Article had not been a little too long already, I would have related many o­ther things out of this Volume. The Au­thor shews much skill in Geography, and gives us the Description of some considera­ble Towns, with the Plans of them, and an Abridgment of their Histories, which may satisfie well enough the desire of any curi­ous Reader. He represents us the City of Tauris as very beautiful: there are 250 Mosques in it, and a place where the Turks may put [...]0000 Men in Battalia: He prefers their Opinion before any others that will have it to be the Antient Town of Echa­tane. The Letters of Recommendation given him, and his Notes on them, are not the least curious part of this Book: For they help to teach us the Genius of the Persians: There we learn that they call their Kings the Vicars of God, because they pretend, That the Race that Reign­ed these 250 Years, sprung from Ali Son-in-Law, and Successor of Mahomet.

Casbin the Country of the famous Locman, the Eastern Aesope, appears with great Pomp, but it would be nothing in comparison of another Town, called Rey, if it were true, that Rey was what the Persian Geogra­phers maintain it to be, upon the credit of all the Eastern Authors, who say, That in the Sixth Age of Christianity, the Town of Rey was divided into 96 Parts, whereof each had 46 Streets, every Street 400 Hou­ses and 10 Mosques, and that the Town had 6400 Colledges, 16600 Baths, 15000 lesser Mosques, 12000 Mills, 17000 Channels, and 13000 Caravanserais. The Magies Chro­nicles affirm, That Chus Grand-Son of Noah was the Founder of Rey, and lay'd the first Stone under the Ascendant of Scor­pion. This is no small comfort to our Nor­thern and Southern Fablers: for if on one part they are concerned to be called Dream­ers, they will have on the other side the sa­tisfaction of having Companions all over the World: For what concerns the Mag­nificence of the Mosques and Mausolees of Com? They are not Dreams, but Realities, since the Author professes himself an eye-witness thereof. The Tomb of Fathme, Daughter of Mouza-Cazem, one of the 12 Califes, which the Persians believe were the lawful Successors of Mahomet after Ali, is in the chiefest of these Mosques with those of King Abas, and Sefi. There is but ve­ry little wanting in the Worship of Fathme among the Persians, to equal it to what most of the Christians pay to the Mother of the Son of God. This appears by the Prayers that Pilgrims of Com rehearse; and the People are persuaded, that the Virgin Fathme was transported to Heaven both Body and Soul, yet they do not celebrate the Feast of her Assumption. Mr. Chardin gives us in French some of these Prayers, as also the famous Elegy of Haly, made by the Learned Haran Cary: This Panegyrick is writ in great Letters of Gold, in the Gallery of the Tomb of Abas, and is a piece of Eloquence▪ where­in may be seen not only the Genius of the Persian Poetry, but also Transports of the Mahometan Devotion. 'Tis in Songs divid­ed by disticks; the first is all upon Maho­met, the six other upon Ali. If I were minded to make a more ample Addition of the Spanish Rotomandos, many places of this Poem should be copied out. To speak seriously, there are some turns of Expres­sions that have much Force in them, as when to express the Beauty of Ali the Poet▪ assures us, That God has assigned his Love us a Ioynture to the Ladies of Para­dice: Naturalists will not find what they look for here, but they may examine the White Pot Work of Com, and they will find enough to busy themselves in; it refresh­es Water in Summer very well, by the means of a continual Transpiration. The first time that this Pot is used, a Quart tran­spires in 6 hours, and then less and less after­wards until at last the Pores are closed by gross Matter that is in the Water, that stops its passage through the Pores; and then a new Pot must be us'd, or else the Water would stink in the other.

The Author set forth from Com the 16th. of Iune 1672. and arrived at Ispahan the 23d. And here the First Volume ends; it is to be sold at Amsterdam; Reprinted in Twelves at Wolfgang's.

Reflections on the cruel PERSECUTI­ONS that the Reformed Church suf­fer'd in FRANCE, through the Con­duct and Acts of the last Assembly of the Clergy of that Kingdom, with an Examination of the pretended Calum­nies whereof the Clergy complains to the King in the Profession of Faith.

PErhaps there never was seen so strange a difference as is found now between the Catholicks and the Reformed, who write upon the Conversions in France: The first maintain, that they do all mildly, and with Christian Charity, and upon this make continual Exclamations and Panegyricks. The last affirm, That they force them by threatning, or corrupt them by other means, and that at last they employed an Army of 50000 Men, who except killing commit­ted all the Disorders that they usually commit when they live at discretion in an Enemies Country, which has made some merry People term it, The Dragoon Croisade, or the Conversion of the Dragoons.